LETTER TO WILLIAM CASEY FROM BARRY GOLDWATER

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP89B00236R000500090007-3
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 14
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: May 29, 2009
• Sequence Number: 7
• Publication Date: June 30, 1983
• Content Type: LETTER

n__ c--t-3
Approved For Release 2009/05/29: CIA-RDP89BOO236ROO0500090007-1 v
BARRY GOLDWATER, ARIZ., CHAIRMAN
DANIEL PATRICK MOYNIHAN, N.Y.. VICE CHAIRMAN
JAKE DARN, UTAH
JOHN H. CHAFEE, R.I.
RICHARD G. LUGAR, IND.
MALCOLM WALLOP. WYO.
DAVID DURENBERGER. MINN.
WILLIAM V. ROTH. JR., DEL.
WILLIAM S. COHEN, MAINE
WALTER D. HUDDLESTON, KY.
JOSEPH R. BIDEN. JR.. DEL.
DANIEL K. INOWE, HAWAII
HENRY M. JACKSON, WASH.
PATRICK J. LEAHY. VT.
LLOYD EENTSEN, TEX.
HOWARD H. BAKER. JR.. TENN., EX OFFICIO
ROBERT C. BYRD, W. VA., EX OFFICIO
ROBERT R. SIMMONS, STAFF DIRECTOR
GARY J. SCHMITT. MINORITY STAFF DIRECTOR
SELECT COMMITTEE ON INTELLIGENCE
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20510
ExOcutive Re istty
/.
IN REPLY, PLEASE
REFER TO 83- -4/.33
June 30, 1983
The Honorable William Casey
Director of Central Intelligence
Central Intelligence Agency
Washington, D.C.
Enclosed are additional questions.of Senators Inouye, Durenberger, Huddleston,
and Leahy regarding S. 1324.
'zCnffeb ,$fofez Zenafe
Approved For Release 2009/05/29: CIA-RDP89B00236R000500090007-3
 Approved For Release 2009/05/29: CIA-RDP89B00236R000500090007-3
Iq
Next 2 Page(s) In Document Denied
STAT
Approved For Release 2009/05/29: CIA-RDP89B00236R000500090007-3
 0 0
Approved For Release 2009/05/29: CIA-RDP89B00236R000500090007-3
? Vu 11d-ULJ
1\1~j
EL
?
o?
Approved For Release 2009/05/29: CIA-RDP89B00236R000500090007-3
 Approved For Release 2009/05/29: CIA-RDP89B00236R000500090007-3
SABOTAGING
TNE DISSIDENT PRESS
The untold story of
the secret offensive
waged by the U.S.
government against
antiwar publications
by ANGUS MACKENZIE
he American public has learned
in the -last few years a great
deal about the government's
surveillance of the left during
the Vietnam War era. The re-
port of the Senate Select
Committee on Intelligence (the Church
committee) first suggested how widely
the government had been involved in
planting informants inside New Left
groups, propagating false information
about these groups, and using a variety
of tactics to disrupt their activities. That
such tactics were also used on a vast
scale against dissenting magazines and
the underground press, however, has not
been reported in a comprehensive way.
The story has lain scattered in a hundred
places. Now, documents obtained by
editors and writers under the Freedom of
Information Act, and interviews with
former intelligence agents, make it pos-
sible, for the first time, to put together a
coherent - though not necessarily
complete - account of the federal gov-
ernment's systematic and sustained
violation of the First Amendment during
the late.l 960s and early 1970s.
The government's offensive against
the underground press primarily in-
volved three agencies - the CIA, the
FBI, and the Army. In many cases, their
Angus Mackenzie is a free-lance writer in
northern California. Editorial assistance
was provided by Jay Peterzell of'the Center
for National Security Studies in Washington,
which also provided research assistance.
The article was financed in part by the Fund
for Investigative Journalism.
activities stemmed from what they could
claim were legitimate concerns. The
CIA's Operation CHAOS, for example,
was set up to look into the foreign con-
nections of domestic dissidents; how-
ever, it soon exceeded its mandate and
became part of the broad attack on the
left and on publications that were re-
garded as creating a climate disruptive
of the war effort. At its height, the gov-
ernment's offensive may have affected
more than 150 of the roughly 500 un-
derground publications that became the
nerve centers of the antiwar and coun-
tercultural movements.'
A telling example of this offensive
was the harassment of Liberation News
Service, which, when opposition to the
Vietnam War was building, played a
key role in keeping the disparate parts of
the antiwar movement informed. By
1968, the FBI had assigned three infor-
mants to penetrate the news service,
while nine other informants regularly
reported on it from the outside. Their-
reports were forwarded to the U.S. Ar-
my's Counterintelligence Branch, where
an analyst kept tabs on LNS founders
Ray Mungo and Marshall Bloom, and to
the Secret Service, the Internal Revenue
Service, the Navy, the Air Force, and
the CIA. The FBI also attempted to dis-
credit and break up the news service
through various counterintelligence ac-
tivities, such as trying to make LNS ap-
pear to be an FBI front, to create friction
among staff members, and to burn down
the LNS office in Washington while the
staff slept upstairs. Before long, the
CIA, too, joined the offensive; one of its
recruits began filing reports on the
movements of LNS staff members while
reporting for the underground press to
establish his cover as an underground
journalist.
The CIA was apparently the first fed-
eral agency to plan actions against
domestic publications. Its Operation
CHAOS grew out of an investigation of
Ramparts magazine, which during the
late 1960s was perhaps the leading na-
tional publication of the left. In early
1967, Ramparts was preparing to pub-
lish an expose on the CIA's funding of
the U.S. National Student Association
and on various foundations the agency
used as conduits for that funding. The
CIA got wind of the article in January
1967, two months before the planned
March publication date. Viewing the
article as "an attack on CIA in particular
and the administration in general," the
agency started to monitor the activities
of Ramparts editors, ostensibly to ascer-
tain whether they had contacts with hos-
tile intelligence services. The CIA's Di-
rectorate of Plans (its "dirty tricks" de-
partment) assigned to counterintelli-
gence agent Richard Ober the task of
"pulling together information on Ram-
parts, including any evidence of sub-
version [and] devising proposals for
counteraction." While those proposals
remain secret, several details relating to
the Ramparts operation have become
known.
n February 1, an associate of
Ober's met with Thomas
Terry, assistant to the com-
missioner of the Internal Reve-
nue Service, to request that the
IRS review Ramparts' corpo-
rate tax returns to determine who the
magazine's backers were. Terry agreed
to do so. Subsequently, Ober's office
provided the IRS with "detailed infor-
mant information" about Ramparts
backers, whom the IRS was requested to
investigate for possible tax violations.
Ober's investigation of the magazine
'uncovered no "evidence of subversion"
or ties to foreign intelligence agencies.
By August, however, it had produced a
computerized listing of several hundred
Americans, about fifty of whom were
the subject of detailed files.
In August, too, Ober's mandate was
expanded as the CIA, responding to
pressure from President Johnson, ini-
57
MARCH APRIL 1981 ---
Approved For Release 2009/05/29: CIA-RDP89B00236R000500090007-3
 Approved For Release 2009/05/29: CIA-RDP89B00236R000500090007-3
S 40
tiated a massive and largely still-secret
program of spying on and analyzing
political protest - that is, Operation
CHAOS. The underground press was
one of its targets, the others being an-
tiwar groups, radical youth organiza-
tions, black militants, and deserters and
draft resisters. CHAOS, of course,
raised special problems because it vio-
lated a clause in the agency's charter
prohibiting the CIA from performing
any "internal security function." To
give a semblance of legality to the op-
eration, the same justification was used
as in the Ramparts investigation -
namely, that the motive was to search
out possible foreign funding or control.
In tracking the press, the CIA was
able to count on help from the Army,
with which, CHAOS files state, "Direct
operational discussions on joint agent
operations have been held." Ralph Stein
directed the "New Left" desk for the
Army's Counterintelligence Analysis
Branch in Arlington, Virginia. The
branch kept track of underground
periodicals and maintained a microfilm
crossfile on writers and editors affiliated
with them. Stein got most of his infor-
mation from public sources, but some of
it came from classified intelligence re-
ports which, he says, were provided by
FBI and Army infiltrators. "Their in-
formation was too good, too inside," to
have come from public source material,
Stein recalled in a recent interview.
In late 1967, Stein was dispatched to
CIA headquarters to brief liaison officer
Jim Ludlum and others (presumably
from Ober's office) on underground and
student publications. He found, how-
ever, that the CIA men already knew a
great deal about the subject. Two
questions were foremost in their minds.
They wanted to know all about "the
ideas and beliefs of the individuals who
produced these publications," Stein re-
called, and about foreign financing of
such prominent publications as Ram-
parts and a host of small underground
papers. Stein's response to the latter
question was, presumably, unsatisfac-
tory. "Far from being financed by any
hostile power abroad," he commented
recently, "the people who were putting
out these papers were actually using
their lunch money, and we were able to
prove this." After his briefing session at
the CIA, Stein returned to his Arlington
office, where he remarked that he
thought the CIA was not supposed to
engage in domestic surveillance. Shortly
thereafter, he was relieved of his liaison
duties with the agency, which were
taken over by a superior.
L ike Stein, Ober found no evidence
to support the suspicion that
domestic dissidents were being
financed or controlled by
foreign powers. And, to Ober's
credit, his office consistently
reported that the antiwar and black
nationalist movements were, in fact, re-
sponses to domestic political and eco-
nomic frustrations. But the White House
could not abandon what had by now be-
come an We fixe and - particularly
after Richard Nixon's election in 1968
- it pushed the CIA to probe further
into domestic politics. The collection of
names continued apace. (By 1973, when
CHAOS was converted into the CIA's
International Terrorism Group, the
computerized list of Americans that
Ober had begun to compile in 1967 had
grown to include 300,000 names.)
In May 1969, as surveillance activi-
ties increased, then-CIA
Like many small antiwar papers, the Buffalo Town Crier was printed
by a non-union shop. No sooner had its first issue hit the street in Buffalo, New York,
than the FBI, not otherwise known as a friend of organized labor, laid plans
to put the paper out of business by denouncing it anonymously to union leaders
SAC, Buffalo (100-19652) 1/2D/69
117 C-1 It G yd'- ~-. ~/Jl
~
---?- -
Director, FBI -Cm-449699)
COIttJELPRO - NEW LEFT
Reurlet 1/16/69.
Vnotify the local trade union lenders in the Buffalo area.of
';'the fact that the "Buffalo Town-Crier" is being printed
without union labor has merit and should be pursued further.
Your letter states, however, that you plan to furnish this
Information anonymously to trade union leaders, especially.
;,...those connected with the printIng industry. It is felt that
the organization most interested in this would be the
printing unions and, thereforo, your anonymous communication
should be restricted to them. In this regard, you should
furnish a copy of the paper to theso unions with your
anonymous lettor. .
Assure that all steps necessary are taken to
protect the Bureau as the source of these communications.
Advise of any results obtained. .
(1111) 4 :jes
w Nt7TE:
By rolet, BU advised that a New Left publication,
y. "Buffalo Town Crier," was being printed without the use of
union labor. Buffalo suggested that it might be possible
`to force this.pubUcation duf_of.busines~by anonymously
unions forced the newspaper to We by union scale, the
11
increased costs would ', prohibit, its publication.
Approved For Release 2009/05/29: CIA-RDP89B00236R000500090007-3
 Approved For Release 2009/05/29: CIA-RDP89B00236R000500090007-3
W - ?
Richard Helms stated in a memo to field
offices that "Operational priority of
CHAOS activities in the field is in the
highest category, ranking with Soviet
and Chicom [Chinese Communist]."
While the agency had formerly relied on
FBI personnel, it now began recruiting
outsiders for CHAOS undercover work.
One such recruit was Sal Ferrera, men-
tioned in a December 27, 1977, New
York Times article as having worked as
a CIA operative in Washington, D.C.,
and Paris. The details of Ferrera's as-
sociation with Operation CHAOS are
reported here for the first time. They
provide a glimpse into just how the CIA
spied on the American press.
Ferrera grew up in Chicago, studied
revolutionary theory at Loyola Univer-
sity, and in 1969 moved to Washington,
D.C., where he made contact with local
journalists writing for underground
publications. He attended early meet-
ings of the newly founded Quicksilver
Times, which quickly became the city's
leading crusader against the Vietnam
War. When the first issue came out on
June 16, 1969, Ferrera's.name was on
the masthead. He participated in edito-
rial decisions and represented the paper
at various functions, and he continued to
work in the underground press at home
and abroad until 1974. -
At some point not yet known he also
went to work for CHAOS, his under-
ground press connections providing him
with impeccable "radical credentials."
Wherever there was radical activity,
Ferrera seemed to be there. Between
January and April 1970, he interviewed
Abbie Hoffman, Jerry Rubin, and other
members of the Chicago Seven, as well
as their lawyer, William Kunstler. In
Washington, he became acquainted with
Karl Hess, who worked for The Liber-
tarian magazine, and soon took to
dropping in to visit Hess's office in the
basement of the Institute for Policy
Studies, a center for antiwar activities.
During the 1971 May Day antiwar
demonstration in Washington, Ferrera
took photographs and reported on the
event for College Press Service, an an-
tiwar syndication service; he may well
have been the agent mentioned in the
Rockefeller Commission's hearings on
the CIA as having covered the demon-
stration for the agency. He also appears
to have been the source of two reports to
the CIA regarding staff members of
Liberation News Service. In late April,
when Ferrera was still working in the
Quicksilver office, an LNS editor stop-
ped in to ask if LNS staff members who
planned to come down from New York
for May Day could lodge there. A
CHAOS informant's report, dated April
25 and released to LNS editor Andrew
Marx under the FOIA, refers to this
visit. A second report lists all LNS staff
members who attended the May Day
demonstration.
Ferrera subsequently went to live in
Paris, where he wrote articles on radical
student politics for LNS and College
Press Service. In 1972, the CIA as-
signed Ferrera and another agent to
monitor the activities of Philip Agee,
who was then living in Paris and writing
Inside the Company, his expose of CIA
operations in Latin America. Ferrera re-
turned to the U.S. (and legally changed
his name) in 1975, the year Agee's book
appeared. When interviewed for this ar-
ticle, he denied his relationship with the
CIA.
F errera's activities were not uni-
que, as documents obtained by
the Center for National Secu;
rity Studies, a public-interest
group based in Washington,
D.C., make clear. In one
memorandum a former'CIA ease officer
for domestic CHAOS agents is quoted
as saying that several such agents were
active in this country "anywhere from
months to years." Their activities belie
the contention of the Church committee
report, based on the claims of the CIA
itself, that CHAOS agents operated in
the U.S. primarily for training and cover
purposes.
Four months after CHAOS was set
up, the CIA initiated another domestic
spying program. Run by the agency's
Office of Security, it was dubbed Project
Resistance - and it soon came up with
a novel and quite effective means of
shutting down dissident publications.
Created in the wake of a program begun
in February 1967 and designed narrowly
to protect CIA recruiters on college
campuses, Resistance soon became a
nationwide probe of campus and non-
campus dissident groups, paying special
attention to the underground press. The
Church committee report stated that
Project Resistance was "a broad effort
to obtain general background for pre-
dicting violence, which might have
created threats to CIA installations, re-
cruiters or contractors...." Files ob-
tained by the Center for National Secu-
rity Studies, however, make it clear that
Project Resistance's main purpose was
to infiltrate the underground press, and
that it did so routinely, sometimes
through local police informers.
In late 1968, a Resistance analyst
filed the following memo:
A modern phenomenon which has evolved in
the last three or four years is the vast growth
of the Underground Press. Underground
means of mass communication utilized to
avoid suppression by legal authority and/or
attribution is not new to this age, but its.vol-
ume is and the apparent freedom and ease in
which filth, slanderous and libelous state-
ments, and what appear to be almost
treasonous anti-establishment propaganda is
allowed to circulate is difficult to rationalize.
Then he suggested a novel strategy for
silencing such "anti-establishment
propaganda." The underground papers,
he wrote, "are not a quality press. Eight
out of 10 would fail if a few phonograph
record companies stopped advertising in
them." Since Resistance, like CHAOS,
was nominally a spy operation, and
since, again nominally, the CIA was
prohibited from performing any "inter-
nal security function," the CIA did not
itself feel comfortable carrying out such
a program. The FBI, however, felt no
such inhibitions.
In January 1969, four months after
the Resistance agent had filed his memo
on the underground press, the FBI's San
Francisco office wrote to headquarters in
Washington and to the FBI's New York
office, asserting that financial "assist-
ance" from Columbia Records - i.e.,
advertisements in the Berkeley Barb and
other underground papers - "appears
to be giving active aid and comfort to
enemies of the United States." The San
Francisco office suggested that the FBI
should use its contacts to persuade Co-
lumbia Records to stop advertising in
the underground. press.
One of the first publications to feel the
effect of this strategy was the Free
Press, an alternative' paper in Washing-
ton, D.C. Its February 1 issue was the
last to carry Columbia record ads, a vital
source of revenue. By the end of the
s0 COLUMBIA JOURNALISM REVIEW
Approved For Release 2009/05/29: CIA-RDP89B00236R000500090007-3
 Approved For Release 2009/05/29: CIA-RDP89B00236R000500090007-3
year the paper was dead. In Wisconsin,
.the six-paper Kaleidoscope underground
chain, created for the express purpose of
obtaining ads from New' York record
companies, also succumbed. In a recent
interview, Marc Knops, the editor of the
Madison Kaleidoscope, which survived
briefly on local ads, said that when the
record companies pulled out, "The bot-
tom fell out of the ad market. By autumn
1969 there was no income. Kaleido-
scope was gone as a functioning chain."
(In 1970 the former chain's Milwaukee
paper, also surviving on local ads, was
the target of another effort by the FBI's
local office, which attempted - but
failed - to use "public exposure" to
gain the dismissal of two professors who
frequently contributed to the. under-
ground paper. Similar, more successful
efforts were directed against professors
at the University of South Alabama who
had contributed to the radical Rear-
guard.)
Deprived of most of its record ads,
the Berkeley Barb survived on lewd sex
ads. At the Barb, as elsewhere, editors
and staff had no clear indication of why
In this 1968 letter, FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover authorized the Bureau's
Detroit office to go after South End, the student paper at Wayne State University. The plan:
send anonymous letters - e.g., from "a concerned parent" - urging state officials
to cut off the paper's funding. He also suggested leaning on South End's advertisers
SAC, Detroit (157-3214)
.
l i
otG X26 t
Authority is rrent.od to pall the ?nonyrouis lettern
sot out in rolet. Take the usual precautions to inrura this
tnallin cannot be traced to the bureau. Advi the Pircnu
As s further technique in thin matter Detroit should
"
nw sown snd
to the extremist nature of this newspaper.
TJD:Ina
.(r')
NOTE:
The .-.. ++.rY _rn _, in
by school funds and this Is -s state-supported university. This,
newspoper has a black e,: ist viewpoint and is self-described
as "revolutionary." It is sympathetic to the Black Panther party,;
i. proviouaiy niertcu a publication to the nature of this news
paper. How a Detroit newspaper has published an expose of the
city authorities responsible for funding this newspaper, includirr;'?'
Governor Romney of ichigan. , , ,
A letter is also boing?sont to the Archbishop of Detrot?
concerning a Catholic croup fuodinrlW E.B. Du Bois institute .,r
W.E,D Du Sole Clubs of America and the revolutionary nature of thVa
inotitute. Since these letters are anonymous there is no pos3lb-
s
ility of embarrassment to Oil Bureau and they may help cu off fun
being used for black extremist propaganda.
?
a major source of revenue had suddenly
evaporated. Columbia Records has de-
clined to comment.
Throughout the country, other
FBI offices employed similar
tactics to silence the dissident
press. When headquarters
ordered the Detroit office to
"neutralize" the South End
and the State News, the student, papers
at Wayne State and Michigan State uni-
versities respectively, the office sent
anonymous letters of protest to local
businesses that advertised in them. A
more limited campaign was waged
against The Tech, the student paper at
Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
Another bureau ploy used against col-
lege papers consisted of anonymously
mailing their most controversial articles
to funding sources and other influential
persons, including state legislators, col-
lege trustees, and "friendly news
media." "Items submitted should be
extremely radical on their face, use pro-
fanity or be repulsive in nature," J.
Edgar Hoover stated in a directive to
fourteen field offices in May 1968.
The FBI also enlisted the assistance of
local banks. In Cincinnati, the branch
office obtained transaction records for
two underground papers, the Indepen-
dent Eye and the Queen City Express,
helping it to identify advertisers and
contributors. "As information is gath-
ered," a memo dated July 8, 1970
stated, "it is believed there will be op-
portunities to suggest counterintelli-
gence action against individuals and
groups who are giving financial support
to these publications."
Showing initiative, in 1970 the El
Paso office proposed a "possible coun-
terintelligent [sic] action" designed to
silence the editor of the underground
The Sea Turtle and the Shark; the idea
was to publicize his alleged past crimi-
nal activities and "dependence upon
various welfare programs." Eventually
the editor was arrested for selling an
"obscene newspaper" to a minor after
the FBI had supplied information to
local authorities.
In addition to these comparatively re-
strained strategies, the FBI also insti-
gated violent acts. In San Diego, for in-
stance, the paramilitary Secret Army
Organization, led by FBI informant
64 COLUMBIA JOURNALISM REVIEW
Approved For Release 2009/05/29: CIA-RDP89B00236R000500090007-3
 Approved For Release 2009/05/29: CIA-RDP89B00236R000500090007-3
? ?
Howard Godfrey, assaulted the offices
and staff of the Street Journal on De-
cember 25, 1969. By January of 1971,
the commune that published the Journal
had broken up. FBI documents released
under the FOIA show for the first time
that the Secret Army Organization's
operations extended as far east as Wis-
consin, where the organization
threatened to kidnap Mike Fellner,
editor of the radical Madison paper
Takeover.
In some cities, when direct attacks
proved unsuccessful, the government set
up its own phony news service which,
so long as it was unexposed, provided a
means of penetrating the left; once ex-
posed, it cast suspicion on legitimate
underground reporters and helped to
create a feeling of paranoia. The Army
started Midwest News in Chicago, ac-
cording to former intelligence officer
Ralph Stein; in San Francisco, the FBI
set up Pacific International News Serv-
ice. The head of the FBI's San Francisco
office at the time, Charles Bates - he is
now a reporter for KGO-TV in San
Francisco - said recently that he did
not specifically recall Pacific Interna-
tional, but added that front operations of
that kind "would have been fine if it
weren't put down in writing." A
spokesman for the San Francisco field
office refused to confirm or deny the bu-
reau's use of the news service. Mean-
while, on the East Coast, the FBI oper-
ated New York Press Service under the
direction of Louis Salzberg. NYPS of-
fered its services to left-wing publica-
tions at attractive rates, soliciting busi-
ness with a letter that read, in part: "The
next time your organization schedules a
demonstration, march, picket or office
party, let us know in advance. We'll
cover it like a blanket and deliver a cost
free sample of our work to your office."
NYPS's cover was blown when Salz-
berg surfaced as a government witness
in the Chicago Seven trial, during which
it was disclosed that he had been an FBI
informant.
The New York field office shrewdly
turned this setback into a means of cast-
ing suspicion on Liberation News Serv-
ice. The office prepared an anonymous
letter, copies of which were sent to
newspapers and antiwar groups, accus-
ing LNS of being an FBI front. "Lns
[sic] is in an ideal position to infiltrate
the movement at every level," the letter
stated. "It has carefully concealed its
books from all but a select few. Former
employees have openly questioned its
sources of operating funds. I shall write
to you further on Lns for I (and several
others) are taking steps to expose this
fraud for what it really is - a govern-
ment financed front."
Fiefdoms of information
In my two-year-long effort to obtain fed-
eral agency files on underground publica-
tions, I learned almost as much about how
the Freedom of Information Act works -
or doesn't work - as I did about the
means by which the government sought to
suppress dissent in the 1960s and 1970s. I
found, above all, that while some agen-
cies were quite cooperative, the CIA and
FBI proved adept at keeping their infor-
mation to themselves.
In requesting FBI counterintelligence
files and the entire "New Left Publica-
tions" file under the FOIA, I was able to
supply the bureau with seventy-eight file
numbers relating to forty-seven periodi-
cals (obtained from heavily censored files
previously released to editors of publica-
tions that no longer exist). Since the most
difficult element in any request is identify-
ing documents specifically enough so that
the agency can locate them, this should
have facilitated a quick response. Instead,
the FBI demanded an advance deposit of
$1,100 for more than 1,100 hours of
search time. My appeal of that payment is
still pending.
In the case of the CIA, I was able to
supply the agency with four file numbers.
After twenty-six days a letter came stating
that I would have to agree to unspecified
search fees. Nothing then happened until
fourteen months later, when a second let-
ter said I would have to deposit $30,000
on a search they estimated would cost a
total of $61,501.
The Secret Service, by contrast,
waived search-and-copy fees and com-
plied with my request within seventeen
days, sending forty censored pages deal-
ing with nineteen newspapers - even
though I had been unable to supply any file
numbers to the service. Likewise, the De-
partment of Defense attempted to comply
with the intent of the act, although, again,
I was unable to supply file numbers.
Within thirty-two days of my request, the
department waived $445.50 in search-
and-copy fees. After a search, its Defense
Investigative Service determined that it
might have records on seventeen of the
500.newspapers on my list.
Supposedly, new teeth were put in the
FOIA in 1974. At the time, a House-
Senate conference report said that agen-
cies must comply with requests within
thirty days, that "fees should not be used
for the purpose of discouraging re-
quests," and that withheld files must con-
cern activity within the agency's legal au-
thority. My experience shows that the
CIA and the FBI refuse to comply with
both the intent and letter of the amended
act. A. M.
u
S ch, then, were the techniques
used by the U.S. government
to stifle freedom of expres-
sion in the late 1960s and
early 1970s. These and other
violations of American civil
liberties, as publicized in the Church
committee report, together with the
public revulsion that attended its publi-
cation, resulted in restrictions on
domestic surveillance by the CIA and
FBI. Now the removal of those
safeguards seems a distinct possibility,
at least to judge by the recent report on
intelligence issued by the Heritage
Foundation and embraced by the Reagan
transition team. That report claims that
"The threat to the internal security of
the Republic is greater today than at any
time since World War II" and recom-
mends resurrecting the standing internal
security committees in Congress and,
once again, permitting the FBI and CIA
to spy on dissidents, including jour-
nalists.
If Reagan officials do go ahead and
propose such measures, they will un-
doubtedly argue that guarantees can be
established to prevent surveillance from
getting out of hand. But if the experi-
ence of the Johnson and Nixon years is
any guide, even programs which begin
quite modestly can expand far beyond
their original mandate. ^
MARCH/APRIL 1981 83
Approved For Release 2009/05/29: CIA-RDP89B00236R000500090007-3
 Approved For Release 2009/05/29: CIA-RDP89B00236R000500090007-3
Iq
Next 16 Page(s) In Document Denied
STAT
Approved For Release 2009/05/29: CIA-RDP89B00236R000500090007-3
 Approved For Release 2009/05/29: CIA-RDP89B00236R000500090007-3
?. ?
C. CENTRAL
INTELLIGENCE AGENCY
.C-1. COLBY REPORT; December 24, 1974; 64
pages. A letter from' Colby to the President
regarding a December 22, 1974 New York
Times article revealing CIA domestic
intelligence activities. Nine annexes are
attached to the letter, which include discussions
of the Huston Plan, interagency programs, a
counterintelligence office, Schlesinger's request
asking employees to report non-chartered CIA
activities [may be ordered as C-5(e)], and a
March 5, 1974 memo terminating Operation'.
CHAOS. ($6.40/copy)
C-5'. This series of documents (through C-5e)
were referred to in a report on CIA domestic
activities presented by Director Colby to the
Senate Appropriations Committee on January
15, 1975:
C-5(a). ORGANIZATION AND FUNCTIONS,
DOMESTIC OPERATIONS DIVISION AND '
STATION (DODS); -February 11, 1963;1 page.
The mission of the DODS is described as
directing, supporting and coordinating .
"clandestine operational activities .'. . within
the United States against foreign targets . ,
($.10/copy)::
C-5(b). REDESIGNATION OF
COMPONENT; January 28; 1972;1 pager An' -
intra-agency memo from Thomas ' '
Karamessines, Deputy Director foi Plans,
announcing the change in the name of the'
Domestic Operations Division (DO) to Foreign
Resources Division (FR). ($.10%copy)
C-5(c). CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN
DAVID GINSBURG, EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR.
OF THE NATIONAL ADVISORY
COMMISSION ON CIVIL DISORDERS, AND
RICHARD HELMS, DIRECTOR OF THE CIA;.::.
August 29, 1967 and September 1, 1967; 3
pages. Contains a request by Ginsburg for.
information on any civil disorder intelligence
the CIA may have, and Helms' reply.
($.30/copy)
C-5(d). RESTLESS YOUTH; September 1968,
No. 0613/68; 41 pages. The report analyzes the
international youth movement of the late
1960s, studies its sociological base, and
attempts to understand its structure, purposes,
goals, and possible ramifications. The report
cites the Civil Rights Movement of the early
1960s as proving to dissidents later in the
decade that confrontational politics is the only
means of accomplishing political change. See
also C-12(b) ($4.10/copy)
C-5(e). MEMORANDUM FOR ALL CIA
EMPLOYEES FROM JAMES R.
SCHLESINGER, DIRECTOR; May 9, 1973; 2
pages. The Director requests that all CIA
personnel report to him any past or present
activities which lie outside the Agency's
charter, and directs that if an order is given to
a CIA employee which is inconsistent with the
Agency's charter, the employee should report
the incident to the Director. See also C-1.
($.20/copy).'
C-6. DELIMITATION AGREEMENT OF 1948;
September and October 1948; 7 pages. The
documents constitute an agreement between the
FBI and the CIA permitting CIA contacts with
emigre groups and individuals in the United
States. ($.70/copy)
C-8. "POTENTIAL FLAP ACTIVITIES."
MEMO TO WILLIAM COLBY FROM
WILLIAM V. BROE, INSPECTOR GENERAL;
May 21, 1973; 26 pages. The first portion of
the Memo discusses CIA contacts with
Watergate figures, and CIA participation in the
Intelligence Evaluation Committee and Staff,
established to evaluate domestic intelligence
studies. The second portion of the Memo
covers Support, Real Estate, Procurement,.
Cover, Activities Directed Against U.S.
Citizens, and Collection Activities.,
($2.60/copy)
C-10. FORMAL MEMORANDUM ON
RESPECTIVE RESPONSIBILITIES OF THE FBI
AND CIA IN THE UNITED STATES;
February 7,1966; 2 pages. This memo referred
to on page 57 of the Rockefeller Commission"
Report. The memo. contains no information not
included in that Report. ($.20/copy) ' ..
C'-I1. DOC't)MEN'TS REI-"ERREI)'I.O IN
"C'OVE RI ACTION IN CHILE 1963-1973
September 1970 and undated: I I pages. I'his.;....
file contains three CIA documents released to
('\SS through the FOIA litigationand describing
events in Chile during September 1970. The
reports concern alleged attempts by the Chilean
Communist Part-'to take-mer media outlets.
splits %s thin the C'hristian'I)cmoeratic I'arts.
the, growth of `'Patric , I.ibertad." and
Allendc's characterand career. ($1.10)
C-12(a). FAMILY JEWELS-'ACTIVITIES.
CONSTRUED TO BE OUTSIDE THEM CHARTER;' May 1970 - May 1973; 65 pages.
DCI James Schlesinger's directive of May 9,
1973 [see C-5(e)] requested, CIA employees to
report activities which could be considered
outside the charter of the Agency. The request
released this partial file of questionable
activities, including domestic surveillance
operations, arrangements with American firms,
assistance to local police departments, and
Office of Security support to the Bureau of
Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs. ($6.50/copy).
'C-12(b). RESTLESS YOUTH; 1968; 245
pages. A version of the CIA's 1968 study of
worldwide student dissidence which includes a
199-page section reporting on student
movements in 19 foreign countries. Part I is
identical to C-5(d) except that it includes some
photographs and one paragraph deleted from
that version. ($24.50/copy)
C-12(c). "FAMILY JEWELS" MEMORANDA;
1968 and 1973; 18 pages. Memoranda to the'.
DCI from various offices responding to his
request that CIA activities which may be
outside the Agency's charter be reported. The
memoranda show that the Agency examined
satellite photographs in analyzing domestic
civil disturbances, that the Domestic Contact
Service collects information on foreign students
studying in the U.S., and that in 1969 and 1970
several studies were prepared on black radical
movements in the Caribbean, one of which
focused on possible links to the U.S. black
power movement. ($1.80/copy)
'C-13/15. CIA/DOCUMENTS ON PROJECTS
RESISTANCE AND MERRIMAC; 1966-1975;
1987 pages. Documents in this file, released to
CNSS through the FOIA, contain a number of
discrepancies from, or additions to, the account
of the projects in the Rockefeller and Church
Reports. These relate to the use of informants
in Resistance; the scope of Resistance; the use
of Army counterintelligence information in
Resistance reports; a proposed expansion of
Merrimac in 1968; and Merrimac operations
outside the Washington, D.C. area. ($150.00;
selected documents $3.50)
Also .mailable is a 22-pp. subject index to the
Resistance Merrimac documents describing
the date. number of pages. groups mentioned
and tactics described in each of 456 docurient.;%.
(52.51) copy) .
C-16. RESTRICTIONS ON OPERATIONAL
USE OF ACADEMICS; 1970 and 1973; 8
pages. -Tom Huston's 1970 memo informing
DCI Helms that restrictions on domestic use of
several intelligence gathering techniques had
been. lifted; and guidelines reprinted in 1973
prohibiting '.the Agency from covert funding of r '.
U.S. Educational or private voluntary
organizations. ($.80/copy)
C-19. FILES ON CHE GUEVARA;'1958-1976;-.?'.
184 pages. A request to the CIA for all files on
Che Guevara and others produced responses
from the State Dept.,' FBI, DIA, and Navy.
The file includes accounts of Che's alleged -
activities in Cuba, Latin America, Africa and
Vietnam; numerous false reports of his death;
and several accounts of his capture and _::._
execution in Bolivia in 1967. ($18.40/copy)
C-21. TWO MEMORANDA FROM CIA
GENERAL COUNSEL TO CIA DIRECTOR;
up to January 1962 - April 1962; 8 pages. The
three memoranda from CIA General Counsel
Lawrence Houston to the Director discuss the
legality of subversion and sabotage, and
paramilitary cold-war activities. These
memoranda argue that covert operations are
legal despite the lack of congressional
authorization in the 1947 NSC Act.
($0.80/copy)
Approved For Release 2009/05/29: CIA-RDP89B00236R000500090007-3
 Approved For Release 2009/05/29: CIA-RDP89B00236R000500090007-3
W. ?
C-22. NATIONAL INTELLIGENCE
ESTIMATES RELATING TO THE CUBAN
MISSILE CRISIS; October-19 and 20, 1962; 30
pages. These papers concern the problem of
assessing the strategic and political implications
of the Soviet military buildup in Cuba. They
provide a history of the military buildup,
discuss its implications, and note that the
possibilities exist for an expansion of the
buildup. The reports conclude that the Soviet
objective is to prove that the U.S. can no
longer prevent a Soviet presence in the
hemisphere, and discusses the probable effect
of a warning. ($3.00/copy).
C-24. CIA RELATIONSHIPS WITH THE
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA; 1958-1977;
914 pages. Nathan Gardels received these files
through requests and litigation under the
FOIA. They document CIA relationships and
contracts with UC for research in political
science, Chinese and Slavic studies, physics,
and other fields; CIA use of academic cover;
and covert recruiting.
C-25. CIA RELATIONSHIPS WITH
DOMESTIC FIRMS; 1975-1976; 67 pages.
These documents, released in Halperin v. CIA,
provide a limited look at the Agency's
relationships with the Arnold & Porter law
firm, hired to represent it during the 1975-1976
Senate investigation, and with Robert R.
Mullen and Co. The CIA used Mullen Co., a
public relations firm which hired E. Howard
Hunt in 1970, for cover and other purposes.
($6.70/copy)
C-26. OSWALD AND THE CUBAN
CONNECTION; April and May, 1975; 27
pages. This report represents a review of items
in the CIA's Lee Harvey Oswald File "regarding
allegations of Castro Cuban involvement in the
John F. Kennedy assassination." The analysis
was requested by the Rockefeller Commission.
The report seeks, in part, to explain Oswald's
"feelings toward and. relations with Castro's
Cuba." ($2.70/copy)
C-27. CIA DRUG EXPERIMENTS; up to July
25, 1975; 146 pages. A collection of 59
documents detailing various CIA projects
relating to drug and behavioral experiments.
The file includes some documents from the
Frank Olson case (see C-35), as well as
documents describing MKULTRA, the CIA's
top-secret project to investigate "the
manipulation of human behavior." The
research is said to be "considered by many in
medicine and related fields to be professionally
unethical. A final phase of the testing of
MKULTRA products places the rights and
interests of U.S. citizens in jeopardy."
($14.60/copy) [The entire 40,000-page release
of CIA behavior control documents is available
by appointment for inspection at the CNSS
Library. I
C-28. MEMO FROM INSPECTOR GENERAL
TO DIRECTOR OF CIA INVESTIGATING
THE CIA'S NEW YORK MAIL INTERCEPT
PROGRAM; June 4, 1976; 11 pages. Colby's
affidavit in an FOIA case-stating that all mail
covers operated by the CIA's New York
Intercept Program (HTLINGUAL) on US-USSR
mail were indexed-sparked an investigation
on the entire project by the Inspector General.
The report examines the history of the project,
its mail interception procedures, and analyzes
how many and what kind of letters were
photographed, opened, and indexed.
($1.10/copy)
C-29. CIA ACTIVITIES IN LAOS: MEMO
FROM CIA GENERAL COUNSEL TO
DIRECTOR; October 30, 1969; 2 pages. The
memo resulted from Senator Fulbright's
assertion that the CIA is "waging war" in Laos.
The General Counsel proceeded to inform the
Director of CIA operations in Laos (which he
characterized as assisting the native population
to prevent a military takeover) and of the
Agency's authority to carry out such
operations. ($.20/copy)
C-30. PROJECT MUDHEN-GOVERNMENT
INVESTIGATIONS OF JACK ANDERSON;
1972; 39 pages. This file includes a copy of the
complaint Anderson filed against Nixon,
Kissinger, Helms and several others. Also
included is a paper, "Chronology of a
Conspiracy," which summarizes the
government's investigation of Anderson, and a
series of five memos detailing certain aspects of
Project MUDHEN including operations, logs,
and photos. ($3.90/copy)
C-32. DIRECTOR OF CENTRAL
INTELLIGENCE DIRECTIVES; 1946-1976; 285
pages. The directives are procedural memos
from DCIs over a period of twenty years. They
cover intelligence-related issues, including
procedures for the Intelligence Advisory
Committee, control of dissemination of foreign
intelligence, security policy guidelines on
liaison relationships with foreign intelligence
organizations, recognition of exceptional
service to the Agency, and exploitation of
foreign language publications. Also included
are directives relating to coordination of overt
collection abroad, domestic exploitation of
non-governmental organizations, and
production of atomic energy intelligence.
($28.50/copy)
C-33. CIA DOCUMENTS ON THE
DISAPPEARANCE OF PROFESSOR RIHA; -
April 1969 - August 1975; 230 pages. The
disappearance in April 1969 of Dr. Thomas
Riha, a naturalized U.S. citizen bom in
Czechoslavakia who was a professor of Russiar
history at the University of Colorado, caused
considerable publicity, and prompted a CIA
investigation. The documents concern the
unexplained disappearance and the subsequent
involvement of University of Colorado
President Joseph Smiley, local news reporters,
and the CIA in investigations of the matter.
Correspondence from William Colby to the
Senate Intelligence Committee explains the
limited role of the CIA in an affair that "was a
domestic concern and beyond the jurisdiction
and responsibility" of the Agency. News
coverage concerning the disappearance is
included. ($23.00/copy)
C-34. CIA DOSSIER ON PETER CAMEJO
AND OPERATION CHAOS FILES ON THE
SOCIALIST WORKERS PARTY; 1968-
1974;220
pages. These files include an '
incomplete CIA dossier on Peter Camejo, the
presidential candidate of the Socialist Workers
Party. The Agency released 47 of the 108
extant documents on Camejo, which describe
his political activities. Also included are
Operation CHAOS files that add new details to
the description provided by the Rockefeller and
Church Reports on domestic spying by the ;
CIA. The documents reveal the Agency's use of
agents provocateurs and the widespread
monitoring of SWP leaders. ($22.00/copy)
C-35. THE DEATH OF FRANK OLSON;
January 11, 1976; 174 pages. These are the
documents provided by the CIA to the family
of Dr. Frank Olson, the government biochemist
who died in November 1953 when he jumped
from a tenth story window after taking LSD.
The documents trace the CIA's investigation of
the Olson death as well as its involvement over
the years with drug experimentation. Some of
these documents are also included in C-27.
($17.40/copy)
(-36. (I:\ MAIL OI'I:\IMiS: 1971-1973: 238
rage.. I hr document. include R%o rncctinp
conducted hs ('I:\ Director Willis till
1111 I\(it':V.. the Agcncv's mail opening
project. a. ocll as a 1973 statement h\ I )ircclor
('olhs concerning termination of the project.
1 he Iielnls memoranda c\plain the :\genc\'s
collaboration pith the Postal Set ice and the
I? BI: participa Ills in the nlectine decided to
continuc the program despite rescrsalions user
possible adscrss puhlicit\ and embarrassment
should the mail opening scheme .tinier. I Ise
"nlenlot:uulunl Iur the record" signed h\ (olh\
e\presses Ili, desire to Iransler the operation to
the I Ill :nid dirges. Ih:t -the project he
suspended until appropriate resolution of the
rr,,dhlcros ins uls rd." I ti_' .Sl) cops I
Approved For Release 2009/05/29: CIA-RDP89B00236R000500090007-3
 Approved For Release 2009/05/29: CIA-RDP89B00236R000500090007-3
('-37. ('IA .IDS f1C'F. l)FFP'AR FMFFN I
A(iRFFMI NT RI:GARDIN(i
INVLS I IGA I ION 01- POSSIBLE CRIMINAl.
\("IIVIrllis ARISING Oil F OF ('IA
A("IIVII'lFS: 1954-1975: 19 pages. The
memorandum from CIA General Counsel F.R.
Ilouston to the Director of Central Intelligence
explains the "balancing of interest between
the duty to enforce the law ... and the Director's
responsibility for protecting intelligence
sources and methods." Included is a
brief summary of twenty cases in which
violations of criminal statutes were reported
to the Department of Justice between 1954 and
1975. A detailed examination of circumstances
involved in the drug prosecution of Mr.
Puttaporn Khramkhruan, former CIA
employee. is also included. ($1.90/copy)
C-39. CIA CONTRACTS WITH THE
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA-SAN DIEGO;
1966-1976; 121 pages. Copies of a negotiated
contract between the CIA and U. of Cal. San
Diego, describing completion dates, scope of
work, location where research will be
conducted, deliverable items and costs. The
CIA contracts were for research in the field of
image processing, a review of Soviet . .
Geochemical Literature, and a study of
agriculture in Communist China. ($12.10/copy)
C-40. THE CIA AND LOCAL POLICE; 1967-
1973; 177 pages. A series of memos and letters
concerning direct CIA assistance to 12
municipal and/or county police departments
including those of New York, Los Angeles,
Boston, and Washington. The documents trace
the history of CIA training seminars in photo
and audio surveillance, narcotics, and "radical
terrorist" control. ($17.70/copy)
C-41. CIA CRITIQUE OF BAR
ASSOCIATION REPORT; October 29, 1975;
39 pages. In response to a pamphlet, "The
Central Intelligence Agency: Oversight and
Accountability," prepared by a Committee of
the Association of the Bar of the City of New
York, the CIA issued "a careful critique of the
report, . . . together with a short summary."
As the Agency explained, "This paper is not a
brief in opposition; it is designed to question
the validity of some of the research and thus
raise legitimate questions as to some of the
statements and conclusions." It includes
sections on factual errors and misconceptions,
misquotations, and material taken out of
context. ($3.90/copy)
C-42. SECRET LEGISLATIVE HISTORY OF
THE CIA; 1947-1948; 143 pages. These
documents reveal the secret congressional
testimony of the first two Directors of Central
Intelligence, Lt. General Hoyt S. Vanderberg
and Rear Admiral R.H. Hillenkoetter. Director
Hillenkoetter's April 1948 testimony before the
House Armed Services Committee describes the
problems which the fledgling intelligence
agency faced in its first two years. The
Vandenberg testimony was presented to the
Senate Armed Services Committee in April
1947 in support of the National Security Act of
1947 which provided for unification of the
armed services and establishment of the CIA.
($14.30/copy)
'C-44. CIA/RESISTANCE/BLACK STUDENT
UNIONS; 1968-1971; 33 pages. This file was
released to researcher Murv Glass following a
request for CIA files on the Black Student
Union at the University of California at Santa
Barbara. The documents show that Project
Resistance and other CIA programs regularly
used informants. IThe Church Report stated
that Resistance did not run unilateral informant
operations.-Ed. ] ($3.30)
*C-45. CIA FILE ON UNIVERSITY OF
MICHIGAN AND CENTER FOR CHINESE
STUDIES; 1965-1976; 279 pages. This file was
requested under FOIA by-the editors of
Michigan Daily. It documents confidential
contacts between various CIA research offices
and China scholars at the University of
Michigan. It also shows the Agency's attempt
to maintain academic contacts in a period
when the propriety of classified government
research was increasingly called into question.
A 1966 CIA memo in the file states: "If a
university wishes to stipulate provisos or
qualifications we will be glad to consider them.
The university need only say what they are."
($27.90/copy)
'C-46. CIA/RESISTANCE/PEACE AND
FREEDOM PARTY; 1968-1974: 85 pages. This
file was obtained by the Peace and Freedom
Party under FOIA. The Party was an object of
CIA domestic surveillance under Project
Resistance. This file shows that more than
50,000 names of PFP members from a single
state (California) were indexed by Resistance;
the figure given by the Church Committee was
12-16,000 names nationwide. These indexes
were retained at least as late as May 1974.
($8.50/copy)
'C-47. CIA/POLICY ON RELATIONSHIPS
WITH JOURNALISTS/MATERIAL SENT TO
INTELLIGENCE COMMITTEES; 1973-1976; 47
pages. After litigation under FOIA, these
documents were released to journalist Judith
Miller in response to a request for all material
on CIA use of journalists which had been sent
to the House and Senate Intelligence
Committees and the Rockefeller Commission.
The file contains little factual information, but
does include statements of CIA policy. Certain
comments in the file raise the possibility that
CIA contacts with journalists were more
extensive than reported to the Committees.
($4.70/copy)
C-4$ CIA/IRS RECORDS ON RAMPARTS
MAGAZINE/SPECIAL SERVICE STAFF; 1964,
1967, 1972; 12 pages. When Ramparts disclosed
in 1967 that the CIA was funding the National
Student Association, the CIA initiated an
investigation of the tax'status of the magazine.
Also in the file are statements of the mission of
the Special Service Staff, an (IRS office which
collected information on taxpayers based on
political criteria. ($1.20/copy) _
C-49 CIA/WHITE HOUSE/DESTRUCTION
OF BIOLOGICAL WEAPONS AND TOXINS;
1967-1970; 49 pages. In 1969 and 1970,
President Nixon ordered the destruction of
existing stockpiles of biological and toxic
weapons. This file includes White House press
releases, CIA documents listing the contents of
the Agency's biological arsenal accumulated
under MKNAOMI, and the text of
international agreements prohibiting the
development, production and use of such
weapons. ($4.90/copy)
C-54. CORRESPONDENCE OF VICTOR
REUTHER INTERCEPTED BY THE CIA; 1968;
11-pages. Five items of Victor Reuther's
correspondence intercepted in 1968. At that
time an official of the United Auto Workers
(UAW), Reuther's name was also on
HTLINGUAL's "watch list" for mail intercepts
from 1969-1971. ($1.10/copy)
C-55. CIA DISTRIBUTIONS TO
ACADEMICS; 1976; 11 pages. Lists of more
than 40 colleges and universities to which the
CIA sent unclassified publications produced by
its overt research branch on Soviet government
personnel, international terrorism, and other
subjects. ($1.10/copy)
C-58. INTERNATIONAL TERRORISM IN
1976; July 1977; 22 pages. An analysis of
trends in international terrorism which finds,
among other things, that while the number of
terrorist incidents increased in 1976, the
number of acts involving kidnaping and
hostages, and the proportion of acts directed
against US citizens and property, declined.
Cuban exile formations emerged as "among the
most active and most disruptive terrorist
groups." ($2.20/copy)
C-61. DCI TURNER'S STATEMENT ON
HARVARD GUIDELINES; August 1977; 3.
pages. Turner states that the CIA will ignore
Harvard's requirement that university officials
be informed of all CIA contacts with university
personnel, and dodges the issue of covert
recruitment on campus. ($.30/copy)
Approved For Release 2009/05/29: CIA-RDP89B00236R000500090007-3
 Approved For Release 2009/05/29: CIA-RDP89B00236R000500090007-3 12
C-63. STUDIES IN INTELLIGENCE; 1972-
1975; 297 pages. Seventeen previously classified
articles and 33 book reviews written for
circulation within the Intelligence Community.
Subjects range from a post-mortem of U.S.
involvement in Vietnam, to the use of logic in
intelligence analysis, to a review of Agee's
Inside the Company.
C-64. CIA ASSASSINATION PLOTS:
MEMOS ON TRUJILLO, CASTRO, SOUTH
VIETNAMESE LEADERS, BELGIAN
CONGO LEADERS, MESSAGES
CONCERNING 'TRUJILLO; 1960-1970, 198
pages. CIA discussions and planning of assassi-
nation plots concerning Trujillo, Castro, and S.
Vietnamese and Belgian Congo leaders. CIA
agents discuss eventual outcomes of such assassi-
nations, and what effect the assassinations would
have in those country. These documents were
released pursuant to FOIA litigation. ($19.80/
copy.)
C-65. CIA USE OF ACADEMICS; 1967-1975;
148 pages. Released through litigation under
the FOIA, these documents contain information
on open and covert CIA-university
relationships for purposes of research,
recruitment, and surveillance of student
dissent. ($14.80/copy)
C-66. GLOMAR EXPLORER STORY; January
1974 - March 1975; 221 pages. Agency
documents showing DCI Colby's vigorous
efforts to keep the Glomar Explorer story out
of the papers by briefing reporters and editors
on its importance to the national security. The
story was held for more than a year through
the cooperation of the New York Times, Los
Angeles Times, Washington Post, Parade
Magazine, Time, Newsweek, CBS, AP, UP,
and other news organizations. The file contains
the incidental statement by Colby that the
Agency uses prostitutes to obtain information.
($22.10/copy)
t('-89. ('IA OI'HRA HON ('IIAOS: 1962-1977:
I25 pages. Obtained through discovery in
llalkin r. //elms, these documents from Oper-
ation & ha us and the Rockefeller Commission
shops that the extent and sariety of domestic
aspects of Chaos. as well as resistance to the
pruiect within the CIA. were greater than
rc\ealed h\ the Church ('ummittee. I hey also
contain widence of CIA domestic spying as
c:u1\ as 1962. and of a corer-up of the opera-
tion from ONlli auditors. Ihey also discuss the
preservation of information gathered by
('I IAOS and other issues. (512.50 cop) )
+ I hear documents form the appendixlo a
published ('NSS Report on Operation V)S-
I lie report is :nailahle lot' 5'-.51).
C-70. CIA/CORRESPONDENCE WITH
UNIVERSITIES ON GUIDELINES FOR
CIA-ACADEMIC RELATIONSHIPS.-
1970-1978: 97 pages. This file was released
by the CIA after CNSS brought suit to
obtain responses to 12 FOIA requests and
consists for the most part of already-public
information. The file contains correspon- C-95. CIA/RESISTANCE/WILLIAM
Harvard and Amherst Universities and the
University of Pennsylvania. The university
officials argue that covert recruitment by
and operational use of academics are
inconsistent with the proper functions of a
university; the CIA officials argue that these
activities are necessary and should be
allowed if individual academics choose to
engage in them. The CIA officials also say
that no full time university staff or faculty
are used on an unwitting basis and that none
are coerced into working with the Agency.
The file contains copies of CIA regulations
on relations with the U.S. academic
community as well as its far stricter policy
statements on relations with U.S. media and
religious organizations. ($9.70/copy)
C-71. DELETIONS FROM THE CIA
AND THE CULT OF INTELLIGENCE,-
1977-1980; 23 pages. Twenty-five of the
168 deletions withheld by the CIA from this
1974 book have recently been made public
under the FOIA. This 23-page package
contains the release as reinserted into the
text of the hard cover edition as well as
references to the paperback and manuscript
page numbers. These now-released deletions
deal with CIA activities in Cuba and Chile,
CIA proprietaries, CIA-university ties, U.S.
Africa policy, and other subjects. ($2.30/
copy)
C-75. CIA/ MEETINGS BETWEEN CIA
OFFICIALS AND UNIVERSITY PRES-
IDENTS: April 1978-July 1978: 40 pages.
This file was released in a suit brought by
CNSS to obtain responses to 12 FOIA
requests. The file contains correspondence
and internal memoranda concerning a.lune
14. 1978 meeting between Admiral Turner
and four university presidents which was
intended to improve CIA-academic rela-
tions. The file also mentions a similar
meeting with three university presidents on
March 10. 1978. All participants agreed to
accept the briefings under conditions of
secrecy. ($4.00; copy)
C-91. CIA/TESTIMONY ON EMPLOYEE
SECRECY CONTRACT. March 6, 1980. 69
pages. Transcript of testimony of CIA officials
before the House Intelligence Committee
which explains the CIA's review procedures
and the Agency's interpretation of the Snepp
Supreme Court decision upholding the secrecy
contract, why only CIA critics have been
punished for breach of contract, how present
CIA employees are held to extra restrictions,
why hooks and articles' but not columns.
speeches and lectures are reviewed, and other
points. ($6.90; copy)
AND MARY; November 1969-June 1977;
40 pages. These documents, released to
the William and Mary student newspaper
Flat Hat under the FOIA, include three
detailed informant reports on political
activity at the campus. The reports were
prepared for Project RESISTANCE, which
according to the Church Committee did not
use informants. The file also contains
correspondence between the CIA and
college administrators concerning overt
recruiting. ($4.00/copy)
C-96 "THE BERLIN TUNNEL OPER-
ATION"; June 1968; 57 pages. A
Clandestine Services History of the
planning, execution and eventual
compromise of a 500-yard tunnel from West
to East Berlin built by the CIA in order to
tap major Soviet and East German phone
lines. Although "from the beginning it was
realized that the duration of this operation
was finite," the project was considered one
of the significant intelligence successes
of the Cold War. The study was obtained
under the FOIA by David Martin, author of
Wilderness of Mirrors. ($5.70/copy)
Approved For Release 2009/05/29: CIA-RDP89B00236R000500090007-3
 Approved For Release 2009/05/29: CIA-RDP89B00236R000500090007-3
Iq
Next 3 Page(s) In Document Denied
STAT
Approved For Release 2009/05/29: CIA-RDP89B00236R000500090007-3