GUNS ALONE WILL NOT BUY SECURITY

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Collection: 
Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): 
CIA-RDP90-00552R000100640002-0
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RIPPUB
Original Classification: 
K
Document Page Count: 
1
Document Creation Date: 
December 22, 2016
Document Release Date: 
June 18, 2010
Sequence Number: 
2
Case Number: 
Publication Date: 
March 24, 1980
Content Type: 
OPEN SOURCE
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PDF icon CIA-RDP90-00552R000100640002-0.pdf117.71 KB
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STAT ILLEGIB Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/06/18: CIA-RDP90-00552R000100640002-0 THE CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR 24 March 1980 Guns alone will not buy security By Don Bonker Gies that committed us to adopting the odious tactics, principles, and policies of our adver- saries. Too often we abandoned our own val- ues by pursuing expedient and symbolic; actions. Even though the national dialogue today is dominated by military approaches - estab-1 lishinga military facilities in the Persian Gulf,I enlarging our rapid deployment force, estab lishing a naval presence in the Indian Ocean, the sale of previously banned military equip ment to China, and cultivation of security ties! with other countries all along Russia's south? em border - all of this has its price. It comes at the expense of other values that are equally important in our,,.relations with the world community.. It would be tragic if we have now reachedi a point where firm promotion of human rightsi and restraints on nuclear and conventional arms sales are politically anathema. But clearly events in Iran, Ethiopia, Philippines, Zaire, Pakistan, Nicaragua, Cambodia, Chile, Argentina, and Guatemala have shown that human rights concerns are directly re- lated to our genuine, long-term security inter- est - something that cannot be purchased with guns, airplanes, and the training of tor- turers. It has never been the lack of weapons but internal discord and insensitivity to hu- man needs that threaten such repressive gov- ernments and often our own security interests. - People tend to forget that the United States's uncritical support of regimes like the ex-Shah's, whose main accomplishment is they exploitation of their subjects, has irreparably i tarnished our image abroad. As inheritors oft a tradition that fosters liberalism, human dig= nityand individual rights, we must not blindly return to the bankrupt policies that identify us with such regimes. The House Subcomittee on International Organizations,which oversees human rights policies, recently held several hearings on hu- man rights conditions in Asia. All the private witnesses testified that wherever and when- ever the US supported improvement in hu- man- rights activities the situation change for the better as local governments eased u on harsh, policies . to accommodate our concerns. . ;zi. In the final analysis, we promote our long term interests - including security and stra- tegic interests - when we remain true to our-' selves and our vision of humanity byl encouraging democratic 'change and social and economic justice. The recognition of this reality, I believe, will make the eighties the decade of human rights. And, in the long run, it will advance our own best interests. As President Carter reminded us in his State of the Union address: "In repressive rel- gimes, popular frustrations have no outlet ex- cept violence. But when people and their gov- ernments can approach their problems together - through open democratic methods - the basis for stability and peace is far more solid and enduring. That is why our support! for human rights in other countries is in ourl national interest as well as part of our na-1 tional character." Now more than ever, we must continue our vigorous promotion of human rights, for it would be sad and counterproductive if we emulated Soviet policies and methods in deal- ing with third-world countries. Don Bonker, a Democratic congress- man from Washington State, is chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Commit- tee's Subcommittee on International organizations. Several weeks ago we watched from the floor of the House as a determined Jimmy Carter stood before the Congress of the United States to deliver his State of the Union message. His stinging criticism of Russias invasion of Afghanistan touched a. latent jin- goistic chord from coast to coast. The demand for American action could be heard through- out the halls of Congress. We also witnessed a President who seemed to abandon the principles he earlier sought to include in his administration's foreign policy: promotion of human rights, restraint on arms sales, nonproliferation of nuclear materials, checks on CIA covert activity an all-volun- teer military service, and reduction of de- fense spending. - In the aftermath of Vietnam and Water- gate, these were the very objectives that Jimmy Carter promised as a candidate; and, as a President, he and the Congress have worked hard to implement these goals during the first four years. Now the President, with the apparent blessing of the Congress, was promoting something different and disquieting. What does all this mean? Are we abandon- ing our humanitarian goals? Is this the death knell of "detente?" Are we possibly reverting back to the "defensive pactomania" of the 1950s - the Dulles-Nixon-Kissinger policies of embracing unsavory dictators only because they spout anticommunist slogans to win our affections? Few doubt the need to strengthen existing US resolve and commitments in a volatile world, but this requires more than sheer mili- tary force or strategic preparedness. US strength is measured by our self-confidence, our maturity as a people, and the insights and actions of our leaders. Carter himself has nur- tured this theme in US policy formulation. European parliamentarians with whom I recently had discussions about human rights expressed the view that American restraint in, the Iranian crisis is a much admired sign of our strength as a people. They pointed out that for too long we have been wedded to poll- Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/06/18: CIA-RDP90-00552R000100640002-0