LUNCHEON FOR SENATOR MOYNIHAN

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP88G01117R001003910001-6
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 8
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: March 4, 2011
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: September 9, 1986
• Content Type: MEMO

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ROUTING AND RECORD SHEET
SUBJECT: (O '
DCI Host =eon to Present ASM to Daniel Moynihan
Thursday, 11 September 1986, 12:00 p.m., DCI Dining Room
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DATE
10 September 1986
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9 September 1986
MEMORANDUM FOR: DCI
FROM: Dave Gries
SUBJECT: Luncheon for Senator Moynihan
You are scheduled to host lunch for Senator Moynihan
(D., NY) on Thursday, 11 September at 12:00. The purpose of
the lunch is to present Senator Moynihan with the Agency Seal
Medallion in honor of his prior service as Vice Chairman of
the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence. Also to be
presented are the citation, photo album and an Agency seal
(the seals are being given to former chairmen and vice
chairmen only).
STAT
STAT
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STAT
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Daniel Patrick Moynihan (D
of l indars Corners - Elected 1976
horn: March 16, 1927, Tulsa, Okla.
t,ducation: Tufts U., B.N.S. 1946, B.A. 1948; Fletcher
School of Law and Diplomacy, M.A. 1949. Ph.D.
19til.
)lilitary Career. Navy, 1944-47.
occupation: Government professor; writer.
Family: Wife, Elizabeth Brennan; three children.
Religion: Roman Catholic.
political Career. Sought Democratic nomination, N.Y.
City Council president, 1965.
Capitol Office: 464 Russell Bldg. 20510; 224-4451.
In Washington: Moynihan's career in the
ornate has been marked by a slow but steady
shift toward conventional Democratic liberal-
ism and away from the neo-conservative doc-
trine for which he was once a leading spokes-
man.
Movnihan retains his well-known rhetori-
cal skill, and his penchant for flashy displays of
intellectual virtuosity. But the tenor and direc-
tion of his legislative efforts have been far
different from what one might have expected
when he arrived in the Senate.
Movnihan's changing perspective has been
r.pecially visible in recent years on issues of
(,reign policy. Known when he was ambassador
t,, the United Nations as a militant anti-com-
munist and the scourge of radical Third World
regimes. Moynihan has figured prominently in
recent dears as a supporter of arms control and
critic of the Reagan administration's campaign
against the leftist government of Nicaragua.
Movnihan's much-publicized change of
mind on Nicaragua reflected his flair for the
dramatic gesture as well as his new political
stance. As vice-chairman of the Senate Intelli-
gence Committee, Moynihan initially sup-
i,orted the administration's program of covert
Aid to anti-government "contra" guerrillas in
Nicaragua. Gradually, however, he began to
have doubts, pressing President Reagan for
assurances that the aid was directed at halting
alleged Nicaraguan arms shipments to leftists
in H Salvador, rather than at overthrowing the
Nicaraguan regime.
Itut the disclosure in early 1984 that the
VIA had been involved in the mining of Nicara-
guan harbors was too much for Moynihan.
Ititterl . attacking the CIA for failing to inform
the Intelligence Committee about the opera-
I'(- minounced his resignation as panel vice
h"'r'ran. Eventually, after CIA Director
William J. Casey apologized, Moynihan with-
drew his resignation. But he continued to op-
pose aid to the Nicaraguan contras.
On the domestic side, Moynihan has shed
his reputation as a dispassionate critic of gov-
ernment social service programs and lined up
emotionally with liberal Democrats in support
of preserving the New Deal and Great Society.
He is one of the Reagan administration's most
militant foes, a relentless opponent of its ef-
forts to reduce social spending and environ-
mental regulations.
Along with defending existing social pro-
grams. Moynihan has had some modest success
in recent years in setting up new ones. He has
been a leading sponsor of legislation to estab-
lish a New Deal-style American Conservation
Corps of unemployed young people to work on
federal lands. The proposal cleared easily in
1984, but was pocket-vetoed by Reagan after
the end of the 98th Congress. The same year
Moynihan also pushed through a new program
helping school districts desegregate. replacing
an earlier program abolished in 1981.
Moynihan's ringing declarations of support
for traditional Democratic Party ideas strike
some colleagues as cynical political rhetoric,
since they remember when he was identified as
a critic of those ideas. But Moynihan has made
the transition with great success in New York
and wit hoot terrible cost in the Senate.
At times, colleagues clearly find his erudi-
tion fascinating -- lie is apt to interrupt routine
debate with a scholarly discourse on the role of
the London School of Economics, say, or the
decline of private charity in Europe. In the
course of his maiden speech in the Senate, he
spoke one grammatically flawless sentence that
took up half a column ill the Congressional
Re'cnrd.
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Daniel Patrick Moynihan, D-N.Y-
There may be a few other members of
Congress who could introduce an amendment
establishing an algebraic formula for determin-
ing national income and know in detail what it
meant. But surely no other living senator has
ever used "fisc" - a rare word meaning royal
or state treasury - in the title of a report to his
constituents.
Still, it is not Moynihan the scholar that
has made the greatest impression on colleagues
over eight years in the Senate. It has been
Moynihan the New York politician, maneuver-
ing to bring an extra slice of the federal budget
pie to the state he represents. If there is a
criticism of him that goes beyond ideology, it is
that he has spent much of his effort in behalf of
routine political tasks a less gifted man could
perform just as well.
In his choice of a committee assignment at
the very start, Moynihan made clear his inten-
tion to bring home the goods to New York.
Eschewing the Foreign Relations Committee, a
natural post given his service as United Na-
tions ambassador, he picked the Finance Com-
mittee, on which no New Yorker had sat for
half a century.
He was the chief Senate spokesman for
attempts in 1978 to include private elementary
and secondary school students in a bill provid-
ing tax credits for college tuition. New York
had some half a million students in private,
mostly Catholic, schools - far more than any
other state. Moynihan later attributed the de-
feat of the proposal in part to anti-Catholic
bias among American opinion leaders.
Moynihan also has sought additional fed-
eral help for New York's crushing welfare bur-
den. While the Finance panel never got a
chance to act on President Carter's two major
welfare bills, Moynihan did persuade the ad-
ministration to include an increase in the fed-
eral share of state welfare costs among its
proposals.
But Moynihan's most prominent Finance
Committee issue in recent years has been Social
Security. He was the most outspoken Demo-
cratic opponent of the Reagan administration's
proposals to cut back Social Security in 1981,
and was instrumental in working out the com-
promise that led to the Social Security reform
legislation of 1983.
In leading the 1981 fight against Social
Security changes, Moynihan argued that the
system was basically solvent and could meet
any short-term problems through relatively mi-
nor adjustments. By the next year, however, he
had changed his mind. Working with Finance
Committee Chairman Robert Dole, he devel-
oped the last-minute agreement that allowed
saving the system with a combination of
Moynihan has been active in other Fin
by clamping down on real estate tax shel
involved in as member and former chairm,"
sources Subcommittee.
proportionately concentrated in Southerq
billions of dollars for repairs. In 1982, Ivfo,'
han sponsored a $6 billion public workn
yond Central America.
tion, unanimously adopted by the S
threatening to pull the United States out
embassy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Je
- a controversial move opposed by the
edgeable about the subject, but hard
In 1979 Moynihan published a.
vantage of in arms negotiations with the
vote as a bargaining point to change whi
treaty allowed both countries to add nea
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te.gic weapons, rather than forcing reductions.
,fovihan prepared an amendment that would
ha%e voided the treaty if U.S. and Soviet nego-
tiator, did not agree on real reductions in arms
,,.,,.Is by the end of 1981.
Later, Moynihan announced that he fa-
,,,red adoption of the SALT 11 treaty as an
nterim executive agreement. Under his plan,
^r.g?tiaturs could work out mutual reductions
while the treaty was in effect; SALT II would
,spire if the subsequent treaty did not reduce
grins levels.
In the 98th Congress, Moynihan focused
much of his arms-control energy on the MX
missile. One of the most vigorous critics of the
Ileargan-hacked weapon, he offered an amend-
ment in 1983 to bar the MX in favor of
develoinnent of a new small, mobile missile. His
amendment was rejected 57-42, although a re-
lated proposal he offered the next year along
with Florida Democrat Lawton Chiles came
within one vote of victory.
At Home: Moynihan has gradually accom-
modated himself to the liberal New York Dem-
ocrats who could not accept his neo-conserva-
tive outlook when he first ran in 1976.
For the first few years of his Senate career,
it seemed likely that he would be challenged
from the left when he ran for renomination in
19$2. But by the time of the primary, his
lelligerent and unexpected defense of tradi-
tional Democratic policies had had their effect.
New York's Democratic left was pacified, and
the National Conservative Political Action
l'onunittee helped Moynihan out by airing
television ads calling him "the most liberal
foiled States senator." Even the Liberal
('arty, which had been upset by his support of
tuition tax credits for non-public schools,
hacked Moynihan in 1982 for his second term.
It was a far different campaign from the
one in 1976, which was dominated by discus-
.1m of Movnihan's hard-line foreign policy.
llunning for the Democratic Senate nomi-
nation in 1976 on his neo-conservative creden-
tial., Moynihan probably could not have com-
manded if majority of the primary vote in any
field. But with three major candidates to the
left of him, his 36 percent share was enough for
g first-place finish, 10,000 votes ahead of Rep.
fella Abzug. Once nominated, he clung to the
tart-%'s working-class tradition and managed
enough unity to unseat Republican James L.
Nuckley in the fall
-Nonee of it would have been possible, how-
ever, without Moynihan's controversial year as
American ambassador to the United Nations,
there the New York media covered him in
detail His feisty defense of Israel was crucial in
giving him enough Jewish support to survive
the primary, but beyond that his televised
militance at the United Nations in 1975 al-
lowed him to begin the campaign as a celebrity,
rather than just an articulate Harvard profes-
sor. "He spoke up for America," one campaign
advertisement said, "He'd speak up for New
York."
Moynihan's new-found reputation also en-
abled hitn to survive his weaknesses among
blacks and Hispanics. As a policy adviser in the
Nixon administration, he had caused himself
considerable trouble when he counseled a pol-
icy of "benign neglect" toward minorities. Moy-
nihan insisted he had been misunderstood, but
the dispute only revived an issue that first
surfaced in 1965, when his book Beyond the
Melting Pot attributed social problems among
blacks to unstable family structure.
Moynihan's own father, a hard-drinking
journalist, walked out on the family when the
senator was six, and the senator's mother ran a
saloon near Times Square. Moynihan walked
into the entrance examination for City College
with a longshoreman's loading hook sticking
out of his back pocket.
A life in academia followed, interspersed
with periods of government service. He worked
in the Labor Department in the Kennedy and
Johnson administrations, as an urban affairs
expert for Richard M. Nixon, and as ambassa-
dor to India under Nixon and Gerald R. Ford.
He was the architect of the ill-fated Nixon
"family assistance" welfare proposal, whose
history he detailed in a book. In between, he
taught his personal combination of economics,
sociology and urban studies at Harvard and at
the Joint Center for Urban Studies.
In the last year of his ambassadorship in
New Delhi, Moynihan began to attract increas-
ing attention for his articles criticizing a lack of
firmness in U.S. foreign policy, especially to-
ward the Third World. His reputation made
him a logical choice in 1975 for the U.N. post,
whose most recent appointees had been rela-
tively inconspicuous. His service at the United
Nations clearly helped his political prospects in
New York, although he denied any connection.
When he left the United Nations to run for
the Senate, he found himself challenged not
only by the equally flamboyant Abzug, but also
by two other well-known figures of the Demo-
cratic left: former U.S. Attorney General Ram-
sey Clark and New York City Council Presi-
dent Paul O'Dwyer.
Moynihan's chief political sponsor was Jo-
seph Crangle, the influential Erie County (Buf-
falo) party chairman. Crangle pushed the state
Democratic convention to guarantee ballot
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spots for all three liberals.
Abzug depicted Moynihan as a Buckley in
Democratic clothing and quickly emerged as
his main rival. But Clark and O'Dwyer took a
combined 19 percent, just enough to sink her.
Moynihan split most of the New York suburbs
with Abzug, won the upstate counties and
captured every city borough except Manhattan.
Buckley had won the seat six years earlier
as the Conservative Party candidate, taking
advantage of a three-way contest involving lib-
eral Republican incumbent Charles Goodell
and liberal Democratic challenger Richard L.
Ottinger. He had no such advantage in 1976.
Moynihan started with a strong lead over
Buckley in the polls, and he neither said nor
did anything in the fall to fracture his tenuous
party harmony. He spent much of his time in
Massachusetts, teaching at Harvard to protect
his tenure. When he did speak out, he called
Buckley a right-wing extremist out of step with
the state's politics - citing Buckley's initial
Moynihan won all the suburban coup
large margins in the city to defeat Buckleyby,
Former U.S. Rep. Bruce Caputo wen
the Republican nomination in 1982, and
might have made an attractive GOP candidal
But he was forced to withdraw early in the
primary vote and allowed state Asseui
win the nomination. Moynihan defeated
Committees
1983
46
51
74
21
1982
28
71
86
11
Budget (8th of 10 Democrats)
1981
41
47
71
14
1980
74
16
79
14
Environment and Public Works (4th of 7 Democrats)
Water Resources (ranking); Environmental Pollution; Nuclear
Regulation.
Finance (4th of 9 Democrats)
S - Support
0
- Opposition
Social Security and Income Maintenance Programs (ranking);
International Trade; Taxation and Debt Management.
Elections
1982 General
Daniel Patrick Moynihan (D) 3,232,146 (65%)
Florence Sullivan (R) 1,696,766 (34%)
1982 Primary
Daniel Patrick Moynihan (D) 922.059 (85'!.)
)
Melvin Klenelsky )D) 161,012 (15%
Previous Winning Percentage: 1976 (54%)
Campaign Finance
Receipts Expend-
Receipts from PACs itures
1982
Moynihan (0) $2,479,867 $366,221 (15%) $2,708,660
Sullivan (R) $121,893 $25,200 (21i) $117,875
Voting Studies
Presidential Party Conservative
Support Unity Coalition
Year S 0 S 0 S 0
1984 36 53 68 25 21 66
Key Votes
16
14
8
12
Allow chemical weapons production (1983)
Create Martin Luther King Jr. holiday (1983)
Bar funding for MX missile (1983)
Permit school prayer (1984)
Cut military aid to El Salvador (1984)
Keep tax indexing (1984)
Retain funds for "Star Wars" defense research (1984)
Authorize procurement of 21 MX missiles (1985)
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS-1
1984 85 32 80 39
1983 80 0 82 26
1982 95 25 96 22
1981 75 28 94 33
1980 72 8 100 33
1979 47 15 100 0
1978 60 4 89 35
1977 70 17 84 11
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DINING ROCM EVENTS
TIME/DAY/DATE: 1200-Thursday, 11 September 1986
BREAKFAST LLUCHEON }IX DINNER
HOST: DCI XX DDCI EXDIR
PLACE: DCI D. R. XX EDR aliiER
GUEST LIST: Mr. William J. Casey, host
Senator Daniel P. Moynihan, guest of honor
Mr. R. E. Hineman, DDS&T
Mr. Richard Kerr, DDI
Mr. Daniel Childs, CONPT
ADDO
DCI
Mr. -Ba 4 Grie , OGALDC'f-
TarAL: 7
*AGENCY SEAL MEDALLION TO BE PRES NI'ED TO SENATOR MO NIHAN*
MENU: Sauteed Foie Gras with Arugala and Walnut Salad
Salad
Rack of Lamb with Mustard and Breadcrumbs
Vegetables
Red Wine with Meal
Barquettes with White Chocolate
Coffee/Tea
SEATING ARRANGEMENT:
(ATTACHED)
Senator'Maynihan
Mr: Casey
(host)
STAT
STAT
CONFIDENTIAL
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