A CLASSICAL KGB DISINFORMATION CAMPAIGN WHO KILLED OLOF PALME?

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP90-00806R000100640037-0
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 99
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: August 5, 2010
• Sequence Number: 37
• Publication Date: October 1, 1986
• Content Type: REPORT

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SPECIAL
REPORT
A classical KGB
disinformation campaign
Who killed Olof Palme?
October 1986
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ME
SPECIAL
REPORT
OCTOBER 1986
Executive Intelligence Review
A classical KGB
disinformation campaign
Who killed Olof Palme?
This EIR Special Report was written by William Engdahl,
Goran Haglund, William Jones, and Paolo Serri. It incorporates
the work of a team of EIR researchers from Western Europe and the
United States.
Copyright EIR Research, Inc. 1986.
This report and its contents are for the
clients of Executive Intelligence Review
and are not for general distribution.
Reproduction of all or part of the
contents without explicit authorization
of the publisher is prohibited.
Publisher and responsible editor:
Anno Hellenbroich,
EIR Nachrichtenagentur GmbH,
Dotzheimer Str. 166,
D-6200 Wiesbaden, West Germany
Phone [phone]
Executive Intelligence Review
P.O. Box 17390
Washington, D.C. 20041-0390
Printed by Dinges+Frick, Wiesbaden,
West Germany
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Contents
Preface: Tracing the tracks of Palme's assassins ............. 7
Operation Edgar Allan Poe: Investigative hypotheses ........ 9
by Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr.
1. The KGB twin brothers:
Assassination and Disinformation
1. A classical Soviet desinformatzia campaign ............... 13
2. The Swedish police vendetta against the ELP ............. 37
3. Boris Pankin, To Ethnos, and Control Data .............. 42
1. What really happened: a chronology of events ............ 47
2. The disinformation campaign: how it unfolded ........... 58
3. Self-censorship as "psychological defense" ................ 67
Documentation: samples of press lies ...................... 69
1. The Northern Flank: key to Soviet military strategy ....... 72
2. The "Trust" and "Northern Route" Bolshevism ........... 86
Appendices I-IV ....................................... 100
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Preface by Swedish European Labor Party spokesman Michael Ericson:
Tracing the tracks of Palme's assassins
It is now over six months since the brutal shooting of Prime Minister Olof
Palme. Swedish leaders have treated the whole affair with almost criminal
negligence, despite widespread fear that the murder was just the beginning
of a general destabilization of Western Europe - a fear underscored in the
most frightening manner by the wave of terrorism now engulfing us. The
documentation in this EIR Special Report of a Soviet disinformation cam-
paign can play a key role in mobilizing the effort necessary to win this
Soviet-sponsored irregular war against the West.
After the news of the Palme murder hit the press, Lyndon H. LaRouche,
Jr., Founder and Contributing Editor of Executive Intelligence Review
magazine, launched "Operation Edgar Allan Poe!' LaRouche issued a
memorandum of investigative hypotheses regarding the assassination of
the Swedish prime minister [See page 9.1. LaRouche indicated a way to
"trace the tracks" of those who decided to kill Palme, by observing their
unavoidable attempts to cover them up.
An international team of researchers in both Western Europe and the
United States was established for this purpose. The wisdom of that step is
clearly verified by the published report now in your hands. It is perhaps
here in Sweden, where we are daily confronted with the fruitlessness of
other attempts to resolve this murder, by institutions possessing much
greater resources than the meagre means of the EIR, that this report will
reap its greatest benefits.
It is especially significant that this report will reach an international
public. The fatal shot fired on Feb. 28 was no mere Swedish affair. That
were impossible, given Scandinavia's strategic importance today. Already
toward the end of World War II, Soviet leaders made great efforts to
establish the "neutral Sweden" which we know today.
For those acquainted with Scandinavian politics, it is not the Kremlin's
political blackmail against smaller neighbors which stands out in this
report. Perhaps it will be more shocking to discover, that nominally
Western forces, financial and rentier interests, have maintained behind-the-
scenes collaboration with their oligarchical counterparts in Russia, to
undermine the nation-states of the West. Aside from the economic and
political deals with Moscow, those Western forces also share a cultural af-
finity with their Eastern friends in opposing the fundamental values of
Western humanist culture.
My party - the European Labor Party (ELP) - was created in Sweden
in 1975, inspired by the economic and philosophical ideas of LaRouche. We
have pursued a policy of full sovereignty for our nation, in concordance
with other sovereign republics - refusing to submit to the role of a
"satrapy" to an empire wishing to gobble up its neighbors. In that respect,
Sweden has long had a tradition of being fiercely independent. That is the
primary issue which has distinguished the ELP from the leadership of
Palme's Social Democratic Party. Other political differences are subsumed
by that underlying difference. That is why, as we were later to discover, the
Soviet secret services began to target our activities in Sweden in the very
beginning, when our influence was still small.
EIR's precise reconstruction of the KGB assassination and disinforma-
tion apparatus was aided by the fact, that during years past, our policies,
coherent with the policies pursued internationally by LaRouche and his
collaborators, had already provoked a series of enraged reactions by the
Kremlin, as well as its agents and stooges in the West. This EIR report, by
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reconstructing the who, when, and why of these attacks, has indeed resulted
in a manual-like description of the KGB modus operandi - a reconstruc-
tion which might help to uncover the tracks of those responsible for the
Palme murder.
We have shown, that there is a different role for Sweden to play, than that
of meekly complying with current Soviet demands. The campaigns which
we have undertaken in recent years, apart from the importance of the issues
themselves, have been a means of creating a sense of national identity on
a deeper level, where Sweden once again can make a positive contribution
to the progress of humanity.
We campaigned for rapid development of nuclear energy - both in
Sweden and for export - during the anti-nuclear hysteria which swept the
country like a plague during the period of the 1980 nuclear referendum.
The nuclear energy campaign showed how Sweden, with 80 percent of
Europe's known uranium resources and its own nuclear industry, could
help secure the energy requirements not only of Western Europe, but, more
significantly, of a developing sector which must take the first giant steps
out of the economic misery and destruction caused by the genocidal
policies of supra-national financial institutions in the West.
Our campaign against these very financial institutions and their lobby
organizations - like the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank,
and the Club of Rome - was significant in educating the Swedish people
concerning the absolute immorality of policies which have condemned
millions of people to die, in a genocide a hundred times worse than that
perpetrated on mankind by Hitler. The Swedish counterparts to these
financial institutions have been key in maintaining the oligarchical bridge
between Russia and the West, as documented here.
Our campaign to revive classical culture - against which sabotage
operations in the aftermath of the Palme murder have reached barbarous
levels - is reviving the basic concepts of Western humanism, after a long
period of regression to the infantile psychotic level of an Ingmar Bergman
or an August Strindberg. We have worked for reviving the spirit of the great
humanist tradition, from Plato to St. Augustine, from the Italian
Renaissance to the German classics and the 17th century period of Swedish
king Gustavus Adolphus.
Lastly, but perhaps of most immediate significance, we have conducted
a campaign to bring Sweden into the Western Alliance. Through a much-
publicized national tour in the summer of 1984, we proved that there are
very concrete and accessible measures which would transform Sweden and
Scandinavia from the weak link in the defense of Europe into a bastion of
the Western world. In part, this campaign was picked up in 1985 by a grow-
ing number of high-ranking officers, which became popularly known as
the "officers' revolt" against the appeasement policy of the government.
Our campaign for a strong northern defense, along with the campaign
for a new Strategic Defense Initiative - as launched first by LaRouche in
February 1982, and propagandized in a series of well-attended seminars in
Stockholm and several other Western capitals - provoked violent attacks
by the Soviet disinformation channels.
The architects behind the disinformation campaign likely viewed Sweden
as a weak flank in this mobilization against the growing Soviet threat. The
Soviets undoubtedly thought that they could get away with laying the
Palme murder at the doorstep of the ELP, as a first step in dismantling the
LaRouche mobilization globally. The Swedish news media, being what they
are, again followed the Soviet's lead on this matter.
That campaign has already backfired. The opinion of the Swedish peo-
ple is not reflected in the media lies. Whether or not the media believes its
own lies is not the issue here, although they did not hide too well the origin
of these lies. Their negligence has given the EIR staff an opportunity to lay
bare the Soviet disinformation apparatus in a way which has never been
done before. At the present critical juncture in European politics, this
report serves a vital role in exposing a campaign which now threatens the
very existence of our nations.
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Operation Edgar Allan Poe:
Investigative hypotheses
The following research memorandum, launching "Operation Edgar Allan
Poe," was issued on March 4, 1986, by EIR Contributing Editor Lyndon H.
LaRouche, Jr--
The international newsweekly, Executive Intelligence Review, hereby struc-
tures its ongoing investigation, to the purpose of defining editorial judge-
ment on both (a) the killing of the late Prime Minister of Sweden, Olof
Palme, and (b) the indicative features of international coverage of the kill-
ing, by news media, governmental agencies, and other relevant agencies.
This investigation is herewith named "Operation Edgar Allan Poe!' That
name is adopted for the practical purpose of identifying the methods and
outlook to be employed in the inquiry: to emphasize our abhorrence of the
contrary, more popular methods identified with the fictional Sherlock
Holmes.
The general investigative hypotheses to guide the inquiry at this stage, is
based on efforts to arrange the full array of available evidence in such a
manner as to narrow the investigation down to one among the following
general and more particular choices of motives for, and character of the
assassination.
1. The Killing was Motivated Either:
1.1 Simply to Kill Olof Palme;
1.2 Less to Kill Palme, than to produce the effect which the killing of
Palme was intended to produce.
2.1 The Motivation Was of a Personal or Business-Interest Nature, or Some
Combination of the Two;
2.11 Personal Revenge
2.12 Action In Defense of Some Personal Interest;
2.13 Revenge for Injury to Business Interests;
2.14 Action In Defense of Perceived Business Interest;
3. The Motivation Was Political, and was either one or a combination of
the following:
3.1 Swedish National Matters;
3.11 Intra-Party Motives;
3.12 Non-Intraparty National Motives;
3.2 International Political Matters;
3.3 Strategic Matters As Such.
For purposes of files-organization, each element of the foregoing listing is
to be treated as a "Boolean" conception, overlapping or not-overlapping
other elements of the array.
The foregoing list is an array of alternative or overlapping elements con-
sistent with the probable indications that the perpetrator operated in the
mode of a professional killer.
The most important clues to be considered, come from the area of news-
media coverage of the killing and investigations. Two characteristics of such
news-media coverage must receive special emphasis in the inquiry:
4. Efforts to divert suspicion to or away from certain classes of suspects.
5. Efforts to exploit the killing to generate a politically or strategically
significant reaction.
It need only be mentioned, that the Soviet disinformation channels are,
so far, most active in attempting to generate variously politically or even
strategically significant reactions to the killing. The pivotal question, is
whether political exploitation of the killing is merely opportunistic, or
whether the exploitation reflects in one sense or another the motivation for
the killing.
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Moscow's charges
against the CIA
So far, the most probable hypotheses are:
A. That Palme had been actually or plausibly instrumental in some recent
action or action-in-preparation, which prompted some agency to re-
quire the immediate killing of Palme as either revenge or prevention.
B. That Palme was killed by the Soviets or some related agency, because
the political value of Palme's bloody shirt was esteemed to greatly
outweigh the usefulness of the living Palme. This would coincide with
the use of either elements of international terrorism or Soviet-steered
ultra-right-wing groups as accessories to the action.
The special difficulty, is that the public and covert Olof Palme represent
somewhat distinct images. That is to emphasize the query: Did the motive
for ordering Palme's killing bear upon the authors' perception of Palme's
public or covert role.
Obvious circumstances local to Sweden, include:
1. The Gyllenhammar affair, and effects bearing upon the fall of the
stock-exchange values.
2. Increased threats to Sweden's national security.
3. Widespread expressions to the effect that Palme's actions had betrayed
allies and supporters.
The distinctive political circumstance, was that Palme's standing was at
a lower ebb than during his earlier electoral defeat. The best way to
eliminate Palme politically, was to keep him alive as a target of growing
hostility from all national sectors, including much of his former electoral
base. The effect of his murder, is to revitalize "Palme the martyr,' and thus
strengthen the perpetuation of the policies with which Palme was
associated.
The fact that Palme's killing has features of professional killing, is strong
indication of authorship by some agency qualified to pre-calculate the
political sequelae of such a murder. An agency which had the means to
deploy a professional killing, would have, "instinctively;" reckoned with the
fact that killing the politically discredited Palme would elevate his standing
to that of a "matryr:' This suggests either an agency which intended to pro-
duce such political sequelae, or which was so blinded by desire to kill Palme
that they were prepared to risk the political after-effects as part of the price
for immediately conducting the killing.
Who benefits politically and strategically? Most narrowly, Moscow
benefits. More broadly, the benefit accrues to the modern outgrowth of the
1920s "Trust;" the political "joint-stock company" interests of the contem-
porary form of the "bi-polar arrangements" between certain wealthy
Western interests and Moscow, including the so-called left wing of the
Socialist International. This benefit was pre-calculable; the success of the
killing, at first try, in an operation with the characteristics of a professional
assassination, strongly indicates an agency which either intended to pro-
duce such a pre-calculated effect, or which was so powerfully motivated by
more narrow considerations, as to disregard such pre-calculable effect.
The Moscow allegation, that the CIA was involved in the killing of Palme,
is worse than absurd insofar as this charge is understood to mean the U.S.
Central Intelligence Agency. However, there are certain powerful, private
agencies, which public opinion might confuse with the CIA, which are fully
capable of complicity in such a killing. I shall not name any of these agen-
cies (for obvious reasons of discretion), although I have several such im-
mediately in mind. I shall merely indicate the characteristic features of the
relevant problem, so that investigators may bear this line of inquiry in mind
as they weigh the evidence.
The killing of Palme occurs in the context of two global sets of events:
1) The global banking-collapse crisis now in progress, and
2) A cascade of extraordinary unleashings of coup d'etats and kindred
events in the setting of the period from the Geneva Reagan-Gorbachev
Summit to the present Soviet 27th Congress. A powerful faction of
bankers in the West, which has reached a global, "bi-polar" agreement,
through "back channels;" with Moscow, is acting to pull the United
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States out of the Strategic Defense Initiative, to pull the U.S. strategic
influence, rapidly, out of Europe, Africa, and Asia, and back to the
Americas. This same faction, is faced, simultaneously, with an im-
minently threatened general collapse of the U.S. banking-system, and
the chain-reactions this collapse portends for most of the world.
This "bankers' faction" in the West, is an integral part of the present-day
equivalent of the 1920s Soviet "Trust" organization, the continuing
"Trust"--linked organization within which Olof Palme's political activities
have been situated. The killing of Palme by such circles, or by aid of such
circles, would be, therefore, an "inside job!'
This "bankers' faction" of the West, has built up a massive, privately
operated, international intelligence capability, akin to the fictional "third
force" of the famous James Bond movies. This capability has penetrated
deep into the policy-making and operations capabilities of Western gov-
vernments, and is able to orchestrate the policies and actions of such
governments to suit its own purposes, in an increasing number of cases. It
has an operational capability more or less equivalent to that formerly com-
manded by the CIA.
With aid of the Socialist International and other left-wing and left-
liberal political forces, this "third force" (which could be named by names
of organizations and key personalities) has gained great power over nations
of the West and developing nations. Yet, at the point this "third force" is
at the verge of realizing its political objectives within the West, the immi-
nent collapse of the U.S. banking-system threatens to destroy much of that
power. This powerful "third force" is currently operating with blind
fanaticism and desperation, seeking to crush any force which resists it, or
even threatens to resist it.
The case of the destabilization of the Philippines, planned first under
President Jimmy Carter, and set into motion beginning 1982, is an example.
First, this "third force;" exerting great power on the U.S. and other govern-
ments, toppled President Ferdinand Marcos, and is now moving to dump
soon the new provisional President of the Philippines, Mrs. Corazon
Aquino. At the same time, the same "third force" is moving to destabilize
South Korea, completing another operation first set into motion under
President Carter. This means, in short order, that the U.S. bases in the
Philippines are lost, and the U.S. is out of the western Pacific and
Southeast Asia strategically, altogether.
The same forces are acting to destabilize Egypt, and to turncontrol of
southern Africa over to Soviet naval, air and missile forces based in Angola
and Mozambique. They are moving to a bloody destabilization of Panama,
backing the professed Nazi, Arnulfo Arias Madrid, as the "democratizing"
agency for the region of the Panama Canal. The list goes on, and is very
long.
It is to be said of this "third force;' this agency of the "bankers' faction;'
that "whom the gods would destroy, they first make mad!'
The political ideology of this nameable "third force;" is not exactly pro-
Soviet. They are, after all, an asset of a variety of wealthy financier families
joined, in common if also conflicting aims, with Moscow, in an arrange-
ment for consolidating a "New Yalta" version of a "bi-polar" dictatorship
over the planet. They work with Moscow on common interests, but also in
conflict with Moscow on other matters. They are turning over Europe,
Asia, and Africa, to Soviet strategic domination, while simultaneously ac-
ting desperately to preserve their financial interests in both the Americas
and parts of the world being abandoned to Moscow's strategic domination.
It is my first-hand knowledge, from a large accumulation of isolated
cases of such first-hand knowledge, that this "third force" is presently so
hysterical that it appears to have lost its senses entirely. This is the one ma-
jor force in the West which would have been capable of killing Palme with
the view of using Palme's "martyrdom" to reestablish Socialist Interna-
tional control over Sweden in particular. Or, this force would have readily
killed Palme, if Palme were suspected of moving as part of a Socialist Inter-
national effort to coopt the anti-IMF movement now rising in the develop-
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ing sector and parts of Europe as well. I have no indication that this "third
force" was implicated in the killing, only that, on the basis of patterns of
recent performance, they would be perfectly capable of such an hysterically
insane act.
The "third force" must be included among the list of general suspects,
for an additional reason. Under the "back-channel" arrangements between
Moscow and the Western, bankers' element of the present-day "Trust;' the
Soviets leave problems in the Western sector of "bi-polarity" to their
backchannel partners of the West, while the Western partners leave matters
in areas of Soviet strategic responsibility to Moscow. So, Moscow left the
destabilization of the Philippines and South Korea, to the "bankers' fac-
tion." So, most of the assassination-plots, harassment, and defamation
operations against me ordered by the Soviets, are run through the resources
of Western-based, or Sharon-linked private intelligence capabilities. In cer-
tain matters of agreement within the "Trust" arrangement, Moscow would
say to the bankers' faction: "That's your responsibility; take care of it'.' In
other matters, the Western partners would make the same sort of observa-
tion to Moscow, as in the case of the projected political elimination of
Passer Arafat.
If a "Trust"--centered killing of Palme were the case, Palme lies between
the cracks of Moscow's and bankers' faction responsibility. Either could be
responsible for the act, it could have been conducted jointly, and would
almost certainly have been done with a "need to know" degree of
knowledge of both.
I can not draw the conclusion that it was the "Trust" which killed Palme;
there are other possibilities not to be excluded. One can only say, that
whether the "Trust" was directly involved or not, the sequelae of the killing
will involve both principal components of the "Trust;" and, if it was not
the "Trust" which authored the killing, this fact itself would be a most
remarkable feature of the operation.
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1. The KGB twin brothers:
Assassination and Disinformation
A classical Soviet desinformatzia campaign
Georgii Arbalov issued Moscow's immediate,
pre-calculated response to the murder of
Palme.
The KGB
"Desinformatzia"
department
A few hours after Olof Palme was assassinated, the Executive Intelligence
Review identified the initial elements of what was soon to develop into one
of the most massive deployments of a Soviet intelligence disinformation
campaign ever seen.
EIR daily monitoring of Soviet moves identified an unusual rashness in
the Soviet propaganda response to the murder of the Swedish prime
minister. The first declaration, issued by the chief of the U.S.-Canada In-
stitute, Soviet Central Committee member Georgii Arbatov, on March 1,
just a few hours after the murder, reflected - by Soviet standards - an
extraordinary promptness in the Kremlin leadership and its underlings in
pursuing a clear strategy of operations.
As the Stockholm police investigation unfolded, and the surge of press
coverage of the event in both Swedish and international media began to
take shape, the EIR investigative work gridded the activities of known
Soviet disinformation specialists. These were coordinated with Western net-
works previously identified as working for, or manipulated by, the Soviet
intelligence service KGB. It was in this period that the names of two high-
level Soviet officials surfaced increasingly: Ambassador to Sweden, His Ex-
cellency, Boris Pankin, and Director General Sergei Losev of the Soviet
state news agency TASS.
Immediately after the March 18 world-wide media barrage of slanders,
lies and distortions against the Swedish European Labor Party (ELP) and
EIR founder Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr., an EIR representative had a con-
fidential exchange of views with a senior French intelligence officer on the
matter.
Briefed on the EIR's investigative discoveries, the officer could not but
underline the significance of both Pankin and Losev in the overall KGB
disinformation machine. The officer stated that the Soviet disinformation
campaign against the Swedish ELP and LaRouche was so typical that it
could be considered a "manual-like application of KGB disinformation
techniques." The French specialist added that the information in the EIR's
possession was enough material for "writing a couple of spy thrillers" on
the matter.
What will be presented here is a reconstruction of the Soviet KGB disin-
formation machine and how its operations began to unfold prior to the
Palme murder, reaching a peak during the subsequent murder in-
vestigation.
According to Soviet intelligence defectors, the KGB's Department D (Disin-
formation) was created, or rather, restructured, in January 1959 by the then
KGB Chief Aleksandr Shelepin. This occurred as a redefinition of Russian
strategy towards the West, following the death of Josef Stalin. The new
Department D was to coordinate with the Central Committee of the Soviet
Communist Party, the Committee of Information (the Disinformation
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Department) in the Soviet military intelligence GRU, and the two "active
measures" departments of the KGB itself - one responsible for in-
telligence networks and the other for counterintelligence.
The Central Committee of the Communist Party defines the re-
quirements and objectives, and maintains liaison functions through the Ad-
ministrative Organs Department , then lead by Mironov, and the
International Department, then led by Boris Ponomarev. Department D
was also closely working with the Soviet government through the State
Committee for Science and Technology.
Colonel Agayants (later General) was chosen to head this new Depart-
ment D. He had been the head of the political intelligence faculty in the
Intelligence Officers' School and a specialist on the Middle East and
Western Europe, with special concentration on Iran and France. His deputy
was Colonel Grigorenko, a specialist in counterintelligence work at home
and emigre operations abroad. Another key specialist was Colonel Vassily
Sitnikov, responsible for operations in Germany, Austria and NATO - a
person who will figure prominently in this story.
The task of the Disinformation Department, as described in all Western
manuals, which are largely based on reconstructions by Soviet defectors,
can be summarized in the following way: It is responsible for so-called "ac-
tive measures" (aktivnye meropriyatiya), as opposed to "wet work"
(mokriye dyelo), i.e., assassinations.
Included among the "active measures;" according to one standard work,
Brian Freemantle's book "KGB;" are "written or oral disinformation,
forgery, the creation of false rumors, manipulation and control of foreign
media, the manipulation of political action in foreign countries, the use of
agents of influence, the use of clandestine radio stations, use and
manipulation of foreign communist parties and international front groups,
support for international revolutionary and terrorist groups and, if possi-
ble, political blackmail'."
In 1968, one year after taking over the KGB, Yuri Andropov restructured
Department D, renaming it Department A. In the early 1970s, its functions
were upgraded - moving from a "Department" to a "Service" status -
thus acquiring a higher position in the KGB organizational structure and
much greater access to the resources of the KGB.
This restructuring occured simultaneously with the reconstitution of
Department V, responsible for "wet work" - assassinations, kidnappings,
sabotage, etc. Department V was made part of Directorate S, the so-called
"illegal" section of the KGB. Directorate S has overall responsibility for
recruiting, training and deploying "illegals" into the West, for the purpose
of infiltrating organizations, parties, the mass media, political institutions,
police and secret service agencies, etc.
Now, both Department A (disinformation) and Department V
(assassinations) were placed directly under the KGB's First Chief Direc-
torate, whose officers, in coordination with the assassination and disinfor-
mation departments, plan and execute political assassinations.
This special coordination between the disinformation and assassination
departments of the KGB - as one Russian specialist expressed it, "they are
living under the same roof" - should be understandable even to the
layman. Disinformation operations launched by an intelligence agency
have two primary functions.
First, they must exploit, to their own agency's advantage, some political
or other event, occurring independently of the agency, in their own or in
the enemy's camp. Secondly, they must exploit, to their own agency's ad-
vantage, or, at least reduce the potential damage to it, events they have
created or helped to create in the camp of the enemy. If a section of an
agency plans the physical elimination of a political or other opponent,
disinformation operations must assure that the investigation of that
assassination does not lead, even accidentally, back to the agency's
doorstep.
The EIR's successful identification of the role of the KGB disinforma-
tion apparatus in connection with the Palme murder, in an operation
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His Excellency Boris
Pankin
Boris Pankin reached the rank of KGB
Lieutenant General and head of the KGB's
Service A for disinformation before arriving
in Stockholm as Soviet ambassador in 1982.
already "in place" at the time of the murder, combined with a series of
strategic and other considerations, has led to the documented conclusion,
that Soviet intelligence had an ultimately primary role in the physical
elimination of the Swedish prime minister.
Here the principal figures of this Soviet disinformation machine - the
dramatis personae - will be first introduced, followed by the actual un-
folding of the disinformation campaign itself.
One exemplary case, demonstrating the modus operandi of the joint
assassination-disinformation deployment of the KGB, is provided by the
Soviet penetration of Greece in the 1970s - a case which also in other
respects is directly relevant to our story.
On December 23, 1975, the "station chief" of the American CIA in
Greece, Richard Welsh, was assassinated in the streets of Athens. On
August 22, 1979, the former American ambassador to Greece, Henry
Tasca, was also murdered in that country. Tasca had a background in in-
telligence since World War II, and had served as American ambassador to
Athens during the period of the Greek military junta.
The junta was overthrown in the summer of 1974, thanks to
"geopolitical" arrangements with Moscow authored by Henry Kissinger's
State Department. Kissinger had used his underling, Joseph Sisco, as the
"case officer" for the overthrow of the junta - a process which led to An-
dreas Papandreou's, a Soviet agent of influence, coming to power in 1981.
During the period between the Welsh and Tasca assassinations, there
were a series of murders of approximately one dozen senior Greek army,
police and gendarmerie general officers, all of whom had collaborated with
both Welsh and Tasca.
According to various Western intelligence officers, the Soviet coor-
dinator for the anti-CIA operations in Greece was a person already men-
tioned in connection with the 1959 restructuring of the Soviet KGB -
Colonel Vassily Sitnikov. In April 1975, nine months after the overthrow
of the military junta, Sitnikov paid a visit to Greece, during which he ac-
tivated a group of old Greek Civil War era communist guerrillas, led by one
Yannis Yannikos. Yannikos later became the head of a rather interesting
publishing house [See Chapter I, Section 3.].
Since 1973, Colonel Sitnikov's cover was that of deputy director of the
Soviet Copyright Agency (VAAP). The director of VAAP between 1973
and 1982 was none other than Boris Pankin, who, in October 1982, would
become the Soviet ambassador to Sweden.
The significance of Pankin and Sitnikov was highlighted during a
celebrated- 1982 trial in Greece between New York Times correspondent
Paul Anastasi and the publisher of a Greek daily, To Ethnos. The Greek
daily proved to be a special disinformation project of Pankin's, and accor-
ding to reports made known as a result of the trial, Pankin and Sitnikov
had reached the respective ranks of Lieutenant General and Major General
in the KGB's Service A for disinformation while at the VAAP agency.
Pankin was reputed to be the head of Service A, a position that placed him
among a handful of the most important officers in the KGB overall. It was
a position he may have maintained after his 1982 assignment to Sweden.
As VAAP director, Pankin also held the rank of minister in the U.S.S.R.
Council of Ministers. The VAAP has 400 officers in its Moscow office and
today maintains representative offices in 27 countries around the world. In
1976, a certain Arthus I. Pakhomenkov was in charge of the VAAP section
for "Fiction and the Arts." This proves to be a significant connection, on
two counts: Firstly, the coordination of all so-called "fiction writers" is a
KGB speciality. Secondly, in 1977, Pakhomenkov was transferred from
Moscow to head the Swedish VAAP office, the first Western VAAP office
to be opened.
According to many Western sources, as VAAP director, Pankin was one
of the most important cultural figures in the Soviet Union. He exercized
censorship rights over everything published in the country, including all
published material imported from the West. Furthermore, he presided over
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Sergei Losev:
"assassination specialist"
Pankin and Losev's
KGB scribblers
the KGB disinformation apparatus. In both positions, the official and
"unofficial" one, he was coordinating a group of KGB and GRU officers,
who could be best described as the "LaRouche watchers" within Soviet in-
telligence.
According to Soviet sources, one of Pankin's "closest friends and col-
laborators" is the current director general of TASS, Sergei Losev. Accor-
ding to these same sources, Losev has been "centralizing all the information
around the Palme investigation from his office in Moscow" EIR in-
vestigators confirmed, that Losev frequently travelled to Scandinavia dur-
ing the 1983-85 period. Soviet sources report, that his last sojourn in
Stockholm was at the end of 1985, although this is denied by Pankin's em-
bassy staff.
Born in 1927, Losev's "official" career has always been within TASS. He
started as a foreign correspondent, to become the TASS editor in Moscow
in 1950, later holding the positions of Chief Foreign News Editor, First
Deputy Director General, and finally, Director General, a post to which he
was appointed some ten years ago. The position of TASS Director General
represents a high-level position within the Soviet "Nomenklatura:" and
Losev is considered by reliable Western intelligence specialists to be a high-
ranking officer in the KGB Disinformation Service.
For students of Soviet espionage, this is no surprise. It should be noted
that Losev's predecessor as chief of TASS, Viktor Anissimov, was exposed
in the 1950s for running five espionage networks in Sweden. In September
1951, this Swedish counterintelligence discovery led to the arrest of Swedish
naval engineer Hilding Andersson.
Losev is also described by Soviet journalists as a "specialist on assassina-
tions" In fact, he wrote several investigative books with another KGB
"journalist:" whose name our readers should keep well in mind, Vitalii
Petrusenko. Their books can be described in intelligence jargon as "hatchet
jobs" directed against the American CIA. In June 1981, Losev and
Petrusenko published a book, "Crime without Punishment:' on the Ken-
nedy assassination. The book depicted, in their own words, "the sinister
mechanism of conspiracies and political murders in the USA, set up by oil
tycoons and ultra-reactionary politicians, CIA professionals and Mafia
chiefs'."
In August 1984, the Soviet press announced a new book by this KGB
duo: "USA: Operation Eliminate!' According to the summary of the book
reviews issued by TASS - i.e., authorized by Losev himself! - the book
"goes into the true facts behind the murders of John and Robert Kennedy,
Martin Luther King and Malcolm X, suggesting that these deaths were the
result of organized plots involving the CIA and powerful reactionary
circles"
Around the axis of Pankin and Losev, a group of well-known and powerful
Soviet journalists and authors rotate, all of whom are high-ranking figures
in the KGB or GRU. Attacks against LaRouche and the CIA originate with
this group. This group includes, apart from Petrusenko, a nest of operatives
in the KGB "cultural" organ, Literaturnaya Gazeta - Fyodor Burlatskii,
Julian Semyonov, Iona Andronov and Aleksandr Sabov. Furthermore, last
but not least, the dean of Soviet "anti-fascist" researchers, Ernst Henry,
who has over 50 years of Comintern intelligence experience behind him.
Since the 1950s, Burlatskii was an intimate acquaintance of Soviet KGB
chief, and later Secretary General of the Communist Party, the late Yuri
Andropov. In a Literaturnaya Gazeta article of Oct. 26, 1983, Burlatskii at-
tacked Lyndon LaRouche and Helga Zepp-LaRouche by name, as well as
the West German ELP, for their campaign in favor of a new strategic
defense doctrine for the West:
"Reading [the LaRouche proposals], I did not know if I
should be indignant or laugh about the amusing and ridiculous
maxims of the authors, the conjugal symbiosis of the
American LaRouche and his wife, the German Helga Zepp-
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LaRouche, who come out in the name of the committee of a
nonexistent party (sic). We will not pay attention to their trivial
pretentions.."
Contrary to this feigned disinterest, Burlatskii and his KGB superior
paid a lot of attention to LaRouche and to the ELP, as will soon become
evident. Surely among his other motives, Burlatskii had a personal vendetta
to carry out, since EIR had blown his cover at a nuclear-freeze conference
in Minneapolis, Minnesota that same year.
Soviet press coverage of LaRouche during this period became nearly
hysterical. Alarmed by the "well attended conferences" organized by EIR
in Europe on the Strategic Defense Initiative, the Soviets described
LaRouche as a "troglodyte" and a "caveman" On March 28, 1984, the
Literaturnaya Gazeta correspondent in Paris, Aleksandr Sabov, reported
on one of these conferences held in the French capital:
"Such cynical speculation on the heritage of Roosevelt and
de Gaulle are resorted to by the U.S.-based 'International
Caucus of Labor Committees' [the philosophical association
founded by LaRouche - edit.], which in Europe is called the
European Labor Party. Even the `free' press directly calls this
caucus and party neo-fascist organizations, protected by the
CIA, and calls its leader, the American Lyndon LaRouche and
the Frenchman Jacques Cheminade, `Fiihrers' ... Had this been
altogether a sparsely-attended and insignificant meeting, I
would not for the world draw [attention to it] ... But, alas, it
was well attended'.'
Here, Sabov resorts to a classical KGB disinformation gimmick, later us-
ed extensively in its operations around the Palme case: citing Russian assets
in the "free" Western press against LaRouche, in order to "confirm" its
allegations.
Two other Literaturnaya Gazeta celebrities - both with the rank of col-
onel in Soviet intelligence - who are part of the "LaRouche watchers"
group are the spy-novel writer, Julian Semyonov, and Iona Andronov. Se-
myonov emerges repeatedly, along with Ernst Henry, in dirty operations
against LaRouche and the West German ELP.
Andronov has been the Literaturnaya Gazeta correspondent in the
United States for more than a decade. In October 1984, the Paris-based
Soviet emigre, Anatolii Gladilin, writing for the Manchester Guardian,
identified him as "a KGB career officer, Colonel Iona Andronov." This fact
has, however, been known to Western counterintelligence specialists for
years.
Andronov also wrote for To Ethnos, Pankin's Greek disinformation dai-
ly. It is no surprise that, in May 1985, Andronov admitted to an informant
that, "Pankin is a man with an open mind, whom I have known for years!'
After Pope John Paul II was shot on St. Peter's Square in Rome on May
13, 1981, the KGB assigned Andronov to counteract the Western expose of
the Bulgarian and Russian intelligence services' involvement in the
assassination attempt. Again, he resorted to attacking LaRouche, the ELP,
and the CIA. Writing in Part III of his Literaturnaya Gazeta series, on July
6, 1983, Andronov said:
"Wiesbaden. Dotzheimer Strasse No. 164. The West German
branch of an American subversive institution under the mask
`Neue Solidaritat' [the weekly founded by Helga Zepp-
LaRouche - edit.]. The speciality of the Wiesbaden center is
to infiltrate the ranks of the peace movement supporters and
left-leaning youth organizations, shadowing them and
disorganizing them from the inside. The basic method of their
diversionist intrigues is an intensive anti-Soviet propaganda..'.'
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Georgii Arbatov
sets the tone
KGB General Mikhail Milshtein, the military
specialist of the Palme Commission.
Here, Andronov was using a standard KGB disinformation tactic, which
might be characterized as killing two birds with one stone: First, he por-
trayed LaRouche and affiliated organizations as a "subversive" CIA opera-
tion - printing the EIR's address in Wiesbaden for the benefit of leftist
terrorists. Second, he falsified a statement of an EIR correspondent,
allegedly attacking the CIA as responsible for the assassination attempt
against the Pope! For those in the West in a position to know about
Literaturnaya Gazeta and Andronov, this piece would indicate that the EIR
was working with the KGB in trying to blame the CIA for the attempted
murder of John Paul II.
After this cursory look at the KGB's "star reporters" and "authors"
around Pankin, who form the group of the "LaRouche watchers" within
Soviet intelligence, we will now examine the live phase of the KGB disinfor-
mation campaign around the assassination of Palme.
Palme was killed in the late evening of Feb. 28, 1986, while walking home
from the cinema with his wife Lisbet. Despite a very tense strategic situa-
tion, Palme had no protection. International warnings had been issued of
terrorist activities in Holland and Scandinavia, and Sweden in particular.
The official police explanation for the lack of security measures is, that
Palme himself did not want to have a police escort. This might very well
be the case, but it does not answer the question of why the Swedish police
and security authorities failed to provide the prime minister with even a
discreet security screen on that evening. Was this the result of an incompe-
tent evaluation resulting in a tragedy, or was it the expression of something
far more sinister?
If the Swedish security and police authorities were allegedly caught off-
guard, the same cannot be said of the Soviet leadership and its intelligence
agencies. On March 1, the morning after the murder, they had already
worked out their explanation of the assassination, as it was presented at the
27th Party Congress, then in session. It was Central Committee member
Arbatov who was to set the tone for the prepared Soviet orchestration of
disinformation. Arbatov, a member of the Palme Commission on Disarma-
ment and Security Issues, was identified on July 4, 1984 by the most
authoritative Italian daily Corriere delta Sera as connected to the GRU, the
Soviet military intelligence agency.
Radio Moscow was first to publish Arbatov's remarks, and then the rest
of the Soviet media picked up on cue. As Western analysts commented to
EIR and to other press representatives, given the traditional slowness of the
Soviet propaganda (disinformation) machine, the rapidity of the official
Soviet response to the Palme murder was extraordinary.
Twelve hours after the murder, Arbatov stated the following: "I do not
know who killed Palme, but I know all too well who hated him.... I saw
demonstrations against him by fascist hooligans, inflammatory articles,
and provocations. Reaction loathed Palme'"
The same day, Losev's news agency TASS identified Western circles op-
posed to "peace" and "disarmament" as being responsible for the murder
of the Swedish prime minister. These not-so-concealed allusions were made
more explicit later on by the Soviet disinformation machine, which began
attacking LaRouche and the Swedish ELP by name, characterizing them as
"reactionaries" and "fascists;" who propose that "Sweden should join
NATO:"
Arbatov himself also became more explicit. At a meeting of the
American Society of Newspaper Publishers in Washington, D.C. on April
11, 1986, he stated that "LaRouche is a fascist;" and characterized the vic-
tories of two LaRouche Democrats, Janice Hart and Mark Fairchild, as
reflecting "a certain trend'" On March 18, Hart and Fairchild had won the
nominations for Secretary of State and Lieutenant Governor in the Illinois
State Democratic primaries. "It is very disturbing;" Arbatov continued, "to
see a population motivated by racial intolerance (sic) and nationalism...
This is an event which should not be overlooked, it could be very serious"
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KGB Colonel Radomir Bogdanov, Arbatov's
deputy in subverting the West.
The case of Pierre Schori
KGB Colonel Arne Treholt
Another person who did not overlook the KGB disinformation cam-
paign was the Norwegian Social Democrat, Johan Jorgen Hoist - soon to
become Norwegian defense minister. A member of the Trilateral Commis-
sion, and, until his appointment as defense minister, Executive Director of
the Norwegian Foreign Policy Institute, Hoist is also a member of the
Palme Commission, along with such celebrities as Arbatov, KGB General
Mikhail Milshtein and KGB Colonel Radomir Bogdanov.
In a conversation with a journalist on March 5, Hoist echoed Ar-
batov's statements, saying that "the extreme right-wing group" in Sweden
that's for "Star Wars" - President Ronald Reagan's Strategic Defense In-
itiative - were the ones which "hated Palme the most." Although Hoist
hypocritically added that, of course, he doesn't want to intimate that the
ELP or LaRouche were in any way involved in the Palme murder, he im-
mediately put their names in the context of the assassination, almost two
weeks before the media barrage against the ELP started on March 18.
Further evidence of the KGB's modus operandi against LaRouche and the
ELP was provided to the EIR by an American, who had a conversation
with Pierre Schori, the undersecretary of the Swedish foreign ministry and
reputed "intelligence czar" of the Swedish Social Democratic Mafia
machine. The conversation occurred shortly after Chief Prosecutor K.G.
Svensson had resigned on May 16 from the Palme murder investigation, in
protest over Police Chief Hans Holmer's handling of the case, particularly
Holmer's faked evidence against the initial suspect, Gunnarsson, who was
under arrest March 12-19 [See Chapter II, Section 1.].
Schori praised the media attacks against the ELP, which had come to a
halt only because of the unfortunate "difference of opinion" between
Svensson and Holmer, which prompted Gunnarsson's release. Schori ad-
mitted having raised the issue of LaRouche or ELP involvement in the
murder directly with the Soviets, who, however, had "absolutely nothing"
to substantiate their allegations of such an involvement.
Schori, who also admitted having talked about LaRouche with Henry
Kissinger for many years, said that he himself was of the opinion that the
opportunity should have been seized to carry out a police raid on the ELP's
offices, and go through all their papers "with a microscope:' but that this
proposal, regrettably, had been rejected.
The real significance of these private comments of the Swedish foreign
ministry undersecretary will be underscored below, in the light of his career,
which defines him as one of the most significant Soviet agents of influence
in Sweden and in the West. Schori is united with Arbatov and Hoist in the
attempt to implicate the ELP and LaRouche in the Palme assassination.
An even deeper connection between the three has surfaced thanks to the
exposure, in January 1984, of one of the biggest espionage scandals in the
entire post-war period - the arrest of Norwegian foreign ministry official
Arne Treholt.
On Jan. 20, 1984, the press spokesman of the Norwegian foreign ministry,
Social Democratic official Arne Treholt, was arrested by Norwegian police'
and security services at the Fornebu Airport in Oslo, en route to Vienna
to meet his KGB controller, Major General Gennadi Titov. Treholt had a
bag full of classified documents with him. Thus ended a career of Soviet
espionage which had apparently lasted 17 years.
In the trial which followed, Treholt was found guilty of espionage and
sentenced to a 20-year jail term. The trial, many portions of which were
held in camera, did not, however, reveal all the major international implica-
tions of the Treholt operation - implications that touch upon the role of
the Western "Trust" finance-rentier interests, which have been working
with the Soviet regime since its birth. These implications take one from
Athens to Stockholm, and to the highest levels of the so-called U.S. Eastern
Establishment.
While working as a journalist for the Social Democratic daily
Arbeiderbladet in Oslo, young Treholt came into contact with Soviet in-
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Norwegian KGB Colonel Arne Treholt (left)
during one of his secret meetings in Vienna
with his KGB controller, Major General
Gennadi Titov.
Again Pankin and Schori
telligence - as early as 1967. Treholt was the leader of the leftist
Norwegian Committee for Democracy in Greece, an anti-junta front
group, when he met Soviet diplomat and KGB recruiter, Yevgenii Belyayev.
One year earlier, Treholt had met Andreas Papandreou, whom he inter-
viewed for his paper. As he testified at the trial, this was the beginning of
a "long friendship" between the two men, which continued until Treholt's
arrest. When he was in Athens in 1984, invited by the Greek government
to celebrate the 10th anniversary of the overthrow of the junta, Treholt
stayed at the private residence of Prime Minister Papandreou.
Immediately after Treholt's arrest, when reached by the Norwegian press
for a comment, Papandreou's good friend and minister of culture in the
Papandreou government, aging singer and actress Melina Mercouri, could
only state: "Tell me it's not true. Why, all of us love that man! ... The entire
Greek government is in a state of shock at this news. He's done so much
for Greece. He is a personal friend of ours'."
After his arrest, Treholt started to talk. Despite purposefully contradic-
tory reports in the Norwegian and international media, this high-level of-
ficial, who, according to some sources, had NATO cosmic top-secret
security clearance - i.e., access to the most important military secrets of
the West - evidently was a "KGB Colonel" Treholt revealed a series of
Soviet agent-runners and, in particular, he exposed Soviet control over the
northern European peace movement, a fact which is essential to the Palme
case.
The interrogation showed that some of the coordination of the Treholt
espionage ring was run directly out of Pankin's embassy in Stockholm.
Aleksandr Lopatin, who had to leave Sweden, was operating as one of
Treholt's KGB contacts. Lopatin was responsible for infiltrating the Scan-
dinavian Social Democratic organizations.
Besides providing the Soviets with Western military and related secrets,
Treholt was an "agent of influence;" i.e., accomplishing political tasks for
his Moscow masters. Treholt's political assignments were coming directly
from the International Department of the Soviet Communist Party's Cen-
tral Committee, led by Boris Ponomarev, from Arbatov's U.S.-Canada In-
stitute, and from Pankin's KGB disinformation apparatus.
According to the French weekly Vendredi, Samedi, Dimanche of July 5-11,
1984, during his interrogation, Treholt issued a series of explosive declara-
tions which were never allowed to surface at the trial. The VSD revelations
appeared in an article entitled, "The Confessions of the Norwegian Spy
Minister',' written by Editor-in-Chief Philippe Bernert, and reflected
Norwegian counterespionage findings which were passed on to French in-
telligence. EIR received the same list of names, and is able to confirm the
allegation of the French weekly. The VSD wrote:
"A first report based on Treholt's declarations concerns
Sweden, in particular. The report, which includes a list of
names of people at the highest levels of the Social Democratic
government in Stockholm, is most embarassing for the Swedish
counterespionage services.
"Treholt targets as `agents of influence' or `active sym-
pathisers' personalities in the very `entourage' of Prime
Minister Olof Palme...
"At the very center of this machine, one could find, since
1982 - the date of the return to power of Olof Palme and his
Social Democratic team - Soviet Ambassador to Stockholm
Boris Pankin, a leading figure of the KGB Disinformation
Department. He is the number one Russian specialist in press
matters: he has directed the Copyright Agency in Moscow, and
the Komsomolskaya Pravda (official paper of the Communist
Youth). His wife, Valentina, is herself a press technician, a top
reporter at the Literaturnaya Gazeta, specializing in Islamic
countries.
(...)
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"Treholt spoke at length of one of `Palme's boys,' a personal
friend of Fidel Castro, linked to the Managua Sandinistas, who
has made Sweden a land of asylum for certain Latin American
refugees on the run...
"These (Soviet) operations take place, according to Treholt,
on three different levels: within the UN delegation, at the
Swedish representation to the Disarmament Commission of
Geneva, and in certain Swedish embassies in the West...
"It is through women that the KGB succeeds in its most am-
bitious operations. Treholt mentioned the example of the
mistress of an important minister, of the wife of a Supreme
Court magistrate of Stockholm, and of a female television pro-
ducer who is very popular in Sweden. The Swedish press is
reported to be particularly targetted by the Soviets; an impor-
tant morning paper and one of the most important evening
papers are reported to be headed by Soviet `agents of influence'
According to Treholt, a person in a position of responsibility
at the Swedish TV, an eminent member of a conservative party,
would refuse Moscow nothing.."
The career of
Fidel Castro's friend
"Palme's boy" Pierre Schori, now
undersecretary of the Swedish Foreign
Ministry, rose to prominence within the Social
Democratic secret intelligence organization
(SAPO) in the early 1970s.
The "Palme's boy" mentioned is, of course, Pierre Schori. Born on Oc-
tober 14, 1938, Jean-Pierre Olof Schori had the following career:
? Graduated in 1962 from the Lund University.
? Secretary of the Party Executive of the Swedish Social Democratic Party
(SAP), 1966.
? International Secretary, SAP Executive, 1968.
? Section Head, Developing Sector Department, Swedish Foreign
Ministry, 1971.
? Editor of the SAP's ideological journal Tiden, 1971.
? Division Head, Office of the Prime Minister (Palme), 1973-76.
? International Secretary, SAP Executive, 1976.
? Undersecretary, Swedish Foreign Ministry, 1982.
? Reputed leader of the secret SAP intelligence organization, the so-called
SAPO, since the fall of 1973.
Schori was a specialist on Latin American affairs, working for Willy
Brandt's Socialist International since early in his career: his connections to
and friendship with Fidel Castro, the Sandinistas, and all kinds of terrorist
organizations are well known. His career started with a 6-week trip during
November-December 1966 to 15 Latin and Central American countries, on
behalf of the International Union of Socialist Youth.
The web of contacts and relations that Schori has established since -
in his own words, the best network of its type in all of Europe - consists
of precisely those left-wing elements of the Socialist International in Cen-
tral and Latin America exposed by U.S. intelligence as being controlled by
the Soviet KGB, on the basis of material discovered after the invasion of
Grenada. Documentary evidence was found on the island to prove KGB
control over this Socialist International network associated with Schori.
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Back to the Treholt story
Arne Treholt (left) with his boss, Norwegian
Minister of Sea Rights Jens Evensen (right),
on a visit to Moscow. Treholt's advise to
Evensen in crucial border negotiations with
the Soviets made it appear as though "the
KGB was on both sides of the bargaining
table:'
Besides the Swedes, Treholt's activities implicated the top leadership of the
Norwegian Social Democratic Arbeiderpartiet, including party vice
chairmen Reiulf Steen and Einar Forde, the head of the party's Interna-
tional Committee Thorvald Stoltenberg, and Jens Evensen, the man who
fostered Treholt's Norwegian government career in the 1970s and 1980s,
while Evensen was Minister of Sea Rights.
Evensen negotiated with the Soviet government on the demarcation lines
separating the Soviet from the Norwegian fishing and economic exploita-
tion zones in the militarily sensitive Barents Sea region. Treholt advised
Evensen to accede to the Soviet demands to extend their zone further West
- a major military concession in one of NATO's most vital anti-submarine
defense corridors, crucial for the U.S. defense against the Soviet submarine
fleet stationed at Kola. Treholt's role in these negotiations, in the light of
his being a Soviet spy, led the Norwegian press to comment that the "KGB
was on both sides of the bargaining table."
It was Evensen who, in 1979, under the influence of Treholt - and to
everyone's astonishment - revived the proposal for a Scandinavian
nuclear-free zone. He made this proposal at a trade union conference,
without prior consultation with even top foreign ministry officials of his
own government. Treholt was given the outline for this proposal by his
KGB superior, Maj: Gen. Titov, who had received the draft from
Ponomarev and Arbatov.
Despite the fact, that he was already under suspicion, in the spring of
1982, Treholt was allowed to join the ultra-secret Norwegian Military
Defense Staff College, Forsvarets Hoyskole. Prior to this he had been with
the Norwegian United Nations mission, since 1979, in New York City, in
charge of economic and social affairs under the Social Democratic govern-
ment of Odvar Nordli.
Although two FBI agents were deployed on a 24-hour basis to surveil
Treholt, and although he maintained regular contact with his KGB con-
trollers - Titov and KGB officer Vladimir Zhizhin - surprisingly, his
cover was not blown. An intelligence "miracle" explained only by Treholt's
high-level connections to (and protection by) the "Trust" nework, in the
U.S. and elsewhere.
Already at the beginning of the 1970s, Treholt was assigned by Titov to
go to work for Johan Jorgen Hoist's Norwegian Foreign Policy Institute,
the same Holst who would later quote Arbatov on the Palme murder.
Hoist's institute has been a long-standing center for disarmament pro-
posals and anti-SDI propaganda in Scandinavia.
Hoist is an intimate friend of Kissinger-crony Helmut Sonnenfeldt, a
curious fact, which should not be so surprising: Kissinger and Sonnenfeldt
have been under investigation and publicly attacked by patriotic U.S. in-
telligence specialists, who have denounced their role as Soviet agents of in-
fluence. Kissinger was forced to leave his post in the Kennedy
Administration, because of these investigations, an embarassment quickly
remedied when he was appointed National Security Adviser to President
Richard Nixon in 1969 - the compromising files on him and Sonnenfeldt
have mysteriously disappeared from the U.S. archives.
During the Treholt trial, Sonnenfeldt was asked to testify regarding
details of certain meetings he had with Hoist in February 1980 and in 1981.
According to the Norwegian press in February 1985, Sonnenfeldt's answer
was arrogantly self-assured: "I say the same thing to Holst that I would say
to the Russians themselves (sic), or for that matter, to VG [a Norwegian
daily]" However, since the trial developed into a cover-up of the higher
levels of the "Trust" network, the transcript of Sonnenfeldt's remarks has
been stricken from the published, official record, marked "Not Made
Public"
The Treholt connection brings to light another, similarly tainted figure,
the current U.S. Ambassador to West Germany, Richard Burt, former
Assistant Secretary for European and Canadian Affairs at the U.S. State
Department. It was Burt, who, as a New York Times journalist, leaked
highly sensitive information concerning the redeployment of U.S. radar
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The KGB and Sweden
Mikhail Yakovlev, Pankin's predecessor as
ambassador to Sweden, had a solid spy career
even before his 1971-82 tenure in Stockholm.
and listening stations from Iran to Norway, an operation code-named
"Chalet!' Burt is a good friend of Hoist, as well as a friend of former
Carter Administration official and New York Times colleague, Leslie Gelb,
who is also a member of the Palme Commission.
Given Schori's connections to his friend Kissinger, Treholt's relations to
Hoist and Sonnenfeldt, and Pankin and Arbatov's role in the Treholt es-
pionage affair, the similarities between the public and private statements of
Arbatov, Hoist and Schori on the Swedish ELP and LaRouche with regard
to the Palme murder appear in a more revealing light. This will become still
clearer as the KGB disinformation network is further unraveled.
Historically, Bolshevik Russia has maintained a kind of "special relation-
ship" with the Swedish oligarchy, and with the ruling Social Democratic
machine: A relationship which the Russians, loyal to their convictions and
aspirations, have tried to transform into a relationship of empire-to-
satrapy. This is also true for the massive historical penetration by Soviet in-
telligence of a large number of Swedish institutions and organizations.
It is no secret in the Western intelligence community that Sweden is view-
ed as a "Russian paradise;" to which Soviet spies are recycled, after being
expelled by other Western countries. On January 13, 1986, the Italian daily
Il Giornale reported: if Soviet spies "are expelled, or simply removed from
their positions, they will end up in the Swedish capital, where there is the
highest concentration of East Bloc 007's who have been kicked out of other
Western capitals'"
The best known case is former Soviet Ambassador Mikhail Yakovlev.
During the war, Yakovlev worked as a teacher for the KGB. In 1960, he was
appointed ambassador to Congo, and then to Iraq, from where he was ex-
pelled for espionage. He then became the headmaster of the "diplomatic
(i.e., spy) school" of the Soviet foreign ministry until 1971. That same year,
he was appointed ambassador to Sweden.
Apart from the United States, Sweden is considered to host the highest-
ranking Soviet espionage network in the West. Besides Lt: Gen. Pankin, the
Stockholm embassy includes, according to reliable counterintelligence
specialists, three other KGB general officers and one GRU general officer.
Current Soviet KGB "resident" (i.e., station chief) in Sweden is General
Nikolai Seliverstov, a 55-year-old officer who has been stationed in the
country since 1980. In contrast to his KGB colleagues, Seliverstov does not
live in an apartment in downtown Stockholm, but in a special section of
the Soviet embassy itself. According to Swedish military counter-
intelligence sources, the "KGB special group" led by Seliverstov, "is there
to penetrate the circle of political advisers around Olof Palme"
One of Palme's advisers, who has continually received the "red carpet
treatment" in Moscow, is Pierre Schori.
In order to trace the roots of the Soviet-orchestrated disinformation
campaign against LaRouche and the Swedish ELP, which reached its peak
in the aftermath of the murder of Palme, one has to go back to this period
of the mid-1970s. Vitalii Petrusenko, whom we identified earlier as the
closest KGB collaborator of TASS chief Sergei Losev, wrote a book in
1976, entitled: "A Dangerous Game: CIA and the Mass Media'"
Beginning on page 162, there is a section of Chapter VIII entitled,
"Solidarity - CIA style:' where Petrusenko devoted six pages to attacks
on LaRouche, the paper New Solidarity and the philosophical association
which LaRouche initiated, the National Caucus of Labor Committees
(NCLC) and its European section, the European Labor Committees (ELC).
Petrusenko wrote:
"In the autumn of 1975, public attention was drawn to a
statement by Per Fagerstrom, press secretary of the prime
minister of Sweden, in which he said that the NCLC represen-
tatives `are energetically compiling everything they can find out
about leading Social Democrats. This is simple, concrete infor-
mation which is well-suited for data processing' To this a
spokesman for Sweden's mission to the United Nations added:
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`The European Labor Committees and the International Press
Service [New Solidarity] have been coming to press conferences
of members of the Swedish government. They have been ex-
tremely disruptive. They have been active in a very extraor-
dinary manner'
"The Swedish newspaper Aftonbladet wrote that the `ELC is
operating as a pro-Communist group (sic), but in reality is a
North American anti-Communist organization which in
Sweden and other countries is suspected of having committed
various acts of espionage and sabotage!
"A number of papers, including the West German Die Tat,
reported that former CIA Director William Colby and former
CIA Deputy Director Ray Cline had admitted that the CIA an-
nually provided New Solidarity with $90,000 and that about 80
percent of its staff were CIA and FBI people"
The KGB's "independent"
Western sources
Of course, Colby and Cline never "admitted" such a thing. Putting the
significant case of Die Tat aside for a moment, attention will first be focus-
ed here on the standard KGB tactic of quoting "independent Western
sources"
Aftonbladet is a Social Democratic paper, which already in 1975 launched
a big campaign against the European Labor Committees, the predecessor
organization of the European Labor Party in Sweden; one of its former
chief editors, Gary Engman, was exposed by Treholt together with Schori
and others as "Soviet agents of influence or active sympathizers" The other
"source" used by Petrusenko, "a spokesman for Sweden's mission to the
United Nations;" also appears dubious, given that Treholt also mentioned
Anders Ferm, the head of the Swedish mission to the United Nations,
among the "Soviet agents of influence or active sympathizers;" according
to intelligence sources in Western Europe.
But the first "source" quoted by Petrusenko is the most interesting one
- Per Fagerstrom. When Petrusenko wrote this, Fagerstrom was working
under Schori in the Prime Minister's Office. On March 18, 1986, in the
middle of the media barrage against the ELP, Fagerstrom refered a jour-
nalist interested in the ELP to talk to a certain Hakan Hermansson, who
works as a journalist for the Social Democratic paper Arbetet in the
southern Swedish city of Malmo.
Hermansson, a personal friend of Schori, is working with him at the mo-
ment, writing a book on Afghanistan. Already in 1975, Hermansson wrote
a pamphlet-length attack on LaRouche and the ELP, and has been con-
sidered an "ELP specialist" within the Social Democratic Party. His
newspaper, Arbetet, was so committed to destroying the ELP and ex-
ploiting the emotional effects of the Palme murder, that it crudely violated
the Swedish code of press ethics, by publishing the full name and picture
of the initial suspect, Gunnarsson, who was under arrest at the time.
Most of the press claimed, despite ELP denials, that Gunnarsson had
been a leading member of the ELP for many years. In order to "prove"
this, they not only resorted to lies and distortions, but to outright forgery.
On the evening of March 18, Hermansson stated to a journalist:
"Another fact, which we ourselves discovered at the newspaper today, was
that already in 1976, when we had elections in Sweden, he [Gunnarsson -
edit.] was one of a group of ELP members who clashed with Social
Democratic election workers during a rally at which Olof Palme was pre-
sent in the city of Orebro"
In fact, that very day, Aftonbladet had ran a full-page picture "showing"
Gunnarsson and an ELP group demonstrating with pickets outside the
Social Democratic rally in 1976. This totally fabricated story was picked up
by other papers, in Sweden and worldwide. In order to boost the validity
of the picture, Aftonbladet even added that Gunnarsson - along with the
other ELP'ers in Orebro - filed a complaint with the local police against
the Social Democratic party workers, who had assaulted them at the rally!
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now the disinformation
campaign began
No attention was paid to the ELP's denial. The day after, however, on
March 19, Aftonbladet was forced to print a small, half-hearted retraction
of the story. The person identified as Gunnarsson in the picture was in
reality an active Social Democratic party member, who now threatened to
sue his own paper, if they did not carry a retraction!
Was Hermansson, Fagerstrom and Schori's collaborator, blind in his
anti-ELP fury, or was he simply retailing what he was told to say? The
distinction does not really matter, since, in the same period, Foreign
Ministry Undersecretary Schori was demanding that the police conduct a
totally illegal Nacht and Nebel raid on the ELP's offices.
At this point, the KGB disinformation campaign had reached its peak.
After the initial signal given by the GRU's Georgii Arbatov, the Soviet
disinformation campaign's first salvo aimed directly against the ELP hit
simultaneously in Denmark and West Germany. On March 3, three days
after Palme's death, the Danish mass-circulation tabloid Ekstra Bladet ran
an article by its "star reporter;" Paul Gazan. Ekstra Bladet stated that
"sources in the police leadership reveal they are looking intensely at right-
wing extremist groups, such as the Swedish neo-Nazis and the so-called
`European Labor Party, which also has a branch in Denmark'.'
That same day, the Berlin-based pro-terrorist paper Tageszeitung (TAZ)
issued the same charges against the ELP, writing that "the security police
is mainly focusing on right-wing extremist circles including the `European
Labor Party'..!'
The simultaneous attack from these two papers is not so extraordinary,
if seen from the standpoint of the KGB disinformation network. Ekstra
Bladet's lawyer is a certain Jan Schultz-Lorentzen, among whose clients
one finds also the Danish radio journalist Peter Poulsen, who slandered the
ELP in Denmark as "fascist" Poulsen was taken to a Danish court by the
ELP in 1983, found guilty of slander, and fined.
Interestingly enough, Schultz-Lorentzen was also hired as the lawyer for
Danish "peace activist" Arne Herlov Pedersen, when he was accused of be-
ing a Soviet agent. Pedersen had been given money by KGB Colonel
Makarov, in order to collect signatures of leading Danish cultural per-
sonalities for an advertisement in the Danish press, calling for a nuclear-
free zone. This was the same Makarov who was the case officer for Arne
Treholt, when Maj: Gen. Titov had to leave Norway in 1977. In Denmark,
Makarov was operating under diplomatic cover from the Soviet embassy in
Copenhagen.
"Star reporter" Paul Gazan has been a steady contributor to the Danish
leftist sheet Information. Gazan has been on the editorial board of a series
of left-wing tabloids, including the pro-terrorist Politisk Revy and
Socialistisk Politik. The key journalist at Information is one Jorgen
Dragsdahl, a leading conduit of Soviet propaganda in Denmark, himself
married in Moscow to a Russian citizen.
A pupil of the Comintern agent and leader of the communist
"resistance" during World War II, Count Elias Bredsdorf, Dragsdahl has
spent over a decade slandering the ELP. Dragsdahl was the "expert" called
into court to testify against the Danish ELP by the Albanian-linked Danish
Communist Party (Marxist-Leninist) - DKP(M-L). This group has also
been taken to court and sued for slandering the ELP as "fascist" They were
found guilty and fined by a Copenhagen court in 1984, appealed the case,
and lost again.
The pro-terrorist Tageszeitung was co-founded by Hans Christian
Strobele, a former lawyer of Andreas Baader of the West German terrorist
organization, Rote Armee Fraction (RAF). Strobele is reported to have
received part of his professional training from a high-level East German
agent, Friedrich Karl Kaul, who also played a role in Pankin's To Ethnos
project.
In their haste to try to "implicate" the ELP in the Palme murder, the
KGB's underlings made a revealing blunder. The writers of the articles in
Ekstra Bladet and in Tageszeitung both admitted that their information
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The Gunnarson
connection
A KGB mole
in the Swedish police?
came from the Swedish daily Expressen, although they published their ar-
ticles one day before Expressen published its own slander against the ELP.
The March 4 Expressen article, written by crime reporter Leif Brann-
strom, who is often leaked information by the police, claimed that the ELP
is on a list of suspected right-wing or terrorist organizations under in-
vestigation by the Swedish security police (SAPO). Brannstrom adds that
the ELP is "known for hate propaganda against Olof Palmer" the code
words issued by Arbatov on March 1. In the same issue, Expressen made
its own blunder, by publishing an article by Arbatov himself, again
rehashing his original KGB disinformation line, about "who hated Palme"
In the meantime, the newly-formed police task force investigating the
Palme murder, led by Stockholm Police Chief Hans Holmer, had secretly
picked up and interrogated a 32-year-old Swede, by the name of Gun-
narsson. Allegedly, the police picked him up on the basis of a tip provided
by somebody, but, initially, found nothing to incriminate him.
Gunnarsson had approached an ELP book table in downtown
Stockholm in April 1984. At that time, the ELP was collecting signatures
required to file its national party registration forms before the upcoming
1985 Swedish national elections. Gunnarsson signed the ELP petition on
the spot, and therefore his name appears together with that of 1,800 other
Swedes on the registration forms deposited by the ELP with the Electoral
Office of the National Tax Authority.
Gunnarsson showed no interest whatsoever in doing anything to help the
campaign, nor was he interested in contributing any money to the cam-
paign. He never attended any ELP meeting, nor did he ever write anything
for any ELP publication. Noticing some unbalanced features in Gun-
narsson's reactions, the ELP cut all contact with him, in May 1985.
Nonetheless, the "Gunnarsson connection to the ELP" was transformed by
a KGB-manipulated media disinformation campaign into the "main track"
of the Palme investigation.
Despite the fact that Gunnarsson was released after initial questioning
on March 2, sources within Holmer's task force or the SAPO, already at
this early stage, leaked to some selected journalists the story of a potential
ELP "involvement" in the Palme murder. This leak within the police
should be of crucial importance to any competent investigation of the
Palme assassination.
In fact, as security specialists have pointed out, Gunnarsson has the profile
of a typical agent provocateur: frequent foreign travels, knowledge of
several languages, membership in various churches and cultist sects, etc. In
the light of the systematic disinformation campaign later conducted, where
the alleged "Gunnarsson connection" was the key element used to im-
plicate the ELP in the murder of Palme, it cannot be excluded that Gun-
narsson was "sent" to the ELP booktable in April 1984, so that his
signature would appear on the ELP registration forms. If so, then the same
source in the police apparatus, who controlled and deployed Gunnarsson,
could be the KGB mole who leaked to the press about an alleged "ELP
track" in the Palme murder investigation.
This hypothesis is, at least in part, supported by another article publish-
ed in Denmark. Gunnarsson had again been picked up by police for inter-
rogation on May 10, and arrested on May 12 as a possible suspect, but his
name was not made public, since the Swedish code of press ethics stipulates
that the identity of a detainee must remain undisclosed, until he or she has
been tied to the crime.
Nonetheless, the Danish tabloid BT published an article by Jan Sogaard
on March 14, titled, "Olof Palme Murdered by Communist Haters:' echo-
ing the Arbatov-KGB theme. BT is owned by the same group which runs
the "conservative" daily Berlingske Tidende. The associate editor of "con-
servative" Berlingske is Nils Norlund, brother of the chief ideologue of the
Danish Communist Party, lb Norlund. Nils Nerlund is married to Willy
Brandt's former wife. BTs feature writer, Jens David Adler, is a member
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The KGB's
"conservative" side
"Ex-syndicalist" Hans Lindquist, a "very
reliable source" for police spokesman Leif
Hallberg (below).
of the Pugwash movement, Moscow's nuclear disarmament asset in the
West. BT wrote:
"The 35-year-old, who is suspected for the murder of Olof
Palme, was already known to the Swedish security police
SAPO (sic). The reason is his connection to the extreme right-
wing movement, the `European Labor Part' According to
sources in SAPO, the 35-year-old has been a sympathizer of the
EUP (sic) and has worked on a freelance basis for the party,
among other things by authoring articles for party journals. In
those, he has been very aggressive against Olof Palme.
Therefore, the 35-year-old was registered [by the police]"
Aside from the lie that Gunnarsson was "authoring articles for party
journals;" the fact that his name was on the ELP's registration forms was
not known at that time, not even to the journalists, who would "discover"
it only three days later. Thus, someone in the police or security police was
evidently complicit in trying to implicate the ELP in the murder. Were these
the same sources who "sent" Gunnarsson to the ELP in the first place?
Again, one must ask why police protection was not provided for Palme on
the evening of Feb. 28.
On March 17, Holmer announced to the press that the 32-year-old
suspect was going to face charges as a perpetrator of the Palme murder.
That was the long-expected signal for the KGB media disinformation cam-
paign to explode into a world event.
The media campaign peaked on March 18, carried first by Swedish Radio,
and then later by television and radio througout the world. It was Sweden's
leading "conservative" daily, Svenska Dagbladet, which spearheaded this
campaign. The paper carried a front-page title, "Suspect to Be Charged,
Member of Political Sect:' over an article written by Richard Aschberg and
Sune Olsson. Ironically, Richard Aschberg is the grandson of the key
Swedish "Trust" operative at the beginning of this century, the "Red
banker" Olof Aschberg, a friend of Lenin [See Chapter III, Section 2.].
Already, Svenska Dagbladet had gone on record as the "conservative"
counterpart to the Social Democratic Aftonbladet in campaigns against the
Swedish ELP. In September 1984, Svenska Dagbladet had run a two-part
series by journalist Willy Silberstein, slandering the ELP as a "political
sect;" which had sent its members for paramilitary training in West Ger-
many, and which was forcing its female members to have abortions, so that
they could work harder!
The fiction of the ELP's weapon training in West Germany was picked
up on March 19, 1986, by Aftonbladet, which was not ashamed to run -
one day after the false picture of the ELP and "Gunnarsson" - a two-page
fabrication, lying that the West German Nazi-terrorist Karl-Heinz Hoff-
mann, who was jailed some years ago, had trained at least six Swedish ELP
members!
The chief difference between the "conservative" Svenska Dagbladet and
the Social Democratic Aftonbladet is, that while the latter accused the ELP
of being a CIA operation, Svenska Dagbladet, with a more conservative
readership, blasted the ELP as KGB!
Svenska Dagbladet journalist Willy Silberstein had based his "research"
on the ELP primarily on the work of another journalist, Hans Lindquist,
the political editor of a small liberal paper, Falu Kuriren, in the Dalarna
province. Most of the slanderers of the ELP in the March 1986 KGB-
campaign, whatever their angle ("CIA;' "KGB:' "Ku Klux Klan:' "political
sect;" etc.), cite Lindquist as the "expert" on the ELP. Even police sources,
and Holmer's task force spokesman Leif Hallberg, have described Lind-
quist as a "very reliable source on the ELP?' Sune Olsson from Svenska
Dagbladet referred to Lindquist. Leif Brannstrom, from Expressen, also
referred to Lindquist.
Who then is this Lindquist? A former member of the Soviet-controlled
"Syndicalist" organization, together with Professor Joachim Israel, Lind-
quist has spent more than a decade of his life attacking the ELP and
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The ADL connection
Chip Berlet
and Dennis King
LaRouche. Already in 1976, he published an article slandering the ELP as
KGB. Interestingly enough, he has also written a manuscript, not yet
published, entitled "The Brown Shirts of the Seventies;" the same title
which was used for a pamphlet written against LaRouche in the U.S., by
another so-called "LaRouche expert;" Dennis King.
This use of the same title was not accidental, nor was it mere journalistic
plagiarism. It reflects instead the common Soviet intelligence matrix for
operations against LaRouche, both in the U.S. and in Sweden.
Another person who referred to Lindquist was the head of the Anti-
Defamation League (ADL) in Sweden, Gabriel Stein, who also recom-
mended investigators to contact Aftonbladet for more information on
LaRouche. This is not as strange a connection as it might appear. In 1975,
the first banner-headline attack on the Swedish ELP, carried by Af-
tonbladet, was written by communist activist and psychologist, Gun
Zacharias, a member of a Jewish family that emigrated from the Soviet
Union. Zacharias was one of the guiding figures in the formation of the
post-1968 leftist movement, and has also given lectures for Swedish military
circles.
The material used by Lindquist against the ELP is the same mixture of
slanders and lies collected by the ADL in New York City. The ADL,
nominally a pro-Jewish lobby organization, is, in fact, an organized-crime
connected organization, which maintains back-channel contacts with
Soviet intelligence, primarily through the left-wing of the Socialist Interna-
tional. In other locations, the EIR has published extensive documentation
of the ADL's drug-lobby connections, and will refer to it here only cur-
sorily.
In 1977, LaRouche initiated an in-depth investigation of the interna-
tional drug trade, leading to the publication of the best-selling book,
"Dope, Inc." The organized-crime linked ADL decided to launch a major
campaign to destroy LaRouche, who had dared to unveil the financial
secrets behind the drug trade. Since drug trading also involves some
criminal elements of Jewish origin, like the late infamous mobster Meyer
Lansky, since that time the ADL has labelled LaRouche "antisemitic;'
"Nazi;" "KKK-connected:' a "Fiihrer;" and so forth.
The ADL case officer in charge of defaming LaRouche is the head of
the ADL's so-called "Fact Finding Division:' Irwin Suall. Suall is an of-
ficial member of the Socialist International, a close friend of Willy
Brandt's personal assistant, Klaus-Henning Rosen, and of Pierre Schori,
with contacts to the American League for Industrial Democracy. Among
Suall's agents, one also finds terrorists like the Jewish Defense Organiza-
tion's Mordechai Levi, who publicly threatened LaRouche with assassina-
tion, in a press conference in Israel on August 23, 1986. The press slanders
are primarily conduited through Chip Berlet from Chicago and Dennis
King from New York City.
Chip Berlet wrote one of his first articles against LaRouche in the official
drug-lobby paper in the U.S., High Times, which paper openly advocates
the legalization of drugs. Dennis King, a former Maoist of the Progressive
Labor Party, who was convicted of fraud, wrote a series of articles against
LaRouche for the New York City throwaway paper Our Town. The
publisher of Our Town, Ed Kayatt, was convicted of extortion, while his
chief sponsor, homosexual Roy Cohn, was one of the recent fatal victims
of the AIDS epidemic. Cohn, an adviser to the infamous Senator Joe
McCarthy in the 1950s, was also the legal counsel for the five major Italo-
American Mafia families of New York.
The ADL's documented involvement with organized crime can only be
highlighted here:
? Kenneth Bialkin, the retiring national executive committee chairman of
the ADL, is one of the two senior managing partners of the ADL's law
firm, Wilkie, Farr and Gallagher. In January 1980, a jury in the U.S.
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Dennis King, a former Maoist convicted of
fraud, cooperates with drug lobbyist Chip
Berlet (below) in conduiting slanders against
LaRouche for the Anti-Defamation League.
Southern District Court of New York ruled that Wilkie, Farr, and
Gallagher had to repay $35 million of investments, which had been
looted from the Fund of Funds of fugitive financier, Robert Vesco.
From 1968 until the exposure of Vesco's criminal activities in 1975,
Wilkie, Farr, and Gallagher had represented Vesco's companies, in-
cluding Investors Overseas Services, Fund of Funds, etc. Vesco is today
safehoused in Havana, Cuba.
? On Janury 29, 1982 Italian authorities brought suit before the U.S.
Southern District Court charging that Sterling National Bank, the ADL
bank, together with former Nixon Administration Treasury Secretary
David Kennedy, had aided Michele Sindona in robbing $27 million from
the Banca Privata Italiana. Murdered this year in an Italian prison, Sin-
dona was reputed to be one of the major bankers for the international
Mafia.
? In 1983, the ADL gave its "Torch of Freedom" award to Morris Dalitz,
one of the best-known American Mafia leaders and a founding member
of the notorious, Cleveland-based "Purple Gang"
These examples could be multiplied ad infinitum. For details, we refer the
reader to the book, "Dope, Inc"
Not only did the ADL issue its drug-lobby slanders against LaRouche
and the ELP in Sweden. It was also directly involved in the illegal police
witch-hunt investigation of the ELP. First, Irwin Suall appeared on NBC-
TV's Nightly News on March 18, certifying that "it is not inconceivable"
that a person connected to LaRouche might have killed Palme. Secondly,
the ADL provided a liaison between the U.S. State Department, Israel's and
Sweden's embassies in Washington, the Swedish foreign ministry and the
Swedish police. In short, the same Kissinger-linked networks around Pierre
Schori, which had been exposed, but not destroyed, as a result of the inter-
rogation of Treholt.
EIR's investigation showed that Jonas Hafstrom, a Moderate Party
associate employed as the first secretary at the Swedish embassy in
Washington, approached the Israeli embassy for assistance in the Palme
murder investigation. The Israeli deputy chief of mission, Elyahim
Rubenstein-Migdal, in turn directed the ADL to turn over its files on
LaRouche to the Swedish authorities. Abe Foxman, International Affairs
Director of the ADL, received these instructions before traveling to Israel.
Foxman saw to it that members of the Swedish embassy were given access
to the ADL's files, some of which material was reportedly "coded" for
transmission to the Swedish foreign ministry, for distribution to Holmer's
task force through Nils Rosenberg.
Meanwhile the State Department's Swedish Desk, through a certain
Richard Christensen, advised journalists to get in touch with Goran
Rosenberg, a Swedish TV journalist in Washington, D.C. Christensen
characterized Rosenberg as a person well-informed about the ELP. In 1982,
Rosenberg, together with his colleague Larsolof Giertta, had produced a
vicious TV program against the ELP, slandering the party as "Nazis" The
TV program featured "experts" on LaRouche, such as Milton Ellerin from
the American Jewish Committee and Michael Harrington of the
Democratic Socialist Organizing Committee. Both these individuals have
close connections to the ADL's Irwin Suall.
Yet another significant link in this Swedish-American axis against the
ELP and LaRouche, was the press attache at the Swedish Washington, D.C.
embassy, Stig Hadenius. Along with Schori and others mentioned above,
Hadenius was one of those singled out by Treholt in 1984 as belonging to
the category of "Soviet agents of influence or sympathizers,' according to
EIR's sources. Again and again, EIR's reconstruction turns up Soviet
agents, Western representatives of the "Trust" and organized-crime con-
nected figures - all deployed in the disinformation campaign against
LaRouche.
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Searchlight for the KGB
Who runs Gerry Gable?
A further piece in the puzzle, also connected to the ADL operation in Scan-
dinavia, is represented by the London-based "investigative" and "anti-
fascist" monthly journal, Searchlight. Here again, the tracks of the story
lead back to Soviet and DDR intelligence networks.
The January 1986 issue of Searchlight reported on an EIR seminar held
in October 1985 in London. Concerned, as the journal claimed to be,
"about the two hundred people who were at the meeting;" and about the
high level of the audience, Searchlight mounted an attack on LaRouche -
an attack which became significant for developments in Sweden two
months later. Under the headline, "Far Right Spooks Move In;" and with
the caption, "U.S. private intelligence agency at work in UK;" Searchlight
wrote:
"A former member of the organization that we spoke to warned us that
the organization `kills' and a UK private security firm, which has strong
links to British intelligence, has given a similar warning:'
The article continued, quoting U.S. officials, that EIR is "one of the best
private intelligence agencies in the world;" and stressed - as did
Petrusenko in his book - that LaRouche's influence is particularly strong
in Latin America, "where EIR operates a string of `bureaus' and maintains
the highest-level links with a number of governments, especially those of
Guatemala and Mexico!'
The circulation of the line that LaRouche's organization "kills;" is not
simply a wild accusation by some obscure British publication, but rather
a multi-level, sophisticated feature of Russian-run propaganda in prepara-
tion for a major disinformation operation. Searchlight was founded by
Maurice Ludmer, an old communist agent, who died in 1981. His compa-
nion, the current chief editor of the magazine, is one Gerry Gable. The
Russian embassy in London obligingly provides inquirers with the
memorized address and telephone number of Searchlight, in case of need:
the liaison to the journal is maintained through the Soviet embassy's press
attache, Gennadi Shabanikov.
Gerry Gable was born in January 1937. A former member of the Young
Communist League, Gable ran as a Communist Party candidate in the
Northfield ward of Stanford Hill, north of London, in 1962. According to
the British Sniper intelligence publication, Gable "was also linked to the
Zionist `antifascist' 62 Group, formed by veterans of the anti-Mosley
group. The 62 Group (mostly supporters of the Beginite Herut Organiza-
tion, a political successor to the Irgun Zvai Leumi terrorist group) specializ-
ed in direct action, infiltration, dirty tricks, and burglary."
In fact, in January 1964, Gerry Gable and two of his companions were
convicted at Highbury Magistrates Court for committing burglary in the
apartment of right-wing historian, David Irving. According to Sniper,
Gable's functioning as an agent is documented by the fact, "that Gable has
been passing information to Special Branch [British political police], MI5
[British internal secret service] and foreign security services for twenty
years; he has served as a conduit for misinformation and `black' propagan-
da between MI5 and the media..'.' Sniper also quotes from a private letter
by Gerry Gable, in which he claims to have connections to the "French and
British security services... I may try somebody at the Israeli Foreign Office
that I know.."
The EIR can now shred some light on exactly who Gable's real controllers
are. For years, he has worked with the Paris-based representative of the
ADL, Shimon Stanley Samuels. Gable has admitted, that he and Samuels
coordinate operations against the LaRouche organization in Scandinavia.
In fact, the afore-mentioned Swedish "ELP watcher;' Hans Lindquist, has
admitted, that he has worked for Samuels on anti-ELP operations in Scan-
dinavia. What Gable does not admit is even more significant. His
intelligence-gathering and "dirty-tricks" operation is ultimately under
Soviet intelligence control, mainly through the mediation of VVN-related
"Nazi-hunting" networks.
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Ernst Henry, aging KGB spy-master and
disinformation specialist, was deployed in the
campaign against LaRouche and the ELP -
see Chapter //, Documentation.
"Destroy the ELP!"
VVN is spelled out, Vereinigung der Verfolgten des Naziregimes - Bund
der Antifaschisten ("The Society of those Persecuted by the Nazi Regime
- League of Antifascists"). The VVN was created in the Soviet-occupied
zone of Germany in 1945, and works under the auspices of the Soviet world
umbrella organization, the Coordinating Committee of International
Veterans' Organization.
Gathering survivors of Nazi concentration camps, like Gable's friend and
collaborator at Searchlight, Maurice Ludmer, who was at Bergen-Belsen,
the VVN has the official cover of gathering news on the revival of Nazi and
neo-Nazi groups, antisemitism, etc. In reality, it is a tightly-run Soviet and
DDR intelligence operation, with most of its personnel coming from the
German Communist Party (DKP), and it currently serves as a covert plann-
ing structure for the low-intensity warfare unleashed against the Federal
Republic of Germany and its industries by terrorists, pacifists and
ecologists.
The key personnel in the VVN structure are: Max Oppenheimer, who
collaborated with British intelligence during the war, Kurt Erlebach, Emil
Karlebach, an official member of the DKP, Paul Grunewald, and others.
As in the case of Searchlight, any Soviet or East Bloc "journalist" based
in West Germany will refer to the VVN archives for anything concerning
LaRouche and the ELP.
Some VVN leaders admit personal acquaintance with the family of
"master spy" Markus ("Misha") Wolff, the head of the infamous East Ger-
man intelligence service, Staatssicherheitsdienst (STASI). Organizationally,
the VVN "depends" on two East German agencies, the Institut fur Interna-
tionale Politik and Wirtschaft (IPW - Institute for International Politics
and Economy), based in West Berlin, and the Komitee der Widerstands-
kampfer (Committee of Resistance Fighters), in East Berlin.
In Moscow, this Soviet and DDR run "antifascist" operation has been
controlled by two individuals mentioned above, in the context of the
Pankin-Losev KGB disinformation apparatus: Ernst Henry and Julian Se-
myonov.
Semyonov, who has the rank of GRU Colonel, is a "correspondent" for
Literaturnaya Gazeta in several countries, and has often been caught runn-
ing operations against LaRouche. Spy-novel author Semyonov was the first
to initiate the new vogue of the Russian-KGB "James Bond" aura, with
popular films and TV series made of his books, as part of the current
Stalinist revival in the Soviet Union.
Ernst Henry, now over 80 years old, is also known to Western intelligence
sources under his real name, Semyonov Rostovsky, and has been identified
by British press as the "spy-master of the Philby circle" He began his "anti-
fascist" capers in the 1930s, operating as "Anatolii Grimov;" primarily in
Austria and Germany. In 1940, he was assigned to the Soviet embassy in
London, and then moved to the U.S. to assume direct control of Soviet spy
Donald Maclean. Returning to Moscow in 1951, the same year Maclean
defected, Ernst Henry is still active today. One of his more recent opera-
tions was to "expose;' in an article in Sovietskaya Rossiya in May 1981 -
one week before the assassination attempt on John Paul II - how the CIA
controls the Turkish Grey Wolves.
The official VVN publication, Die Tat, is the same that KGB disinformer
Vitalii Petrusenko quoted as his "independent Western source" for the
claim that in 1976, "the CIA annually provided New Solidarity with
$90,000 and that about 80 percent of its staff were CIA and FBI people"
Thus another piece has been located in the puzzle of the KGB's disinfor-
mation apparatus, deployed for years against LaRouche. Here the story of
Svenska Dagbladet is resumed.
As pointed out above, Richard Aschberg, the grandson of the Soviet's "Red
banker;" together with police "leak" Sune Olsson, were the ones to fire the
March 18 opening salvo against the ELP with a front-page article in Sven-
ska Dagbladet. Repeated attacks on the ELP by Willy Silberstein, and
Silberstein's connections to Hans Lindquist and the Swedish ADL, have
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The case of
Leo M. Muller
been identified. It should be noted here that one of Silberstein's best
friends is the communist journalist Folke Schemanski, from the radio pro-
gram "OBS Kulturkvarten;" in which the ELP was attacked in the spring
of 1984. Schemanski's sister Vera Oredsson leads the Swedish Nazi party,
Nordiska Rikspartiet.
On March 19, the day Gunnarsson was released, Svenska Dagbladet went
on inventing lies that would make Goebbels blush, claiming that Gun-
narsson was in the ELP already in the mid-1970s. Svenska Dagbladet also
quoted the Soviet-contaminated U.S. Heritage Foundation saying that ELP
supporters in the U.S. receive "terrorist training"
Despite the fact, that the release of Gunnarsson deprived the media of
their number-one card against the ELP, Svenska Dagbladet, the house
organ of the Swedish oligarchy, continued its lying. On April 2, the paper
carried an "insight" column, entitled "A Sect with Obscure Branches;"
written by editorialist Fredrik Braconier, which is nothing short of a
clarion call for banning the Swedish ELP organization.
Braconier whined about "the ELP's sick and frightening campaigns
against various people. Add to that the ELP's obviously rather intensive
information-gathering on an international basis. In a number of instances,
their information has been transmitted to intelligence services and govern-
ment authorities'."
"Can such activities be considered generally acceptable? The public ac-
tivities of the ELP has long passed the limits of decency. They react menac-
ingly toward those who investigate their activity. It is not reasonable that
this sect, with its international branch and obscure aims, unchecked and
undisturbed be able to gather data in Sweden about conditions in the coun-
try and concerning private individuals"
After the international press campaign targetting the ELP, with the
Swedish press, and Svenska Dagbladet in particular, trying to outdo Goeb-
bels in lies and forgery, complaints about the "unchecked" and "undisturb-
ed" activity of the ELP reveals, indeed, an intense fear of the ELP - a
fear verging on schizophrenic paranoia.
As one might have expected, this oligarchical phobia of the ELP led
Svenska Dagbladet to make some serious mistakes, which exposed the
pawprints of the KGB Disinformation Department. And, by now, these
pawprints should be quite familiar to the reader.
On Aug. 5 and 6, 1986, Svenska Dagbladet gave prominent coverage to
the lies of the New Jersey organized-crime-linked bank, First Fidelity,
claiming that "organizations associated with Lyndon LaRouche" had
"defrauded the bank of $750,000'." That same day, the same lies were refer-
red to by Tageszeitung, the pro-terrorist Berlin-based paper. On Aug. 7,
Svenska Dagbladet carried a large "scoop;" claiming to have discovered the
"secret headquarters" of the European Labor Party in Germany, with a
large photograph and a description of the home of the manager of EIR
magazine's German bureau, Anno Hellenbroich.
What was actually behind these new attacks by Svenska Dagbladet? The
New Jersey First Fidelity bank had been denounced by EIR and exposed
in a local court for its drug-related money laundering practices and
organized-crime connections - including connections to leading ADL per-
sonalities. A countersuit launched by the bank against "organizations
associated with LaRouche" was a desperate attempt by First Fidelity's cor-
rupt management to avert a prison term. Svenska Dagbladet had obviously
decided to side with the mob bank against LaRouche!
The Svenska Dagbladet article of Aug. 7 is even more interesting. The
author, a Svenska Dagbladet correspondent in West Germany, Tomas Lun-
din, writes that EIR knew "exactly who my informant is: name, address,
profession, etc. Information that in fact should have been impossible to ob-
tain" What was the real story? Lundin had approached and photographed
Hellenbroich's home in late March 1986, in the midst of the KGB media
barrage against the ELP and LaRouche. Lundin was accompanied by a cer-
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During the KGB disinformation campaign,
"conservative" Svenska Dagbtadet
correspondent Tomas Lundin (above) appeared
with extreme leftist journalist Leo M. Muller
at the home of the EIR's German manager.
Reality starts to surface
tain Leo M. Muller, a Wiesbaden-based operative, for years a figure well-
known to EIR.
A "journalist" of the extreme left, Muller is a full-time LaRouche "wat-
cher," both in the U.S. and in West Germany. He is closely connected to
journalists at Tageszeitung. Muller also writes for the Vienna-based
Moderne Zeiten (MOZ) publication, which is officially financed by the Li-
byan regime of Muammar Qaddafi. Representatives of the Libyan Bureau
(embassy) in Vienna are in the MOZ editorial board, together with
representatives of the Nazi-Communist "Marxist Revolutionary League"
of the Greek Michael "Pablo" Raptis, the same "Pablo" who, together
with Andreas Papandreou, founded in 1934 the "Trotskyist International"
in Greece, and who today plays the role of secret "adviser" to the Papan-
dreou government. Pablo's organization has been attacking the EIR both
in France and West Germany.
In his "anti-LaRouche" project, Muller currently works with
Tageszeitung collaborator Helmut Lorscheid, a journalist working for
various left-wing radical publications. Lorscheid, an organizer of "anti-
imperialist" meetings, has also been referred to by Ayatollah Khomeini's
official press agency IRNA in Bonn. Muller maintains regular contacts
with ADL operative Dennis King in the U.S., while Lorscheid maintains
contacts with Klaus-Henning Rosen, Willy Brandt's personal assistant.
Rosen maintains a continous exchange of information on LaRouche, and
coordinates operations against LaRouche with the ADL's Irwin Suall.
Rosen is also in close contact with the VVN group in Frankfurt.
Looking closely into these attacks against the ELP by the "conservative"
Svenska Dagbtadet, one finds - once again - the same old networks: the
pro-terrorist Tageszeitung, the Iranian and Libyan regimes, the VVN and
its Soviet and DDR intelligence controllers, the left wing of the Socialist
International and the drug-related ADL.
On March 4, 1986, LaRouche wrote a memorandum entitled "Journalists'
procedures for investigating the killing of Prime Minister Olof Palme: in-
vestigative hypotheses" [See page 9.]. In the memorandum, LaRouche for-
mulated a methodological approach to the question of who killed Palme,
as well as to the "international coverage of the killing, by news media,
governmental agencies, and other relevant agencies!' While LaRouche iden-
tified a broad spectrum of possibilities regarding the motivation of the
assassination, he emphasized the connection between the Soviet KGB and
certain Western finance-rentier interests as the most probable "agency"
which carried out the murder.
This memorandum was widely circulated by the EIR's offices among
journalists and others concerned, both in Sweden and internationally. This
EIR Special Report provides another, more extensive documentation of the
policy and methodological outline issued in the memorandum of March 4
and, subsequently, in several press releases and articles.
As a result of the hard-nosed fight put up by the Swedish ELP and by
the EIR - against the KGB disinformation campaign which was aimed at
destroying them - some pieces of reality have begun to surface in various
Western governmental and intelligence circles, as well as in a few media
outlets. According to reliable intelligence sources, some Swedish politicians
and honest policemen have, since the time Palme was murdered, shared the
EIR's suspicions concerning a KGB involvement. Such suspicions have also
been strong among groups of patriotic officers in the Swedish Armed
Forces. However, the general hysteria and the emotional manipulation of
the murder by the KGB and its Western assets, put these forces on the
defensive.
One exception to this was the article published on June 8 in Dagens
Nyheter, by Swedish Navy Commander Hans von Hofsten, who in a rather
implicit, yet obvious manner made the connection between the Palme
murder and Soviet pre-war operations [See Chapter II, Section 1.].
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The Polish art salesmen
On Aug. 31, the British Sunday Express asked
the relevant question concerning the Palme
murder.
On March 19, 1986, the French regional paper L'Est Eclair, carried a large
article entitled, "But Who Killed Olof Palme?;" by author Jean Grand-
mougin. Reflecting information from reliable intelligence sources, L'Est
Eclair gave first a correct description of the KGB control over Mid East and
Islamic terrorist networks, concluding with the following remarks:
"The Swedish secret services picked up some tourists last
year selling cheap paintings which, although made in Hong
Kong, carried Polish labels. [The tourists] caught in the net,
carried with them 66 maps with locations of airports, new
roads, bridges, and appropriate places for parachute drops.
The [Swedish] Defense Minister wanted to know more. He
made a poll of all Swedish Air Force pilots to see if they were
visited by these art salesmen. Some one hundred answered
positively. In one region alone, over 60 percent of the pilots had
been approached. These Polish people drove used cars with
Swedish license plates. While they were presenting themselves
as art students, it became clear that some of them were
engineers, architects and nuclear experts. Were they on assign-
ment to draw the maps of the military targets which were to be
neutralized during, or immediately prior, to a military conflict?
The hypothesis has been raised, that they were special com-
mandos, of the Soviet `Spetsnaz' types. It is no longer a secret,
that submarines have regularly violated Swedish territorial
waters. Two years ago, something resembling mini-submarine
tracks were discovered on the sea bed not far from Stockholm.
Perhaps these are indications of the frame of the investigation
into the murder of Olof Palme'.'
At the end of March, the conservative French paper Present refuted the
grand disinformation campaign, by stating that the ELP cannot be
classified as "extreme right-wing;' and reporting, at the same time, that
"Western intelligence circles" believe that the Soviets are likely to be behind
the Palme murder. The May 1986 issue of the American Conservative
Digest monthly ran extensive coverage of the Soviet Spetsnaz special com-
mandos, in which author William P. Hoar stated that "heavy speculation
has also arisen about Spetsnaz involvement in the recent murder of Swedish
Prime Minister Olof Palme'"
The same hypothesis was raised by the British Sunday Express of August
31, 1986, which ran a large article under the title: "Did the KGB Murder
Olof Palme?" The Sunday Express stated that "intelligences sources say
that Sweden has long been the playground of the KGB;" something which
EIR documents extensively in this Special Report.
Sunday Express also wrote, that some people in the Swedish police "say
they are investigating the possibility of the killer being a KGB heavy sent
to end Palme's interference" with Moscow's designs, a statement which ob-
viously does not originate from the task force led by Holmer, who has done
everything to promote the KGB disinformation campaign. The Sunday Ex-
press article reflects, according to reliable sources, the thinking of certain
NATO intelligence circles, who some weeks previously had noted the
curious fact that Holmer's task force had come up with absolutely nothing
after six months of investigation.
While these are rare denunciations of the possible KGB role in the
murder of Palme, they nonetheless break the overall conformity of the
Soviet disinformation campaign in the West, and make the EIR's revela-
tions less of an isolated and unique case. This Special Report hopes to ac-
celerate the investigation into the Soviet involvement in the Palme
assassination, providing a more detailed analysis and an in-depth historical
overview, so that the courage might be found to track and punish the
murderers of the Swedish prime minister.
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The Kurdish Workers' Party PKK:
a branch of "Soviet Murder, Inc.?"
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In a secret memo of Sept. 17, 1984, the
Swedish Security Police (SAPO) warned
the government of PKK "plans of reprisals
against Sweden and first of all against
Prime Minister Olof Palmer'
Among several possible instruments for carrying out the murder of Olof Palme,
the international terrorist organization of the so-called Kurdish Workers' Party
(PKK) represents a main track in any serious investigation. The PKK had a
stated motive for killing Palme, the PKK had already carried out political
assassinations in Sweden and elsewhere, and the PKK operates out of its secret
headquarters in Damascus, Syria, a known hotbed of Soviet-intelligence-run ir-
regular warfare against the West.
Although the Swedish Security Police (SAPO) immediately pointed to the
PKK as a possible suspect for the murder, the leaders of the investigation under
Stockholm Police Chief Hans Holmer were so busy attempting to tie the
33-year-old suspect to the crime, that they had little interest in SAPO's leads.
When a group finally was formed to investigate the PKK, it was drawn from
police forces other than SAPO, disregarding the expertise accumulated during
years of SAPO surveillance of the PKK.
According to police sources, Holmer's group, rather than walking across the
corridor to obtain SAPO's swelling PKK dossier, requested all information
about the PKK from the West German Federal Criminal Police (BKA) - which,
in turn, replied that all PKK information in the BKAs possession came from
the SAPO! It was only after months had been wasted in fruitless efforts to pin
the blame on Palme's domestic political opponents, that a more serious in-
vestigation of the PKK's role got off the ground, now under the aegis of SAPO.
The PKK has about 30 activists in Sweden, organized in the so-called
Democratic National Association of Kurdistan and the Swedish-Kurdish
Cultural Association, both of which front organizations since 1983 have been
funded in part by Swedish tax payers. The PKK's book cafe is located three
blocks away from the scene of the Palme murder, along the presumed flight
route of the killer.
One day after the murder, the Swedish daily Expressen received a phone call
from a man who said, in broken Swedish, "Long live PKK! Long live Kurdistan!
We have murdered Palme. Long live Kurdistan" Among the material seized dur-
ing police raids of PKK homes and offices after the murder, a note was found
mentioning a "wedding" and the name of Palme. "Wedding" is considered a
code word often used for murders.
The PKK has been subject to SAPO surveillance since at least the early 1980s,
when the PKK was planning to set up its headquarters in Sweden. In a secret
memorandum to the Swedish government, the SAPO warned of planned PKK
"reprisals against Sweden and first of all against Prime Minister Olof Palmer'
because the PKK's leader, Abdullah Ocalan, who is the Secretary General of the
PKK's secret Central Committee in Damascus, was refused entry into Sweden.
In the Sept. 17, 1984 memorandum, the SAPO stated:
"On March 19, 1981, the PKK leader already mentioned, Kesire Ocalan
[Abdullah's wife - edit.], arrived in Sweden and applied for political
asylum. The idea seems to have been that by first sending her here, the
PKK would also be able to get her husband Abdullah Ocalan here later,
who, as already mentioned, is the leader of the PKK. The purpose may
have been to transfer the PKK headquarters to Sweden.
"Kesire Ocalan confirmed when interrogated by SAPO, that the PKK
in Turkey has been in touch with ASALA [Armenian Secret Army for the
Liberation of Armenia - edit.], but that these connections have been of
a local nature.
"The first phase of the plan succeeded. The wife obtained a resident
permit. But Abdullah Ocalan was refused entry into Sweden. Because of
the refused entry, Abdullah Ocalan reportedly has plans of reprisals
against Sweden and first of all against Prime Minister Olof Palme. In
PKK circles, Sweden is considered to be on a fascist leash, and therefore
is an enemy of the organization"
After Abdullah Ocalan was refused entry in March 1984, his wife Kesire left
Sweden. On June 20, 1984, Enver Ata was shot in the back - just like Palme -
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in Uppsala by Zulkuf Kilinc, and on Nov. 2, 1985 Cetin Gungor was shot in the
back at a Kurdish meeting in Stockholm, by Nori Candemir. Both Ata and
Gungor were former leading PKK members, who had dropped out. The PKK
paper Serxwebun, the address of which is a Cologne post office box, took credit
for the murders, writing that both were "traitors punished by the PKK's
patriots" Other murders were carried out in Denmark and West Germany.
The two killers were PKK agents deployed to Sweden for the job, but were
caught by SAPO, tried, and given life-long prison sentences - in the case of
Candemir on Feb. 26, 1986, two days before the Palme murder.
In December 1984, the Swedish government declared eight Kurds to be PKK
terrorists, who were not allowed to travel outside their home municipalities
without special permission, and who had to report to police three times each
week. In May 1985, Istanbul lawyer Huseyin Yildirim, public spokesman for the
PKK in Sweden, was arrested by SAPO and interrogated for 11 days. His
passport was seized and held until December 1985, after which he left the
country.
In August 1985, Yildirim told the Swedish daily Svenska Dagbladet:
"I don't think the situation for the PKK in Sweden can be characterized
simply as one where the SAPO is deceiving the government. We are begin-
ning to believe that the Swedish government has decided to fight against
the liberation of Kurdestan and PKK. It seems like Sweden has declared
war against Kurdestan. (...)
"Sweden has to remove the hallmark of terrorism from the PKK. We
do not tolerate that Swedish authorities are fighting Kurdestan with lies.
Our patience will last another two months. Then we will consider Sweden
an enemy. (...)
"The SAPO is preventing me from freely speaking and promoting my
views in Europe. Thereby Sweden is running errands for the Turkish
fascist military junta"
The Swedish embassy in Ankara, Turkey, had obtained the statutes of the
PKK and other documents seized by Turkish police in raids against the PKK.
The documents show that the PKK indeed executes traitors and defectors, how
the PKK is organized according to "Marxist-Leninist" principles, and who sits
on the PKK's secret Central Committee in Damascus.
In January 1985, a public announcement in Athens had received little publici-
ty, as the "Turkish Liberation Front" was created. In fact, it should have been
called the "Kurdish Liberation Front,' since the activities of the PKK were merg-
ed with those of the so-called Patriotic Union of Kurdistan of Jalal Talabani.
The new front joined forces with the Palestinian Front for the Liberation of
Palestine (PFLP) of George Habash and with the ASALA. A Kurdo-Armenian
alliance against the Turks is not the most obvious political development, as
Kurds were in the vanguard of the World War I attacks against Armenian com-
munities. What made it possible, was the joint so-called "Marxist-Leninist"
ideology, as well as the common paymaster: the Soviet Union. Through the PKK
headquarters in Damascus, a relationship with Habash and the ASALA had
already been developing for years.
As a result, these groups have been largely merged, and nobody can tell
whether ASALA actions were not in fact perpetrated by Kurds, or vice versa.
As documented in the case of the drug-running ASALA "Shoemaker ring" of
George Makhlouf, which was blown in Sweden in 1981, old antagonisms can be
easily overcome, when it comes to arms or drug smuggling operations where
political ideology per se is overruled. Not accidentally, George Makhlouf's first
cousin, Anita Makhlouf, is the wife of Syrian President Hafez al Assad. Kur-
dish extremists, their Armenian counterparts, and many others, have one com-
mon base: Damascus.
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The Swedish police vendetta against the ELP
Stockholm Police Chief Hans Holmer.
Computerizing a million pieces of
"information" will not help tracking the
authors of the murder, but may provide a
cover under which to run dirty tricks against
your political enemies.
EIR Special Report
An evaluation of the overall performance of Swedish security and police
forces around and after the assassination of Olof Palme, and the successive
creation of the mammoth task force under Stockholm Police Chief Hans
Holmer, must begin with the question: why were Palme and his wife
without protection, left exposed without even a discreet screening, that
evening of Feb. 28, 1986?
Several warnings of terrorist deployments in the Scandinavian countries
had been received in the weeks before the murder. After the assassination,
Italian Prime Minister Bettino Craxi stated, that the Italian secret services
had received general information about a possible terrorist attack in
Sweden, information which was passed on to Interpol. Furthermore, the
beginning of 1986 was characterized by a massive escalation of terrorist
deployments world-wide. So, the question remains: why was Palme left un-
protected?
The overall police reaction immediately following the murder was
characterized by improvisation, mishaps, and sheer blunders [See Chapter
II, Section 1.]. What developed afterward, generally, and particularly in
regard to the Swedish ELP, can only be described as criminal behaviour by
the leadership of Holmer's task force.
According to reliable intelligence and police sources, both in Sweden and
internationally, a secret faction fight developed among the investigators im-
mediately after the murder on how to proceed: forces within military in-
telligence, the counterespionage division of the Security Police (SAPO) and
experienced police officers, all tended toward a broad investigative ap-
proach, without excluding any possibility, including the highly probable in-
volvement of the secret service of a hostile foreign power.
Holmer's group, backed by the pro-Moscow Social Democratic Mafia-
machine, instead imposed a strict, bureaucratic type of approach of collec-
ting innumerable pieces of computerized information, rejecting any
investigative hypothesis. This was combined with a total compartment-
alization of the huge 300-person task force, with only a handful of people
around Holmer centralizing the collection of information stored in the data
base in Holmer's so-called "Palme Room"
Traditionally in Sweden, the Stockholm police chief enjoys a significant
national influence and power. With the creation of his task force, Holmer
de facto usurped emergency powers of a kind heretofore unseen in
parliamentary democracies, something that was soon to have catastrophic
consequences.
One of the results of Holmer's totalitarian control over the investigation
was the capability of the task force to launch an illegal attempt aimed at
politically destroying the Swedish European Labor Party (ELP). Since the
beginning of the investigation, forces within Holmer's task force have
systematically tried to facilitate a "character assassination" of the ELP,
through a series of deliberate police leaks and conscious disinformation.
Worse, this illegal campaign against the ELP endangered the lives of ELP
members, as well as encroaching upon the party's constitutional right to
conduct political campaigns.
As already documented, immediately after the murder, persons within
Holmer's task force prompted a network of trusted journalists to slander
and defame the ELP as "implicated" in the murder of Palme. And like the
KGB disinformation campaign against the ELP and Lyndon H. LaRouche,
Jr., this continous attempt by Holmer's group to implicate the ELP cannot
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be explained in terms of professional incompetence or a politically-biased
investigation per se, but only in terms of a deliberate cover-up for the real
murderers of Palme.
The ELP, its leadership, candidates, and members have been known to
Holmer and the police for years, given the high-profile political campaigns
of the party in Sweden. Immediately after the arrest of Gunnarsson, the
initial suspect, and the concoction of a "connection" to the ELP, task force
spokesmen assured ELP representatives that the investigation was "not
related to the ELP," and that there was no need for the ELP to cooperate
in the police investigation in order to clarify the issue.
A turning point for the KGB disinformation campaign came on March
19. That day, news began to circulate internationally that two LaRouche
Democrats had won the Democratic Party primary election in the state of
Illinois, for the important positions of Secretary of State and Lieutenant
Governor. On that same day, Gunnarsson was released, as the circumstan-
tial evidence put together by Holmer did not even suffice to keep Gun-
narsson in custody.
While the massive media campaign against the ELP and LaRouche by
and large receded after March 19, the overall operation was continued by
the Soviets, through isolated media outlets, and Holmer's task force. In
fact, the task force's harassment of the ELP did not abate, as one would
have expected, but accelerated.
On March 19, the task force seized all the 1,800 membership registration
forms deposited by the ELP at the National Tax Authority's Electoral Of-
fice, forms which were filed for the ELP's registration as a national party
before the September 1985 election. Again, the news about the seizure of
the membership forms was leaked to the press, in support of the fraudulent
theses that the ELP was "still under suspicion;" or even the variation that
the police investigation "now begin to penetrate deeper into the examina-
tion of the ELP?'
From then until the month of August, task force officers began to ques-
tion ELP leaders, members, candidates and political and financial sup-
porters, as well as former members and business clients. As this informal
type of questioning went on, it became clearer and clearer, that it had
nothing to do with looking for the murderers of Palme, but was simply
political harassment. Holmer was exploiting the opportunity of his
emergency powers in the attempt to destroy a political opponent.
When ELP spokesman Michael Ericson requested a meeting with the
police leadership, in order to protest this illegal police behaviour, and to of-
fer at the same time the ELP's full cooperation to clarify any real issue, the
behaviour of the task force representatives began to resemble that of their
colleagues in communist countries. In response to Ericson's remarks, and
the request for security cooperation by the police, in view of the numerous
threats the party was receiving at that time, Ericson was asked for his alibi
on the night of Feb. 28, under the pretext that the police had "received
anonymous hints" indicating that Ericson himself could be the murderer.
Days later, when another ELP member was questioned, allegedly to
"check Ericson's alibi;" that issue was not raised at all by the two inter-
rogators. Concerning the security of the ELP office and members, high-
level representatives of the task force told Ericson shamelessly, "Do you
think, that if we did not succeed in protecting our prime minister, we are
going to protect you?!"
In a private conversation, made available to EIR, with the foremost
"ELP watcher" in Sweden, Hans Lindquist [See previous section.], Lind-
quist stated that he had talked to various leaders in the task force, and that
Holmer was not particularly interested in Gunnarsson, but only in Gun-
narsson's relation to the ELP. In another private conversation, the
spokesman of the police task force, Leif Hallberg, referred journalists to
Lindquist as a "very reliable" source on the ELP: "Yes, very reliable ... my
personal opinon is that he is very reliable. He is a specialist on neo-
Nazis(!)'"
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Who is Hans Holmer?
While the police fishing expedition and slanders against ELP members
and contacts continued, new political operations were launched against the
ELP and its clients. Russian-connected interests blackmailed the printer of
Ny Solidaritet, the Swedish weekly associated with the ELP, which led to
the termination of the printing contract. Pressure was exercized on the
house owner of the ELP's office, and financial pressure and extortion tac-
tics were applied against party contributors.
Inquisition-like levels were reached on May 23, when a classical concert
with two renowned French musicians, organized for May 27 by the
Academy of Humanist Studies, was cancelled by the Royal Armoury of the
Stockholm Royal Palace, in which the concert was to take place. The Royal
Armoury had been ordered by the Security Police that "the concert must
not take place, because the Academy is politically connected to the ELP"
A jurist by profession, Holmer's assignment by the Social Democratic
Mafia apparatus has been to restructure and exert centralized control of the
security and police forces in Sweden. He was the head of SAPO in 1970-76,
during which period Swedish secret services where shattered by a
"reorganization',' which became known as the "IB Affair" A scandal er-
rupted when it was revealed that a secret intelligence service had been
created, in parallel to the official intelligence services, called the "Informa-
tion Bureau'."
The ensuing, across-the-board transformation of this secret apparatus -
ironically nicknamed SAPO, from the names of SAPO and the Social
Democratic Party (SAP) - epitomized the political reorganization that
swept the Swedish secret services as a whole, purging circles regarded too
"right-wing:' "pro-Western:' or "anti-Soviet" [See also Chapter II, Section
3.].
Holmer's role as SAPO head was to streamline the secret services under
top-down political control. In parallel to Holmer's efforts, Pierre Schori -
whose career was outlined in the previous chapter - emerged into pro-
minence within the SAPO.
In 1976, Holmer was removed from SAPO, to become the Chief of Police
of Stockholm. Repeatedly, Holmer devoted his time to studying the drug
problem, authoring a booklet published in 1981 by the Social Democratic
publishing house Tiden. In the booklet, Holmer wrote, "Nowhere is there
any evidence of any mystical managers hiding in the bush or any unknown
(sic!) mafia leaders'"
In 1982-83, Holmer presided over a government-appointed narcotics
commission, whose primary accomplishment was watering down previous
proposals issued but not yet implemented. More recently, Holmer
dismantled the famous narcotics police in the Stockholm suburb of Hud-
dinge - which the media termed the "most successful narcotics in-
vestigators in Northern Europe'." After breaking up a succession of
notorious drug bands in 1977-81, culminating in the dismantling of George
Makhlouf's ASALA "Shoemaker ring," the Huddinge narcotics in-
vestigators were reassigned to Holmer's Stockholm Police Department,
where their efforts were dispersed and ran up against a wall of bureaucracy
and inefficiency.
In two earlier cases, Holmer had manifested strong hostility directly
toward the ELP and its ideas.
The first case, in 1981, was when Holmer personally intervened to
sabotage a visit to Stockholm by LaRouche, by denying him any security
protection. Information available to Western European intelligence services
- and, if he so wished, to Holmer - proved that LaRouche was on the
hit list of the RAF terror band and other terrorists. LaRouche had also
become a target of increasing public attacks by the Soviets. Despite this,
and contrary to the stated evaluation of sources at the SAPO, Holmer said,
that he did not consider LaRouche's life endangered.
LaRouche had been invited to address business conferences in
Stockholm and Gothenburg, but could only attend the latter one, where
security cooperation was offered by Gothenburg police.
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National Police Chief Holger Romander
backed Arlanda Airport Police Chief
SmedjegArden, under attack for lax security.
Then he denounced the SAPO for "leaking"
about Czech spies who worked for the KGB
in Sweden.
The second case involved a scandal exposed by the ELP regarding
Holmer's friend, Police Chief Sven Hugo Smedjegarden at the Arlanda In-
ternational Airport outside Stockholm. On May 9, 1984, Smedjegarden ar-
bitrarily banned the sales of Executive Intelligence Review magazine at the
airport. According to Swedish law, the airport area is a "public place;" and
anybody has the right to sell a publication. With the support of his party
friend Holmer, Smedjegarden circumvented the law, claiming, that EIR
distributors at the airport were creating obstacles for traffic in the area.
Afterwards, this Social Democratic mafia succeeded in changing the
"public place" status of the Arlanda Airport!
This political move by Smedjegarden, supported by Holmer, did not
restrict itself to preventing the sales of EIR. It also had broader security
implications. In case of war or emergency, the administration of the Arlan-
da Airport would fall under the jurisdiction of the police chief, i.e., Smed-
jegarden. According to competent military evaluations, Arlanda Airport is
considered a prime target in the Soviet war plan for Europe.
Smedjegarden was appointed to his position in 1976, assisted since 1977
by his deputy, Stig Bergling. The latter since 1979 serves a life-long sentence
in a Swedish maximum security prison for espionage on behalf of the
Soviet military intelligence service, GRU.
In the same period, the Stockholm criminal police were investigating a
smuggling ring centered around the Scandinavian Airlines System (SAS)
Catering Service at Arlanda. The smuggling ring was blown and 20
employees of SAS Catering arrested. When Criminal Inspector Gt ran
Holmberg, in charge of investigating the ring, issued an official complaint
about Arlanda's lax security measures, the airport administration pressed
a counter-complaint against Holmberg with National Police Chief Holger
Romander. Instead of investigating those responsible for the lax security,
particularly Smedjegarden, Romander began a "corruption investigation;"
denying Holmberg access to Arlanda.
Furthermore, EIR discovered that Smedjegarden had received "favors"
in the form of all-expenses-paid tours to East Bloc country airports,
disguised as "study trips" to evaluate their "security measures" The
Customs Service had also been invited to participate in such trips, but -
in contrast to Smedjegarden - had persistently refused. In the same
period, EIR was informed by police officers, who were upset over the
behaviour of Romander, Holmer and Smedjegarden, that at the time the
latter had a relationship with one Anita Berg, a Russian hostess working
at the Arlanda office of the Russian airline Aeroflot.
Such blatant, Mafia-style political interference in police investigations
has surfaced, even more dramatically, in the investigation of the Palme
murder. As documented in this Special Report [See Chapter II, Section 1.],
Holmer's totalitarian-state practices led to the resignation, on May 16, of
Chief Prosecutor K.G. Svensson, who was in charge of the investigation of
the initial suspect, Gunnarsson.
The Social Democratic government and party Mafia illegally interfered
with the investigation, backing up Holmer against Svensson. Holmer's
methods in trying to incriminate Gunnarsson and the ELP, as shown by the
documentation made public by Svensson, were practices more familiar to
the Soviet system than to any Western country. On May 11, the vice chair-
man of the parliament's Constitutional Committee, Anders Bjorck, had
announced that Justice Minister Sten Wickbom would be questioned by
the committee regarding the government's interference with the murder in-
vestigation.
While the government used Soviet methods to back up the practices of
Holmer, a related scandal emerged on April 30 concerning the expulsion
of five Czech spies from Sweden. According to Western intelligence
sources, the bust of the Czech spy ring was a joint operation by Western
and Swedish counterespionage officers in order to counter the Soviet KGB
disinformation campaign around the Palme investigation.
Swedish papers were leaked the information that the Czech spy ring had
been collecting information for the Soviets - which was obvious for two
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reasons: first, the traditional hierarchical dependence of Czech intelligence
on the Russian KGB; and, second, the ironical fact that the Czech spies
were primarily concerned with naval secrets - of little direct concern for
land-locked Czechoslovakia!
In spite of this, Social Democratic police and government spokesmen,
like Romander, Foreign Minister Sten Andersson and Undersecretary
Schori denied that the Czech spies were working for a "third power,' i.e.,
the KGB. Both Andersson and Romander denounced the SAPO for the
press leaks.
Similar to an East Bloc satellite country, high-level government officials
not only disregarded the truth in order not to offend the Soviet govern-
ment, but had lost a minimal sense of irony. While no-one protested the
police leaks aimed at destroying a registered national party during the
Palme murder investigation, immediate protests were made to save the KGB
from exposure of its involvement in espionage activity against Sweden.
One cannot but wonder at Swedish political life, when Schori - as
documented in the previous section - demands a police raid on the ELP's
offices, in collaboration with Russian officials and with Henry Kissinger,
and in the same breath protests SAPO leaks on the Czech-KGB spy ring.
In the beginning of September, infighting among Sweden's police and
security forces grew more intense. SAPO let it be known - as reported by
Swedish press, the French news agency AFP, the German daily Die Welt,
the Italian Corriere della Sera, and others - that they are still investigating
"the possible motives of several individual policemen to take part in a plot
against Palme" Interestingly, the investigation was initiated within SAPO
by the head of its counterespionage division, Per-Goran Ndss, who led the
investigation which put Smedjegarden's deputy, GRU spy Bergling behind
bars.
One question of dramatic portent is, why did the anti-terror division of
SAPO not raise this issue, but rather the counterespionage division?
Why was Palme unprotected?
Olof Palme was shot in the back in the evening of Feb. 28, 1986, by a
killer who could run away unscathed in central Stockholm. Palme had
no bodyguards, ostensibly because he had sent them away, as he wanted
to enjoy his privacy this evening. Since 1982, such laxity regarding vital
security matters has been out of question even in Sweden concerning,
e.g., the Commander-in-Chief of Sweden's Armed Forces, General Len-
nart Ljung.
In 1982, the Swedish Security Police (SAPO) met with the Defense
Staff's Security Service (FST Siik) to reassess the growing danger to the
lives of prominent Swedish figures. The threats evaluated by the two
security services, according to the Swedish press, included everything
from the mysterious Polish art salesmen, who were mapping the housing
areas and habits of Swedish Air Force pilots, to the most recent and
refined foreign intelligence activity conducted against Swedish targets.
The evidence for consideration included so-called "hit lists" of
leading politicians and military officers to be executed under conditions
of aggravated crisis. One year later, more knowledge had accumulated
about the Soviet diversionary units, "Spetsnaz;" and the Commander-in-
Chief initiated a special investigation into the threat against Sweden.
The submarine incursions formed part of the picture.
One result of these deliberations was that Sweden's Commander-in-
Chief - who in the late 1970s still took the subway to the Defense
Staff's central Stockholm headquarters - does no longer stroll alone
along the streets of Stockholm. Why was the prime minister still permit-
ted to do so?
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Boris Pankin, To Ethnos, and Control Data
Andreas Papandreou, now Greek Premier, was
brought to power in 1981 with the aid of To
Ethnos, a KGB disinformation paper.
The story of To Ethnos
The Soviet penetration of Greece in the 1970s is an exemplary case of the
KGB's disinformation operations, coordinated, in this case, by KGB Col-
onel Vassily Sitnikov. Since 1973, Sitnikov's cover was that of deputy direc-
tor of the Soviet Copyright Agency (VAAP), whose 1973-82 director was
current ambassador to Sweden, Boris Pankin. In reality, both Pankin and
Sitnikov were leading officers in the KGB Disinformation Department.
Between April 1975 and October 1977, Sitnikov, on behalf of Pankin, at-
tempted to establish an ambitious publishing partnership with Greek
publishing tycoon, Christos Lambrakis. The effort ended in failure for
reasons unknown. After this, Sitnikov moved to transform an obscure,
minor Greek businessman, Georgios Bobolas, into Greece's most influen-
tial newspaper publisher.
In June 1978, Bobolas and an associate of his, Yannis Yannikos, arrived
in Moscow on the invitation of Sitnikov, and agreed to launch a daily
newspaper in Greece with Soviet financial backing. Alexander Philip-
popoulos, a Greek-American journalist, was the personal choice of An-
dreas Papandreou for becoming the chief editor of the new paper, named
To Ethnos (The Nation). That paper was then to ensure the election of
Papandreou as Greek prime minister in October 1981.
Reporting on this Moscow meeting, the German daily Die Welt wrote on
May 2, 1984:
"In 1978, both (Yannikos and Bobolas) travelled to Moscow,
and acquired the rights to print the Soviet Encyclopedia in
Greece... In these first talks, which were led on the Soviet side
by Boris Pankin, then head of the KGB Disinformation
Department, and currently Soviet ambassador to Stockholm,
Konstantin Chernenko, the current Soviet party chief, also
took part"
Pankin appears to have visited Greece only once, in March 1980, when
both the publishing and other business projects were completed. He was
received by and spent most of his time with Soviet military intelligence Col-
onel Yevgenii Chistiakov, who, a few months later, was caught leading an
espionage ring at the Greek naval base at Salamis and expelled. During
1980, Chistiakov was the immediate superior of one Sergei Bokham, and
was responsible for Bokham's intelligence network at the Royal Air Force
base at Akrotiri on Cyprus. Bokham apparently defected to the West in
March 1985.
To Ethnos was first published in June 1981 and quickly became the most
widely read daily in Greece, its daily paid circulation surpassing the com-
bined sales of all twelve other competing Greek dailies. The first tabloid
in Greece, To Ethnos was filled with color photographs, sports, fashion,
comic strips, women's and children's pages, scandals, sex, and movie-star
gossip.
In September 1981, after having cornered the market, To Ethnos began
introducing themes like "peace" and "disarmament;" in a manner tailored
to its primarily middle-class readership. By the middle of 1982, the editorial
policy of To Ethnos evolved into a most virulent form of anti-Americanism.
Later, it limited its somewhat sparse political coverage mainly to reprints
from TASS and Novosti, the two official Soviet news agencies. To Ethnos
remains today the unchallenged arbiter of Papandreou-era Greek jour-
nalism.
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How the KGB pays...
A brief look at some of the editorial staff of To Ethnos suffices to
characterize this Soviet operation. Some of the political and intelligence
connections visible here are typical of the Soviet KGB disinformation
operations against the ELP and EIR founder Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr.:
? Carl Aldo Marzani, U.S. correspondent for To Ethnos. Marzani is cur-
rently a member of Michael Harrington's Democratic Socialists of
America, a nest of Socialist International operations against LaRouche in
the U.S, and, for a short period during the 1930s, a member of the Com-
munist Party of the USA (CPUSA). He is a veteran of the Spanish Civil
War, having served in the Abraham Lincoln Brigade. During World War II,
he joined the Office of Strategic Services (OSS), the wartime predecessor
of the CIA, with contacts to Richard Helms and Walt Rostow. Later on,
this connection to the Eastern Establishment brought him to the State
Department. Later, Marzani spent three years in jail for lying about his
membership in the CPUSA.
? Stanley Harrison, British correspondent for To Ethnos. Until 1981, Har-
rison was the chief assistant-editor of London's Morning Star, the daily of
the British Communist Party.
? Akis Fantis, editor of Haravoi, the daily of the Cypriot Communist
Party (AKEL). His father Andreas is the alternate secretary general of
AKEL.
? Dino Tsakotellis, worked from 1947 to 1949 for Telepress, a communist
news agency in Czechoslovakia.
? Vassos Nikolau, whose real name is Vassos Georgiou, a Greek Stalinist
admirer of the Albanian communist regime. He also writes for Rizopastis,
the Greek Communist Party (KKE) publication.
? Maria Beikou, works as the chief assistant to the publisher of To
Ethnos. She was hired at the insistence of KKE leader Harilos Florakis.
After fleeing Greece at the end of the civil war, she went to work for Radio
Moscow.
Boris Pankin financed To Ethnos by means of a series of loans from a dum-
my corporation in Luxemburg called Gesellschaft fur die Forderung des
Presse- and Verlagswesens (GFPV). The GFPV was founded in 1977, with
an initial capital of 100,000 Luxemburg Francs, consisting of 10 shares of
10,000 Francs each, with 5 shares belonging to the Switzerland-based Orvag
AG and 5 shares to the Sweden-based Svenska Vastfisk AB.
In 1983, the GFPV had no employees, nor any listed bank account -
it was a pure post office box operation. The Orvag AG, located in Baar,
Switzerland (Zug Canton), owns 90 percent of the Svenska Vastfisk AB,
located in Gothenburg. Svenska Vastfisk owns the West Berlin property
which houses the printing plant of the communist Socialist Unity Party of
West Berlin (SEW). According to an article in Die Welt of Feb. 11, 1984,
Svenska Vastfisk AB turned up in a 1982 Soviet espionage case in Sweden.
According to Die Welt, the capital of Svenska Vastfisk AB is in the hands
of three board members: Hans Gunnar Heyman, Allan Kullberg, and
Friedrich Karl Kaul. Heyman and Kullberg are members of the two com-
munist parties in Sweden - APK and VPK, respectively - and Kaul was
a top East German operative who died in 1981. As Die Welt accurately
noted: "A dead shareholder can not possess share capital. That is not the
only curious thing involved" Furthermore, Orvag AG and Svenska Vastfisk
AB each have a 50 percent share in the GFPV, again a pure bookkeeping
operation, given that Orvag controls 90 percent of Svenska Vastfisk.
Die Welt also stated that, as early as 1982, reports were circulating that
the key figure behind the Luxemburg GFPV firm was none other than Karl
Raab, a veteran and high-level operative of the old Communist Party of
Germany (KPD) - later the East German Socialist Unity Party (SED). In
the 1920s, Raab worked for the Dresdner Bank and, in 1927, joined the
KPD. While working at the bank, he published the KPD's local office
paper, Rote Bilanz (Red Balance).
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Computer technology
After the war, Raab went to Berlin as a core member of the so-called
"Ulbricht group;" associated with the post-war communist dictator of East
Germany, Walter Ulbricht. Raab became the SED's treasurer and, from
1950, he was in charge of the SED Central Committee Finance Depart-
ment. He officially retired in 1977 but, as Die Welt noted, "after his retire-
ment, his contacts in the West in no way diminished" One of Raab's key
Western contacts, in Switzerland, was the "foxy businessman;" former Ma-
jor Albert Rees, the head of the Orvag AG, who in 1983 was listed in con-
nection with 26 corporations.
The East Berlin-based Kaul, a key East German intelligence operative,
was a close associate of current dictator Erich Honecker, and has been in
charge of negotiations with Western powers in spy-swapping deals. Kaul
has also been involved in disinformation activities through his work in the
film industry, a position that put him in close contact with the brother of
East Germany's intelligence czar, Markus Wolff.
A legal apprentice to Kaul was the terrorist RAF lawyer, Hans Christian
Strobele, until recently a member of the West German Parliament for the
Green Party. In 1982, because of his involvement with terrorism, Strobele
was sentenced to 10 months of jail on probation by a West German court.
The kind of "legal" training Strobele received from Kaul was highlighted
in a declaration he made on Sept. 3, 1985. Commenting on the treachery
of top West German counterintelligence official, Hans-Joachim Tiedge,
who defected to the DDR, Strobele told the pro-terrorist Berlin daily,
Tageszeitung:
"First of all, for the Greens a spy is a human being, who helps to bring
out or to shed light on state secrets. Given the fact that we [the Greens] are
fundamentally against a state having secrets, we have a certain sympathy
for spies" Strobele was one of the founders of Tageszeitung. Both he and
the paper have been involved in operations against LaRouche in West
Germany.
The Luxemburg-based GFPV owns or controls the following companies:
1. Cooperative Ouvriere de Presse et d'Editions.
2. Jean Molitor et Cie., Societe Fiduciaire de Revision et d'Enterprises.
3. Harney and Jones, Ltd. in London.
4. Impredit - Paese Sera, the communist daily in Rome.
5. Bobtrade Ltd. in Athens and London.
6. Control Data Worldtech, Inc. in Delaware, USA, jointly with Control
Data Corporation.
The Soviet and East German controlled dummy companies, Orvag AG and
the GFPV, together with the U.S. company, Control Data Corporation
(CDC) of Minneapolis, Minnesota, have controlling shares in Control Data
Worldtech. This Soviet intelligence connection to Western companies
reveals not only a startling capability for technology espionage (so-called
"technology transfer"), but also very significant political connections.
CDC of Minneapolis first became interested in the U.S.S.R. as a poten-
tial market in the latter half of 1966. The firm's first contacts with the
Soviet Union were in 1967. CDC installed its first computer in the Soviet
Union at the Joint Institute of Nuclear Research, Dubna, in 1968. This was
a 1604A computer system, which several additions were later made to.
Control Data entered an initial "framework" agreement in October 1973,
and signed a Protocol Cooperation Agreement in February 1974. The
Cooperation Agreement was signed by Control Data and the State Com-
mittee for Science and Technology of the U.S.S.R. Council of Ministers.
This State Committee has been a direct liaison office for both the KGB
Disinformation Department, and for Soviet military intelligence GRU. It
has been headed for many years by Dzhermen Gvishiani, the son-in-law of
former Soviet prime minister and Politburo member, Aleksei Kosygin.
According to Western intelligence sources, Gvishiani is a high GRU of-
ficer, whose assignment includes re-establishing the old "Trust" connection
with oligarchical financial and political interests in the West [See Chapter
III, Section 2.]. Gvishiani, in coordination with Aurelio Peccei and Alex-
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The Armand Hammer
connection
ander King's Club of Rome and the British Labour Party's Lord Solly
Zuckerman, has been key in establishing the Soviet espionage and "Trust"
center in Vienna known as the International Institute for Applied Systems
Analysis (IIASA). President Ronald Reagan broke off U.S. collaboration
with the IIASA institute in 1982, after discovering its role in Soviet es-
pionage.
Gvishiani's State Committee for Science and Technology wanted CDC to
build four manufacturing plants, a high-speed printer, terminals and a
printed-circuit operation. Around the same period, October 1973, the vice
president of Control Data, Hugh Donaghue, arrived in Moscow and had
lunch with Leonid Brezhnev. Hugh Donaghue played an active role in June
1983, in the international peace conference in Minneapolis, Minnesota,
sponsored by Georgii Arbatov's U.S.-Canada Institute and the U.S. pro-
terrorist Institute for Policy Studies (IPS).
As the EIR has documented, this conference, which tried to launch a
West German style ecology and peace movement in the United States, con-
centrating its attacks on President Reagan's Strategic Defense Initiative
(SDI), represented a gathering of Soviet intelligence officers and American
Eastern Establishment stooges, attempting to coordinate a campaign
against LaRouche.
The final Cooperation Agreement between CDC and the U.S.S.R. Slate
Committee for Science and Technology called for an agreement extending
for ten years. It proposed the following:
"To conduct joint development of a technically advanced
computer; joint development and organization of the produc-
tion of computer peripheral equipment; joint creation of infor-
mation processing systems, based on the technical means of
Soviet production and on the technical means developed by
CDC, and development of software means for these systems;
to conduct research in the area of (advanced) software im-
provement; joint development of Analog to Digital Equipment
for control systems of technological processes;
"Joint development of computer components, technical
equipment for their production and the organization of pro-
duction of these components. Development of computer
memories (based on large volume removable magnetic disc
packs, and on integrated circuitry, and so on). Creation of
equipment and systems for data communication. Application
of computers in the fields of medicine, education,
meteorology, physics, and so on:"
In September 1980, it was announced that CDC Worldtech would start
two computer-related companies in Lulea, Sweden, as a result of an agree-
ment signed with the Swedish ministry of industry in Stockholm. Further-
more, it was announced in 1983 - and this must be considered
extraordinary for a firm connected to the Soviet and East German in-
telligence agencies - that CDC Worldtech had landed an agreement to
market the technologies developed at one of the most sensitive U.S.
military-related research centers, the Los Alamos National Laboratories.
Such extraordinary events can only be "explained" in the light of the high-
level connections involved. Until two years ago, the executive vice president,
and then vice chairman, of the board of the CDC Worldtech was a certain
Robert Schmidt. An official of the U.S. National Security Agency (NSA)
from 1953-54, Schmidt was introduced into East-West business by oil ty-
coon Armand Hammer, one of the key figures in the "Trust" since the time
of Lenin, of whom Hammer was a good friend. As one source told EIR,
it was Hammer who "opened the door to the Soviet Union" for Schmidt.
Schmidt has been involved in the U.S.-U.S.S.R. Trade Council, the
Rockfeller-family joint project with the Soviet Union otherwise known as
the Dartmouth Conference, and so forth.
Schmidt has also admitted that the CDC initially worked with Cyrus
Eaton, Sr., the leading funder of Bertrand Russell's Pugwash Conference.
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The Pugwash Conference, as EIR has documented in other locations, was
part of the Soviet project - authorized by Nikita Khrushchev after Stalin's
death - to relaunch the old "Trust" intelligence cooperation between
Russia and Western oligarchical finance-rentier interests.
Russell's Pugwash Conference, which began in the mid-1950s, provided
the Soviets with: (1) scientific espionage capabilities against the West; (2)
the possibility of launching various anti-Western disarmament proposals
(the "Ban the Bomb" movement created by Russell, etc.); and (3) a general
undermining of Western culture by introducing a Malthusian, zero-growth
and rock-sex counterculture, leading in the late 1960s to the creation of the
Club of Rome and, then, to the founding of various "ecological" and
"peace" movements.
Worldtech is also affiliated with Worldtech Ventures, Ltd., in which it
holds stock. Worldtech Ventures works closely with the British government
in seeking technology transfer to areas of high unemployment. Lord North-
cliffe remains the chairman of Worldtech Ventures, Ltd.
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II. The unlikely sequels
of a political murder
What really happend: a chronology of events
Feb. 28 - Swedish Prime Minister Olof Palme is shot dead from behind,
at close range, at about 11.21 p.m. by a killer who disappears running from
the scene of the crime: Sveavagen, a main street in downtown Stockholm,
at its intersection with Tunnelgatan, a narrow alley with a stairway. Palme
and wife Lisbet were walking home from a visit to the cinema, without
bodyguards.
The killer fired two shots, the first killing Palme instantaneously, the se-
cond lightly wounding Palme's wife, who turned around upon hearing the
first shot.
Five cars were passing by the intersection, one of which a taxi whose
driver instantly alarmed the police by radio.
Another witness, standing nearby, pursued the killer up the Tunnelgatan
stairway, and then lost track of him.
March 1 - Palme is officially declared dead at the Sabbatsberg Hospital,
at 00.06 a.m.
Sweden's national news agency TT releases its first wire on the murder
at 00.20 a.m.
The government meets for a crisis session during the night, led by Vice
Premier Ingvar Carlsson, who gives a first press conference at about 05.00
a.m. Later that day Carlsson is nominated Acting Chairman of the Social-
Democratic Party.
Several leading persons at Sweden's national radio monopoly are
awakened at home by phone calls from relatives abroad, who have learned
about the murder via international news media.
Swedish national radio's first broadcast of the murder, at 01.10 a.m.,
reaches the Defense Staff's officer on duty, and only later, Commander-in-
Chief Lennart Ljung is reached by the news, upon returning home from a
private dinner. He promptly goes to the Defense Staff's Command Center,
from there national military alertness is checked, and increased for key
staffs and units.
Only at 02.15 a.m., a national police alert is issued, and even Stockholm
local police patrols are still hunting drunks and petty criminals hours after
the murder, unaware of what is happening. Some police officers, who were
to go off duty, volunteer to remain, but are sent home. The exit roads out
from Stockholm are not blocked.
At about 02.45 a.m., the phones ring at the homes of four Swedish
diplomats in Bonn. Embassy Secretary Peter Tejler is told in German by
a male voice: "This is the RAF. We have murdered your prime minister'."
One of the diplomats called has been at the embassy for just two weeks,
his name and phone number are in no phone books or lists of diplomats.
Another phone call is received in Stockholm, and recorded by an
automatic answering machine. A male German voice claims the murder on
behalf of the RAF's "Kommando Christian Klaar." The phone number at
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Criticism of police failures
which the call is received is identical to that of the West German Stockholm
embassy, but for one single digit.
Sweden's state-owned TV monopoly reports the murder at 04.00 a.m.
King Carl Gustaf is reached only late in the morning, in his weekend cot-
tage 500 kilometers northwest of Stockholm, which had a new phone
number unknown to the relevant authorities.
In the morning, Soviet KGB Chief Viktor Chebrikov announces Palme's
murder from the podium of the ongoing 27th Communist Party Congress
in Moscow.
Stockholm Police Chief Hans Holmer holds his first press conference, 14
hours after the murder, after having been reached in Borlange, a small town
200 kilometers northwest of Stockholm.
A passer-by finds a bullet across the street, 40 meters from where the
killer fired, reportedly an unusal type of Winchester 357 Magnum metal-
piercing bullet, copper-tipped, and able to penetrate a bullet-proof vest.
One persistent query finds no answer: Why wasn't Palme given better
protection, despite numerous warnings of an impending terrorist hit?
March 2 - An Indian journalist finds a second bullet, presumed to be the
one that killed Palme. Police say such ammunition cannot be bought in
Sweden, and is not included among the 500 to 600 bullet-types in the collec-
tion of the police. Highway police patrols in the United States are said to
be using such ammunition.
Neighbors of Palme testify regarding mysterious men seen outside
Palme's house.
March 3 - More criticism emerges of the slow police response immediate-
ly after the murder. Journalists report lax border controls, e.g., to Norway.
The scene of the murder was inadequately cordoned off, etc.
A Stockholm weapons specialist reveals that the ammunition used was
on sale in Sweden in the early 1970s. Others say it can still be bought in
several locations.
Vice Premier Carlsson is elected Acting Chairman of the Social-
Democratic Party by the Party Executive, to be confirmed by the 1987 Party
Congress. Carlsson announces that he expects to pay an early, official visit
to Moscow, already planned by Palme.
March 4 - Holmer says the murderer was in all probability a professional
killer. He rejects criticism of the police, and says they have now received
4,000 tips from the public and conducted 600 interrogations.
March 5 - Holmer reshuffles the leadership group directing the police in-
vestigation. His task force now includes 300 men, doubled from the day
before.
One witness reports having seen a man following Palme in the subway.
A 60-year-old artist reports to the police, that he saw a man entering a
bus at about 11.30 p.m. on Feb. 28, a few blocks away from the scene of
the murder. The man was out of breath and carried a small parcel. A few
days later, the artist discovers that the man is a policeman, and when he
informs Holmer, he is impatiently put off.
March 6 - A "phantom picture" of the killer is published, produced with
the help of a female witness. Another picture, already drawn by the female
witness, who is a trained portrait painter, is not released by Holmer.
March 10 - A 32-year-old man is picked up by police for extensive inter-
rogation, but released again the following morning.
Sweden and the Soviet Union resume negotiations about the demarca-
tion of the fishery and economic exploitation zones in the Baltic Sea,
negotiations that were broken off in 1982.
March 12 - The 32-year-old man, named Gunnarsson, is arrested in his
Stockholm suburban apartment at 8.25 a.m. Twelve hours later, Stockholm
Chief Prosecutor K.G. Svensson, on the basis of evidence presented to him
by police, detains the man as a suspect in the Palme murder. According to
Swedish law, a suspect can be held for five days by a prosecutor, after which
he must be either released or brought before a judge to face charges.
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Gunnarsson released
"No professional killer"
Ingvar Carlsson is elected new prime minister by the parliament.
March 15 - Palme's funeral becomes the occasion of high-level political
meetings in Stockholm. Carlsson meets Soviet Premier Nikolai Ryzhkov
and U.S. Secretary of State George Shultz, among others.
March 17 - Gunnarsson is briefly brought before a judge to face charges.
The court must rule within four days whether evidence is strong enough to
keep him under arrest. A court hearing is scheduled for March 20.
Palme's wife is unable to identify the suspect.
March 19 - At his daily press conference 3.30 p.m., a grim faced Holmer
announces Gunnarsson's release, saying that an important link in the chain
of circumstantial evidence had collapsed. The surprise decision had been
made shortly before the press conference by Svensson, who as prosecutor
is in charge of that part of the investigation which concerns Gunnarsson.
Finding the police evidence inadequate, Svensson overruled a furious
Holmer, whose hostility to Svensson is now growing by the day. Svensson
is not allowed into Holmer's "Palme Room;" from where the police in-
vestigation is directed, and Holmer wants Svensson replaced.
March 22 - Opinion poll shows Social-Democratic popularity peak. More
witnesses report having seen Palme followed before the murder.
March 24 - Holmer says the police computer now has 7,600 documents,
including 5,000 persons, who are either informants or people of interest to
the investigation.
March 29 - Air Force reconnaissance Viggen jets shoot aerial
photographs of central Stockholm, reportedly to find the murder weapon.
April 8 - Holmer's wife is attacked and threatened a second time. Two
masked men say, "Tell Holmer this is the last warning!"
April 13 - Dagens Nyheter runs an article signed by "Yuri Denisov," on
the eve of Prime Minister Carlsson's Moscow visit, provocatively stating,
"We are not prepared to spend gold and hard currency to buy obsolete
technologies from Sweden;" charging that Sweden has joined the U.S.
technology embargo against the Soviet Union. This refers to the Swedish
government's decision to abide by the COCOM rules restricting sensitive
Western technology sales to the East Bloc, a decision officially publicized
the day Palme was killed.
"Yuri Denisov" was the signature put under an article in the January
1986 issue of the Soviet foreign ministry monthly International Affairs,
complaining that "troubles in Soviet-Swedish relations also made
themselves felt after the Olof Palme government came into office in 1982"
April 14-17 - Carlsson visits Moscow. Unusually, the Soviet ambassador
to Sweden, Boris Pankin, and TASS Director General Sergei Losev partake
in the talks with Communist Party Secretary General Mikhail Gorbachov.
On the last day of Carlsson's visit, a Soviet naval infantry brigade,
simulating a wartime landing in Norway, lands in fjord terrain on the
western Kola Peninsula, in what was pre-war Finnish territory, only 12
kilometers from the Soviet-Norwegian border. The amphibious surprise
landing is the largest component of wide-ranging Soviet ground, air, and
naval exercizes staged in the area during Carlsson's Moscow visit.
April 18 - Holmer says the murderer is likely an experienced shooter, but
no professional killer, as the second shot missed. This would indicate he
got nervous, given the short distance to Palme's wife. Holmer's statement
is widely interpreted to mean that no secret service did it, but rather a lone
assassin.
Holmer says the probability that the man on the official wanted poster
is the actual killer is only 70 percent.
April 25 - The Holmer-Svensson rift reaches a new peak, as Svensson
refuses to permit police line-ups demanded by Holmer, in which about 70
witnesses were to face Gunnarsson. Svensson insists that most of the line-
ups are meaningless.
Justice Minister Sten Wickbom and Undersecretary Harald Faith are in-
formed that Svensson is opposing Holmer. The messenger is Klas
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Justice Minister Sten Wickbom (above) and
his undersecretary were called in to have
National Chief Prosecutor Sjoberg overrule
Stockholm Chief Prosecutor K.G. Svensson in
favor of Holmer.
Bergenstrand, the Justice Ministry representative taking part as an observer
in Holmer's leadership group.
April 26 - Undersecretary Faith phones National Chief Prosecutor
Magnus Sjoberg at home, "informing" him of the rift.
April 27 - Sjoberg calls Faith back, after confirming that Svensson is not
changing his mind.
April 28 - Justice Minister Wickbom hosts a meeting in his office, to
which three gentlemen are invited: Holmer, the government's favorite
police official; Sjoberg, Wickbom's old colleague during many years as
leading jurists in the Social-Democratic regime; and Svensson, an outsider
with no political status, but with far superior professional expertise concer-
ning large and complicated police investigations. Svensson still does not
change his mind.
April 28-29 - Gunnarsson is interrogated again and takes part in police
line-ups with 22 witnesses, none of whom is able to identify him. These
line-ups were already approved, though reluctantly, by Svensson.
April 30 - Sjoberg issues a written order to Svensson, in which he is "call-
ed upon to have the police line-ups referred to take place as far as possible"
Five Czechs are expelled for espionage, after the Security Police (SAPO)
provided the government top-secret documentation. The government
decides to keep the incident secret.
May I - Helgbladet, a tabloid published on holidays only, runs banner
headline, "The 33-year-old in the Palme Murder Arrested by the KGB!"
The article reports that Gunnarsson had visited the Soviet Union in the
past, where he was arrested by the KGB for bible smuggling.
May 2 - Police spokesman Leif Hallberg is cited by media as saying that
more interrogations and line-ups with witnesses will be conducted next
week, as Gunnarsson has not yet been cleared of suspicion.
Expressen runs big expose of the Czech spy affair, including saying that
How Holmer misled the investigation
The following documentation of strong police discontent with Stockholm
Police Chief Hans Holmer is excerpted from Expressen of May 9, 1986.?
"The investigation into the Palme murder is not run the way a murder in-
vestigation ought to be run. Holmer has organized the investigative task
force into cells where everything converges upon him and the leadership
group;" one police source said.
Several of the most seasoned police officials accuse Holmer of directing
the work like a dictator, saying that he is paralyzing initiatives because of
his manner of leading the work and that he is more of a liability than an
asset to the investigation. "With some officials in the Security Police
(SAPO), there is a complete communications breakdown. They think that
it is no longer possible to have a reasonable conversation with Holmer,' one
source said.
One SAPO official stated:
"I cannot cooperate with an amateur. Therefore, there is no longer any
reason for me to talk to the police chief" Some of the silent criticism con-
cerns the previously arrested 33-year-old man.
Among the police officers participating in that part of the investigation
dealing with the 33-year-old, an increasing number have abandoned their
previous view of the man's involvement in the murder and now regard him
as a sidetrack in the investigation.
"The more we dig into the case of the 33-year-old, the more our suspi-
cions seem unfounded;" one investigator said.
"But Holmer clings to the 33-year-old like a shipwrecked man to a life
raft," another police source said.
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Foreign Minister Sten Andersson denied KGB
involvement in the Czech spy affair, and
denounced the Swedish SAPO for leaking that
the Czechs spied on behalf of Moscow.
the Soviets were behind it. Foreign Ministry Undersecretary Pierre Schori
denies that the five Czech spies had been proven to have worked for "a third
power" Both Foreign Minister Sten Andersson and National Police Chief
Holger Romander during the coming days sharply denounce the SAPO for
leaking that the spies worked for the KGB.
May 7 - Press quote Gunnarsson's lawyer, Gunnar Falk, saying that 35
witnesses have now tried and failed to identify Gunnarsson, who is nearing
psychological exhaustion resulting from the intensive interrogations and
police line-ups. Gunnarsson is said to be willing to cooperate with the
police, but only if it is meaningful.
May 9 - Press cite police spokesman Hallberg saying that police have nar-
rowed the investigation to 90 suspects. One suspect is the man formerly de-
tained, Gunnarsson, who now risks being arrested again, unless he agrees
to further police line-ups next week, Hallberg says.
Sjoberg admits that his decision to overrule Svensson came after he was
"informed" of the rift by Undersecretary Falth, a blatant case of govern-
ment interference.
The rift over the police line-ups is merely one aspect of a larger con-
troversy centering on Holmer. Strong discontent with the police chief's
behavior is brewing among experienced police investigators. [See box.]
Navy divers this week combed the bottom of the waters off docks and
bridges in central Stockholm, looking for the murder weapon. Unable to
conduct the search earlier because of the weather conditions, all they found
were some cars, handbags, and other objects.
Expressen runs new details of how the SAPO documentation presented
to the government singled out the KGB as being behind the Czech spies.
May 10 - Aftonbladet's insider column attacks the SAPO for conspiring
to politicize the Czech expulsion, suggesting that "Maybe time has come
for a SAPO-SAPO, a security police to check the security police? ... Maybe
Ever since March 12, the police have subjected the 33-year-old to an in-
credibly harsh examination. His outspoken hate of Palme, his being near
the scene of the murder when it took place, and a few other troublesome
circumstances have been seen as speaking for the man's involvement in the
murder.
In the evening of March 12, when Chief Prosecutor K.G. Svensson took
charge of the investigation regarding the 33-year-old, he detained him for
complicity in the Palme murder. Later the prosecutor went to court and
pressed charges against him for murder. But one day before the court hear-
ing, Chief Prosecutor K.G. Svensson surprisingly withdrew his charges.
Hans Holmer was furious with the Chief Prosecutor.
"K.G. Svensson is one of Sweden's most experienced prosecutors. But
Holmer has refused to accept his view,' one source said.
What was it that made K.G. Svensson take the drastic measure of oppos-
ing the police leadership and the prevalent notion that the arrested man
was the murderer?
"Svensson had simply examined the evidence which Holmer claimed
tied the 33-year-old to the crime;" one well-informed source said.
Chief Prosecutor K.G. Svensson found the evidence concerning the
33-year-old's involvement to be not only weak, but also containing a fun-
damental error.
The key police witness, who had identified the 33-year-old during a
police line-up, had previously been shown a picture of the suspect by the
police. Thus his identification of the suspect was prejudiced.
Chief Prosecutor K.G. Svensson's decision to release the man became
the starting signal for a bitter power struggle between the two.
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Government interference
challenged
in this context, there is a retirement post for Holmer, after he has finally
failed to solve the bloodiest SAPO blunder ever:`
May 11 - The vice chairman of the parliament's Constitutional Commit-
tee, Anders Bjorck of the Moderate Party, announces that Justice Minister
Sten Wickbom will be summoned before the committee to explain himself,
concerning the government's interference with the murder investigation.
Bjorck also announces that both Foreign Minister Andersson and
Undersecretary Schori will be called before the Constitutional Committee
to explain their denial of Soviet involvement in the Czech spy affair, and
why the government wanted to keep the affair secret: "If the government
is worried about its newly-won high-level relations with the Soviet Union,
it should not indulge in mystery-making." Justice Minister Wickbom an-
nounces that the government will soon form a Commission of Inquiry to
investigate the circumstances of the Palme murder, why Palme had no
bodyguards, how various authorities reacted to the murder, the manner in
which the police investigation was conducted, etc.
Holmer emphatically opposes forming a Commission of Inquiry. He
The prosecutor documents tampering with evidence
On six counts, Stockholm Chief Prosecutor K.G. Svensson systematically
shows in his May 16 press release how the evidence put together by Police
Chief Holmer against Gunnarsson does not stand up to rigorous ex-
amination:
Police evidence No. 1 - The suspect had been seen, on two separate occa-
sions behaving suspiciously, near the scene of the murder.
Svensson shows how the witnesses, a taxi driver and two ladies, had all
been shown photographs of Gunnarsson by the police before the police
line-ups, thus prejudicing them to identify him. In the case of the taxi
driver, the oral police briefing of Svensson, which led him to decide on
March 17 to press charges against Gunnarsson, had been "incomplete and
misleading, due to serious errors in the work of the police!' Contrary to the
Court Rules, the police line-up viewed by the foreign-born taxi driver was
organized without Svensson's knowledge, and, despite language problems,
without employing an interpreter. The taxi driver was also asked leading
questions.
After discovering all this on March 19, Svensson withdrew the charges
against Gunnarsson, and ordered him released. This interrupted the wave
of international slanders trying to implicate the ELP in the Palme murder,
based on Gunnarsson's alleged affiliation with the ELP.
Police evidence No. 2 - Literature seized from Gunnarsson showed his
hostility against Palme.
Svensson points out that this represents no basis for prosecution.
Police evidence No. 3 - Gunnarsson had made statements about Palme
being on the "death list;" and that "blood will flow on the streets of
Stockholm"
The police told Svensson that one witness had heard Gunnarsson saying
by phone that Palme was on a death list, and that blood would flow on
the streets of Stockholm. The transcript of this testimony, once Svensson
finally receives it, shows rather that in the phone call Gunnarsson is warn-
ing that the Russians will kill Palme.
The witness told the police: "Then the 33-year-old spoke of some men
who apparently were Russian or communist, who had met someone whose
name was AB and who is said to be a preacher. And the preacher had at-
tacked the men, and therefore he was on the death list. And Palme was all
too conservative in the eyes of the Russians so they will get rid of him first.
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Stockholm Chief Prosecutor K.G. Svensson
documented six instances of police
tampering with the "evidence" used to tie
Gunnarsson to the murder.
says the police have nothing to hide, but that the commission should be
formed later, as it would now disturb the police work.
May 12 - Gunnarsson takes part in ten police line-ups, the first round of
28 new line-ups since Sjoberg's overruling of Svensson.
May 14 - Svenska Dagbladet, in an editorial on the tasks of the Commis-
sion of Inquiry, admits that the activities of the mass media have played
a role not only in determining the public view of the Palme murder, but
"probably also in a lot of what actually happened." The paper demands
that the role of the mass media be examined not by the commission, but
only by the media themselves.
The police computer now contains 23,272 documents concerning the
Palme murder, a trippling of the March 24 figure. The initial 300 in-
vestigators have been reduced to 200, with plans to reduce the force to 75.
May 16 - Svensson, in a dramatic move, announces the end of the in-
vestigation of Gunnarson, saying there is no indication he had anything to
do with the crime. Svensson also announces that he is resigning from the
investigation, and details in a six-page presse release how he was misled by
the police into believing there was a case against the suspect. [See box.]
And there will be a bloodbath. Blood will flow on the streets of
Stockholm"
Police evidence No. 4 - Particles from the detonator-cap of a bullet were
found on Gunnarsson's jacket.
Svensson notes, that of the two particles from a detonator-cap found
on the jacket, one is certainly not from the kind of ammunition that is
assumed to have been used in the murder, while the other particle possibly
could be, but could just as well be from some other ammunition. The
jacket is 6 to 7 years old, and has been used by other people. The particles
found don't even prove that the suspect has ever fired a gun, much less
the gun that killed Palme.
Police evidence No. 5 - Police line-ups with Gunnarsson and various
witnesses.
Police line-ups have been conducted before no less than 55 "witnesses;"
none of whom has been able to identify Gunnarsson. Palme's wife Lisbet
has described the clothes of the killer in a way which doesn't agree with
how Gunnarsson was dressed. Svensson also reveals that yet another
witness was shown pictures of Gunnarsson before the police line-up.
Police evidence No. 6 - Contradictory statements by Gunnarsson during
his interrogation.
Gunnarsson has described his own whereabouts the night of the
murder, including a cafe and two cinemas. There is evidence from
witnesses supporting his alibi - and it has in no way been proven false.
"According to Swedish law,' Svensson writes sarcastically, "it is not up to
a suspect to prove himself innocent by providing a 100 percent alibi, but
it is up to the prosecutor to prove the suspect guilty"
In a personal addendum to the release, Svensson wrote:
"Finally, I want to state the following, about the role of the prosecutor
in the investigation. The suspect could have been removed much earlier
from the murder investigation, if the leadership group [under Holmer -
edit.] in the Palme case, through interference with the preliminary in-
vestigation's leadership [under Svensson - edit.], actions in various direc-
tions and attempts to exert pressure on the prosecutor through various
channels, had not disrupted and prevented rational work from the side of
the prosecutor. In my view, the suspect has been subject to a grave viola-
tion of his rights. It is not up to me to make any further statements here
as to the question of responsibility"
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Spetsnaz threatens
Sweden
Sources in the Office of the Public Prosecutor report that Svensson had
learned of Holmer's intention to get him fired, just before he was to clear
Gunnarsson of suspicion, which Svensson was going to announce officially
during the week of May 20. This prompted Svensson to move preemptively
to clear Gunnarsson, denounce Holmer's methods, and resign in protest
from the case.
Svensson is replaced as prosecutor in charge of the case by his immediate
superior, Stockholm High Prosecutor Claes Zeime, who is the head of the
Stockholm Office of the Public Prosecutor, and is considered "more
reliable" by the government. Asked what makes him so sure he will not
have the same "difficulties in cooperating" with Holmer as Svensson did,
Zeime tells media: "I have been the head of this office for 7 years. During
that time, I have been continously in touch with Hans Holmer. We know
each other well and have so far never had a quarrel" Zeime admits that his
taking charge of the case had been decided already on May 12, and an-
nounces that Svensson's decision to clear Gunnarsson of suspicion is not
unchangeable: "If new circumstances warrant it, nothing prevents me from
ordering a new arrest."
May 17 - Gunnar Falk, Gunnarsson's lawyer, calls, in Dagens Nyheter,
for Holmer to resign. "Additionally, one can ask what responsibility Justice
Minister Sten Wickbom has - the government has had an observer in the
Palme Room;" Falk said, adding: "Now it appears completely clear that the
police have attempted to 'improve' justice by manipulating testimonies and
witnesses!' Justice Chancellor Bengt Hamdahl - Sweden's highest judicial
official, empowered to impeach judges and other high public officials -
says he will investigate Svensson's charges.
Aftonbladet says the government is losing confidence in Holmer's leader-
ship: "`The investigation doesn't look very competent,' one centrally-placed
source said. `Holmer is a bureaucrat who never did normal field work'."
Expressen writes:
"Several police sources tonight characterized K.G. Svensson's decision to
resign from the case as signifying a total collapse of the murder investiga-
tion. `It is the wrong man who is leaving. Holmer instead ought to have
left the leadership job,' a highly placed police source said.
"As concerns Hans Holmer, there is strong discontent among the police
officials participating in the investigation of the Palme murder. Several of
the leading murder investigators have from the very start been strongly
critical of Holmer's way of interfering with the work. `His way of interfer-
ing with things has done incredible damage to the investigation: one police
source said.
"Several of Expressen's sources point to, among other things, the way in
which they think that Holmer was personally committed to the view that
the 33-year-old was the murderer. `He refused to accept the view of the in-
vestigators that suspicion of the 33-year-old was becoming weaker,' one
source said'."
May 22 - Prime Minister Carlsson announces the formation of a Com-
mission of Inquiry, composed of three top-level jurists, all of whom have
made their career in the government. The justice minister is to appoint a
group of experts and secretaries to assist the commission. Only much later,
a parliamentary group will be added, primarily to issue recommendations
for the future. The opposition charges that the government is trying to hide
something, by keeping the parliamentary representatives out.
Holmer's task force is now reduced to 145 men.
A press law trial opens, in which the government is accusing Svenska
Dagbladet of divulging state secrets, for publishing two articles in the sum-
mer of 1985 detailing Soviet Spetsnaz preparations against Sweden. The
real aim of the trial, which ends with acquittal, is to go after the sources
of the paper within military intelligence.
May 23 - U.S. columnist Jack Anderson, in an article appearing in several
American newspapers, cites a secret Pentagon report warning of Soviet
Spetsnaz plans to kidnap the Swedish king, in a pre-war situation, to
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Navy Commander Hans von Hofsten,
spokesman of (he Swedish officers' revolt,
listed the Palme murder as one event in a
series of Soviet pre-war deployments.
Hunting submarines
and killers
thwarth any ideas Swedish leaders may get of aligning Sweden with NATO.
The May issue of the U.S. Conservative Digest magazine, in an article on
Soviet Spetsnaz activity, notes that "heavy speculation has also arisen
about Spetsnaz involvement in the recent murder of Swedish Prime
Minister Olof Palme'" A May 27 classical music concert sponsored by the
Academy of Humanist Studies, a non-partisan cultural association, is
unilaterally cancelled by the manager of the concert hall, the Royal Ar-
moury in the Stockholm Royal Palace. The Royal Armoury manager tells
an Academy representative that the Armoury had been ordered to cancel
the concert in a phone call from the SAPO, saying "the concert must not
take place, because the Academy is politically connected to the ELP"
May 25 - Svenska Dagbladet runs a report based on foreign ministry
sources reflecting the results of Carlsson's Moscow visit, listing three points
of Soviet complaints: (1) the defense budget is too big, (2) the new restric-
tions on high-technology sales are unacceptable, and (3) certain "circles;"
which influence other "responsible circles;" and which are anti-Soviet and
are attempting to bring Sweden closer to NATO, must be stopped.
May 28 - The police computer now includes 9,062 interrogations, 24,340
tips, 14,557 persons, and 2,484 weapons, after three months of in-
vestigation.
The 60-year-old artist who saw a suspicious policeman on Feb. 28
delivers a 28-page documentation of his observations to the Commission
of Inquiry. The artist is convinced that the policeman is being protected by
his colleagues.
May 31 - Expressen reports divers have found tracks of mini-submarines
near the summer residence of the king. Despite official denials, Navy divers
were seen searching the coastal sea bed near the residence.
June 1 - Sweden's Armed Forces announce the formation of special anti-
Spetsnaz units, within the Army, the Navy, and the Air Force, with training
to commence on June 9.
June 6 - Swedish warships open fire on an intruding submarine in the ar-
chipelago northeast of Stockholm, in the first actual submarine hunt since
1984.
June 8 - The Observer of London runs an article saying that, according
to a senior Swedish government source, the Chilean regime may be behind
the Palme murder.
A burglary is committed in the house of Sweden's ambassador in Paris,
Carl Lidbom, who claims to have been drugged while asleep. The thief
searched the apartment, ignored many valuable objects, but stole the am-
bassador's pants with FF 800 in the pockets. "This sudden visit has nothing
to do with Olof Palme's death, although it is of course the privileged
hypothesis of the inquirers. Carl Lidbom was very close to the Swedish
prime minister,' the French daily Le Matin comments in a remarkably long
article.
Navy Commander Hans von Hofsten, known as the spokesman of the
Swedish officers' revolt, connects the Palme murder with the submarine in-
cursions, in a Dagens Nyheter article. Polemicizing against the idea that the
security political sky is clear, Hofsten lists the Palme murder as part of a
series of Soviet pre-war operations:
"Is it clear, when foreign naval forces operate year after year in Swedish
territory? ... Is it clear, when the super power on the opposite shore retools
its fighter formations to fighter bomber formations? ... Is it clear, when the
prime minister is assassinated?"
June 9 - "The situation of the submarine hunt can be compared to the
hunt for Palme's murderer,' Svenska Dagbladet editorializes. "The
unreserved, operative goal of the police is to catch the murderer and have
him convicted. The unreserved, operative goal of the Swedish military is to
catch red-handed those who are preparing a military assault on Sweden"
June 13 - After a two-day meeting of the Social-Democratic Party Ex-
ecutive, Prime Minister Carlsson admits he is "disappointed" that the
police have not found the killer.
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Another Soviet threat
Carlsson's trip to Peru for the Socialist international meeting next week
is cancelled, because of the continuing death threats against members of
the Swedish government.
June 17 - Two armed men are discovered on a wooded hillside about 100
meters away from the estate of Swedish financier Bo Ax:son Johnson, in
whose garden U.S. Ambassador Gregory J. Newell and some 20 other
guests were just being served drinks. The two men quickly fled as they were
fired at by one of Newell's bodyguards from the Stockholm police, who
discovered them as they were pointing their guns at him from a distance of
about 30 meters.
June 23 - "We will arrest a suspected murderer any time now,' says police
spokesman Hallberg in Aftonbladet.
July 1 - The Commission of Inquiry has its first meeting.
July 3 - The public learns that all documents pertaining to an unresolved
tax affair of Palme were erased from the tax authorities' computer, the
same evening that Palme was killed. The tax affair involved Palme's fee for
a lecture given at the Harvard University.
July 6 - Holmer in a radio broadcast denounces Prime Minister
Carlsson's June 13 "criticism" of the investigation.
July 17 - Andrei Aleksandrov, an advisor of the Soviet foreign ministry,
discreetly visits Prime Minister Carlsson's summer island, as a special em-
missary from Gorbachov. The evidence against four Poles, who illegally
entered Sweden's most secret naval base at Musko, is found insufficient,
and the prosecutor withdraws the charges of espionage he had announced
the same morning.
A special Soviet intelligence team pays a July visit to their Stockholm
embassy, reportedly to call embassy staff to account for several irritating
scandals errupting lately, ranging from drunken diplomatic drivers and
Russian call-girl rings to fake marriages, ikon smuggling, and outright es-
pionage.
July 24 - In a Ny Teknik interview, the deputy chief of the Western Trade
Department of the Soviet Ministry of Foreign Trade, Piskolov Y. Vasil-
yevich, threatens Sweden for its decision to adhere to COCOM rules con-
cerning sensitive Western technologies:
"We are against laws such as the one adopted by Sweden. Their adoption
shows how forcefully the U.S. is acting to implement its policy.
"We do not want to act more forcefully against Sweden, as there are so
many troubled corners in our world already."
Aug. 18 - The Commission of Inquiry meets. Hundreds of persons will
be interrogated by the commission during the fall.
Expressen, in a column by Ulf Nilson, calls for Holmer to resign. Titled
"Too Much Double Talk, Holmer;' the column asserts that although
Swedes are notorious for their "belief in authority',' a "creeping crisis of
confidence" is now emerging over Holmer's incompetence:
"If no concrete results are reported very soon, I believe that almost
everybody agrees that one would have much greater confidence in the
police if the leadership of the investigation were put in other hands'"
Aug. 21 - Commission Chairman Per-Erik Nilsson, in an interview for
Dagens Nyheter, criticizes the slow response to the Palme murder by
Swedish authorities, which assumed the murder was a single event, whereas
it could have been part of an enemy attack on Sweden. "A great uncertainty
must have prevailed during the first hours. Nobody knew whether it was
the work of a madman, or a Spetsnaz attack, or a well-organized terror ac-
tion against several members of the Swedish government,' Nilsson said.
Aug. 28 - Expressen cites police warnings of more political assassina-
tions, and quotes one police source saying, "I do not want to call it a blood-
bath, but there are likely several targetted victims!' "Sweden faces an
immediate and severe crisis;" Aftonbladet writes the same day. "The highest
police authorities expect an early murder attempt on a leading Social-
Democratic politician, a policeman or somebody in the Royal House. The
situation is so serious that National Police Chief Holger Romander, who
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Did the KGB kill Palme?
EIR Special Report
himself has received death threats, now openly admits to this paper: `There
is a grave risk of more attempts"'
Aug. 30 - Expressen reports of a rift between Holmer and the SAPO, and
writes that "several SAPO sources assert that Holmer has chosen the wrong
track in the investigation. The whole thing threatens to end up in a legal
scandal."
Aug. 31 - Sunday Express of London runs a banner headline asking "Did
the KGB Murder Olof Palme?" The paper reports: "Police say they are in-
vestigating the possibility of the killer being a KGB heavy sent to end
Palme's interference" with "Moscow's multi-million pound diamond deals
with the West." These diamonds are mined by Siberian slave laborers and
"shipped to the West with the Swedish government acting as the 'mid-
dleman' in the deals. Palme was said to be unhappy with the arrangements
and Moscow is known to have been angry at his interference" Other
possibilities mentioned are that Palme, "who was often rumoured to enjoy
the company of women other than his wife;" was struck by a lover's revenge,
or gunned down by a South American hit-man sent by Chilean dictator
Augusto Pinochet, who "was said to have held a deep grudge against the
Swedish premier:' "Police are reluctant to reveal which line of enquiry is
proving most positive. But intelligence sources say that Sweden has long
been the playground of the KGB, and to Russia the diamond trade
represents a massive flow of hard currency;" the paper writes.
Sept. 6 - Expressen cites EIR Editor-in-Chief Criton Zoakos saying that
Holmer knows the KGB killed Palme, but tries to cover it up.
Sept. 7 - Aftonbladet cites sources in the West German Federal Criminal
Police saying Holmer's investigation has run up against the wall, and is
now indulging in "occupational therapy" Dagens Nyheter writes that "six
months after the murder of Olof Palme, a group within the SAPO division
for counterespionage is investigating the possible motives of several in-
dividual policemen to take part in a plot against Palme. The investigation
has been conducted quietly and leading representatives of the police in-
vestigation have not even known about its existence." The paper says the
group was formed in an early phase of the investigation, under the leader-
ship of SAPO's counterespionage chief, Per-Goran Nass, and that it is still
active, contrary to previous statements by leaders of the police in-
vestigation.
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The disinformation campaign: how it unfolded
Olof Palme, left without any protection, was
shot in the back by a gunman who escaped
running from the scene of the murder, in
downtown Stockholm.
Target: the ELP
Feb. 28 - Swedish Prime Minister Olof Palme is gunned down in
downtown Stockholm, at about 11.21 p.m., unprotected by his bodyguards,
who had been sent home.
March 1 - Soviet Central Committee member Georgii Arbatov, co-
founder of the Palme Commission and head of Moscow's USA-Canada In-
stitute, tells Swedish correspondents in Moscow: "I do not know who killed
Palme, but I know all too well who hated him.... I saw demonstrations
against him by fascist hooligans, inflammatory articles, and provocations.
Reaction loathed Palme" Unusually, Moscow has an immediate, calculated
political response, while other international leaders refrain from political
exploitation of the murder, merely expressing their shock at the news.
March 2 - Soviet Communist Party paper Pravda and government organ
Izvestia assert "right-wing circles" and "Western circles:' respectively, were
behind the hit.
This line is now promptly picked up and faithfully reproduced during the
following days by a chorus of Swedish "intellectuals" led by Palme intimate
Harry Schein and Olof Lagercrantz in Dagens Nyheter, Hans Haste in Ex-
pressen, Per-Olof Enquist and Karl Vennberg in Aftonbladet.
March 3 - Arbatov tells the Soviet news agency Novosti that "It is the
right-wing circles who are working against peace" who are responsible.
March 3 - Ekstra Bladet, Denmark's largest-circulation tabloid, runs arti-
cle by "star reporter" Paul Gazan, claiming that "Sources in the police
leadership reveal they are looking intensely at right-wing extremist groups,
such as the Swedish neo-nazis and the so-called `European Labor Party:
which also has a branch in Denmark'." Datelined in Stockholm, this first
article naming the ELP was based upon a manuscript shown by Expressen
reporter Tommy Schonstedt, according to a statement by Gazan.
March 3 - Tageszeitung, the Berlin-based pro-terrorist paper, runs article
from Stockholm by Andreas Juhnke, saying that, "According to informa-
tion of the Swedish paper Expressen, the Security Police is mainly focusing
on right-wing extremist circles including the `European Labor Party'.."
March 4 - Expressen, Sweden's largest-circulation daily, runs the story
floated one day before in Ekstra Bladet and Tageszeitung. The article, by
crime reporter Leif Brannstrom, mentions the ELP, "Known for hate pro-
paganda against Olof Palme:" in a list of alleged suspects under investiga-
tion by the Security Police (SAPO).
Expressen the same day carries an article authored by Georgii Arbatov,
titled "Palme Hated by Many'" Arbatov intones: "I don't know who
murdered Olof Palme, but I know very well who hated him. He was hated,
bestially hated, by those who cannot accept, by those who hate what he
spent his life for - peace and disarmament ... As a member of the Palme
Commission, ... I have seen demonstrations by neo-fascists, seen hooligans
curse him and threaten him, read slander articles.."
March 4 - Nordvastra Skdnes Tidningar, a local Southern Swedish paper,
runs article by Lydia Capolicchio citing local tax police commissioner Ber-
til Haggman, who has studied terrorism for more than ten years. "Palme's
way of criticizing political adversaries is indeed controversial. Enemies -
our prime minister certainly had many,' Haggman is quoted, followed by
a list of alleged suspects, including: "The European Labor Party is the
organization calling Olof Palme a `traitor'. The organization is known for
its strong Palme hate, but has never conducted a policy of violence''
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Suspect "linked to"
the ELP
EIR Special Report
March 5 - Radio Moscow reiterates that the Palme murder "is an attempt
by right-wing elements who want to deliver a blow to peace and disarma-
ment movements"
March 6 - Literaturnaya Gazeta, Soviet cultural journal known as a
mouthpiece of KGB disinformation, runs article by Soviet Foreign Ministry
spokesman Vladimir Lomeiko, asserting that "many things" Palme stood
for are close to "the new approach by the leadership of our party on ques-
tions of today's global problems;' including "organizing for a nuclear-free
civilization;" etc. "For that reason, he was a target of the ideological
adherents of violence. That is why they hated him.... At this moment we
do not know the names of his assassins, but we know the handwriting of
political assassination"
March 8 - Ekstra Bladet prints a letter to the editor by Swedish ELP
spokesman Michael Ericson, protesting the paper's claim on March 3 that
the ELP is under police investigation regarding the murder of Palme: "We
have contacted police inspector Anders Sigurdsson, Stockholm, who is in
the leadership of the investigation. He makes it clear that the ELP is of no
interest to the investigation. `The name has not even come up: he says"
March 14 - TASS correspondent in Stockholm says that the ELP is "the
same group" as the neo-Nazi "European National Socialist Union:' which
had claimed the Palme murder in a letter received on March 13 by the
Swedish news agency TT. The TASS spokesman names TT as his source,
which agency categorically denies having issued such misinformation.
March 14 - BT, the second-largest Danish paper, a noon tabloid of Berl-
ingske Tidende, reports that a man was detained on March 12, who is con-
nected to the ELP, and who was known previously as such by the SAPO:
"According to sources in SAPO (sic), the 35-year-old has been a sym-
phatizer of the EUP (sic!) and has worked on a freelance basis for the par-
ty, among other things by authoring articles for party journals" In fact, the
suspect never worked for the ELP, never wrote an article for ELP publica-
tions, and never attended an ELP event, public or internal. He signed up
for membership in 1984, and was removed from membership in 1985, as
there was no basis for further cooperation.
In a call to the SAPO on March 14, the ELP's Michael Ericson is told
that no such accusations had originated with SAPO, which has no informa-
tion linking the man to the ELP.
March 15 - BT prints a statement by an ELP spokesman, titled "Not Our
Man:' denying any links between the suspect and the ELP: "It is a lie which
must have come from Soviet or Soviet-related circles"
March 16 - The Observer of London in an article by Chris Mosey from
Stockholm on the March 15 funeral of Palme writes, "Police hunting
Palme's assassin are investigating a possible link between the killing and an
extreme right-wing political group known as the European Workers' Party
(sic!)" The paper claims that the "man under arrest in Stockholm on suspi-
cion of complicity in the murder, is understood to have been a supporter
of the party and to have held political meetings with up to 30 people crowd-
ed into his one-room flat in a suburb south of Stockholm"
March 18 - The storm breaks loose, a well coordinated wave of lies and
innuendo appears throughout the entire Swedish and international news
media, whether printed or broadcast. A few samples include:
SWEDEN:
Morgonekot, national radio morning news, broadcasts that the suspect was
an ELP member, adding lurid details of "meetings of decently dressed peo-
ple ... both Swedish and foreign guests" at the suspect's home.
Svenska Dagbladet runs front page article titled "Suspect to Be Charged,
Member of Political Sect;' which is cited widely as a source of other
slanders. Echoing the Soviet-inspired slander guidelines, the self-professed
conservative daily says, "In 1984, he was a member of the ELP. The ELP
on several occasions has run campaigns against Olof Palmer" and the
suspect "is known to be an outspoken anti-communist" Written by Richard
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Aschberg and Sune Olsson, the article reports that "At the National Tax
Authority, the 32-year-old, along with 1,800 other persons, is registered as
a member of the ELP" - giving away one of the coming operations
against the ELP.
Aftonbladet runs 16 pages on the Palme murder, 10 of which are devoted
to the ELP. Half of the front page is a picture of the Social Democrats'
1976 election kick-off rally, showing an anti-Palme placard held by two
men. A black square covers the face of the man to the right. "The one
holding the placard to the right in the picture is the man who yesterday in
Stockholm faced charges for the murder of Palmer' Aftonbladet asserts, as
proof of the suspect's long history of work with the ELP. The same picture
is blown up across the entire page 6, under a banner headline, "Here the
32-year-old Attacks:" In reality, the man singled out on the picture is a
Social-Democratic activist, attempting to violently tear down the ELP's
placard!
Kvallsposten, like many other papers, carries the same picture as Af-
tonbladet of the 1976 election rally, claiming that the Social Democrat at-
tacking the ELP placard is the suspect, demonstrating with the ELP
against Palme.
The paper also retails the lie that the suspect visited the editorial offices
of several Copenhagen newspapers on behalf of the ELP, in connection
with Palme's 1983 visit to Copenhagen.
DENMARK:
Ekstra Bladet reports that the suspect was an ELP member, and equates the
suspect's hate of Palme to that of the "right-wing extremist" ELP.
BT claims that the suspect was "known to Danish papers since Sept. 1983;'
when allegedly he visited the Copenhagen press, attempting to solicit ar-
ticles against Palme, on behalf of "an extreme right-wing organization;" in
connection to Palme's Denmark visit. No mention of the ELP, but other
papers now claim this as "proof" that the suspect worked for the ELP in
1983.
Danish TV reports the Svenska Dagbladet story that the suspect was an
ELP member, cites Swedish police sources who do not think the suspect
was an active ELP member, but repeats the story that the suspect visited
the BT editorial offices as an ELP member lobbying against Palme in 1983.
NORWAY:
Aftenposten reports Svenska Dagbladets story that the suspect signed up
for the ELP in 1984, and cites former ELP members describing the party
as a small disciplined sect, "in which brainwashing of members and harass-
ment of political adversaries was an important part of the activity'."
GREAT BRITAIN:
The Times runs front page article by Christopher Mosey from Stockholm
with name and picture of suspect, asserting that police "are understood to
be investigating his possible links with the right-wing European Workers'
Party (sic!), which has its headquarters in Wiesbaden, West Germany,' and
quoting the suspect saying, "Palme is on the death list. Blood will flow on
Stockholm's streets'." Article ends with AP wire from Bern that Swiss
authorities has offered SF 125,000 for clues to the Palme murder.
Reuters wire says that the suspect was an ELP member, and quotes ELP
spokesman Michael Ericson saying, "There have been clear attempts by
Moscow to lay the murder at our door" The news agency retails the Af-
tonbladet story with a 1976 picture allegedly showing the suspect among
ELP members heckling Palme.
FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY:
ARD and ZDF, both national TV channels, as well as all regional radio sta-
tions broadcast the suspect's ELP links.
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Western news media promptly issued the
Soviet disinformation line. Above, the spiritual
home of the "free press;" Moscow's old
Lyubyanka prison, today housing the KGB
headquarters. In the foreground, Cheka
founder Feliks Dzerzhinskii's statue.
From storm to hurricane
EIR Special Report
FRANCE:
AFP leads the barrage with a wire citing Svenska Dagbladet on the
suspect's membership of the "extreme right-wing" ELP, quoting the party's
intention to "put a stop to Palme's collaboration with the Soviet Union"
Antenne-2 TV, France-Inter state-owned radio, and Europe-I commercial
radio all broadcast variations on the theme of ELP links to the Palme
murder, with invectives ranging from "fascist" through "hallucinatory" to
"paid by the CIA" or "KGB'."
Le Monde reports the suspect's alleged ELP membership, cautiously word-
ed in the first edition, carrying the ELP's denial in the second edition.
ITALY:
Italian TV and radio report the ELP links of the suspect.
UNITED STATES:
The Washington Post runs an article by Chris Mosey saying that "literature
attacking Palme was found in the suspect's suburban apartment, some of
it printed by the extreme right-wing European Workers' Party (sic!), based
in Wiesbaden, West Germany' The article cites police saying they are in-
vestigating a possible link between the Palme murder and the party, which
"carried out a virulent campaign against Palme in Sweden, producing a
pamphlet purporting to be a `missing chapter' in his life, in which it accus-
ed his family of having Nazi links"
NBC-TV broadcasts a Nightly News item by Brian Ross, alleging a connec-
tion of the suspect to Lyndon LaRouche, who is identified as head of a neo-
Nazi cult. The Anti-Defamation League's Fact Finding Division head Irwin
Suall was interviewed, saying it was conceivable that a person affiliated
with LaRouche could commit an assassination.
UPI wire reports that "a fanatic anti-communist arrested in the assassina-
tion of Prime Minister Olof Palme was kicked out of an extreme right-wing
political group;" quoting ELP spokesman Michael Ericson as saying, "We
are not interested in people with cult ideas"
March 19 - The storm grows to a veritable hurricane, with further creative
elaboration of the fairy-tales of the days before:
SOVIET UNION:
Radio Moscow, once the KGB disinformation line is in place in the West,
breaks almost two weeks of silence, playing back in both domestic and in-
ternational broadcasts the Western media reports that the suspect was a
member of "the fascist European Labor Party, with its headquarters in
West Germany"
Red Star, the Red Army daily, runs a TASS release citing Svenska
Dagbladet, reporting the suspect's links to the ELP, "a `political sect' with
strict discipline, which carries out persecutions of its political opponents.
Some years ago the party started a `Save Sweden' campaign. Such a `rescue'
would be carried out by Sweden's entry into NATO"
SWEDEN:
Svenska Dagbladet claims "The suspect was active in the ELP already in
the mid-1970s;" citing an anonymous ex-reporter at the Malmo local radio,
who says the ELP demanded at that time that he broadcast an interview
with the man now under arrest. Several pictures are shown of police trying
to find the suspect on old pictures of ELP events.
The paper also cites the U.S. Heritage Foundation's Milton Copulos war-
ning that ELP supporters in the U.S. get "terrorist training:' and complain-
ing about a leaflet intervention against a Dec. 1984 press conference in
Chicago of the Palme Commission, including commission member Georgii
Arbatov, where one of Lyndon LaRouche's associates asked "a critical
question"
Dagens Nyheter claims that "a CIA man in the name of the [ELP]
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organization gave a lecture in Stockholm in 1974;' and adds that LaRouche
"is a millionaire in the computer business (sic)"
Expressen runs 12 pages on the Palme murder, 6 of which are devoted to
the ELP. Apart from rehashing more conventional lies about the ELP, a
full page is reserved for a former TV reporter, Larsolof Giertta, who in
1982 produced a slander program on the ELP, and claims to have received
a death threat from the party.
Aftonbladet runs 8 pages on the Palme murder, 4 of which are devoted to
the ELP. The Goebbels Prize is awarded to a two-page spread carrying
three large pictures of the West German neo-Nazi Karl-Heinz Hoffmann
in action, with paramilitary, neo-Nazi uniformed troops, dogs, and skull
and cross-bones symbols. The title reads: "The Neo-Nazi Training Camp,
Here Six Swedes Were Trained'" Citing an unnamed former ELP member,
picture captions and article claim that several Swedish ELP members
received weapons training at Hoffmann's training ground in Wiesbaden
(sic!).
Another half-page banner headline purports to quote an unnamed ELP
spokesman, saying "It May Become Necessary to Shoot Palmer" a state-
ment allegedly made to a Swedish journalist in Dec. 1984! In his 1984 arti-
cle, the journalist didn't think the statement worth reporting, but after the
Palme murder, he suddenly "recalled" it...
In a tiny box at the bottom of the same page, the paper half-heartedly
retracts its front-page lies of yesterday, about the 1976 election rally, but
written cryptically in order to hide the implications. Meanwhile, other
papers were already retailing the lie about the suspect's 10-year ELP
membership.
Smalands Folkblad runs the same fabrication as Aftonbladet that day, vary-
ing its quote, "We Wouldn't Hesitate to Shoot Palme!" in a banner headline
with name and large picture of the ELP spokesman alleged to have said it.
Falu Kuriren runs a vitriolic editorial, rehashing the line that the ELP is an
"extremist sect" running "hate propaganda" against Palme, but adding,
"Yet the party can hardly be connected to the murder of the prime
minister,' as "the organization as far as we know has never used violence"
The paper also runs an article, signed by its political editor, "ELP expert"
Hans Lindquist, who after retailing his repertoire of anti-ELP invec-
tives - including pro-Sovietism, anti-semitism, and pro-American -
warns that the suspect "in all likelihood has had no prominent function
in the movement" Examination of all ballot documents and publications
does not turn tip the suspect's name, and "Former Executive members who
are now fighting their old party and thus have no reason to hide facts
damaging to the ELP, say they do not at all know the man, neither by name
nor his face"
DENMARK:
Berlingske Tidende runs article calling the ELP in West Germany neo-Nazi.
Jyllands-Posten in article by Bonn correspondent Klaus Justsen calls the
ELP "fascist;" and LaRouche a "Fiihrer"
Aktuelt, the Social-Democratic daily, sets the tone in a large headline,
"Danes on Hate-Party's Black List;" implying that after Palme, the ELP is
now targetting several Danes, particularly Denmark's former Social-
Democratic health minister, Ritt Bjerregaard.
Ekstra Bladet joins in, running front page banner headline asserting that
"Ritt (Bjerregaard) is Next on the List of Hate"
Land og Folk, Danish Communist Party daily, varies the theme in its
headline, "Anker J. on Same ELP `Enemy List' as Palmer' in reference to
Denmark's former Social-Democratic prime minister, Anker Jorgensen.
Information runs both article and editorial by Jorgen Dragsdahl, claiming
that the ELP's philosophy promotes violence and terrorism.
NORWAY:
Dagbladet runs large picture of a hooded Ku Klux Klansman in white robe,
claiming that it is Lyndon LaRouche - although the face, which is show-
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ing, tells anybody who cares for the truth that it isn't LaRouche, whose real
picture is printed on another of the 7 pages devoted to the Palme murder!
The paper also retails the lies from Svenska Dagbladet that same day, that
the suspect has been an active ELP member for ten years.
Morgenbladet lies that West German ELP leader Helga Zepp-LaRouche is
really born in East Germany, although "officially she is born in Trier, West
Germany"
Arbeiderbladet accuses the ELP of running a "crusade against drugs,
AIDS, the International Monetary Fund, the Rockefeller family, Jews (!),
communism, the social democracy and the peace movement'"
GREAT BRITAIN:
The Times repeats its lies from the day before, again in an article by
Christopher Mosey from Stockholm, adding the "accusation" that the
ELP "has for several years conducted a virulent campaign against Mr.
Palme and advocates Sweden abandoning its policy of neutrality and join-
ing NATO"
FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY:
Frankfurter Rundschau writes that the ELP "has specialized in the worst
kind of political propaganda and, in Scandinavia, Olof Palme was their
dearest enemy ... The hate they're spreading can mislead a psychologically
unstable person into committing actions, the consequences of which they
cannot control!'
Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Suddeutsche Zeitung, and Die Welt all run
coverage based on Aftonbladet of the day before, including the fake picture
of the "suspect" with the ELP.
FRANCE:
Le Matin de Paris uses the title, "ELP: One Sect, One Party, One Leader,"
alluding to an infamous Nazi slogan.
ITALY:
l'Unita, Communist Party daily, runs the headline, "Is Palme's Killer a
Hard-Core Neo-Fascist?" adding, "He was an ELP activist"
Il Resto del Carlino runs a story in which the author claims he personally
attended "ELP meetings" where "Nazi songs were sung" and a "lot of beer
and sausages were consumed'."
SPAIN:
National TV, Channel 1, carried news item on suspect's links to the ELP
and LaRouche, who was identified as the leader of an international neo-
Nazi organization.
UNITED STATES:
The Washington Post runs an article in its first edition, titled "Suspect in
Palme Case had LaRouche Party Tie;" which is pulled from later editions.
Chicago Sun-Times runs article titled "Palme Suspect Linked to LaRouche
Extremists;" based on Svenska Dagbladet.
CBS-TV in Illinois broadcasts a statement by dope lobby figure Chip
Berlet, rehashing the suspect's alleged ELP and LaRouche links.
MEXICO:
Mexican TV gave extensive play to the LaRouche connection.
PERU:
Expreso, house organ of dope liberal Manuel Ulloa, was alone in retailing
the slanders against LaRouche and the ELP.
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Suspect released
Despite the release of Gunnarsson, and thus
the collapse of Holmer's forged connection to
the ELP, Swedish police and media attempt to
escalate their witchhunt against the party.
Above, Police Chief Hans Holmer.
Soviet TV on LaRouche
March 20 - After the suspect's sudden release in the afternoon of March
19, most of the media drumbeat regarding the ELP grinds to an abrupt
halt, with either no further mention of the Palme case whatsoever, or
"straight" news wires reporting the suspect's release, with no mention of
the ELP. The most significant exceptions, some of which are sampled
below, are in the Scandinavian press:
SWEDEN:
Arbetet runs the headline, "Criminal Police Fetched 1,800 Names of ELF
Members:' over an article beginning, "The police are still interested in the
ELP, in the hunt for Palme's murderer" The seizure of the registered ELP
members' names from the National Tax Authorities' Electoral Office
signals the next phase of harassment and intimidation efforts against the
party, run with Swedish police complicity.
Expressen, headlines an article by Leif Brannstrom, who helped launch the
original March 3-4 campaign against the ELP, "All Members of the ELP
Under Investigation" The article begins, "The investigators of the murder
now begin to penetrate deeper into the examination of the ELP. The Na-
tional Criminal Police have now seized the 1,800 membership registration
forms that the right-wing extremist party had filed with the National Tax
Authorities. `We are going to check the names in order to see whether any
of them can be connected to the murder of Olof Palme,' one police source
told Expressen"
DENMARK:
Ekstra Bladet reports continuing police investigation of the ELP, with the
seizure of 1,800 membership forms.
Berlingske Tidende claims that 3 ELP members harassed Palme already in
1970 at the Copenhagen airport - several years before the party was
founded!
GREAT BRITAIN:
The Times, again in an article by Christopher Mosey, keeps regurgitating
the old lie about the suspect's appearance at a 1976 ELP demonstration,
which was retracted by Aftonbladet on March 19.
FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY:
Kieler Nachrichten calls the ELP "terrorists"
FRANCE:
Le Quotidien de Paris, in anonymous article reporting the suspect's release,
adds explanation of why the investigation focused on "terrorist organiza-
tions;" such as the Croats, the RAF, and "the fascist sect" ELP!
Le Monde runs article characterizing the ELP as more likely "left-wing
Gaullist;" rather than extreme right-wing or "ultra conservative" Cites the
ELP program extensively, and notes that the party was never accused of us-
ing violence.
Present, a conservative Christian daily, employs quotes to refute the notion
of the ELP as an "extreme right-wing" party. The paper mentions the
ELP's praise for the turn-of-the-century Colbertist figure of the French
Socialist Party, Jean Jaures, the ELP's strong condemnation of the Nazi
collaborator Vichy regime, and the ELP's multi-racial candidates slate in
the just concluded French elections.
Present also attacks the disinformation campaign run through the
media, and cites "Western intelligence sources" saying that the Soviets are
likely behind the Palme murder.
March 21 - Vremya, the Soviet TV news program, airs an attack on the
ELP, regretting that the man who was arrested in the Palme murder case
is now being released for lack of evidence. This happened only because,
deplorably, "the police and judicial organs operate within the framework
of Swedish laws. However, it has become known for example, that the per-
EIR Special Report
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