THE WORLD PEACE COUNCIL AND SOVIET ACTIVE MEASURES

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP90-00806R000200720005-5
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 45
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: June 15, 2010
• Sequence Number: 5
• Content Type: OPEN SOURCE

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The World Peace Council
and
Soviet "Active Measures"
By Herbert Romerstein
The Hale Foundation
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"I wish to be usefu4 and every kind
of service necessary to the public
good becomes honorable by being
necessary. If the exigencies of
my country demand a peculiar
service, its claims to perform that
service are imperious. "
-Capt. Nathan Hale
1755-1776
The Hale Foundation is dedicated to enhancing the capability of U.S. in-
telligence to serve the fundamental objectives of the Constitution-"Insure
domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general
welfare." The foundation has tax-exempt status under Section 501(c)(4) of
the Internal Revenue Code as a non-profit, social welfare organization. To re-
tain the freedom to take strong, positive positions on Issues vitally affecting the
ability of American intelligence to serve the above Constitutional goals, it has
not sought contributions exemptions.
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The World Peace Council
and
Soviet "Active Measures"
By Herbert Romerstein
The Hale Foundation
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Herbert Romerstein is a Professional Staff Member of
the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence.
He has studied and investigated Soviet operations against
the West for over 30 years, 18 of them for the U.S.
Congress. Romerstein is the author of a number of publi-
cations, including Soviet Support for International
Terrorism, 1981.
This research is part of a much larger study being prepared by Rich-
ard Shultz and Roy Godson. The tentative title of the study is "The
Role of Overt Propaganda and Covert Disinformation Themes in So-
viet Strategy." It will be published by the National Strategy Informa-
tion Center in 1983.
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The World Peace Council
and Soviet Active
Measures
Introduction
The Soviet Union uses the term "active measures" to
describe its influence operations in foreign countries. In
some ways the term active measures is similar to the CIA
term "covert action." However, it is different in the
sense that the Soviet Union combines both overt and
covert influence operations in its active measures pro-
grams. While the KGB carries out the covert form of ac-
tive measures, including agent of influence operations,
forgeries, and even support for terrorist organizations, a
variety of active measures are carried out in the overt
area. These are done by the official Soviet propaganda
organs, such as Radio Moscow and the foreign language
publications printed in the Soviet Union, as well as the
activities of the Communist Parties and the international
Soviet fronts. The International Department of the Cen-
tral Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet
Union headed by Boris Ponomarev controls both the
foreign Communist Parties and the international Soviet
fronts. In most cases, the Communist Parties provide the
cadre for the national sections of the international fronts.
The most active of the international Soviet fronts is the
World Peace Council.
On foreign policy matters the other international So-
viet fronts follow the lead of the WPC. These include,
the World Federation of Trade Unions, the World Fed-
eration of Democratic Youth, the International Union of
Students, the Women's International Democratic Feder-
ation, and the Christian Peace Conference.
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The World Peace Council
Origin
The World Peace Council officially traces its origin to
the August 1948 World Congress of Intellectuals held in
Wroclaw, Poland. That Congress appealed for the for-
mation of a worldwide peace organization. The first
World Congress of Defenders of Peace was held in April
1949 simultaneously in Paris and Prague. The World
Peace Council was formed at this Congress.'
In reality its origins go back to the 1920s, when the
Communist International organized the first interna-
tional Communist fronts with similar purposes and for-
mats. In 1924, Will Munzenberg, the Comintern's expert
on organizing these fronts, told a meeting of the leader-
ship of one of them, the International Workers Aid, "we
must penetrate every conceivable milieu, get hold of art-
ists and professors, make use of theatres and cinemas,
and spread abroad the doctrine that Russia is prepared to
sacrifice everything to keep the world at peace." Mun-
zenberg however indicated that it was not enjoyable be-
ing involved in this kind of work. He said, "personally,
these committees do not interest me very much-it is not
really interesting to form these innocents clubs ... "2
The trade unionists and socialists, who were to be en-
ticed, were not enamoured with the idea of the united
front with the Communists for the purpose of meeting
Soviet needs. In addition they remembered that two
years before at the Fourth Congress of the Communist
International, Karl Radek revealed that the Communists
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do not unite with others when they are strong, but it is a
tactic to use, "when we are lacking the necessary strength
... " Radek pointed out that they were cooperating with
those in the united front but didn't intend to merge with
them. The purpose of the united front was "to stifle
them in our embrace."3
In 1935 Comintern official Otto Kuusinin was even
more frank. He told the Seventh World Congress of the
Comintern, "We want to attack our class enemies in the
rear when they start the war against the Soviet Union.
But how can we do so if the majority of the working
youth follow not us, but, for instance, the Catholic
priests or the liberal chameleons. We often repeat the
slogan of transforming imperialist war into a civil war
against the bourgeoisie. In itself the slogan is a good one;
but it becomes an empty and harmful phrase, if we do
not do everything today to create a united youth front., 4
This is the true purpose of the international Soviet
fronts. It is to stab their enemies in the back when the
Soviet Union engages in its acts of aggression.
In the pre-World War II period, the Comintern di-
rected the international Communist fronts, including the
peace fronts. After World War II, the Cominform (Com-
munist Information Bureau) provided the direction. In
November, 1949, the Cominform held its third meeting.
The first one in 1946 organized the Cominform; the sec-
ond in 1948 expelled the Yugoslavs. The third meeting in
Hungary in November 1949 provided direction for the
World Communist movement. At that meeting the re-
port on "Defense of Peace and the Fight Against the
Warmongers" was presented by M. Suslov, then a Cen-
tral Committee member of the Communist Party of the
Soviet Union, and later, until his death, a member of the
Politburo and the chief theoretician for the Soviet Com-
munist Party. Suslov in a fit of Communist hyperbole
stated that, "For the first time in history an organized
peace front has arisen, which has made its aim to save
mankind from another world war, to isolate the war-
monger clique, and to insure peaceful cooperation
among nations."5 He went on to say that, "the peace
movement arose as a protest movement of the masses
against the Marshall plan and the aggressive Western
Union and the North-Atlantic alliance. "6 According to
Suslov, "Of great significances to the development of the
peace movement were the Wroclaw Congress of Intellec-
tuals for Peace, the World Congress of the Women's In-
ternational Democratic Federation in Budapest (autumn,
1948) and especially the World Peace Congress in Paris
and Prague on April 20-25 of this year at which 600
million organizers for peace were represented."7
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NATO-The Main Target
The main purpose of the Soviet sponsored peace
movement was opposition to the North Atlantic Alli-
ance. As Suslov pointed out, "the North-Atlantic alli-
ance of imperialists under the aegis of the U.S.A. repre-
sents a threat to all progressive mankind."s
Echoing Munzenberg decades before, Suslov stated,
"Particular attention must be given to bringing into the
peace movement trade unions and women's, youth, co-
operative, sports, cultural and educational, religious and
other organizations as well as scientists, writers, journal-
ists, cultural workers, members of parliament and other
political and public men and women who come forward
in defense of peace and against war. "9
Of particular importance in this operation were the
communist-led trade unions organized in the World Fed-
eration of Trade Unions. According to Suslov, "The trade
union centres affiliated with the WFTU are playing a big
part in organizing the supporters of peace. They are the
initiators of the national peace movements in many coun-
tries and of national peace committees. The trade unions
have taken a leading part in the organization of protest
strikes and demonstrations against the aggressive North-
Atlantic treaty, and in organizing nation-wide petitions
and other mass measures in defence of peace and the na-
tional independence and liberty of peoples." 10 Suslov
however did not forget the role of the Communist Par-
ties. He said it is the task of the "... Communist and
Workers Parties to head the fight for peace of all the
mass public associations, and to lend it a purposeful and
effective character."11
The resolution using the same language as Suslov's re-
port served as a directive to the Communist Parties. The
resolution on peace said, "The representatives of the
Communist and Workers' Parties consider that their ma-
jor tasks in the great and noble work of saving mankind
from the threat of a new war are as follows: 1. They must
work with still greater persistance for the organizational
consolidation and extension of the movement of peace
supporters, draw ever larger sections of the population
into it and make it a movement of the whole people. Par-
ticular attention must be given to bringing in to the peace
movement trade unions, women's, youth, cooperative,
sports, cultural and educational, religious and other or-
ganizations, as well as scientists, writers, journalists, cul-
tural workers, members of parliament and other political
and public men and women who come forward in defense
of peace and against war." The directive went on to say,
"5. Wide application should be made of the new and ef-
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fective forms of mass struggles for peace which have fully
justified themselves, such as peace committees in town
and country, petitions and protests, popular referen-
dums-such as are widely practiced in France and Italy.
Publication and distribution of literature exposing war
preparations; collection of funds for the struggle for
peace; organization of boycotts of films, newspapers,
books, magazines, broadcasting companies, institutions
and individuals that preach a new war-all these are the
vital duties of the Communist and Workers' parties." 12
If there was any doubt who ran this movement the Com-
inform resolution said, "For the first time in the history
of mankind an organized peace front has arisen, headed
by the Soviet Union, the bulwark and standard-bearer of
world peace. The courageous call of the Communist par-
ties-declaring that the peoples will never fight the first
socialist country in the world, the Soviet Union, is re-
verberating ever wider among the masses of the capitalist
countries. 1113
The purpose of the Communist "peace offensive" had
been revealed in February, 1949 when Maurice Thorez,
head of the French Communist Party, and Palmiro Tog-
liatti, head of the Italian Communist Party, announced
that they would welcome the Soviet army when it entered
their countries, "in its battle against the aggressor." 14
Western Europeans were concerned for their safety
when they remembered that nine years before the Soviet
army had invaded Finland with the excuse that they were
pursuing the Finnish aggressor.
The Communist Party, U.S.A., second to none in its
Soviet patriotism, announced on March 2, 1949 over the
signature of its leaders, William Z. Foster and Eugene
Dennis, "The Thorez and Togliatti statements emphati-
cally serve the cause of universal peace. Only those who
plot a third world war and seek to embroil France and
Italy in aggressive military operations against our great
ally of World War II, the Soviet Union, could read any-
thing un-French or un-Italian in these statements."15
The first major campaign of the WPC was the "Stock-
holm Peace Pledge." Released at the WPC Committee
meeting in Stockholm, March 1950, the pledge read,
"We demand the absolute banning of the atom
weapon, arm of terror and mass extermination of
populations.
We demand the establishment of strict international
control to ensure the implementation of this ban-
ning measure.
We consider that any government which would be
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first to use the atom weapon against any country
whatsoever would be committing a crime against hu-
manity and should be dealt with as a war criminal.
We call on all men of good will throughout the
world to sign this appeal."16
In November of 1950 the second Congress of the
World Peace Council was held in Warsaw, Poland. A
resolution of the Congress claimed that 500 million people
had signed the Stockholm pledge.17
The United States had the nuclear edge on the Soviet
Union so "ban the bomb" was the slogan of the day.
The Communists understand the use of slogans. Any
idiot can be taught to chant "ban the bomb." But try to
teach him to say, "The banning of nuclear weapons re-
quires safeguards against cheating." The political idiots
were enticed into this new "innocents club", the World
Peace Council.
The Trotskyites, who usually know what goes on in
the Communist movement, reported on the Warsaw
WPC conference in a pamphlet written by James P. Can-
non, the leader of the American Trotskyite organization,
the Socialist Workers Party. Cannon referred to "the
recent Warsaw Peace Conference of professional fellow
travelers, congenital stooges and moon-struck clergymen
steered, like all such gatherings, by hard-faced jockeys
from the Stalinist riding stables." 18
The World Federation of Democratic Youth, the in-
ternational Soviet youth front, actively participated in
the "Ban the bomb" signature campaign and proudly
announced that, "In the Soviet Union, the bulwark of
peace, the Stockholm appeal is warmly supported by all
the peoples and millions upon millions of signatures have
already been collected. In the United States of Amer-
ica, where the ruling circles are preparing a new war and
atomic air raids, constantly growing sections of the peo-
ple are expressing their concern and their will for peace by
raising their voices resolutely against the war preparations
and by signing the Stockholm Appeal in continually
growing numbers." 19
The nature of the WFDY was revealed by the Soviet
writer Nicolai Mikhailov when he wrote, "It was not only
the Komsomol (Young Communist League of the USSR)
that helped the Soviet activists to organize the World
Federation of Democratic Youth. We also got valuable
assistance from the Party Central Committee: we were
shown a correct approach to the problems of the youth
movement and clear orientation regarding the difficult
and involved tasks that faced it."20
An editorial in the April 1950 issue of World Youth,
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the WFDY magazine revealed that "the Soviet people,
led by Stalin, is now at the head of the camp of peace and
democracy."
The World Federation of Trade Unions played the role
of goon squads for the "peace" movement. A leaflet dis-
tributed in Belgium to American seamen was reproduced
in the March 1950 issue of the WPC magazine In Defense
of Peace. This leaflet called for a strike against American
war cargoes and said, "attempts will be made to unload
your war cargoes with SCABS. Such attempt will endan-
ger the safety of your ship, it will endanger your very
life."
North Korea invaded South Korea on June 25, 1950.
The World Peace Council, of course, supported the
North Korean aggression. From 1950 to 1953 Korea was
the focal point of WPC propaganda. One of the pro-
paganda weapons of the Chinese Communists and the
North Koreans during the Korean War was the false
charge that the United States was waging germ warfare.
On February 25, 1952, Red Chinese official Kuo Mo Jo
sent a telegram to the President of the World Peace
Council, Professor Frederic Joliot-Curie, claiming that
the United States had engaged in germ warfare in
Korea.21 Joliot-Curie, a member of the French Com-
munist Party, immediately organized a world-wide pro-
test and sent telegrams to American officials protesting
the alleged germ warfare. On April 1, 1952, the World
Peace Council bureau meeting held in Oslo, Norway,
issued a protest against alleged American use of bacterio-
logical warfare.22 On May 17, 1952, Dr. Heinrich Brand-
weiner, the president of the Austrian peace council,
released material at a meeting in Gratz, Austria, purport-
ing to prove that the Americans were in fact involved in
germ warfare. That material was published in pamphlet
form in June 1952 by the Austrian Peace Council. Much
of the "evidence" consisted of claims by the Chinese and
Korean Communists and confessions forced out of Amer-
ican POWs in their hands. 23
Brandweiner's career is also interesting. On May 1,
1938 less than two months after Hitler's conquest of his
native Austria, Brandweiner joined the Nazi party. He
served Hitler just as he would later serve Stalin. Brand-
weiner was a member of the World Peace Council, chair-
man of the Austrian Peace Council, and was a recipient
of the Lenin Peace Prize.24
Assisting the World Peace Council in the dissemina-
tion of the false germ warfare charges were two other in-
ternational Soviet fronts, the World Federation of Dem-
ocratic Youth and the International Union of Students.
In 1952 the IUS published as a supplement to their maga-
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zine World Student News, Vol. 6-No. 11, the report of
a supposed "scientific commission" organized by the
World Peace Council to promote the germ warfare false-
hoods. The WFDY accused the U.S. of using science,
"to wage bacteriological warfare in Korea. Their manner
of waging war now consists of spreading insects infected
with the bacilli of plaque, cholera, typhoid and other dis-
eases among children women and the whole civilian
populations. "25
Both the WFDY and IUS have played a major role in
World Peace Council organized campaigns since the Ko-
rean War and continue to provide major support for the
work of the WPC. NATO remains the main target. Of all
the international Soviet fronts the World Federation of
Trade Unions provides the most assistance to the World
Peace Council. Its leaders have boasted "The WFTU has
taken an active part in every mass campaign conducted
by the Peace Movement. "26 Just as opposition to NATO
is the center-piece of World Peace Council activity so it is
also of significant importance to the WFTU. In 1961,
WFTU General Secretary Louis Saillant explained to the
Fifth Congress of the WFTU, which took place in
Moscow, that, "... it is essential to rouse the mass of the
workers and peoples in all countries to act in unison
against the policy of strength and the aggressive plans of
the imperialists so as to avert the danger of war.
This explains why trade union organizations must use
every opportunity to explain the origin of this danger and
condemn the aggressive strategy being conducted by Amer-
ican imperialism against the socialist camp.
This strategy is carried out by the setting up of an ever-
larger number of imperialist military bases and the ac-
tivities of imperialist military blocs organized under the
North Atlantic Treaty (NATO) and the South-East Asia
(SEATO) and the Middle East (CENTO). These blocs are
directed in the first place against the Soviet Union and
the socialist countries, and against the national liberation
movements and the independence of the people."r
The WPC-WFTU propaganda line on NATO was
clearly described in 1971 by Romesh Chandra, the Secre-
tary General of The World Peace Council. Chandra said,
"Europe, divided and torn, is a Europe which could still
be the source and the starting point of a new world con-
flagration. Europe is divided into two military blocs. But
the impact of this division is not confined to Europe. The
fangs of NATO can be felt in Asia and Africa as well.
... European security is of significance for the peoples
of the world, because of the terrible present, when the
forces of imperialism and exploitation, particularly NATO
and the other imperialist aggressive military pacts, bear
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the major responsibility for the hunger and poverty of
hundreds of millions all over the world. "28
WPC propaganda is, as always, consistent with offi-
cial Soviet propaganda. An example of the Soviet line on
NATO was given in 1971 in an official Soviet propaganda
booklet, "NATO is an aggressive-military bloc. The de-
fensive efforts of the socialist countries, the national lib-
eration movement, the revolutionary and working class
movement, and the peace movement in NATO countries
have thus far restrained NATO from acting in keeping
with its aggressive nature. "29
As the WPC and WFTU go, so go the other interna-
tional Soviet fronts. An example of International Union
of Students propaganda on NATO was a resolution of
the Eighth IUS Congress in 1964. The resolution, "re-
quests the government of the United States, Great Brit-
ain and France to immediately proceed to liquidate their
overseas military bases and to recall all troops stationed
abroad" and "invites the national unions (that belong to
the IUS) to voice their protest against the maintenance of
overseas military bases and to manifest their full solidar-
ity with the peoples fighting for the elimination of these
bases. "30 Of course IUS never suggested that the Soviet
Union withdraw its troops from Eastern Europe or to liq-
uidate the bases that it has established, either directly or
through surrogates, in Latin America, Asia, and Africa.
According to a 1964 IUS resolution, "the main enemy of
humanity and peace is imperialism, headed by the United
States. 1131
The World Federation of Democratic Youth, said in a
1972 resolution, "there still exists serious problems and
obstacles in the way of building a stable system for Euro-
pean security and cooperation. The forces of the past, of
the cold war, of militarism and neo-fascism, are trying in
every way to check progress in this direction, using also
for this purpose the aggressive NATO pact."32
To Communists "peace" and "national liberation war"
are not incompatable. A 1965 Report of the WFDY Bu-
reau to the Executive Committee meeting presented by
N'Diongue Babacar of Senegal, the Deputy General Sec-
retary of WFDY revealed that "Peaceful coexistance pre-
supposes also the continuous development of the national
liberation movement, going so far as armed struggle."33
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The Vietnam War: A Major WPC Campaign
The campaign against NATO was integrated with the
campaign in support of the North Vietnamese during the
Vietnam War. Romesh Chandra pointed with pride in
1971 to the work being done by the West European or-
ganizations affiliated with the World Peace Council,
"against the U.S. war in Indochina." He pointed out
that "these movements are linking their struggle more
and more, with the problems of their own people, above
all with the problems of European security of the ending
of aggressive imperialist pacts and bases which affect the
economies of their countries and the well-being of their
peoples."34
As part of their campaign in support of North Viet-
namese aggression against South Vietnam, the World
Peace Council organized "The Stockholm Conference
on Vietnam." A meeting of this group was held in Stock-
holm, May 16-18, 1969. The major international Soviet
fronts had representatives. The World Peace Council was
represented by a delegation of six, including Romesh
Chandra. The World Federation of Democratic Youth,
International Union of Students, World Federation of
Trade Unions, International Association of Democratic
Lawyers and the Christian Peace Conference were also in
attendance. The action program ordered by this meeting
included "An extension of activity against United States
products such as petrol, firms providing goods, arms or
services for the war in Vietnam such as Pan Am, and
against other non-American firms supplying and feeding
the war. Also activity to isolate and subject to continuing
protest and criticism representatives of the U.S. govern-
ment. An appeal to sailors to refuse to serve on ships
transporting goods to South Vietnamese ports . . . " In ad-
dition assistance should be given to "Americans abroad
in refusing the draft, in defecting from the U.S. armed
forces, for carrying on propaganda within the army and
for militant action against the Selective Service Systems.
This could include pressure for full political rights and
security for defectors and draft resisters in various coun-
tries and an appeal to all countries to give political assy-
lum (sic) to those who refuse to fight in Vietnam."35
The WPC provided the guidance and support for the
Stockholm Conference on Vietnam. Information Letter
#2 of the Stockholm Conference dated May 7, 1970, re-
ported that "the Presidential committee of the World
Peace Council, at its meeting in Moscow on May 6, 1970,
unanimously adopted the following resolution: `The lat-
est developments in respect to Indochina make it more
imperative than ever before to stop the war of aggression
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waged by the United States. All organizations, all peo-
ples of the world, who stand for peace, freedom and in-
dependence must unite in their effort to demand that the
United States stop the war in Vietnam and the whole of
Indochina. The presidential committee of the World
Peace Council strongly supports the decision for a world-
wide mass campaign in favour of the Vietnam Appeal is-
sued by the Stockholm Conference on Vietnam, in com-
bination with the "OUTNOW" project initiated by the
U.S. anti-war movement' ... There is immense possi-
bility in a campaign like this. Of course, it means a lot of
work but you reach new people, you can force them to
begin to think, and you have the opportunity to develop
a campaign on an unprecedented scale."
The Stockholm Conference organized a World Con-
ference on Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia on Novem-
ber 28-30, 1970. Again every international Communist
front had its representatives and Romesh Chandra was
one of the WPC representatives. In addition, however,
the Soviet Union sent a delegation from the "Soviet
Peace Fund" which included Mr. Ivan Kovalenko. In the
book KGB, The Secret Work of Soviet Secret Agents by
John Barron, an expert on Soviet intelligence activities,
Ivan I. Kovalenko was identified as a KGB officer
operating in Japan in 1948 and again in 1967. The CIA's
unclassified Directory of Soviet Officials, in December of
1975, identified Kovalenko as the sector chief for the
southeast Asian sector of the International Department
of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the
Soviet Union. The same publication for November of
1979 indicated that since 1968 he has had particular
responsibility for Japan.36
With the end of the Vietnam war, WPC and the other
international Soviet fronts reverted to their normal anti-
Western propaganda, particularly the anti-NATO cam-
paign. World Peace Council activities over the past decade
have paid much attention to attacking the interests of the
West and protesting defensive weapons developed by
western countries.
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The WPC Campaign Against
the Neutron Weapon
Since 1977 a major campaign of the World Peace Coun-
cil has been against the neutron weapon. This weapon
which can be used against tanks but would leave the sur-
rounding civilian areas intact, could remove the imbal-
ance in Western Europe threatened by the massive Soviet
tank army in East Germany. It is vitally important for the
Soviet Union and its international fronts to prevent the
development and deployment of the neutron weapon
which would remove so powerful a force from the Soviet
arsenal threatening Western Europe. In September 1977,
the World Peace Council published a pamphlet entitled
"Neutron Bombs No!". Its slogan was "In the name of
life itself, ban the neutron bomb!" The introduction to
the pamphlet was written by Romesh Chandra. Accord-
ing to Chandra, "The worldwide campaign launched by
the World Peace Council in August 1977 for the prohibi-
tion of the neutron bomb is the most powerful mass
movement of recent times against weapons of mass
destruction and for the ending of the arms race. The call
of the World Peace Council has been supported actively
by numerous international and national organizations
representing literally tens of millions people in all coun-
tries." He went on to say, "In the NATO countries the
protest movement has grown as the holiday period has
come to an end: in each country actions are specially
directed towards demanding that the government con-
cerned declare publicly its opposition to the placing of
neutron bombs on its territory and demands that Presi-
dent Carter abandon his perilous policy of stepping up
the arms race. In the socialist countries the campaign
against the neutron bomb embraces the entire population
and continues in ever new forms. In Asia, Africa, and
Latin America the protest actions against the neutron
bomb have grown remarkably in a number of countries.
The World Peace Council has called for the continuation
and the intensification of the protest actions to ban the
neutron bomb."37
The World Peace Council appeal, carried in the same
pamphlet, says, "The Bureau of the Presidium of the
World Peace Council meeting in Berlin, September 9 to 12,
welcomes the world protest against the neutron bomb-a
torture weapon being cynically presented as a so-called
`clean' bomb by the United States administration." The
appeal goes on to say, "the Bureau urgently calls for
worldwide actions during the fortnight from October 1-
15 Against the Neutron Bomb and A11 Other Weapons of
Mass Destruction (emphasis in original) ... The Bureau
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calls upon all national peace committees, peace forces,
political parties and other national, regional, and inter-
national movements and organizations to raise the alarm
about these new dangers by organizing: mass rallies,
meetings, demonstrations, delegations, petitions to par-
liamentarians, legislators, governments and heads of
state, leaflets, publications and wide spread use of the
mass media. We urge letters of protest especially to the
President of the United States against the development
of the neutron bomb. 9938
Among the organizations whose statements against the
neutron weapon are to be found in the WPC pamphlet
are the following international Soviet fronts: The World
Federation of Trade Unions, The Christian Peace Con-
ference, the Women's International Democratic Federa-
tion, the International Union of Students, and the World
Federation of Democratic Youth.39
From January 25-28, 1978 the Bureau of the World
Peace Council met in Washington, D.C. The place was
chosen very carefully. Its major agenda item was clear. A
WPC report said, "A special session of the Bureau was
dedicated to the review of the campaign to Ban the Neu-
tron Bomb. Reports made to the Bureau showed the
wide and broad nature of the campaign."40 Washington,
D.C. as a site of this meeting was useful in getting as much
publicity as possible in the United States for the cam-
paign against the neutron weapon.
On May 22, 1978 the World Peace Council took advan-
tage of the United Nations special session on disarma-
ment which had been promoted by the Soviet Union and
the Communist bloc to present what they claimed were
700 million signatures on disarmament to the U.N. Secre-
tary-General Kurt Waldheim. In a statement presented
with the signatures the WPC complained about the Amer-
ican development of the neutron weapon and the station-
ing of cruise missiles in Western Europe.41
On June 3 and 4, 1978, the World Peace Council orga-
nized a meeting of parliamentarians in New York City
supposedly in support of the special session of the United
Nations General Assembly on Disarmament. The meeting
of parliamentarians "declares that the production of the
neutron bomb accelerates, in a tragic fashion, the arms
race." It went on to say, "This meeting appeals to parlia-
mentarians and all other elected representatives of the
people to reject the fabrication and deployment of the
neutron bomb."42
The WPC newsletter Peace Courier was filled with sto-
ries of protests against the neutron weapon. In West Ber-
lin the Communist Party, which there calls itself the "So-
cialist Unity Party, West Berlin," issued to its members a
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collection of articles from publications around the world
attacking the neutron weapon. This collection was de-
signed to be used in agitation against the neutron weapon
during demonstrations in West Berlin. It takes careful ex-
amination of the documentation to realize that most of it
comes from Communist sources.43
Despite the agreement by the West Germans to deploy
the neutron weapon in their defense against the Soviet
tanks, President Carter succumbed to the pressure of the
international propaganda campaign and cancelled the de-
ployment of the neutron weapon.
When President Reagan came into office, in January
1981, discussion began again of the deployment of the
neutron defensive weapon. On February 23, 1981, Leonid
Brezhnev boasted to the 26th Congress of the Commu-
nist Party of the Soviet Union that "Actions by the peace
forces have brought about the suspension of plans for
deploying the neutron weapon in Western Europe. All
the greater is the outrage of nations over the new Pen-
tagon attempts to hold the neutron Sword of Damocles
over the countries of Europe. For our part, we declare
once more that we will not begin manufacturing this
weapon if it does not appear in other countries, and that
we are prepared to conclude an agreement banning it
once and for all."44 Of course the Soviet Union is
prepared to abandon the weapon that would be used
defensively against its tanks. The Soviet Union, not fac-
ing an invasion from anyone, does not need such a
weapon.
On March 6, 1981, the Soviet army newspaper Red Star,
in an article by L. Semeyko, stated "the champions of
the neutron weapon assert that it would be the most reli-
able means of combating enemy tank groupings in order
to prevent them from `reaching the English Channel' and
thus `save European civilization.' But, first, no one, as is
well known, is threatening the English Channel. As for
`European civilization,' it is precisely the U.S. neutron
weapon, like U.S. nuclear `Euromissiles,' which could
jeopardize it."45
In early August, 1981, stories began appearing in the
American press that President Reagan had decided to
continue development and production of the neutron
weapon. On August 10th, Paris radio interviewed French
defense minister Charles Hernu, who expressed the opin-
ion that President Reagan's decision would certainly
cause great reaction from the Germans, "Because when
President Carter, in the brutal way, which we know
about, announced he would not assemble the components
of the neutron weapon, we must remember that at the
time Helmut Schmidt-this was in 1977-had succeeded
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in gaining acceptance to the idea of its deployment in the
FRG (Federal Republic of Germany). He had obtained
an agreement. Then President Carter said: No, we will
not assemble it. "46
Moscow was not slow to respond to the news. On Au-
gust 11, Tass reported, "commenting on U.S. President
Reagan's decision to go all the way in the production of
the neutron weapon, Pravda writes that `the horrendous
decision to produce the neutron weapon is the latest step
in the present U.S. administration's adventuristic poli-
cies, for the neutron bomb is one of the most refined and
barbaric means of mass destruction. It is a weapon which
produces an exceptionally high level of radiation, directed
not against military targets or hardware but against hu-
man beings.' "47 Prague reported on the same day "The
Prague-based World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU)
sharply condemned the cynical decision by U.S. President
Ronald Reagan to start production of the neutron bomb
as an act of hostility towards working people, and all
mankind, in a statement issued Monday. This decision
means further escalation of the arms race, serious deterio-
ration of the international atmosphere and an attempt to
reverse the process of detente. This attempt of the U.S. ad-
ministration to incite a new round of the arms race comes
in a period when the Soviet Union and the other socialist
countries put forward concrete and constructive propos-
als in the interest of the halting of the arms race and a re-
moval of the danger of a world nuclear war."48
Vadim Zagladin, the first deputy chief of the Inter-
national Department of the Central Committee of the
Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the deputy to
Panomarev, was in Prague when the news broke. He was
interviewed on Prague Radio and asked to comment. His
statement was bizarre even by Soviet standards. Accord-
ing to Zagladin, "In fact it is a weapon for a possible war
by Washington not only against the world of socialism but
also against its own West European allies. The nuclear
bomb, the neutron bomb, cannot make a distinction be-
tween communists and noncommunists, citizens of a so-
cialist or of a nonsocialist country. It hits everything and
everyone in the vicinity and West Europe became a dan-
gerous competitor of the United States a long time ago. "49
By August 13th, Soviet propagandists were becoming
completely hysterical. A Tass English language transmis-
sion by its political observer Gennady Shishkin stated,
"The ruling circles of the United States are in the grips of
dangerous insanity. This is the only way to assess Pres-
ident Reagan's decision on the production of neutron
weapons and the motives by which he is guided." Shishkin
referred to the decision to develop the neutron weapon as
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"a cannibalistic philosophy." 50 The cannibal slogan was
repeated the next day over Radio Moscow's Domestic Ser-
vice by Soviet journalist Oleg Anichkin. He said, "This
form of weapon is intended purely for killing personnel,
i.e., for killing both civilians and military since it has only a
radiation effect. This is why these weapons are so mon-
strous and cannibal-like. Houses, various structures,
military equipment, will remain unscathed. Only people
will be killed. They will die either at once or slowly and
very agonizingly."51
On August 18th, Tass was proud to report that at recent
sessions of the United Nations Disarmament Committee,
representatives of the German Democratic Republic, Hun-
gary, Czechoslovakia, Mongolia, Cuba, and Rumania
"have strongly condemned the decision of the U.S. ad-
ministration to start full-scale production and stock pil-
ing of the neutron weapon. They described it as a blow to
international security and the process of disarmament
talks as a whole."52
On August 18th, Radio Moscow broadcast, in English
to America, an interview with Mikhail Milshteyn, who
was identified as "an expert on military matters" at the
Soviet Institute of the United States and Canada. Radio
Moscow neglected to say what General Milshteyn has of-
ten admitted, that he was a retired lieutenant general of
the Soviet Army where he served in Military Intelligence,
the G.R.U. Milshteyn described for Radio Moscow listen-
ers in the United States his view of the neutron weapon.
"Neutron weapons cannot be called a tactical nuclear
weapon because they are intended for deployment in Eu-
rope. Any nuclear weapon that will be used on the terri-
tory of European countries must be regarded as strategic,
because they will bring about great destruction and casu-
alties. Washington is trying to make the world believe that
the neutron bomb is intended against tanks. This is a
false concept. It will be used not against tanks, but against
the people. Neutron deaths won't choose between peo-
ple in schools, churches, or other buildings, or inside
tanks. The American strategists say the new weapon is
clean and humane because it only affects living people,
leaving all material values intact. This is absurd. It is
strange and even wild that the present American ad-
ministration is trying to stand among those who regard
killing people (as) humane."53 General Milshteyn failed
to point out that civilians flee when they see tanks ap-
proaching. The weapons will be used against the Soviet
soldiers in tanks, if they invade West Germany, not
against civilians in schools and churches who will not be
around when the tanks appear.
The World Peace Council brought their forces into
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play in support of the Soviet position. WPC issued a
statement saying,
"The WPC condemns, in the strongest possible terms,
the decision by U.S. President Reagan to produce neu-
tron weapons. This action defies overwhelming public
opinion which compelled the former U.S. administration
to suspend production of this inhuman weapon. It is the
latest step in the U.S. drive for military superiority and
thrust the world even closer to a nuclear catastrophe"-14
The WPC instructions to their troops read as follows:
"Send to President Reagan and the U.S. administra-
tion cables, post cards, letters, petitions, and state-
ments of protest solicited from prominent elected
officials, trade union leaders, scientists, church
leaders, and ordinary people.-Urge elected offi-
cials in NATO countries to speak out against the
neutron bomb and the deployment of U.S. Pershing
II and Cruise missiles. Make your request to them
by cable, phone calls, post cards, letters, petitions,
etc. Seek resolutions against the neutron bomb by
elected bodies, city councils, legislatures, parlia-
ments, political parties, trade unions, churches,
community and civic organization.-Seek sermons
against the bomb in places of worship-churches,
synagogues, mosques, etc.-Organize advertise-
ments in newspapers signed by prominent citizens.
-Write letters to newspapers and other mass media
underlining the dangers of the bomb and urging op-
position to it.-Organize street corner tables for
distribution of literature; collecting signatures on
petitions, post cards, etc.-Organize demonstra-
tions, meetings and similar actions.-Produce leaf-
lets, posters and other types of literature explaining
the dangers of Reagan's decision and the nature of
the bomb.-Organize referendums and ballot initia-
tives.-Remember no matter how insignificant or
small an activity you undertake may seem to you it
adds to the weight of the national and international
campaign. 1155
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Recent WPC Campaigns Against NATO
The WPC continues to support every Soviet initiative
and defend every Soviet action. As Pravda pointed out
on January 28, 1982, "Representatives of 60 states taking
part in the WPC Presidium Bureau session in Copenha-
gen resolutely expressed their support for the Soviet
peace initiatives and appealed for the implementation of
the dangerous Pentagon and NATO plans to be pre-
vented." Pravda pointed to the success of the WPC in
getting two hundred thousand people to participate in
the demonstration in Lisbon and another two hundred
thousand to participate in the demonstration in Nor-
way.56 Unfortunately for Pravda the demonstrators in
Lisbon claimed only 50 thousand people and there ap-
peared to be much fewer than that since only the com-
munists were marching. The Socialists and others who
normally support peace initiatives denounced the march
as "an exclusive reflection of the diplomatic and military
logic of the Soviet Bloc."57 It is doubtful that the dem-
onstrations in Norway even achieved the numbers
claimed by those in Portugal.
The 1982 demonstrations had as their purpose the pre-
vention of the NATO plans to upgrade and modernize
theater nuclear forces. NATO's plans were developed to
counter the increase of Soviet military power in the Euro-
pean theater. The World Peace Council propaganda
booklet arguing against the NATO modernization claimed
that while NATO had 791,000 ground troops in Europe,
the Warsaw Pact had 805,000. Therefore they were
roughly equivalent.58 Even if these Warsaw Pact figures
were correct, which is doubtful, they do not take into
consideration that the figure includes only 300,000 of the
Soviet ground forces. These are the ones stationed in the
East European satellites. The WPC ignores the fact that
at least another million and a half Soviet ground troops
are in the Soviet Union itself and that this does not count
those stationed in Mongolia or in combat in Afghani-
stan.59 The WPC booklet also claims parity between the
NATO and Soviet medium range nuclear launchers,
showing each of them at a little under one thousand 60
However, the booklet Soviet Military Power, published
by the U.S. Department of Defense, points out that with
the introduction of the SS-20 Intermediate Range Ballis-
tic Missile by the Soviet Union in 1977, the situation
changed substantially. The Department of Defense
stated, "Previously, the theater-dedicated strategic nu-
clear missiles were based at fixed, vulnerable sites, and
each missile carried only one warhead-although provi-
sions for force reconstitution and refire were made. The
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SS-20 eliminated most of these weaknesses. Its launchers
are highly mobile, and each SS-20 is fitted with three,
very accurate and independently targetable (MIRVed)
warheads. Moreover each SS-20 unit is equipped with re-
fire missiles-one per launcher-and each refire missile
is fitted with three warheads. Thus the firepower of the
theater strategic nuclear missile forces is being greatly
multiplied, even though the Soviets are withdrawing
older SS-4s and SS-5s from the forces as the SS-20s are
deployed. As of July 1981, some 250 SS-20 launcher/
missile sets equipped with a total of 750 nuclear warheads
had been deployed. Of these, 175 with 525 warheads are
deployed opposite the NATO countries. There is no sign
that the deployment is slackening. Since January 1981,
the pace of SS-20 base construction has increased, par-
ticularly opposite the NATO nations. At bases known to
be under construction, another 65 launchers with some
195 warheads will be deployed., 161
The World Federation of Democratic Youth in a 1982
collection of documents called Youth forDisarmament-
Facts, Arguments, Information claimed that, "The bal-
ance of military power will not be disturbed by the SS-20
since this represents merely a modernization of the
20-years-old 4 and SS-5 and should replace these, so that
the number of actual missiles does not increase." As can
be seen the U.S. Department of Defence information
shows that the SS-20s do much more than replace the
SS-4s and 5s. Because of both the refire capability and the
fact that each has three independently targetable war-
heads the SS-20s provide much greater firing power
against Western Europe than did the SS-4s and 5s.
The WFDY package of false "facts" and arguments is
being used throughout the world in the debate currently
being conducted. It is a good example of WFDY's support
for a World Peace Council campaign conducted on behalf
of the Soviet propaganda machine.
The WPC campaign against the modernization of the-
ater nuclear forces in Western Europe did not begin dur-
ing the Reagan administration. It began when the Carter
administration began discussing the issue. The World
Federation of Trade Unions organized an International
Trade Union Round Table in Sofia, Bulgaria, on
September 26, 1980 to protest the Carter administration's
suggestions for improving West European defense
capabilities. Ibrahim Zakaria, the acting general secretary
of the WFTU, opened the meeting by saying, "We are
meeting at a crucial time for the whole of humanity. The
alarming new spiral in the arms race poses extremely im-
portant tasks for the trade unionists of the whole world,
regardless of their political orientation or international af-
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filiations. We are impelled to work together to find com-
mon platforms and move forward in united actions. "62
The Soviet delegate to the international conference set
the tone. "Following the mentioned decisions, the danger
of a world nuclear war has become so much more likely
that we may say it is virtually knocking at our doors. With
joint forces, all of us must avoid this danger in order to
save the life of mankind today and in the future. Under
these conditions the trade unions of all countries and, in
the first place, those of Europe have to explain to the larg-
est masses of the population, the serious danger repre-
sented to the cause of peace by those NATO and Carter
projects. Using trade union language we might add that
the cost of American missiles in Europe-in the broadest
sense of the word-will have to be borne by the working
people and not by the NATO generals or the Carter ad-
ministration. "63
In addition to supporting the Soviet propaganda fine
against West European defense, the WPC still provides
support to all the other Soviet propaganda lines. When
the Soviet Union was deeply stung by the revelations that
it was involved in support of international terrorism,
WPC president Romesh Chandra immediately leaped to
the defense. A WPC Presidential Committee meeting was
held in Havana in April of 1981. Havana radio reported,
"Within the framework of the WPC presidency meeting
being held at Havana's Palace of Conventions, WPC
President Romesh Chandra, held a press conference dur-
ing which he stated that the terrorists who place in jeop-
ardy world peace are those who produce arms and pro-
mote the arms race, concretely the United States and its
NATO allies. Chandra added that the statements by Leo-
nid Brezhnev during the 26th CPSU Congress are sound
and translate into the demand by world public opinion fa-
voring peace. "64
Just as the Soviet Union supports the Palestine Libera-
tion Organization, a major terrorist group in its own right,
and the supplier of training, arms, and logistical support
to a variety of other terrorist groups, the WPC also sup-
ports the PLO. The Palestine Liberation Organization is
officially represented in the WPC, and in 1975 when a
WPC delegation was called on Dr. Kurt Waldheim, the
Secretary General of the United Nations at his Geneva of-
fice, the PLO provided a member of the delegation.65
In 1979 the WPC held an international conference of
solidarity with the Palestinian people. In reality that was
a conference in solidarity with the PLO. Chandra said at
the conference, "Our conference not only extends its to-
tal and unconditional solidarity with the Palestine Libera-
tion Organization; it also extends full support to the unity
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of the Arab governments and peoples who oppose the
Pax Americana and the treachery which accompanies it
and who are carrying forward the great cause of the
Palestinian people." "Pax Americana" referred to the
peace agreement at Camp David between Israel and
Egypt. Chandra went on to say, "The Palestinian cause
is the cause of the main struggles which we are waging at
this time in every part of the world. You cannot fight
against the NATO arms buildup, against the neutron
bomb and against all the other weapons of mass destruc-
tion, which are being put into operation by United States
imperialism and the NATO powers, unless you under-
stand at the same time that the cause of Palestine and the
struggle of Palestine are also vital for the success of that
struggle, just as the fight against the NATO arms race is
at the same time a fight against the NATO and imperial-
ist conspiracies in the Middle East and therefore a fight
for Palestine. "66
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Soviet Control of the WPC
Soviet control of the World Peace Council and the
other international Communist fronts is maintained both
through the financing and the personnel of the organiza-
tions. Ruth Tosek, a former senior interpreter for several
of the Soviet controlled international organizations, con-
tacted James Lamond, a British member of parliament
who is active in the World Peace Council. She wrote to
Mr. Lamond in July of 1980 advising him that, "all
funds of these organizations, in local and in hard cur-
rency, are provided above all by the Soviet Union, but
also by other East European satellite countries on the ba-
sis of set contribution rates, paid by the governments of
these countries through various channels." She told Mr.
Lamond that she would, "be only too happy to give him
more details based on my personal experience." He did
not respond to her offer. Mr. Lamond still maintains
that he has no information on Soviet financial support to
the World Peace Council.67
In early 1981, the World Peace Council attempted to
gain consultant status with the Economical and Social
Council of the United Nations. After being questioned
by the British representative on their financial activities,
the WPC withdrew its application. The British delegate,
in a statement to the Council, stated, "The represen-
tative of the organization carefully avoided answering
specific questions brought to him by members of the Com-
mittee on this point, but the answers we did receive left
my delegation in no doubt about the truth of the situa-
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tion. The World Peace Council received large scale finan-
cial support from government sources, and has gone to
great lengths to conceal this fact from the Committee."
Rather than reveal its sources of funds, the World Peace
Council withdrew its application.68
Control of the World Peace Council is also maintained
through the president of the organization, Romesh Chan-
dra. Chandra is a member of the National Council of the
Communist Party of India.69 Like most Communist Par-
ties it is subservient to the Soviet Communist Party and
follows its propaganda line. The Communist Party of In-
dia has, of course, been active in supporting World Peace
Council initiatives. For example, in 1970, the Communist
Party National Council meeting passed a resolution in
support of the so-called "patient peace initiatives" by
the Viet Cong. This was one of a series of peace ploys
used by the Viet Cong when they needed time to regroup
their military forces. The resolution said, "The World
Peace Council has called for the observance of the week
from 26 October to 1 November of 1970, as an interna-
tional Week of Solidarity with the Peoples of Vietnam,
Laos and Cambodia, when attention will be spotlighted
above all on gaining support for the new peace initiative."
The resolution went on to say, "The Communist Party of
India calls for actions and demonstrations all over India in
support of the PRG's (People's Revolutionary Govern-
ment) peace initiative particularly during the International
Solidarity Week from 26 October to 1 November. "10
The International Department of the Central Commit-
tee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, which
directs the activities of the international Soviet fronts
also controls the Communist Parties, both directly and
through the publication Problems of Peace and Social-
ism, which has an English edition called World Marxist
Review. That magazine published in Prague, Czechoslo-
vakia, provides monthly directions for the various Com-
munist Parties. In its January 1981 issue, this interna-
tional communist directive organ carried an article by
Romesh Chandra.
In that article Chandra described the work of the World
Peace Council. He said, "The activities of the World
Peace Council have acquired a new content: 700 million
signatures were collected to the WPC's new Stockholm
Appeal to Halt the Arms Race and handed over to U.N.
Secretary-General Dr. Kurt Waldheim on the occasion of
the Special Session of the U.N. General Assembly on
Disarmament in May 1978. In Europe, the struggle to
curb the arms race has become a mass demonstration
against the deployment of new U.S. missiles; in North
and Latin America, in Asia and Africa it has developed
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into mass action against the arms build-up, against the
military bases and stepped up tensions in the Indian
Ocean, the Persian Gulf and the Caribbean."
According to the WPC, while any defensive Western
military buildup threatens peace, Soviet military buildup
aids peace. Chandra wrote, "The Soviet Union's military
policy fully corresponds to these goals. It is of a purely de-
fensive character."
Soviet supported terrorism (euphemistically called "na-
tional liberation struggles") are also consistent with the
WPC's concept of "peace." Chandra in his World Marx-
ist Review article pointed out that, "detente by no means
implied that the oppressed and exploited were deprived
of their legitimate right to fight, with arms in hand, for
liberation from national and social oppressions. The peace
movement has always supported and will continue to
support just national liberation struggles in any form, the
struggles for freedom, democracy and social progress."
In another article in the December 1981 issue of World
Marxist Review, Chandra boasted that, "The peace move-
ment in Europe is acquiring diverse forms. In the FRG
hundreds of thousand of people are taking part in marches,
rallies, and demonstrations demanding that the Bonn gov-
ernment deny the countries territory for the deployment
of U.S. weapons. Massive actions are developing against
U.S. mediumrange missiles in Britain, the Netherlands,
Belgium, Denmark and Norway. The movement is spread-
ing to neutral states. Large anti-war actions have taken
place in India, Japan and other countries in Asia, Africa
and Latin America. "It should be noted that all of the
actions that Chandra reports in the international Com-
munist publication are actions against western military
deployment. No such actions are ever organized by the
World Peace Council against Soviet and satellite military
deployment.
WPC and KGB
Soviet overt propaganda using the World Peace Coun-
cil and the Communist parties is supplemented by covert
action. This is the KGB element of Soviet "active mea-
sures." It includes KGB officers providing subsidies and
advise to Moscow-controlled parties and peace groups in
Western countries.
On November 4, 1981 the Danish press reported that
Vladimir Merkulov, the Second Secretary of the Soviet
Embassy in Copenhagen, had been declared persona non
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grata because he carried out subversive activities in Den-
mark. These activities, according to the Danish press, in-
cluded providing funding and advice to local anti-NATO
and pro "nuclear free zone" groups as well as providing
funds for political advertisements designed to influence
Danish opinion makers.71
On November 5, a Copenhagen newspaper Aktuelt re-
ported that the Merkulov case was not the first. Other
Soviet embassy officials had been declared persona non
grata in Denmark and quietly asked to leave. According
to the Copenhagen newspaper "the affair casts an un-
pleasant light over certain `movements' here in Denmark.
Merkulov's path through the swamp must be charted. In
which of his contacts has he been able to count on na-
ivete and on corruptibility?"72
The Baltimore Sun reported on November 6 that a Dan-
ish leftist writer and translater had been arrested and
charged with being a Soviet agent. Arne Herloev Peter-
sen was arrested by the Danish police and held for 72
hours to give Danish intelligence time to investigate the
case. The judge who ordered Petersen's detention stated
that intelligence officers told him that Petersen had taken
money from Merkulov to finance the campaign to ban
nuclear weapons from the Nordic countries.
More information was provided by the London Econ-
omist's "Foreign Report" of November 12, 1981. Ac-
cording to Foreign Report, Petersen received 7,000 Dan-
ish Kroner, the equivalent of over 1,000 U.S. dollars,
from Merkulov to pay for an advertisement in the Danish
press, signed by 150 artists and writers, supporting a nu-
clear free zone in the Nordic countries. Some of the writ-
ers and artists said that they would not have signed if they
knew there was Soviet money involved. Petersen was a
prominent member of the Danish-Korean Friendship
Committee and provided the Koreans with a supposed
American document, forged by the Russians, to discour-
age North Korean contacts with the Chinese Communist
government. Merkulov worked very closely with the
Liaison Committee for Peace and Security, a Danish or-
ganization active in the World Peace Council. Using the
facilities of this group, Merkulov was able to organize
trips to Denmark by Soviet propagandists, including
some who made speeches in Danish high schools. As a re-
sult of the exposure of the KGB officers' involvement
with the Danish group, leaders of the Social Democratic
Party urged their members to have nothing to do with
the Liaison Committee for Peace and Security.
On November 28, 1981, the Associated Press reported
that the Norwegian Special Branch Police had asked the
Ministry of Justice to declare three Soviet diplomats per-
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sona non grata. The three, who were identified as KGB
officers, were Col. Alexander A. Makarov, a Soviet Em-
bassy Military Attache, Stanislav Tchebotek, a First Sec-
retary at the Soviet Embassy; and a third, unidentified
individual involved in the Soviet trade delegation. Ac-
cording to Norwegian press reports, the Danish police
had advised the Norwegian police that Makarov and
Tchebotek were involved in the case of Petersen in Den-
mark. Both of these KGB officers had been employed in
the Soviet Embassy in Copenhagen before coming to Nor-
way a few years earlier.
On April 18, 1982, Agency France Press reported that
the Danish Minister of Justice had dropped the charges
against Petersen. However, the Minister of Justice Ole
Esperson stated that three Soviet diplomats had worked
with Petersen and used him to influence public opinion.
Petersen took documents from the Soviet Embassy to
the North Korean Embassy in Copenhagen, supposedly
written by an American journalist, in an attempt to in-
crease tension between China and North Korea. The deci-
sion not to prosecute Petersen was made according to the
Danish Justice Minister because he had not sufficiently
damaged Danish interests and because the Soviet dip-
lomats involved in the scandal had already left the
country.73
The use of KGB personnel to provide support to the
overt "active measures" campaigns is not unusual. It is
part of a traditional Communist concept, "to combine
legal and illegal work." At times KGB personnel appear
using the cover of Soviet organizations at open meetings
of the fronts. As seen earlier, there was an example of
this during the Vietnam War when Ivan Kovalenko, a
KGB official, attended the Stockholm Conference on
Vietnam in November 1970 as a representative of the "So-
viet Peace Fund." Similarly, during a meeting of the
Christian Peace Conference's Working Committee held
in Kiev, USSR, March 28 to April 1, 1981, a KGB official
named Radomir Bogdanov appeared as a "guest" repre-
senting the "USA and Canada Studies Institute" of the
USSR. Bodganov served as the Soviet ideological nurse-
maid at the meeting. He has also appeared at WPC activ-
ities, including the June 1978 meeting of the WPC
Bureau in Washington, D.C. He was identified by John
Barron in his 1974 book KGB, The Secret Work of Soviet
Secret Agents as having served the KGB in Poland and
India. In 1982, the CIA released a biography of Bogda-
nov that confirmed Barron's identification of him as a
KGB officer.74
The World Peace Council's consistent support for So-
viet foreign policy positions, and the exposure of KGB
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"active measures" parallel to WPC propaganda cam-
paigns, have not created an easy situation for the World
Peace Council. E. P. Thompson, a leading unilateral dis-
armament supporter in England, has openly criticized the
World Peace Council and warned other disarmament ac-
tivists to beware of the organization. In an article in The
London Guardian of February 23, 1981, Thompson
wrote, "To allow the Western peace movements to drift
into collusion with the strategy of the World Peace
Council-that is, in effect, to become a movement op-
posing NATO militarism only-is a recipe for our own
containment and ultimate defeat." Thompson described
his experience in the United States meeting a Soviet pro-
pagandist. He wrote, "Last autumn I spoke at a large
and friendly meeting in Manhattan's Riverside Church-
a church with an outstanding record of work for interna-
tional reconciliation. In a smaller discussion meeting
afterwards, a well-briefed Russian (I think a Georgian)
announced himself as secretary of the World Peace
Council. In an eloquent and peace loving statement he
commended me for my correct delineation of the aggres-
sive strategies of NATO, but then explained, very pa-
tiently, that I was mistaken in calling on the Soviet Union
also to halt deployment of SS-20's. After all that I had
said about NATO's menacing strategies, I would surely
agree that this was `quite impossible'? The SS-20's were
absolutely `necessary' for the Warsaw powers' 'de-
fense'." Thompson has frequently been the victim of So-
viet propaganda ploys. He fails even to recognize that the
"peace" activities of New York's Riverside Church sel-
dom deviate from the Soviet line. But, he does under-
stand the role of the World Peace Council.
As early as 1959 Velio Spano, a member of the Central
Committee of the Communist Party of Italy and the Sec-
retary General of the Italian peace movement affiliated
with the WPC, complained in an article in the Interna-
tional Communist theoretical organ World Marxist Re-
view about some of the leaders of non-Communist peace
movements. He explained that such people "have in re-
cent times become even more distrustful of the World
Peace Movement in which much work is done by the
Communists. They fear that their actions might coincide
with the steps taken by Soviet diplomacy. The reason for
this is an erroneous and at time deliberately distorted as-
sessment of certain events (e.g., in Hungary) which are
seized upon by the enemies of socialism for unleashing a
furious anti-Soviet and anti-communist campaign." He
went on to explain that "it is not the fault of the peace
supporters that on the major international issues a con-
sistent peace policy is pursued only by one side. This
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question was very simply explained by N. S. Krushchev in
a talk with the participants in the Moscow meeting of the
Bureau of the World Peace Council in February this
year. He said: 'It might appear strange to some of you
that your movement has never opposed the Soviet
Union's policy. And we say to you: if you find we are
mistaken, give us your advice. We shall pay heed to it.
But it seems to me that it will be difficult for you to ob-
ject to the Soviet Union's actions because they are always
aimed at defense of peace.' And to those who are fond of
finding fault we say: In general we agree with the policy
of the Soviet Union because it stands for peace, and it is
wrong to assert that we uphold peace only because the
Soviet Union stands for it."75
Even among the Communist Parties, those which are
not under total Soviet control are having some problems
with the World Peace Council and the Soviet propa-
ganda campaign. At this time, this includes even the Ital-
ian Communist Party. On April 28 and 29, 1980, the
Communist Party of France hosted a meeting of Euro-
pean Communist and Workers' Parties "for Peace and
Disarmament." All of the Communist bloc C.P.s at-
tended, but among the western countries the Communist
Parties of Spain, Italy and Great Britain refused to at-
tend. The Polish delegate was Andrzej Werblan, a well-
known pro-Kremlin hardliner, who was responsible for
writing anti-semitic material in the Polish Communist
press in 1968.76 Werblan complained, "Dear comrades,
several communist parties decided to refrain from taking
part in our meeting. Regrettably, they did not fully un-
derstand our intentions." The representative of the
Communist Party of Belgium which did attend pointed
out that, "the Communist Party of Belgium is repre-
sented at this meeting only by obervers, since it has cer-
tain reservations regarding its character, and also its
preparation, in which only a small number of parties
took part." The conference made it clear that it sup-
ported Soviet positions while claiming that, "We Com-
munists are advocates of peace, we want disarmament,
cooperation and friendship among nations." They went
on to make their demands, "We shall-work for the an-
nulment of the NATO decisions on the manufacture of
new U.S. missiles and their deployment in Europe, or for
a genuine suspension of the fulfillment of these decisions
in order to start effective talks on the question of
medium-range missiles in conditions of equality and equal
security . . . " No mention was made of removing the So-
viet SS-20 missiles threatening Western Europe.
The Soviet delegate to the meeting was Boris Ponoma-
rev, who heads the International Department of the Cen-
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tral Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet
Union, the department that runs the international Soviet
fronts, such as the World Peace Council, and the Com-
munist Parties. Ponomarev complained that, "The de-
ployment in Western Europe of new missiles with nuclear
warheads capable of striking at the territory of the USSR
substantially increases the already powerful American so-
called forward-based capability." He went on to speak
of the "unreliability and unpredictability of the behavior
of the U.S. administration, its tendacy to rush to ex-
tremes, to succumb to hysteria, to take unexpected deci-
sions not coordinated with anyone, its preference of
`tough measures' have all been demonstrated eloquently
enough in recent times." Ponomarev was talking of the
Carter administration, in just the same terminology now
used against the Reagan administration. Ponomarev then
issued orders to the Communist Parties. He said, "Com-
munists have the full moral right, or rather the duty, to
call on the working class, the peasantry and the intellec-
tuals, the trade unions, religious circles, women's, youth
and other organizations, scientists and artists, members
of parliament and business people to devote every effort
in order to:-thwart the dangerous NATO plans for de-
ploying new American nuclear missiles on our continent;
-prevent a fresh round of the arms race, which may have
catastrophic consequences for all mankind . . . "77
It is interesting to note that not only is Moscow having
problems with some of the Communist Parties in the
West-those Parties which have to maintain some sem-
blance of responsibility to the people in their countries-
but is even having problems with citizens of the Commu-
nist countries.
In early 1982, taking advantage of the official propa-
ganda on peace, dissidents in the Communist bloc coun-
tries began their own peace appeal. In East Germany a
petition was circulated in churches and factories entitled
the "Berlin Appeal-Make Peace without Weapons".
The appeal demanded the removal of all nuclear weapons
from both East and West Germany and the withdrawal
of occupation forces from Germany. The organizers of
the petition campaign also demanded that military in-
struction in East German schools be abolished and that
public demonstration of military power be discontinued.
They also supported the idea that substitute service for
conscientious objectors be allowed instead of military
service.78
In the Baltic states Soviet citizens have demanded that
Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia be included in a North
European nuclear free zone. The signers of a letter to the
Soviet government and the governments of the Nordic
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countries included a number of people who had been
persecuted and imprisoned by the Soviet authorities in
the past. The letter also points to the shortage of food in
the Baltic states and implies that it is the war preparation
that are denying them the necessities of life.79 When
West Europeans who support disarmament attempted to
make contact with these people in the Soviet bloc and
suggested a march for peace through East Europe, the
World Peace Council supporters opposed these ideas em-
phatically. The chairman of the Danish affiliate of the
World Peace Council, the Liaison Committee for Peace
and Security, Villum Hansen, warned against having any
kind of a march through Eastern Europe or cooperating
with anyone but the official East bloc peace organiza-
tions. According to Hansen, "If one wants to make con-
tact with East Europe, it should be done in such a way
that it will be regarded in those countries as having
friendly intentions. If you go blasting in with a poster ad-
vocating a refusal to perform military service, for exam-
ple, it will be regarded as an undiplomatic move and
serve as a direct provocation. If one wants to influence
the leading groups in East Europe, one must work with
the peace organizations that are operating in the open. It
is true that people talk about an underground peace
movement in the East, but I know nothing about that.
You never see those people." The Liaison Committee
was described in the Copenhagen publication Informa-
tion as a group that was "directly inspired by Moscow."
While it did get broad political support at first, "Later
on, events in Afghanistan and Poland caused most non-
communist members to leave (the Liaison Committee) in
protest against the failure of the Committee to take a
clear stand against these military encroachments." 80
The Soviet Controlled "Peace"
Movement in the United States
Over the years various Communist front peace groups
controlled by the Communist Party, USA served as the
American affiliate of the World Peace Council. The pres-
ent affiliate is called the U.S. Peace Council and was pro-
posed at a conference in Chicago in November, 1978. An
organizational convention was held in Philadelphia in
1979. A Soviet description of the objectives of the U.S.
Peace Council is enlightening. In an article in the Soviet
magazine USA: Economics, Politics, Ideology for Au-
gust, 1980 S.A. Karaganov wrote, "The convention in
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Chicago set extremely broad objectives for the council
and the organizations making it up. They included the
resistance of the plans of NATO and the Pentagon to be-
gin a new round in the race for strategic weapons, and
further struggle for the ratification of the SALT II Treaty.
A resolution on the Middle East, condemned the Camp
David agreements, and demanded recognition of the le-
gitimate right of Palestinian Arabs to establish their own
state. The convention also condemned the `dangerous
militaristic atmosphere' connected with the American-
Iranian conflict and warned the US government gainst
any attempts to use this conflict as a pretext for military
intervention. The decisions of the convention appealed
for recognition of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam and
the People's Republic of Kampuchea and for the lifting
of the embargo on trade with Cuba. In connection with
all of these and many other issues, the Peace Council and
many of the organizations it more or less unites are con-
ducting energetic explanatory work through the mass me-
dia, and the movements activists are speaking at various
gatherings and organizing demonstrations and protest
rallies. "81
The November 9-11, 1979 conference in Philadelphia
heard a keynote address by Michael Myerson, identified
as the Interim Executive Director, U.S. Peace Council.
Myerson was elected at the conference to be the Execu-
tive Director of the organization. In 1969 Myerson spoke
at New York University on behalf of the Young Commu-
nist Club and the Village Friends of the Daily World, the
CPUSA newspaper. Myerson, identified then as the Sec-
retary of the Peace Commission of the New York State
Communist Party, spoke on his visit to Cuba to celebrate
the 10th anniversary of the revolution and the fact that
he was the first U.S. citizen to visit North Vietnam. In
1982, Party Organizer, published by the Communist
Party U.S.A. for Party members only, listed Myerson as
a member of the National Council of the Communist
Party, U.S.A.82
The Philadelphia Conference passed a resolution of
nuclear power and nuclear weapons which read, "Realiz-
ing the dangers of Nuclear Power requires a shutdown of
Nuclear plants, we urge the recognition that nuclear arms
production is even more dangerous and needs to be shut
down also."83 In the Soviet Union, the Communists
don't find nuclear power either for peaceful or non-
peaceful uses to be a danger. The Soviet Communist
Party theoretical organ Kommunist No. 12 for August,
1979, carried a review of a book entitled The Peaceful
Atom in Socialist Countries. Cooperation Among
CEMA-Member Countries, published by Atomizdat,
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Moscow, 1979. The book was written by a team of au-
thors from the various Soviet bloc countries-the CEMA
countries. The review states that, "Speaking of the im-
mediate future, the CEMA-member countries are linking
the further expansion of their power base with the build-
ing of nuclear power plants using the energy released
from the splitting of heavy nuclei. In 1980 the overall ca-
pacity of nuclear power plants in CEMA-member coun-
tries will be higher by 3-4 factor compared with 1976. In
particular, the decisions of the 25th CPSU Congress indi-
cate the need 'to contemplate the faster development of
the nuclear power industry in the European part of the
USSR.' " The non-peaceful uses of atomic power were
also described in the Soviet review. "The use of nuclear
power made a revolution in the navy, inordinately ex-
panding its capacity. Everyone clearly remembers the
outstanding accomplishments of the Soviet nuclear pow-
ered ships." 84
The Communist Party, USA, provides the cadre for
the U.S. Peace Council, but it also pays a great deal of
attention to its activities and provides substantial sup-
port. The Wisconsin Communist Party formed a Peace
Commission in 1980. A report on the Wisconsin Com-
munist Party Conference on the fight for peace was con-
tained in Party Organizer, the confidential publication of
the Communist Party, USA, No. 1 for 1981. According
to this report, most of the afternoon session was devoted
to a history of the World Peace Council. The main politi-
cal report was given by a "comrade" who had attended
the founding conference of the U.S. Peace Council. A
report was also given on combating "anti-Sovietism".
According to the Communist Party, "if our comrades
are to fight effectively for peace, we have to understand
Anti-Sovietism as an enemy ideology, and the biggest
road block to world peace." This report was given by "a
comrade from the 'People's Progressive Party' days of
the 40's, the Stockholm Peace Appeal of the 50's, and
the anti-war and civil rights movement of the 60's to the
present."85
An article by Danny Rubin, the chairman of the organi-
zational and educational departments of the Communist
Party, USA, in the January, 1982 issue of Party Organizer
describes the concepts used by the Communist Party,
USA, and through it the U.S. Peace Council. Rubin
wrote, "The struggle for peace is increasingly closely
related to the fight for the people's daily living needs. We
need to do more to show these links. In the struggle for
peace a central task is how to give shape and expression
to a developing peace majority against nuclear confron-
tation and for successful negotiations and against inter-
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vention. We also have a major task to make known the
Soviet peace proposal and combat the myth of a Soviet
threat. "86
The U.S. Peace Council, in a letter dated March 1,
1982, signed by Mike Myerson, urged its members to sup-
port the activities around the United Nations Second
Special Session on Disarmaments (SSD-2) in June of
1982. The demands of the U.S. Peace Council were:
"1. Stop and Reverse the Arms Race, and 2. Cut the
Military Budget; Transfer Funds to Human Needs." This
linking of the slogans of funds for human needs with cut-
ting the military budget is precisely what was outlined by
Daniel Rubin on behalf of the Communist Party. The
U.S. Peace Council urged their members "to appeal to
any local church, community or campus organization,
trade union local or labor council for support and partic-
ipation." A massive rally called for June 12, 1982, was
the main operation of U.S. Peace Council According to
Myerson, "the U.S. Peace Council has made mobiliza-
tion for June 12th its first priority for the next 100 days."
The members were ordered:
1. Join you local June 12 coalition. If there is not
one functioning in your area, help to start one.
2. Begin now to reserve busses for New York for
that weekend.
3. Make a list of local trade unions, community
organizations, churches, local affiliates of na-
tional organizations supporting June 12 and
get them involved.
4. Get local unions, city councils and other im-
portant bodies to pass resolutions in support
of the SSD-2 and the June 12 demonstra-
tions."
In a speech to the Communist Party's Extraordinary
Conference held in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, Apr. 23-25,
1982, Myerson explained how Communist Party mem-
bers should use the June 12th demonstration and the
U.S. Peace Council. Myerson's instructions were:
1. Every club discuss concretely at its next meet-
ing how it is going to build for June 12.
2. That there be a strong Party presence on
June 12th, with banners and literature in addi-
tion to the Party press.
3. That we help develop a national trade union
peace network out of the local union activity
on behalf of the Freeze and in support of
June 12.
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4. That where the U.S. Peace Council (USPC)
exists, we work with others to aid its participa-
tion for June 12; where it doesn't exist we
work with others to try to launch local Peace
Council participation with buses and banners;
that we undertake to help distribute a half-
million USPC special leaflets for June 12th.
5. That we implement the proposals of Comrade
Hall in his Central Committee report What the
Reds Say Today, particularly the need to help
build multi-racial, multi-national, working class
affiliates to the USPC at the grass roots. It was
stressed that such instruments of struggle are
necessary to influence other movements even
as we cooperate, not compete, with them. At-
tention was paid to some liquidationist tenden-
cies, to the absolute need to support the legiti-
macy of the USPC in all struggles and to link
up economic and peace struggles.
6. That we work to overcome the weaknesses of
approach now evident among white middle-
strata forces in the organized peace movement
that create obstacles to the full participation of
the Black and other minority communities.
Discussion in the workshop affirmed the ur-
gency of taking actions to bring the local and
national operational leadership of peace move-
ments into conformity with the actual reality
of the situation in respect to the position of the
entire Afro-American community which is sol-
idly against Reaganism and militarism.
7. That larger districts create or reactivate Peace
and Solidarity Commissions and forms within
the Party to guide the work. Smaller districts
should assign a cadre to be in charge of the
work.
8. Reaffirmed the inseparability of the struggle
for disarmament and support for the liberation
movements such as the A.N.C. of South Af-
rica, SWAPO of Namibia, FMLN-FDR of El
Salvador and the PLO; and affirmed that the
anti-interventionism movements gaining great
strength in the churches, unions, communities
and campuses represent an inseparable part of
the anti-Reagan all people's front."
Testimony by Edward J. O'Malley, Assistant Director
of the FBI for Intelligence before the House Intelligence
Committee on July 14, 1982 made clear the role of the
Communist Party U.S.A., the World Peace Council, the
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U.S. Peace Council and the KGB in Soviet "active mea-
sures" campaign in support of Soviet foreign policy ob-
jectives. O'Malley testified that,
"the KGB has clandestinely transferred funds to
the CPUSA on behalf of the CP Soviet Union.
Several Soviet officials affiliated with the KGB at
the Soviet Embassy in Washington, D.C., and the
Soviet Mission to the United Nations are in regular
contact with CPUSA members and officials of
CPUSA front groups. They monitor CPUSA activ-
ities and transmit guidance to the CPUSA officials.
The World Peace Council is, of course, the larg-
est and most active Soviet front organization with
affiliates in approximately 135 countries. It is one
of the major Soviet instruments for political action
and propaganda in the peace movement. The
World Peace Council has placed the highest prior-
ity on the peace movement, and a program of ac-
tion for 1982 calls for a worldwide campaign
against the danger of nuclear war, and is clearly di-
rected at U.S. defense and arms control policies.
The World Peace Council has taken a direct
hand in organizing and mobilizing the American
peace movement. Romesh Chandra, president of
the World Peace Council, and other officials of the
World Peace Council, have headed delegations
that have come to the United States in connection
with the peace movement.
World Peace Council activities in the United
States have been coordinated in the past by the
CPUSA. In 1979, however, the CPUSA assigned
two of its longtime members to establish a U.S.
chapter of the World Peace Council. At its found-
ing convention in November 1979, the U.S. Peace
Council was formed as a U.S. World Peace Council
affiliate. The key leadership positions in the U.S.
Peace Council were given to CPUSA members."
An FBI report provided as an appendix to the O'Mal-
ley testimony revealed that,
"In early 1982, it became apparent that peace ac-
tivists in Western Europe and the United States
were focusing on the Second Special Session on
Disarmament at the United Nations (SSOD II) to
make a major political statement on peace and dis-
armament. Peace organizations were urging con-
crete accomplishments from SSOD II in particular,
a U.S.-Soviet freeze on Nuclear weapons, a com-
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prehensive nuclear test ban, and a pledge of non-
first use of nuclear weapons.
"Their call for action at the SSOD II was accom-
plished by a pointed notice that they intended to
join forces and converge on New York City for a
mass rally on June 12 in conjunction with SSOD II.
Some organizations warned of vigils, public fasts,
and acts of civil disobedience.
"The Soviet Union, of course, was not only
aware of the plans of the American peace move-
ment concerning the rally but was involved in them
through its international front organizations and
the CPUSA. Listed below are several examples of
Soviet involvement in the U.S. peace movement,
particularly the June 12 disarmament rally in New
York City, which was attended by over 500,000
people and was one of the largest demonstrations
of its kind in the United States.
"KGB activities
"A primary focus of the KGB has been arms
control and disarmament matters and the Ameri-
can peace movement. KGB officers have recently
instructed their contacts to devote serious attention
to the anti-war movement in the United States, es-
pecially with respect to coalitions forming among
the various factions within the movement. The
KGB is particularly interested in information con-
cerning the peace movement's slogans, political
platforms, plans for conferences or demonstra-
tions, and relations with European anti-war groups.
"In addition KGB officers have recently asked
their contacts in the peace movement to report on
meetings, participate in the planning of demonstra-
tions, and distribute leaflets and other publica-
tions. Some KGB officers are also directly involved
in efforts to influence the U.S. peace movement.
"A Soviet diplomat involved in active measures
operations assigned to the Soviet Embassy in Wash-
ington has been actively attempting to influence the
American peace movement. He has attended numer-
ous conferences and has made substantial number of
speeches to various peace and disarmament groups
throughout the United States." 88
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Conclusion
The Soviet controlled World Peace Movement and its
affiliates in the various target countries are an important
element of the Soviet "active measures" campaign to
weaken the West in the face of an aggressive Soviet mili-
tary threat. From time to time, the World Peace Council
has been able to enlist the support of naive noncommu-
nists who sincerely believe in the cause of peace. Never-
theless, peace is not the purpose of the World Peace
Council. Its purpose is, as Kuusinin told the 7th World
Congress of the Communist International, "to attack
our class enemies in the rear" in the event of a war with
the Soviet Union. a9
1. The World Peace Council- What It Is and What It Does, Infor-
mation Centre of the World Peace Council, Helsinki, December 1978,
p. 6.
2. Based on confidential Commintern documents first published in
1924 in German by the German Trade Union Federation (A.D.G.B.)
under the title "The Third Column of Communist Policy-I.A.H. (In-
ternational Worker's Aid)." Quoted in English in Labour Magazine
(British Labour Party publication) December 1924. The quotes were
authenticated by Munzenberg's widow Babette Gross in her book,
Willi Munzenberg-A Political Biography, Michigan State U. Press,
1974, p. 121 and 133.
3. Fourth Congress of the Communist International-Abridged Re-
port of Meetings held at Petrograd and Moscow Nov. 7-Dec. 3, 1922,
published for the Communist International by the Communist Party of
Great Britain, London, 1922, p. 53.
4. VII Congress of the Communist International Abridged Steno-
graphic Report of Proceedings (July-August, 1935), Foreign Languages
Publishing House, Moscow, 1939, p. 489.
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5. Meeting of the Information Bureau of Communist Parties-in
Hungary in the latter half of November 1949, published by the Journal
"For A Lasting Peace, For a People's Democracy" (the Cominform
organ) printed in the U.S.S.R., 1950, p. 48 (The CPUSA reprinted it
under the title Working Class Unity For Peace, New Century Publish-
ers, N.Y., Feb. 1950).
6. Ibid., p. 49.
7. Ibid., p. 49.
8. Ibid., p. 36.
9. Ibid., p. 53.
10. Ibid., p. 54.
11. Ibid., p. 55.
12. Ibid., p. 11-13.
13. Ibid., p. 14-15.
14. For A Lasting Peace, For a People's Democracy (Cominform
newspaper), Bucharest, March 1 and March 15, 1949.
15. Political Affairs (CPUSA theoretical organ), New York, Apr.
1949, p. 1.
16. In Defense of Peace (WPC magazine), Paris, Apr. 1950, p. 2.
17. World Peace Movement, Resolutions and Documents, published
by the Secretariat of the World Council of Peace, no date (circa 1954),
no place, p. 47.
18. The Road To Peace, James P. Cannon, Pioneer Publishers,
N.Y., Nov. 1951, p. 8.
19. World Youth (W.F.D.Y. magazine), Paris, July, 1950, p. 2.
20. Nikolai Mikhailov, We Live to Bring Peace, Novosti Press
Agency, Moscow, no date (circa late 1960s), p. 15.
21. Schwarzbuch Ober den Bakterienkrieg (Blackbook on Germ
Warfare), Osterreichischen Friedensrat (Austrian Peace Council), Vi-
enna, June 1952, p. 2.
22. World Peace Movement,
p. 102-3.
23. Schwartzbuch, op. cit.
24. Ex Nazis in the Service of the "German Democratic Republic, "
Investigating Committee of Free Jurists, Berlin, no date (circa 1959),
p. 13. (Note: Brandweiner's biography appears in the first German
Edition and in the English language edition both published in 1959).
25. World Youth, Budapest, July 1952, p. 3.
26. World Trade Union Movement (magaine of W.F.T.U.), Lon-
don, Jan. 1-15, 1954, p. 3.
27. Louis Saillant, The W.F. T. U. and the Tasks of the Trade Union
Movement, report to the Fifth Congress of W.F.T.U., Moscow,
Dec. 4-16,1961, W.F.T.U. Publications Ltd., London, 1961, p. 20-21.
28. Assembly of The World Peace Council, Documents, Budapest,
May 13-16, 1971, issued by World Peace Council, Helsinki, 1971, Re-
port by Romesh Chandra, p. 54.
29. M. Kukanov, NATO-Threat to World Peace, Progress Pub-
lishers, Moscow, 1971, p. 147.
30. World Student News (IUS Publication), Vol. 18, #11-12, 1964,
p. 8.
31. Resolutions, 8th I.U.S. Congress, Sofia, Bulgaria, 28 Nov.-10
Dec. 1964, I.U.S., Prague, 1964, p. 11.
32. Documentary Record, W.F.D. Y. Executive Committee Meeting
Moscow, 16-18 November 1972, published by World Federation of
Democratic Youth, no place, no date (Hungary, circa 1973), p. 72.
33. Executive Committee of the W.F.D.Y. Accra, April 15-19, 1965
W.F.D.Y., Budapest, 1965, p. 20.
34. Op. cit. #28, p. 43.
35. Mimeographed documents appended to a letter of Bertil Svahn-
strom, chairman of the International Liaison Committee of the Stock-
holm Conference on Vietnam, May 23, 1969.
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36. Mimeographed list of participants issued by world Conference
on Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia, Stockholm, Nov. 28-30, 1970;
K.G.B. The Secret Work of Soviet Secret Agents, by John Barron,
Readers Digest Press, New York, 1974, p. 392; Directory of Soviet
Officials, Central Intelligence Agency, Washington, D.C., December
1975, Vol. I, p. 36; Directory of Soviet Officials, Central Intelligence
Agency, Washington, D.C., Nov. 1974, Vol. I, p. 22.
37. Neutron Bombs NO, published by Information Centre of the
World Peace Council, Helsinki, Sept. 1977, p. 6-7.
38. Ibid., p. 39-40.
39. Ibid., p. 50, 53, 61, 63 and 64.
40. New Prospectives (WPC magazine), March 1978, p. 6.
41. World Peace Council & Disarmament, published by World
Peace Council, May 27, 1979, p. 1, 7 and 8.
42. World Peace Council & Disarmament (a WPC publication),
June 8, 1978, p. 4.
43. Stoppt die Neutronen-Bombe (Stop the Neutron Bomb), pub-
lished by SEW-Hochschulgruppe (Socialist Unity Party West Berlin,
High School Group), no date (circa mid-1978).
44. L. I. Brezhnev, Report of the Central Committee of the CPSU
to the XXVI Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union,
Novosti, Moscow, 1981, p. 36-7.
45. Krasnaya Zvezda (Red Star), Mar. 6, 1981, p. 3, translated in
FBIS, 12 Mar. 81, p. III, AA1.
46. Paris Domestic Service in French, 10 Aug. 1981, translated in
FBIS, p. VII, 11 Aug. 81, K1.
47. Moscow TASS International Service in Russian, 10 Aug. 81,
translated in FBIS, III, 11 Aug. 81, AA1.
48. Prague CTK in English, 10 Aug. 81, FBIS, II, 11 Aug. 81, D2.
49. Prague Domestic Service in Czech and Slovak, 11 Aug. 81,
translated in FBIS, III, 12 Aug. 81, AA2.
50. Moscow TASS, 13 Aug. 81, FBIS, III, 14 Aug. 81, AA4.
51. Moscow Domestic Service in Russia, 14 Aug. 81, translated in
FBIS, III, 17 Aug. 81, CC7.
52. Moscow TASS in English, FBIS, III, 19 Aug. 81, AA3.
53. Radio Moscow in English to North America, 18 Aug. 81, FBIS,
III, 20 Aug. 81, AA2.
54. Peace Courier (WPC publication), Sept. 1981, p. 1.
55. Ibid., p. 8.
56. Pravda, 28 Jan. 1982, p. 1, translated FBIS, III, 2 Feb. 81, CC I.
57. Washington Post, Jan. 17, 1982, p. A16.
58. The Global Military Build-up Threatens All Mankind, Informa-
tion Centre of the WPC, Helsinki, no date (1982), p. 18.
59. See Soviet Military Power, published by U.S. Dept. of Defense,
Washington, D.C., no date (1982), p. 27 and 28.
60. The Global Military Build-up, op. cit., p. 4.
61. Soviet Military Power, op. cit., p. 26-7.
62. International Trade Union Round Table, Detente-Conversion
Disarmament, Sofia, Bulgaria, 26 Sept. 1980, W.F.T.U., Prague,
Mar. 81, p. 6.
63. Ibid., p. 11.
64. Havana Domestic Service in Spanish, 21 Apr. 81, translated by
FBIS, VI, 22 Apr. 81, Q2.
65. Peace Courier, Aug. 1975, p. 1.
66. Rights of the Palestinian People-Key to Peace in the Middle
East, International Conference of Solidarity with the Palestinian Peo-
ple, Basle, Switzerland, May 4-6, 1979, WPC, Helsinki, May 1979,
p. 11 and 13.
67. Letter to the editor from Ruth Tosek, New Statesman, London,
Oct. 17, 1980, p. 22.
68. Oral statement
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ECOSOC, Feb. 1981 session (typescript copy), p. 1 and ECOSEC Re-
port 16, Mar. 1981.
69. Documents of the Ninth Congress of the Communist Party of
India, 3-10 Oct. 1971, Communist Party Publication, New Delhi, Jan.
1972, p. 414.
70. Resolutions of the National Council of the Communist Party of
India, 1 to 5 October 1970, Communist Party Publication, New Delhi,
Oct. 1970, p. 48-9.
71. Paris, AFP in English, 4 Nov. 1981, FBIS, VII, 4 Nov. 81, p. 1.
72. Aktuelt, Copenhagen, 5 Nov. 81, p. 2, translated in FBIS, VII,
13 Nov. 81, p. 3.
73. Paris AFP, in English, 18 Apr. 82, FBIS, VII, 19 Apr. 82, p. 1.
74. C.P.C. Working Committee, Kiev, Mar. 28-April 1, 1981,
mimeographed List of Participants, p. 4. John Barron, KGB op. cit.
footnote (36) p. 382; Soviet Active Measures, hearings before the
House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, July 13, 14, 1982,
(CIA prepared biography of Bogdanov, declassified Nov. 1982),
G.P.O., Wash. D.C., 1982, p. 70.
75. World Marxist Review, London, May 1959, p. 11 and 17 (Spano
in a footnote explained that the Khrushchov quote was not verbatim
but contained the gist of Krushchov's ideas).
76. See Andrzej Werblan's article "Contributions To The Genesis
of Conflicts" in the Warsaw magazine Wiesieczni Lileracki, June 1968,
p. 61-71 for an example of his anti-Semitic writing, (note a Library of
Congress translation of this article appears in Theory and Practice of
Communism Part 2-The Communist Party U.S.A.-Defender of So-
viet Anti Semitism), House Comm. on Internal Security, Feb. 20, 1973,
G.P.O., Washington, D.C., 1973, p. 2171f.
77. Meeting of European Communist and Worker's Parties for
Peace and Disarmament, Paris, 28-29 April 1980, Progress Pub. Mos-
cow, 1980, p. 36, 38, 12-13, 51, 52 and 58.
78. Frankfurter Rundschau, Frankfurt, 9 Feb. 1982, p. 1, translated
in FBIS, II9 11 Feb. 82, El.
79. Stockholm International Service in Swedish, 10 Feb. 1982, trans-
lated in FBIS, VII, Feb. 82, A3.
80. Information, Copenhagen, Mar. 6-7, 1982, in Danish translated
by JPRS (The Liaison Committee is also known as the "Coordinating
Committee").
81. USA: Economics, Politics, Ideology, Aug. 1980 (publication of
the Institute of U.S. and Canadian Studies, U.S.S.R. Academy of Sci-
ence), in Russian, translated by JPRS, 16 Oct. 1980, p. 35.
82. Leaflet of the NYU Young Communist Club and the Friends of
the Daily World, Feb. 13, 1969, Party Organizer, Vol. XVI, No. 4, 5, 6
(1982), p. 48.
83. Mimeographed Resolution From the Workshop on Nuclear
Power and Nuclear Weapons, USPC Conf., Phila., Nov. 9-11, 1979.
84. Kommunist, Moscow #12, Aug. 1979, translated by JPRS, 24
Oct. 1979, p. 150b.
85. Party Organizer, C.P.U.S.A. internal organ, Vol. XIV, No. 1,
1981 (only issue for this year published early 1981), p. 31.
86. Party Organizer, Vol. XVI, No. 1, Jan. 1982, p. 18-19.
87. Party Organizer, op. cit. footnote (82).
88. Soviet Active Measures, op. cit. footnote (74), p. 203 and 232.
89. Op. cit. footnote 4.
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