LAWMAKER DECLINES TO CONFIRM REPORTS OF K.G.B. DEFECTOR

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP88B00443R000903800002-3
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 40
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: January 28, 2011
• Sequence Number: 2
• Publication Date: January 27, 1986
• Content Type: OPEN SOURCE

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,L-
NEW YORK TIMES
January 1986 cLi
27
N
V
Lawmaker Declines
To Confirm Reports
Of K.G.B. Defector
By PHILIP SHENON
Spedaj to The New Yat -nm
WASHINGTON, Jan. 26 - The vice
chairman of the Senate Intelligence
Committee declined to comment today
on reports that a high-ranking oMcW
of the K.G.B. had defected to the
United States and was living herr
under an assumed name.
Con
that the osmures fficial fledd lSaturday
ast yew
and was providing American- iatellf.
gewA Officers with tioon about the K G B the meinforma.
t
gen
The ce and security agency
lawmaker, Leahy, Democrat Of Vermont, said that
the Central Intelligence Agency had
told him that there was no such Soviet
official. But Mr. Leahy would not com- .
went when asked if he has learned of
the defector from others.
A Congressional source today con.
firmed reports that the defector had
fled the Soviet Union last year.
But Mr. Leahy said in an interview
today: "I have been told by the C.I.A.
that no such defector a,dsts. If you
asked me whether I believe that, I
would say, in light of Mr. Casey's pub..
lic statement of reluctance to follow the
Procedures of oversight, then I will
have no comment."
Cong ressiooal Oversight
He was referring to William J.
Casey. the Director of Central Intelli-
gence, who has been involved in a pub-
lic battle with the Senate Intelligence
Committee over Congressional over-
sight of the C.I.A.
Lawmakers have complained that
the agency has failed to inform them
fully of important information about in-
telligence activities.
In a letter to the committee last
November, Mr. Casey charged that
oversight of intelligence agencies .had,
gone seriously awry." The letter ap-
peared to have been Prompted partly
by mounting criticism of the agency
and its handling of Vitaly S. Yurcha,
ko, a Soviet intelligence agent who re.,
turned to Moscow after detecting to the
West last year. -
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WASHINGTON POST
17 November 1985
The CIA and Its Critics
Last week, it was reported that Sen. Dare
Durenberger had criticized the Central
Intelligence Agency and its director, William
Casey. Mr. Casey responded with an open
letter to the senator. We asked the senator
for his reaction. We print it below, along
with the text of the Casey letter.
Dave Durenberger
The Public
Must Know
That It Works
Careful reflection on the content of CIA Director William
Casey's open letter to me as chairman of the Senate Intelli-
gence Committee raises a very troubling issue for the Amer-
ican people. Casey's clear message is that, independent of the
factual accuracy or inaccuracy of the Post article [Nov. 141
concerning my comments on the CIA, public criticism of the
performance of the CIA compromises sources, damages mo-
rale and undermines our overall intelligence capability.
In Casey's view, the cost of public discussion is simply too
high, and therefore the public has no right to know how effec-
tively the CIA does its job as part of the oversight process.
Quite the contrary, he feels that oversight must be confined
to discussion between the intelligence Committee and the di-
rector behind the closed doors of our hearing room. Other-
wise, we are told, there is repeated compromise of sources
and methods.
Clearly, we all oppose the irresponsible use of one's knowl-
edge of intelligence. Disclosure of certain facts can reveal the
source of those facts. Careful, formal procedures must be fol-
lowed in disclosing classified information. Discussion of any
intelligence matters for political support or personal publicity
is irresponsible. The Intelligence Committee is the first to
condemn such public discussions, whether they occur in Con-
gress or in the administration.
But public discussion of intelligence does not necessarily
mean disclosure of sensitive sources and methods.
There is no question that all public officials-in Congress
as well as in the executive branch-who are provided sensi-
tive intelligence bear a heavy burden. Their public state-
ments on any foreign policy, economic or national security
issue about which they have special knowledge must be deli-
cately constructed to protect that information.
But this is not to say that those who have this information
cannot or should not speak out on these issues. Intelligence is
no exception. It is a subject of public knowledge and public
discussion. Those of us who are part of that process can, and
should, speak openly on the subject of intelligence, as Casey
did recently in Time magazine on terrorism and intelligence,
without compromising security.
The real issue with Casey is not that there were public
statements, but that those statements were reported as criti-
cal. Casey would not have written that letter if the headline
had been "CIA, Casey Praised by Hill Chairman." Public
praise of the operations or analytical product evokes no public
condemnation or charges of compromising sources and meth-
ods.
In short, the head of the U.S. intelligence community does
not feel that the intelligence agencies should be accountable
to the American people. It is exactly this attitude that has led
to the past abuses and resulted in the institution of the over-
sight process within Congress. Whether Casey likes it or not,
the public does hold the CIA accountable and the public must
know the oversight process works.
It is encouraging to hear that Casey is pleased with the in-
telligence product and is satisfied with his long-range plan-
ning process. We on the Intelligence Committee have had
many good things to say both publicly and privately on both of
these subjects. Nevertheless, we also have concerns in both
areas-concerns that are not the result of "off-the cuff." un-
substantiated conclusions. They are concerns based on four
months of testimony before our committee by the policy
makers and military officers who use national intelligence.
Intelligence is not an end in itself whose usefulness is based
on self-evaluation. The ultimate judgment must rest with
those who use the product. National intelligence is a service
organization, and the director should welcome constructive
comments designed to improve that service.
The intelligence agencies are also accountable for the con-
duct of their operations. They cannot simply invoke "source;
and methods" to make Congress remain silent in the face of
rstensive public discussion-often fueled by executive
branch disclosures-of allegations of mismanagement, as in
both the Edward Lee Howard and Vitaly \"urchenko cases. It
the American people are to know that the oversight process
is working, they must be kept informed. Indeed, when one
stifles the disclosure of things that can safely be said in pub-
lic, the result is often an outpouring of leaks that are infinitely
more damaging to U.S. intelligence than is a bit of criticism.
Although the Intelligence Committee does much in com-
plete secrecy, we also speak publicly. We do it when neces-
-~arv. When we do, we are careful in our statements.
measured in our criticism, generous in our praise, protective
of sensitive information but mindful of our responsibility to
the American people. We intend to continue this policy.
4110. 40?
V/
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PHILADELPHIA INQUIRER
16 November 1985
CIA's Cased is assailed
as foe of Con gress scrutiny
By James McGregor
Ingrirer Washingien aureeu
WASHINGTON - The continuing
spat between CIA director William J.
Casey and the Senate Select Commit-
tee on Intelligence went public again
yesterday as Sen. Patrick J. Leahy
(D., Vt.), the panel's vice chairman,
accused Casey of wanting to "return
to the good old days" when there was
no congressional oversight of the
CIA.
In an unusual move Thursday, Ca-
sey had released the contents of a
letter he had sent to committee
chairman David Durenberger (R.,
Minn.). In it, he asserted that Duren-
berger's "off the cuff" public com-
ments about intelligence matters
had led to "the repeated compromise
of sensitive intelligence sources and
methods."
Though Casey cited no examples,
he is known to believe that "the Hill
ICongressl leaks everything" about
sensitive or covert intelligence oper-
ations.
The CIA director also accused Du-
renberger of undercutting the mo-
rale of CIA officers around the world
and added:
"It is time to acknowledge that the
(congressional oversight) process has
gone seriously awry."
Casey was apparently irritated by
an account in the Washington Post of
a luncheon meeting Durenberger
had with reporters on Wednesday.
The paper said the senator - alter-
nately criticizing and praising Casey
- alleged that the CIA lacked "a
sense of direction" and an adequate
knowledge of long-range trends in
the Soviet Union.
Among Durenberger's chief criti.
cisms of the agency's leadership, the
Post said, was an allegation that CIA
analysts "aren't being told what it is
we need Ito knowl about the Soviet
Union." He also criticized the agen-
cy's assessment of the South African
situation, saying there was a "vac-
uum" of independent information
and that the agency was relying too
heavily on State Department views,
the Post reported.
Yesterday, Durenberger left it to
Leahy to respond to Casey's criti.
cism.
"It does not help the process if the
director of the CIA wants to publicly
say in effect that we shouldn't have
an oversight procedure, and that is
what he is saying," Leahy said. ". * * If
the intelligence agencies could be
sure they could do away with con-
gressional oversight, they could al-
ways use secrecy to hide their mis-
takes."
In defense of his colleague, Leahy
said: "I think Sen. Durenberger has
been very, very supportive of a
strong and effective intelligence
service in this country. ... I think it
is unfortunate for the director of the
CIA to attack him and imply other-
wise."
CIA spokesman George Lauder said
the agency would have no comment
on Leahy's remarks or Casey's letter.
Durenberger's aides termed the
dispute a tempest in a teapot stem-
ming from an inaccuracy in the
Post's report of Durenberger's
Wednesday remarks. The newspaper
said yesterday that it "incorrectly
quoted" Durenberger as saying he
would recommend legislation to re-
strict the CIA director to profes-
sional intelligence work with no pol-
icy-making role.
In a letter Thursday to the Post,
Durenberger said that the article
William J. Casey
Sensitive to leaks
created the mistaken impression of
"deep, irreconcilable differences be-
tween the director and the commit-
tee" because "statements of mine
were used entirely out of context."
Ever since he rated Casey "2 on a
scale of 10" last year, Durenberger
has muted his criticism of the CIA
director. In March, he said that his
opinion of Casey had improved be-
cause "Bill is now doing what he is
told."
"It does not help the
process if the director of
the CIA wants to publicly
say in effect that we
shouldn't have an
oversight procedure, and
that is what he is saying,"
Leahy said. " ... If the
intelligence agencies could
be sure they could do
away with congressional
oversight, they could
always use secrecy to hide
their mistakes."
On Wednesday, Durenberger said
Casey was a "professional" and "a
darn good guy in that job."
Leahy said that he believed Casey's
sharply worded letter was an "over-
reaction" that reflected the bruising
of the CIA director's ego as a result of
the case of Vitaly Yurchenko, a top
KGB operative who defected to the
United States in August but returned
home last week.
"I got the impression that he is not
a happy man, period," Leahy said
about Casey.
This week's episode followed ear-
lier disputes between Casey and Con-
gress over Casey's reluctance to keep
House and Senate oversight commit.
tees informed of agency operations,
such as the mining of harbors in
Nicaragua and the alleged training
of counterterrorists in the Middle
East.
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17 04 rs .11-Al
A[
WASHINGTON POST
16 November 1985
Leahy Joins Durenberger in Criticizing CIA
By David B. Ottaway
Washington Post Staff Writer
Sen. Patrick J. Leahy (Vt.), rank-
ing Democrat on the Senate Select
Committee on Intelligence, accused
the Central Intelligence Agency
yesterday of "yearning to go back to
the good old days" when Congress
had no oversight of CIA covert op-
erations and the United States had
made "some of the most colossal
failures, intelligence failures, ever."
Leahy's comments were the lat-
est salvo in an acerbic exchange
this week between Senate intelli-
gence committee leaders and CIA
Director William J. Casey.
On Wednesday, Sen. David F.
Durenberger (R-Minn.) criticized
Casey for not providing the CIA
with a "sense of direction."
Casey, in turn, accused Duren-
berger on Thursday of conducting
intelligence oversight in an "off the
cuff' manner that had involved "re-
peated compromise of sensitive in-
telligence sources and methods."
The unusual public acrimony re-
flects a crisis of confidence between
the Reagan administration and the
Congress over who is to blame for a
recent spate of unauthorized intel-
ligence disclosures.
It also has raised the thorny is-
sue-which has surfaced in at least
the past three administrations-of
the media's responsibility toward
the public and government in re-
porting on delicate, often divisive
intelligence and foreign policy mat-
ters in the administration. "I hear
people yearning to go back to the
good old days," Leahy said at a
news briefing yesterday. "Well, the
good old days are the Bay of Pigs
and Salvador Allende and Patrice
Lumumba and a lot of other fail-
ures.*
Leahy told a news briefing that
he was not accusing the CIA of
"wanting to puff another Bay of
Pigs," the aborted U.S.-backed in-
vasion of Cuba in 1961, but he said
that "when you had no congression-
al oversight" the agency had be-
come embroiled in such adventures
as attempts to poison Cuban leader
Fidel Castro, the bloody coup
against leftist Chilean president Al-
lende in 1973 and the support of
murder plots against Lumumba, a
leftist premier of what is now Zaire
assassinated in 1961.
Leahy yesterday also supported
Durenberger's charges that the
administration was guilty of "selec-
tive leaking." The Vermont Dem-
ocrat said the Reagan administra-
tion was "the worst ever" compared
with those of presidents Gerald R.
Ford or Jimmy Carter. He added
that "there are a whole lot" of U.S.
secrets that members of the intel-
ligence committee learned of "first
in the press."
The debate seems likely to per-
sist, partly because of increasing
CIA activity around the world under
the Reagan administration and part-
ly because Congress is sharply di-
vided, though not strictly along par-
ty lines, on the issue of its oversight
role of intelligence operations and
the making of foreign policy.
The public exchanges this week
have highlighted the sharp differ-
ences of opinion. Durenberger has
Said he wants to change "the defin-
ttion of. oversight" of intelligence
operations and to "open that pro-
cess up a little bit more so it isn't
just their. [the administration's mis-
takes that become a problem."
Rep. Lee H. Hamilton (D-Ind.),
chairman of the House Permanent
Select Committee on Intelligence,
said he endorsed Durenberger's
idea of a larger public debate on
general intelligence policy but was
leery of open discussions of oper-
ations that risk "damage being done
to our interests."
The two most recent examples of
the confidence crisis have been re-
porting on the short-lived defection
of the Soviet KGB official, Vitaly
Yurchenko, and an administration
decision to authorize a CIA plan to
seek to undermine the regime of
Libyan leader Col. Muammar Qad-
dafi.
Many administration officials
were furious at a Nov. 3 front-page
article in The Washington Post
about the CIA plan to help Libya's
neighbors or opponents topple Qad-
dafi; President Reagan has ordered
an investigation of the disclosure.
Hamilton said he regards it "as a
very serious leak of a different mag-
nitude than the others."
Several senior U.S. officials have
questioned the wisdom of The
Post's decision to publish the arti-
cle, a decision that they say has
compromised U.S. diplomacy and
seriously embarrassed the opposi-
tion to Qaddafi and its Arab back-
ers.
In response to the article, Egypt
and Algeria-two neighboring
states at odds with Qaddafi-have
said they will have nothing to do
with any CIA "plot" against another
Arab leader. The National Front for
the Salvation of Libya, the main
Libyan group within the badly frag-
mented Libyan opposition, said in a
statement from London that the ar-
ticle was "liable to discredit and un-
dermine the genuine Libyan
strength and preempt any national
action that might be carried out
against Qaddafi."
Leonard Downie Jr., managing
editor of The Washington Post, in
defending the newspaper's decision
to publish the article, said the CIA
plan was being "widely and hotly de-
bated" inside the agency and be-
tween the CIA and the congression-
al committees responsible for over-
sight of such operations.
The debate was "significant,"
Downie said, and "the whole ques-
tion of what kinds of covert oper-
ations the CIA should engage in is
one suitable for public scrutiny."
Critics of the plan, he said, were
even questioning whether the op-
eration was "legal" because it might
have ended in the assassination of
Qaddafi, who has long been accused
of supporting international terror-
ism. A longstanding executive order
signed by Reagan forbids the CIA
or any other U.S. agency from di-
rect or indirect involvement in any
assassination plan.
!'ontinued
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Downie said The Post article had
disclosed no precise details of what
the CIA was planning to do, "which
we should not and did not do." He
also said that the reporter involved,
Bob Woodward, interviewed a num-
ber of knowledgeable government
sources in reporting the article and
that neither before nor after pub-
lication had any of them called to
suggest that disclosure of the plan
might endanger national security or
U.S. lives.
Qaddafi has used the article to
rally renewed support at home and
in the Arab world for his embattled
regime, picturing himself as a tar-
get of "the great American Satan,"
as one U.S. analyst put it.
The analyst was highly critical of
any CIA anti-Qaddafi plan relying on
Libyan opposition figures, describ-
ing them as "nobodies, klutzes and
incompetents" lacking internal sup-
port.
In the Yurchenko situation, the
defector, who returned to Moscow
earlier this month after three
months in CIA custody, has said
that information leaked to the press
about his defection had upset him
and some observers have suggested
that it may have affected his think-
ing about remaining in the United
States.
Durenberger told a group of re-
porters Wednesday that he felt the
CIA probably should have said less
about Yurchenko, although he also
acknowledged that the CIA feels
the same way about members of his
committee.
In discussing the administration's
"selective leaking" of secrets, Du-
renberger added, "All of you know
that with regard to Central America
in particular they have leaked clas-
sified information about arms flow
at various times." This was appar-
ently a reference to Soviet and
Cuban arms shipments to the San-
dinista government in Nicaragua.
Ironically, many of the disclo-
sures about Yurchenko's defec-
tion-the fact that he had defected,
his alleged ranking as No. 5 in the
KGB, and his alleged role in trig-
gering other defections-were
printed in the Italian press a month
or more before they surfaced in the
United States.
As early as Aug. 8, the state-run
Italian radio reported Yurchenko's
disappearance in Rome and prob-
able defection.
By Aug. 31, it was a front-page
article in Corriere della Sera con-
taining many of the details, assump-
tions and speculation about who he
was that were to appear later in the
American press.
Corriere, in its Sept. I edition,
identified Yurchenko in a front-page
article as "the No. 5 in the KGB," a
sensational bit of news that took the
U.S. media more than three weeks
to report on the basis of "leaked" in-
formation here.
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,ARTICLE AP? RED NEW YORK TIMES
ON PAGE Je_ 15 November 1985
Chief of C.I.A. Assails
Congress Over Security
By STEPHEN ENGELBERG
special to The Now York Times
WASHINGTON, Nov. 13 - William
J. Casey, the Director of Central Intel-
ligence , asserted tonight that com-
ments by members of Congress had
caused "the repeated compromise of
sensitive intelligence sources and
methods."
In a strongly worded letter to the
chairman of the Senate Select Commit-
tee on Intelligence, Mr. Casey con-
tended that the Congressional over-
sight of intelligence agencies "has gone
seriously awry." He said that some
Congressional attacks on the agency's
performance had been "inaccurate,'~
"off the cuff" or "unfounded."
A spokesman for the Central Intelli.
gence Agency would not elaborate onl
what specific breaches of security
might have been caused by members of
Congress.
Mr. Casey's letter was released to.
night after several weeks of mounting
criticism of the Central Intelligence
Agency by some members of Congress.
The Congressmen have questioned the
handling of the cases of Vitaly S. Yur-
chenko, a Soviet intelligence officer,
and of Edward Lee Howard, a former
C.I.A. officer accused of spying for the
Soviet Union.
Mr. Casey said his letter was
prompted by newspaper accounts of
criticism of the agency by by the intel-
ligence committee chairman, Dave
Durenberger, a Minnesota Republican,
at a luncheon meeting with reporters
on Wednesday.
Mr. Durenberger has asserted that
he was misquoted in some accounts.
But Mr. Casey's letter was clearly
aimed at the broader issue of whether
it was appropriate to have public dis.
cussion of certain sensitive issues over-
i
t
lli
itt
i
b
h
n
e
gence comm
ees
n
seen
y t
e
the House and Senate. been tar out front."
.
Mr. Durenberger, in a letter to The
Washington Post, said the' newspaper
had "done a great disservice" in its re-
porting of the luncheon. He said his
comments were taken "entirely out of
context" and he called the report by
The Post "factually incorrect." Mr.
Durenberger wrote. "As I am certain
other correspondents at the press
luncheon would agree, the thrust of my
remarks was positive."
At the session, Mr. Durenberger
praised Mr. Casey and the work of the
agency.
A spokesman for Mr. Durenberger
said tonight that he could not be
reached immediately for comment.
Mr. Casey's letter makes reference
to the account carried by The Post
"and other newspapers."
Robert Kaiser, assistant managing
editor/national news of The Post, said
the account contained two errors which
had been inserted by editors, but he
said, "We stand by the thrust of the
story."
Alluding to statements by Mr. Duren-
berger's staff that he had been mis-
quoted, Mr. Casey wrote: "That is not
the point. Public discussion of sensitive
information and views revealed in a
closed session of an oversight commit-
tee is always damaging and inadvisa-
ble. As we have discussed many times,
if the oversight process is to work at
all, it cannot do so on the front page of
American newspapers.
"The cost in compromised sources,
damaged morale and the effect on
overall capabilities is simply too high."
Mr. Durenberger and Senator Pat-
rick J. Leahy, the Vermont Democrat
who is vice chairman of the Senate In-
telligence Committee, have both
argued for fuller public dicussion of in-
telligence issues.
At a speech this year to the John Hop-
kins University School of Advanced In-
ternational Studies, Mr. Durenberger
suggested that intelligence agencies
sometimes used secrecy as a means of
hiding embarrassing mistakes.
In his letter, Mr. Casey took particu-
lar issue with what he said were Mr.
Durenberger's comments Wednesday
to reporters that the agency had failed
to understand the Soviet Union and had
not produced long-range evaluations of
such issues as the rise of Shiite funda-
mentalism, the insurgency in the
Philippines, or the energy crisis.
Mr. Casey called this assertion
tragically wrong," saying, These
are all areas where the intelligence
community has produced an enormous
number of long-range studies over the
last six years or more and where we
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PHILADELPHIA INQUIRER
14 November 1985
The bungling of the cases of two
very different Soviet defectors leaves a
raw trail of lessons - some painfully
obvious - to be learned for the future.
Destroying a defector
No American can quickly erase the
haunting image of Ukrainian seaman
Miroslav Medvid. After twice jumping
into the Mississippi to escape his So-
viet grain freighter, he beat his head
against the rocks as a Soviet sailor and
two American shipping agents sub-
dued him with handcuffs served up by
a helpful U.S. Border Patrol agent.
Commissioner of Immigration and
Nationalization Allan C. Nelson has
conceded that the two Border Patrol
agents who returned Mr. Medvid to his
ship blundered substantially. INS regu-
lations specify that when an East bloc
national appears to be seeking political
asylum an agent must immediately in-
form his or her superiors, who then
contact the State Department.
That's how things were handled in
Jacksonville, Fla., even as the Medvid
drama was in progress. A Romanian
seaman who defected there on Nov. 6
was granted asylum on Nov. 7, and by
Nov. 8 had a job as a maintenance
mechanic at a metal recycling plant.
Why Mr. Medvid was brutally de-
nied his chance at the American
dream remains a mystery. The two INS
agents who betrayed him contend that
they didn't know he wanted to defect.
Even if his desperate head bashing
wasn't enough, the woman who trans;
lated for Mr. Medvid insists he made
his wants clear. In such a sensitive
case, contact with superiors was called
for - obviously. Congressional
sources say that INS officials told them
that one of the agents in question was
"one of their worst" but that he could
not be fired because of Civil Service
regulations.
How to lose defectors
Clearly the Medvid case dictates a
hard look by the INS at the quality of
its agents and at the thoroughness of
their training. Civil Service regula-
tions should not bar the firing of in-
competents.
Tragically, once Mr. Medvid had
been handed over to Soviet threats and
intimidation, the State Department, by
then aware of the situation, was lim-
ited in its remedies. He was inter-
viewed five times. He was taken ashore
to a naval hospital, allowed a night's
sleep to alleviate his tension and dull
the aftereffects of suspected drugs,
and then examined by a physician and
psychiatrist.
He insisted on returning to the
ship. A Soviet official was always pres-
ent, but Mr. Medvid appeared compe-
tent and could not be held against his
will. He signed a statement in Russian
that he wanted to leave.
Sen. Jesse Helms' unsuccessful
move to have the ship held until there
was a third interview may appeal to
American heartstrings. But Mr. Med-
vid's mind appeared made up. His un-
happy choice was molded by the INS's
original blunder. The knowledge of
the fate that awaits him should goad
the INS to ensure that such an outrage
is not repeated.
Embarrassing the CIA
And then there is the amazing case
of top KGB defector Vitaly Sergeyevich
Yurchenko, who redefected to the So-
viet Union after three months in the
hands of the CIA. His lurid press con-
ference last week in the Soviet Em-
bassy in Washington, with its tales of
being drugged and held captive by U.S.
intelligence agents, is seen as proof by
some that he was a plant sent to embar-
rass America on the eve of the U.S.-
Soviet summit meeting.
Maybe so. If that was the case - and
it may never be proved - obvious
changes in intelligence gathering are
necessary to prevent such CIA mortifi-
cation in the future.
But whether Mr. Yurchenko was a
plant or got cold feet, the careless,
unprofessional handling of his stay in
the United States suggests the CIA bad-
ly needs to improve its approach to
such sensitive guests.
The CIA seemed anxious to blab to
the press the information the Soviet
spy was revealing even though he had
been promised his defection would be
kept secret. Even a private dinner he
had with CIA Director William J. Casey
was reported in Newsweek magazine.
Such crowing offers little encourage-
ment to future Soviet defectors who
want to stay low-key to shield family
members left behind. It also makes
inevitable the highly embarrassing
publicity now attending the loss of
such a highly touted defector.
Experts say Mr. Yurchenko should
have been provided with a Russian-
speaking "babysitter" during lengthy
interrogation sessions, someone with
whom he could discuss the depression
that usually affects defectors.
Hardest to understand is how such
an important, and presumably vulner-
able, Soviet spy could have been taken
to dine in a crowded Georgetown res-
taurant with only a young, inexperi-
enced CIA agent for company. (He
walked from that last supper back into
the arms of the Soviet Embassy.)
Even those who don't read spy nov-
els have heard of Bulgarian agents
downing defectors with a thrust from
a poisoned umbrella. Had the Soviets
been seeking to dispatch Mr. Yur-
chenko it seems they would have had
ample opportunity. If the CIA wants to
hold onto defectors in future, it had
better boast less and protect more.
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1~ November 1985
Casey Accuses Durenberger
Of Cmpromising.CIA
By Patrick E. Tyler
and David B. Ottaway
Washington Post Staff Writer.
CIA Director William J. Casey
issued a public letter last night at-
tacking the chairman of the Senate
Select Committee on Intelligence
for conducting intelligence over-
sight "off the cuff" in a manner that
has resulted in the "repeated com-
promise of sensitive intelligence
sources and methods."
The letter, addressed to Sen. Da-
vid F. Durenberger (R-Minn.), said,
"It is time to acknowledge that the
[oversight] process has gone seri-
ously awry" and accused Durenber-
ger of undercutting the morale of
CIA officers around the world.
"What are they to think when the
chairman of the Senate Select Com-
mittee offhandedly, publicly and in-
accurately disparages their work?"
Casey asked.
Casey's letter referred to a re-
port in yesterday's Washington
Post in which Durenberger was
quoted as charging that the CIA
lacked "a tense of direc ' and an
adequate knowledge o long-range
trends in the Soviet Upon.
"I can only wonder," Casey said,
.at the contrast beteen what you
say to us privately aid what you say
t9 the news media."
In response to Casey's letter, Du-
renberger said last night, "An issue
has been created where none ex-
ists. I continue to fully support Di-
rector Casey and the intelligence
community, both privately and pub-
licly, and I'm confident that we can
continue working toward our long-
range goals, to achieve both effec-
tive congressional oversight and a
comprehensive national intelligence
Strategy."
- At a meeting with reporters
Wednesday, Durenberger both
praised and criticized Casey and the
CIA in extended remarks. Though
there was no discussion of the sen-
sitive sources and methods Casey
complained of, Casey has contended
that the "the Hill leaks everything"
about sensitive and covert intelli-
gence operations proposed or un-
derway.
Among Durenberger's chief crit-
icisms of the agency's leadership
was an allegation that CIA analysts
aren't being told what it is we need
Ito know[ about the Soviet Union."
He also criticized the agency's as-
sessment of the South African sit-
uation, saying there was a "vacuum"
of independent information and that
the agency was relying too heavily
on State Department views.
Durenberger claimed the intel-
ligence process prevented CIA an-
alysts from "look[ing[ five years
down the road" or taking into ac-
count brewing problems such as
Shiite fundamentalism in the Middle
East and political deterioration in
the Philippines.
Casey called these criticisms of
the agency he has headed for five
years "tragically wrong."
"Your remarks betray a lack of
familiarity with the many intelli-
gence studies in the [committee's)
vault," Casey said.
The CIA chief added, "The intel-
ligence community has produced an
enormous number of long-range
studies over the last six years or
more and where we have been far
out in front."
Earlier in the day, Durenberger,
in a letter and a meeting with wire
service reporters, sought to clarify
his Wednesday remarks, which had
included an off-hand prediction that
support for Casey among senators
on the committee would divide 8 to
7 if put to a vote.
"1 think Bill is as good a DCI [di-
rector of central intelligence) as
we've had in a long time, and that
forgives a whole lot of things by
saying that," Durenberger said to
reporters Wednesday, adding, "It
"Public discussion
of sensitive
information ... is
always damaging."
-CIA Director William J. Casey
would be an 8-to-7 vote on the com-
mittee if I put it to a vote."
The committee consists of eight
Republicans and seven Democrats.
In Durenberger's clarifying letter
yesterday, he said, "Our committee
has no plans for such a vote nor, to
my knowledge, are we split on any
issue strictly along party lines."
Durenberger was incorrectly
quoted in The Washington Post
Wednesday as saying that he would
recommend "legislation" downgrad-
ing Casey's job. Durenberger actu-
ally said he would consider a "rec-
ommendation" that restricted
Casey to professional intelligence
work with no policy formulation
role.
"I did not state that the Intelli-
gence Committee is considering
recommending legislation which
would substantially downgrade the
CIA director's role. Our committee
is not considering such legislation,"
Durenberger said.
Casey, noting that Durenberger
had made attempts to clarify his
remarks during the day, said last
night, "That's not the point."
"Public discussion of sensitive
information and views revealed in a
closed session of an oversight com-
mittee is always damaging and in-
advisable," Casey said. "As we have
discussed many times, if the over-
sight process is to work at all, it
cannot do so on the front pages of
American newspapers. The cost in
compromise of sources, damaged
morale and the effect on our overall
capabilities is simply too high."
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IF APPEA1ED
...;.." Al-
CI.4, Casey
Criticized by
Hill Chairman
By David B. Ottaway
Washington Post Staff Writer
Sen. David F. Durenberger (R-
Minn.), chairman of the Select
Committee on Intelligence, yester-
day criticized the Central Intelli-
gence Agency and its director, Wil-
liam 1. Casey, for lacking a "sense of
direction" and particularly for fail-
ure to understand the Soviet Union.
Durenberger said his committee
will consider recommending legis-
lation that would substantially
downgrade the CIA director's role
and make the president's national
security affairs adviser responsible
for evaluating intelligence in the
policy-making process.
His criticisms notwithstanding,
Durenberger also defended Casey
as a "professional" and "a darn good
guy in that job" who deserved to
continue as director.
Durenberger said, however, that
a vote today in his Republican-dom-
inated committee over whether to
recommend Casey's dismissal in the
wake of the CIA's handling of the
Soviet defector Vitaly Yurchenko
would be 8 to 7 in support of the di-
rector, a vote reflecting party lines.
Yurchenko defected to the West
in August, but three months later
apparently changed his mind and
publicly denounced the CIA as kid-
napers and torturers before return-
ing to Moscow last week.
Durenberger's comments during
a luncheon with reporters indicated
that the Yurchenko affair - has
brought to a head serious differ-
ences between Congress and the
CIA over the performance of both
bodies in a series of recent disclo-
sures of classified information.
WASHINGTON POST
14 November 1985
He also acknowledged that his
own attempt to redefine his com-
mittee's oversight role to encour-
age the public release of more in-
formation had created "an uncom-
fortable feeling" in Congress and
"other places" about the wisdom of
"that kind of course of action."
Durenberger centered his crit-
icisms of the CIA's leadership on
what he called its failure to provide
overall guidelines to employes in
gathering and analyzing informa-
tion, particularly data regarding the
Soviet Union.
"They aren't getting any sense of
direction. They aren't being told
what it is in the long run we need
[to know} about the Soviet Union,"
he'said.
Durenberger said he was not
faulting the quality of CIA person-
nel or the agency's resources. Rath-
er, he lambasted "a process that
doesn't let them look five years
down the road" or allow the.agency
to consider in their longer-range
evaluations such brewing crises as
the Philippines, the rise of Shiite
Moslem fundamentalism in the Mid-
dle East or what he called "the en-
ergy factor."
He faulted the absence of any
"sense of a national intelligence
strategy," a problem he said his
committee was hoping to remedy
by providing additional CIA funds
beginning this fiscal year.
Durenberger said another prob-
lem facing the intelligence commu-
nity is a redefinition of the respec-
tive roles of the CIA and the Na-
tional Security Council.
The Senate intelligence commit-
tee probably will recommend before
the end of 1986 that the president's
national security affairs adviser
"ought to be really the person who
is responsible for the linkage be-
tween intelligence and policy,"
while the CIA director is restricted
to "professional intelligence work."
Casey, who was Reagan's campaign
director in 1980, has been a close
adviser to the president.
The senator also disclosed that
he is drafting a letter to Casey in
the wake of Yurchenko asking for
information on how the defection
was handled, what the CIA and oth-
ers have learned from the affair and
who in the agency is accountable.
Durenberger said that 50 per-
cent of past Soviet defectors had re-
turned home as Yurchenko did in a
"relatively short period of time."
The senator said it was important
for the CIA and the Congress to un-
SEN. DAVID F. DURENBERGER
... defends Casey as "professional"
derstand the phenomenon if the
United States hoped to encourage
other Soviets to defect.
The senator also defended Con-
gress against administration
charges that it had been responsible
for various "leaks" about Yur-
chenko's defection. He said the ad-
ministration had been guilty of "se-
lective leaking" during the three
months Yurchenko was in U.S. cus-
tody.
U/
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ARTICLE APP R
ON PAGE
NEW YORK TIMES
14 November 1985
Casey Is Reported to Fault C.I.A.
For Its Disclosures on Yurchenko
WASHINGTON, Nov. 13 - William
J. Casey, Director of Central Intelli-
gence, has said the C.I.A. gave Con-
gress too much information about the
detection of Vitaly S. Yurchenko, the
chairman of the Senate Select Commit-
tee on Intelligence said today.
Senator Dave Durenberger, the
chairman, quoted Mr. Casey as telling
'the committee recently: "We shouldn't
have told you guys as. much as we did."
Some members of t , such as
'Senator Daniel Parick Moynihan,
Democrat of New York, have criticized
the agency for allowing publicity about
Mr. Yurchenko's defection, which Ad-
ministration officials initially por-
trayed as an intelligence coup.
"The proposition is very simple,"
said Senator Moynihan, former Vice
Chairman-of the Senate committee.
"The successes of diplomacy and intel-
ligence are events that just don't hap-
pen." Noting that the State Depart-
ment at one point issued a statement
that described Mr. Yurchenko's rank in
nounce that he had been kidnapped and
drugged, charges the State Depart-
ment quickly denied.
"From what we've learned about do-
fectors," said Mr. Durenberger, "50
percent go home in a relatively short
period of time. In this case, there are
some questions about whether he was
handled
rr. Durenberger said the C.I.A. has
ordered its inspector general to pro.
pare a report on the case, and that the
inspector general will be looking into
the agency's handling of Edward Lee
Howard, a former C.I.A. officer who
has been accused of helping Soviet in-
telligence identify American agents in
Moscow.
A committee spokesman said the
F.B.I. will also be asked to prepare a
written report on its handling of Mr.
the K.G.B., the Soviet intelligence
agency, he said, "this was just self-
promotion."
At a luncheon meeting with report-
ers, Mr. Durenberger also said that
about 50 percent of the people who de-
fect to the United States return to their
homeland.
Mr. Durenberger, a Minnesota Re-
publican, is one of several members of
Congress and former intelligence offi-
cials who have been questioning the
C.I.A.'s procedures for defectors as the
Reagan Administration begins to ex-
amine why Mr. Yurchenko returned to
the Soviet Union.
Last week, after three months in the
hands of the C.I.A., Mr. Yurchenko ap-
peared at a press conference to an-
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ARTICLE APPEARED
ON PAS -~+ 0
NEW YORK DAILY NEWS
14 November 1985
Casey wouldn't bat?
Csssy's ataykp
at C1A,
Have the skids been greased for
CIA Director WUliaa Casey because
of the way his agency handled the
flap over on-again, off again Russian
defector Vilely Yurcheako? No way,
says Sen. David Durenberger
(R.MInn.). chairman of the Senate
Intelligence Committee. Durenberger
said over lunch with insiders in
Washington's Ritz-Carlton yesterday
that Casey, a former New York
lawyer and GOP fund-raiser, will
keep his post with White House
approval.
"He's as good a CIA director as we
have ever had," said Durenberger,
but added with a grin, "and that
forgives a lot of things." With tongue
in cheek, Durenberger said if Casey's
can came up for a confidence vote
before his Idmember cow, the
senators would vote Republicans
Democrats T.
, . .
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LOS ANGELES TIMES
14 November 1985
Panel Likely to Seek to Reduce Casey's Policy-Sett,, Role
Proposal Would Dilute CIA Director's W hite House Influence and Broaden r \lcFariane
Sy MICHAEL, WINES, Times staff Writer
WASHINGTON-The Senate
Intelligence Committee is likely to
recommend next year that Presi-
deqt Reagan reduce the CIA direc-
tor~a role in setting policy and
instead limit his duties to "Profes-
sional intelligence work," Sen.
Davt-e Durenberger (R-Minn. ), the
coaiBrittee chairman, said Wednes-
day
Ind- a lengthy luncheon session
with reporters, Durenberger sug-
gested that the fob of recommend-
ing policy changes such as secret
operations against other govern-
ments should rest with the Presi-
dent's national seewity adviser,
while the director of central intelli-
gence should carry ott* the chang-
es.
The proposal apparently would
dilute the White House role of
Reagan's clash Mend and political
strategist, CIA Director William J.
Casey, and broaden the powers of
National Security Adviser Robert
C. McFarlane. It was revealed
against a background of growing
criticism of the way top CIA offi-
cials handled Vitaly Yurchenko,
the Soviet KGB officer whose
much touted defection to CIA
hands embarrassingly backfired
last week.
"One of the things we ought to be
sorting out," Durenberger said, "is
whether or not maybe effectively
in the present situation, McFarlane
shouldn't be the President's right
hand on intelligence input through
policy and Casey ought to be the
pro who runs the organization."
Although the senator said that
Casey had sought to make the CIA
a policy-setting agency early in his
tenure-citing the agency's advo-
cacy of top-secret operations in
Central America such as the min-
ing of Nicaraguan harbors-he
added that Casey has "matured" in
the top CIA post and strongly
Praised his management of the
organization.
A Senate intelligence aide down -
played the thrust of Durenberger's
remarks late Wednesday, saying
the committee does not intend to
recommend that the President shift
any of Casey's current duties to
McFarlane. Instead, he said, the
panel hopes only to force McFar-
lane and other "consumers" of the
CIA's intelligence to specify their
needs so that the intelligence agen-
cy knows what type of information
to gather.
The aide said that Casey occa-
sionally "may give some personal
advice to the President" but exer-
cises no major policy powers. The
Senate panel's proposal envisions
"no fundamental role change, just
an exercise over the reinvigoration
of the way the system should be
operating," he said.
Durenberger's proposal, he said,
calls for "more clarification of the
current responsibilities" of the CIA
director and policy-makers "and
acceptance on both sides of those
responsibilities.
"It's not that Bill Casey doesn't
do that now, but it's not done in a
very well organized and orches-
trated way," he said. He said the
prcposal has been in the works for
several months and is unrelated to
criticism of the agency stemming
from the Yurchenko affair.
However, Durenberger's re-
marks appeared to suggest a less-
ening of the White House role now
played by Casey, the only director
of central intelligence to hoTc i post
in a President's Cabinet.
Casey, widely regarded as the
most powerful intelligence chief
since the post was created in 1947,
is credited by some with helping
devise the Reagan Administra-
tion's strategy of covert operations
against Nicaragua and in support of
struggling Central American na-
tions on its borders.
Durenberger strongly praised
Casey's "professionalism" and said
that he is responsible for a general
improvement in the agency's mo-
rale.
"I'm giving him a plus on the job,
despite all the things I've got to
swallow ... to do that," he said.
However, some senators on the
intelligence panel believe "that the
national security adviser to the
President ought to really be the
person responsible . . . for the
linkage between intelligence and
policy, and the (director of central
intelligence) ought to be a person
who does professional intelligence
work."
Some intelligence experts said
Wednesday that the adoption of
Durenberger's proposal might have
little effect on either Casey or
federal intelligence policy, partly
because Casey's central role in
White House intelligence affairs is
based on his close personal links to
Reagan.
Additionally, the director of cen-
tral intelligence-who not only
heads the CIA but also oversees
some duties of the National Securi-
ty Agency and the Defense Intelli-
gence Agency-has budgetary and
advisory powers that could not.be
diluted without Congress's permis-
sion. And Durenberger suggested
no changes in law.
While Durenberger did not di-
rectly criticize Casey on Wednes-
day, he voiced concern about the
agency's performance in some key
areas, including intelligence as-
sessments of the Soviet Union and
South Africa.
He also sharply criticized the
agency's assessments of the future
of the South Africa government,
saying there is a "vacuum" of
independent and unbiased infor-
mation about the country's prob-
lems.
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UNITED PRESS INTERNATIONAL
13 November 1985
SENATE INTELLIGENCE CHAIRMAN LAUDS CIA CHIEF
BY BENJAMIN SHORE, COPELY NEWS SERVICE
WASHINGTON
THE CHAIRMAN OF THE SENATE SELECT COMMITTEE ON INTELLIGENCE WEDNESDAY CALLED CIA
DIRECTOR WILLIAM CASEY, DIRECTOR OF CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE, A14DARN GOOD GUY IN THAT
JOB," DESPITE THE REDEFECTION OF A KGB OFFICIAL TO THE SOVIET UNION.
SEN. DAVE DURENBERGER, R-MINN., TOLD REPORTERS THAT CASEY "KNOWS THE (INTELLIGENCE)
CRAFT AND THE POLITICS INVOLVED."
OTHER MEMBERS OF CONGRESS HAVE SHARPLY CRITIZED CASEY AND THE CIA FOR LETTING VITALY
YURCHENKO, ALLEGEDLY A TOP KGB OFFICIAL, SLIP AWAY FROM HIS CIA ESCORTS NOV, 2.
SOME CALLED FOR CASEY'S RESIGNATION AFTER YURCHENKO, DURING A PRESS CONFERENCE AT
THE SOVIET EMBASSY HERE, CLAIMED HE WAS KIDNAPPED, DRUGGED AND OTHERWISE MISTREATED
BY THE CIA.
ON ANOTHER ISSUE, DURENBERGER SAID THE CIA HAS BEEN LAX IN PROVIDING LONG-RANGE
INTELLIGENCE ESTIMATES OF SUCH EVOLVING ISSUES AS AMERICAN-SOVIET RELATIONS,
PHILIPPINES UNREST AND GLOBAL ENERGY SUPPLIES.
WHILE THE CIA HAS PROFICIENT ANALYSTS, HE SAID, "THE PROCESS DOESN'T LET THEM LOOK
FIVE YEARS DOWN THE ROAD..."
"WE MUST MOVE TO A STRATEGY FOR A NATIONAL INTELLIGENCE ESTIMATE: TO HELP GUIDE
AMERICAN POLICY MAKERS, DURENBERGER SAID.
DURENBERGER SAID HIS COMMITTEE, WHICH, LIKE ITS HOUSE COUNTERPART, HAS JURISDICTION
OVER THE CIA, IS AWAITING A REPORT FROM THE INTELLIGENCE AGENCY ON WHY YURCHENKO
DECIDED TO RETURN TO MOSCOW AFTER THREE MONTHS IN CIA CUSTODY,
"WE ALSO WANT TO KNOW WHERE THE BUCK STOPS" IN SUCH CASES, DURENBERGER SAID, REFERR-
ING TO CRITISM THAT CIA OFFICIALS, INCLUDING CASEY, DID NOT HANDLE YURCHENKO WITH
SENSITIVITY.
THE SENATOR SAID 50 PERCENT OF RUSSIAN OFFICIALS WHO DEFECT TO THE UNITED STATES
RETURN TO THE SOVIET UNION BECAUSE OF HOMESICKNESS, A HIGHER PERCENTAGE THAN ANY
OTHER NATIONALITY.
BUT DURENBERGER, WHO SAID THE CIA TOLD HIM OF YURCHENKO'S DEFECTION TWO MONTHS AGO,
SAID HE DID NOT KNOW WHY THE CIA FAILED WITH YURCHENKO,
"THE MAIN HURT IS EMBARRASSMENT" TO THE REAGAN ADMINISTRATION, DURENBERGER SAID.
A CIA AND CONGRESSIONAL REVIEW OF THE CASE MAY RESULT IN CHANGES IN CIA POLICY TO
ENCOURAGE MORE DEFECTIONS AS PART OF A COUNTERINTELLIGENCE STRATEGY, HE ADDED.
SOVIET OFFICIALS ARE EXPECTED TO PUBLICIZE YURCHENKO'S CASE TO DISCOURAGE INTELLI-
GENCE AND OTHER OFFICIALS FROM DEFECTING.
YURCHENKO CLIAMED THAT THE REASON HE DECIDED TO REDEFECT WAS THE PUBLICITY THAT HE
CLAIMED THE CIA HAD BEGUN GENERATING ABOUT THE SECRETS HE WAS REVEALING.
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DURENBERGER SAID THAT WHILE THE CIA "PROBABLY SHOULD HAVE SAID LESS ABOUT HAVING
YURCHENKO,' PUBLICITY OF SOME U.S. INTELLIGENCE COUPS WOULD LEAD THE AMERICAN PUBLIC
TO FORGIVE SOME MISTAKES."
IN DEFENDING CASEY, DURENBERGER SAID THE 72 YEAR OLD FORMER LAWYER, BUSINESSMAN,
WORLD WAR II SPY, AUTHOR AND POLITICIAN APPOINTED TO THE CIA POST BY MR. REAGAN IN
1981 HAD "MATURED" IN THE JOB.
CASEY NO LONGER BELIEVES THE CIA SHOULD BE MAKING POLICY, DURENBERGER SAID, REFERR-
ING TO RECENT CIA ACTIVITIES IN CENTRAL AMERICA AS A EXAMPLE. "HE NOW KNOWS THE
RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN INTELLIGENCE AND PUBLIC POLICY," DURENBERGER SAID,
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ON PAGE
WASHINGTON TIMES
18 November 1985
Hem says CIA repeatedly
underestimates Soviet power
By Bill Gertz criticisms of our interpretations and ~ ington Post, were taken "out of con-
THE WASHINGTON TIMES assessments have shown a tendency text.
to be overly optimistic, to place a Mr. Casey appeared unmoved by
The recent congressional barrage Mr. Durenberger's effort to clarify
against the Central Intelligence benign interpretation on informa-
tion which could be interpreted as his position.
"That's not the point," Mr. Casey
Agency and its director, William danger."
Casey, has refueled criticism that indicating wrote in his response. "Public dis-
the agency has consistently under The larger issue of relations be- cussion of sensitive information and
estimated Soviet intentions and cap- tween the intelligence agency and
Congress came to a head last Wed- views revealed in a closed session of
abilities. an oversight committee is always
Much of the criticism of the nesday when Sen. David Durenber- ng inadvisable:'
agency and its director had been g e r, Minnesota Republican, damagiMr.nCasey g and did not specifically 1'e-
bandied about publicly last week - chairman of the select committee, spond to charges that the CIA had
in comments from the ranking Re- criticized Mr. Casey and the agency underestimated the Soviets, but the
publican and Democratic members during a luncheon meeting with re- director did defend his agency's
of the Senate Select Committee on porters. analysis work as a whole.
Intelligence. Those remarks drew a Among Mr. D u r e n b e r g e is Mr. Casey said that recent anal-
sharply worded reply from Mr. charges was the criticism that CIA yses in support of arms control were
Casey. analysts have failed to adequately praised by former Secretary of State
But some of the most surprising understand the Soviet Union and Henry Kissinger, representing the
charges, expressed in a letter to that the agency lacks a sense of di- president's Foreign Intelligence Ad-
President Reagan last month, have rection. visory Board.
been leveled by Sen. Jesse Helms, Mr. Durenberger, who this year In his letter, Mr. Casey pointed to
North Carolina Republican. replaced Sen. Barry Goldwater, Ari- recent CIA analyses of the crisis in
zona Republican, as chairman of the the Philippines, Shi'ite Moslem fun-
Mr. Helms' letter, a five-page as- intelligence panel, also said that if damentalism and "the energy prob-
sessment of recent and past CIA the committee decided to vote on lem" as subjects on which the CIA
analyses, charged the agency with recommending Mr. Casey's dis- had been "far out in front:'
misreading Soviet intentions and un- missal, the vote would be 8-7 in favor Sen. Patrick Leahy of Vermont,
derestimating Soviet capabilities. of retaining the director. who is the ranking Democrat on the
As a result, CIA Deputy Director The senator's remarks prompted intelligence panel, said the Casey
for Intelligence Robert Gates has set. an unusual public attack by Mr
up a special CIA task force to review Casey. letter was "unfortunate" and could
the questions posed by Mr. Helms on Mr. Casey said in a letter released only make a bad situation worse.
a possible CIA analytical bias giving Thursday that the oversight process The CIA has been under in-
the Soviets the benefit of the doubt, has "gone awry" and has hurt the creasingly intense pressure in the
according to congressional sources. CIA by compromising intelligence wake of its handling of the case of
Mr. Gates served on the National Se- sources, damaging agency morale Soviet KGB official Vitaly Yur-
and hampering overall intelligence chenko, who returned to the Soviet
curity Council during the Carter ad- efforts. Union after purportedly defecting to
ministration. He said Mr. Durenberger's com- the United States. In a highly publi-
"The bias of the CIA for underes- ments were disturbing because they cized press conference Nov 4 at the
timating Soviet intentions and had a "disheartening impact on our Soviet Embassy in Washington, Mr.
capabilities over the last 25 years officers overseas and at home:' Yurchenko denounced the CIA for
has already had a deleterious effect - kidnapping and drugging him -
on U.S. national security;" Mr. Helms "What are they to think when the charges that have been denied by the
said in his letter. "But the recent im- chairman of the Senate Select Com- agency and by Capitol Hill intelli-
plications of information resulting mittee offhandedly, publicly and in- gence sources.
from KGB defections suggests that accurately disparages their work?" Critics claim that whether Mr.
we should inquire further into the Mr. Casey asked. Yurchenko was a real defector or a
problem of this bias:' Mr. Durenberger charged that his deliberate plant, the CIA was at fault
The Helms letter quotes Mr. remarks, as reported in The Wash- for not handling the case properly.
Casey, who said in an internal CIA The Senate Intelligence Committee
publication that, "The most frequent has requested a report from the
agency on the affair.
On the questioifof the agency's
analysis of the Soviet Union, Mr.
Helms provided details of recent ex-
amples he believes indicate a pro-
Soviet bias on the part of the CIA. He
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charged the agency with downgrad-
ing a previous estimate of the range
of a Soviet bomber, "negatively reas-
sessing" Soviet biological and
chemical warfare treaty violations
and attempting to change methods
for monitoring Soviet nuclear tests,
thereby altering treaty limits.
He also asserts that the CIA has
downgraded its accuracy estimate
of the Soviet SS-19 missile, which
would have the effect of retroac-
tively altering the findings of a 1978
study of Soviet missile accuracy
conducted by a team of experts from
outside the agency.
The senator also charges that the
agency "is denying the possibility of
Soviet mole penetrations and decep-
tion in [human intelligence] espi-
onage channels:'
In his letter, Mr. Helms requested
answers to a series of que tions that
indicate a CIA bias on Soviet
analysis.
Among the questions were the fol-
lowing:
? Does the CIA review its anal-
yses to check for a possible pro-
Soviet bias in classified and
unclassified analytical products?
? Is there a possible pro-Soviet
bias in many CIA products over the
past 20 years?
? Does the CIA find any evidence
of "pro-Soviet penetrations, moles
or bias" in Soviet affairs intelligence
in the past 20 years?
? Did CIA underestimates of So-
viet ICBM accuracy result in an
added five-year period of U.S. vul-
nerability to Soviet nuclear attack?
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ARTICLE APP ED
ON PAGE
BALTIMORE SUN
18 November 1985
On Casey's Watch
The vice-chairman of the Senate Intelligence
Committee says Director of Central Intelligence
William Casey runs the best intelligence service in
the world. The chairman of the committee says
Mr. Casey is "a pro" who is doing a good job. But
Chairman David Durenberger (R. Minn.) and Pat-
rick Leahy (D. Vt.) know there is something wrong
at the Central Intelligence Agency, something the
director has to take responsibility for. Mr. Duren-
berger's question , "Where does the buck stop?"
can have only one answer. As Senator Leahy said.
This happened on (Casey's) watch."
Typically. Mr. Casey ignores the compliments
and charges publicly that Mr. Durenberger
shouldn't talk about him and the agency in public
- and further charges that the Senate committee
leaks important secrets. It does leak at times, but
Senator Leahy is convincing when he says that
most leaked intelligence secrets are information
the committee hasn't heard about yet.
The controversy over the CIA's handling of the
Russian KGB defector Vitaly Yurchenko touched
off the Casey-Durenberger fireworks . By letting
him walk away from an agent and into the Soviet
embassy in Washington, there to charge he was
abducted and abused. the CIA has embarrassed
itself and the nation. This case strengthens those
Casey critics who say he has been so concerned
with other aspects of the CIA's mission that the
important business of gaining important informa-
tion through such human resources as defectors
has suffered.
Mr. Casey has other shortcomings. He does not
seem to understand or accept congressional over-
sight responsibility, as he shows with his response
to Mr. Durenberger. And as both an ideologue and
a partisan (President Reagan's campaign director
in 1980), he has on occasion seemed to let policy
affect intelligence. The other way around is, of
course, the way it has to be.
Even Mr. Casey's detractors would give him
high marks for restoring morale in the CIA. by
increasing its budget, adding needed expertise -
and by taking its (and his) critics head on. That is
sometimes unwise, especially in the present in-
stance, but it does buck up the troops. Mr. Casey
has also boosted morale by staying on the job. One
reason for the blues at the CIA when Mr. Casey
took over was that there had been so much turn-
over at the top in the previous dozen years. We.
don't believe the director of intelligence ought to be
a long-serving careerist, but stability is helpful.
Mr. Casey aside, the Yurchenko episode and
other recent embarrassments, such as the disap-
pearance and presumed defection of a CIA agent,
have given the public cause for concern, which in
turn makes this a good time for the intelligence
committees on the Hill to take a good hard look at
what has - and hasn't - happened in the world
of intelligence in the past five years.
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ARTICLE APPEARED
ON PAGE ESa3G_..
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - Extension of Remarks
19 November 1985
CAULKING THE LEAKY SHIP OF
STATE
HON. WM. S. BROOMFIELD
OF MICHIGAN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, November 19, 1985
Mr. BROOMFIELD. Mr. Speaker. during
the past several weeks. Washington has
been awash with traits that have seriously
damaged U.S. intelligence interests. One
begins to wonder how many more of these
media torpedos the ship of state can absorb
before it goes under.
It is with great dismay that I see stories
attributed to congressional and admiaistra-
tier norrces regarding the wisdom and de.
tails of various intelligence activities. Such
disclosures have made a joke of congres-
sional intelligence oversight while jeopard-
izing the lives of American intelligence of-
fice-s and their foreign contacts. It is time
to return to the aid-fashioned concept of
putting America's national security inter-
ests first.
When Congress decided in the wake of
Vietnam and Watergate to exercise more
oversight over the intelligence community,
it took on a heavy responsibility with over-
riding national security implications. As
the result of this action, our two intelli-
gence committees are now privy to highly
sensitive information and material that
must be jealously guarded as precious na-
tional resources.
S.vinetimes what's proposed by the ad-
ministration does not receive the blessing
of everyone on the two intelligence panels.
Unfortunately, alien disagreement does
occur, the nature of the disputed activity is
often leaked with the intention of sabotag-
ing it before it gets off the drawing board.
Such tactics may be politically clever and
effective, but they are dangerously short.
sighted and their impact on our intelli-
gence capability is devastating.
Mr. Speaker. with these observations as
prologue. I would like to make some rec-
ottunendations as to how we should address
this problem.
First, those in the so-called "intelligence
information ionp" must stop immediately
airing their opinions and differences pub-
licly. This applies not only to Congress, but
also the executive branch from whence a
number of these egregious leaks have
sprung.
Second, we most drastically reduce the
number of Individuals with access to se-
crets in. both Congress and the executive
branch. In this regard, I believe Congress
mast set an esanyle by establishing a Joint
Intelligence Committee which would re-
place the House and Senate Intelligence
Committees. This is not a new idea. In fact,
I authored legislation to bring this about 10
years ago. Moreover, I was not alone as
such respected colleagues as ED BOLAND,
SILVIO Comm, LEE HAMILTON. BILL FREN-
ZLL, AND DANT1t FASCELL sponsored simi-
lar bills.
All of these recent disclosures have sever-
ly undermined relations between Congress
and the intelligence community. For Con-
gress to practice meaningful and responsi-
ble oversight over the intelligence agencies,
it must first earn the test of those whose
activities it reviews.
That trust is totally lacking now and
won't begin to develop until there is some
clear-cut assurance that what Is said in
closed session remains a secret. Chances of
that happening are much better when se-
crets are reported to a very limited group
of responsible and senior Representatives
and Senators backed by a small group of
professional staff experts. Furthermore,
under this kind of arrangement with so few
in the loop, leaters would be much easier
to identify. Presently, there are so many
with access to secrets that the FBI and Jus-
tice Department seldom, if ever, unmask
these anonymous sources who are consist-
ently undercutting our national security.
In short, Mr. Speaker, the time has come
to revamp our congressional oversight
system with the establishment of a Joint
Intelligence Committee along the lines pro-
posed by Congressman HENRY HYDE in
House Joint Resolution 7. 1 urge my col-
leagues to join me and some 70 other Mem-
bers in cosponsoring this timely and ex-
tremely important initiative that is rapidly
gaining widespread bipartisan support
V/
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ARTICLE APPEARED
NAG E 1410.?-C
0 1600
Mr. BOLAND. Mr. Speaker, will the
gentleman yield?
Mr. HAMILTON. I yield to the gen-
tleman from Massachusetts.
Mr. BOLAND. Mr. Speaker. I thank
the distinguished chairman of the Per-
manent, House Select Committee for
Yielding. and I. want to compliment the
gentleman from Indians Mr. HAcu.
TOrfI and also the Members who serve
on this committee for. the hard work
In which,they were engaged In In the
conference epd for Its. obviously suo?
cessful outcoma. . . .
I want to draw, attention particularly .
to the closing remarks of the distin-
guished chairmap.. particularly in ref-
erence to his statement about leaks.
. During .my.. fepure., u chalrmap of
the Peimanent Select Committee on
Intefigende: I rarely made statements
to the press. That, was not because I
always believed that the intelligence
community was right. in Its judgments
or that it was acting appropriately at
all. times
However. L did: not find it necessary
to proclaim publicly every disagree-
ment with the intelligence agencies. It
is my' judgment that oversight. during
that same period' by the Committee on
Intelligence was vigorous and It was
effective. , -
I believe the committee maintained
good relations. with the intelligence
community, even though on occasion
it had signiflcna? disagreements. I do
not believe that it Is helpful or appro-
priate for Members of Congress who
sit on oversight committees to regular-
ly or recklessly comment on intelli-
gence matters. either critically or I ar
vor ably.
The subject matter simply does not
lend Itself to regular public comment.
nor does such comment greatly Im-
prove to my judgment,. the oversight
of Intelligence activities.
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE
19 November 1985
I also do not suggest a gag rule: Far
from it. Public expressions of dismay
followings failure to communicate sig-
nificant intelligence Information to
the Congress are sometimes necessary
but must always be carefully consid-
ered.
I do not believe that much of the
discussion in the press of late falls
within that category- , ' .
Mr. Speaker. the gentleman from In-
diana and the other Members who
serve on that, committee In .my view
have continued the careful. fair-
tradi-tion for which the Intelligence Com-
mittee on this side of the Congress has
been known. Re brings to his steward.
ship of the committee the reputation
for thoughtful and honest commen-
tary.
I applaud him for his responsible
handling of many recent intelligence
Issues about which there seems to
have been such considerable utter-
ances in other parts of this city.
I believe also his record and the
record of that committee in this area
is reflective of the excellent security
practices for which the House Perma.
nent Select Committee on Intelligence
has always been known
Mr. HAMILTON. Mr. Speaker, I
want the gentleman from Massachu-
setts know how deeply I appreciate
his oo ents. ALI of us in this Souse
know he really is Mr. Intelligence
of the S of Representatives; be-
cause of h distinguished and merito-
rious service chairman. of the Intel-
ligence Co
I thank the g demon !or his ?com.
.nuts.
Mr. BOLANDt. the gentle-
man I
for those res
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!~YPPEARED
Sam Zagoria
Durenberger,
Casey and
The Post
Consider the ingredients: Thirty
journalists quisling the head of the
Senate intelligence committee about.
the Central Intelligence Agency and
its fiery director, WhMtiam J. Casey, at a
time when it is a target for the ban-
ding of a prise KGB defector and the
leakage of plans for toppling Muam-
mar Qaddafi's regime in Libya.
Add to that a speaker, Sen. Dave
Durenberger (R-Minn.), who has had
his innings with Mr. Casey before, but
who is obviously seeking this time to.
temper criticism with praise. Relaxed
by generous food and good company,
the Senate chairman takes on inquiries
spanning the world and occasionally
ombudsman
peppers a response with a touch of in-
side humor.
Reporters busy with their tape re-
corders and note pads wonder if there
is an underlying message in all of this.
Post reporter David Ottaway, long
tine foreign correspondent and now
national security reporter, decided it
all added up to serious criticism of the.
CIA and Mr. Casey. His front-page
story last Thursday kicked off a week-
end of attacks and counterattacks, and
The Post's reporting was not out of
the line of fire.
Sen.: Durenberger protested vigor-
ously Thursday that he had been dealt
with unfairly and inaccurately, that he
had not criticized Mr. Casey nor urged
his downgrading. Actually Mr. Ott-
away's third paragraph and the accom-
panying picture caption had noted his
defense of Mr. Casey as a "proAssion-
al" and "a darn good guy in the job.
WASHINGTON POST
20 November 1985
On Friday, Mr. Ottaway reported
Mr. Casey's free-swinging response to
the Durenberger story and Mr.
Casey's new charges that the sena-
tor's oversight activity had resulted in
"repeated compromise of sensitive in-
telligence sources and methods."
Tucked way back in the page 1 story,
so far back it was in the continuation
on page 33, was a correction of a
statement about possible CIA legisla-
tion which appeared in the first-day re-
port. However, there was no backing
away from The Post statements on
Durenberger's criticism of CIA and
Casey. (Usually corrections appear in
a box on page 2or3.)
On Saturday, Mr. Ottaway reported
that Sen. Patrick Leahy of Vermont,
the ranking Democrat on the commit-
tee, responding to the Casey counter-
attack, felt Mr. Casey was really seek-
ing a return to "the good old days"
when there was no congressional
oversight of CIA covert operations.
The partial correction Friday left
Sen. Durenberger still unhappy. "The
paper did the absolute minimum to
clarify and correct-despite its admis-
sion of error-and I would have ex-
pected more." On Sunday, his op-ed
page article appeared, putting aside
the issue of Post culpability and ar-
guing the case for congressional over-
sight and public discussion of CIA per-
formance.
When I discussed the brouhaha
Friday with Robert Kaiser, assistant
managing editor for national news, he
said the report was "solid," other than
the correction and added that the re-
porter had taped the luncheon. 1lis-
tened to the lengthy tape, read a tape
transcript, talked with four other re-
porters who attended, discussed the
reports with Mr. Ottaway, and con-
cluded that covering a wide-ranging
luncheon with a cautious legislator can
be hazardous to journalistic health.
Mr. Ottaway's report could be sup-
ported by amps and snaps in the tran-
script, but Sen. Durenberger's string
of compliments for Mr. Casey and the
vagueness of his suggestions for possi-
ble change by the end of 1986 should
have discouraged treating the story so
one-sidedly. Sure, the land words
about Mr. Casey were in the third
paragraph, but not in the lead, not in
the headline.
Leads and headlines have a tend-
ency to simplify and polarize positions,
and this happened here. The result has
been a four-day battle in The Post, and
I doubt that it was intended by the
three public officials. What started out
as a low-key discussion about relation-
ships between a key senator and an
agency escalated into a shouting
match, and some of the most surprised
were the senator and some of his audi-
tors.
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ARTICLE APPLABED
ON PAGE
20 November 1985
Shadowed in Geneva by CIA's
lost find , Yurchenko
SHNJ('
CHIEF OF F THE SUN' THE ' S WA TON BUREAU
WASHINGTON - When Mr.
Reagan sat down in Geneva with
Mikhail Gorbachev, he was either
armed with - or disarmed by -
the intelligence our agents have
gathered about Soviet capabilities
and intentions.
Solid information, wisely evaluat-
ed. could be an immense advantage
to him. Bad information, perhaps
even what intelligence professionals
call disinformation, could be disas-
trous.
Until this month. ouPside had ev-
ery reason to believe It was well
served by the U.S. intelligence sys-
tem. At the CIA. high officials were
celebrating a coup. the acquisition of
a key KGB defector.
Then, with the president's s.}~m-
mit trip two weeks away, Vitaly Yur-
chenko, ace of spies, decided to go
back to Russia. Washington was
thrown into confusion.
The officials who had been chor-
tling over how valuable Mr. Yur-
chenko was started saying he really
never amounted to much. They scof-
fed at suggestions that he might
have been sent here intentionally to
create dissension as the president
approached Geneva.
Whether he came originally for
that purpose or not, he succeeded.
Of course. any Yurchenko specif-
ics that were factored into summit
preparations were factored out
again. But it is impossible to sift out
the uncertainty. the finger-pointing
and backbiting that his case has
stirred in Washington.
The row is reminiscent of a de-
cade ago, when congressional hear-
ings exposed some of the Central In-
telligence Agency's darkest secrets.
Soon afterward, # Democratic' ad-
ministration dismissed many of the
CIA's clandestine operatives.
Those attacks demoralized the
agency. Conservatives blamed liber-
al Democrats in Congress for seri-
ously damaging U.S. Intelligence ca-
pability. and have held that grudge
ever since.
When Mr. Reagan was elected, he
appointed hard-nosed William J.
Casey to rebuild the agency. Mr.
Casey rehired many of the veteran
specialists fired by Jimmy Carter's
CIA director, Adm. Stansfield Turn-
er. Morale was on the rise until the
Yurchenko case.
Now the agency is under fire from
Congress again, but with differ-
ences:
This time the Republican admin-
istration and its Republican intelli-
gence chief are getting it from a Re-
publican-controlled Senate - and
this time the complaints are not
about an excess of zeal, but a short-
age of skill.
Of course. Democrats have been
heard from, too, but the head-to-
head argument has been between
Mr. Casey and Minnesota's David
Durenberger, who chairs the Select
Committee on Intelligence.
The senator lunched with report-
ers a week ago and said he was
drafting a letter to ask Mr. Casey to
spell out how Mr. Yurchenko was
handled. what was learned from the
episode and who is accountable for
the whole mess.
But he went beyond the embar-
rassment of the moment. asserting
that the CIA lacked a sense of direc-
tion and had no long-range guidance
relating to the Soviet Union. He said
there was no sense of an ongoing
national intelligence strategy.
Mr. Durenberger said his commit-
tee probably would recommend that
the president's national security ad-
viser. rather than the CIA director,
be the chief link between intelli-
gence and policy. His opinion that
Mr. Casey was 'a professional ... a
darn good guy in that Job' got lost in
the story.
Not surprisingly, Mr. Casey fired
back, issuing a letter that assailed
the Senate chairman for offhandedly
disparaging the agency. He main-
tained that congressional oversight
had gone awry. saying it repeatedly
compromised sensitive intelligence
information.
There it stood, with others chim-
ing in from the sidelines, until this
week. Then came the formidable
Jesse Helms of North Carolina, who
is not a member of the intelligence
committee but who has strong opin-
ions on matters that concern com-
munism.
Mr. Helms anticipated the flap
over U.S. intelligence operations, but
with a characteristic twist. He wrote
a five-page letter to the president last
month. citing examples to charge
that the CIA has consistently mis-
read Soylet intentions and underes-
timated Soviet capabilities. When
that letter was leaked this week. a
new question was introduced into
the public debate: Does CIA analysis
have a pro-Soviet bias?
We might assume that of all the
agencies of government, the CIA
would be the least pro-Soviet. But
not these days. The agency itself re-
portedly has put a task force to work
investigating the Helms thesis.
No charge is too preposterous to
be taken seriously in this atmos-
phere. Republicans are looking un-
der other Republicans' beds, anti-
communists are questioning the bi-
ases of other anti-communists, no-
body seems sure whom to believe.
in Geneva. they are talking. On
Dzerzhinsky Square in Moscow,
they are laughing.
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ARTICLE APP ED
ON PAGE
WASHINGTON -
James Reston
Stop
That
Leak!
WASHINGTON
N othing intrigues the performers
in this political circus more
than a purloined letter from a
Cabinet officer to the President, spe-
cially if there's a whiff of treachery in
the wind.
The hunt is on here for the villain
who assisted in the publication of Sec-
retary of Defense Weinberger's don't-
give-away-the-store warning to Mr.
Reagan just before the summit meet-
ing in Geneva. But don't hold your
breath until the culprit is found.
Consider instead the antics of the
plumbers who are looking for the leak-
ers. The Defense Investigation Service
of the Pentagon has ordered "a thor-
ough, professional investigation" to
ferret out any suspicious character on
the premises who might have slipped
the letter to The New York Times and
The Washington Post.
As proof of his integrity, Assistant
Secretary of Defense Richard N.
Perle, whose enthusiasm for an arms
control agreement with the Russians
is not excessive, has come forward
with an offer to take a lie-detector test
to prove his innocence. This will give
you an idea of what has happened
here to the old notion that a man's
word is his bond.
You can bet dollars to rubles, which
is fairly long odds, that the villain will
not be found intPentagon by the in-
house cops. So the search will have to
reach out to the White ~H the
State Department, the Central Intelli-
Agency and the Arms Control
and Disarmament Agency, which
were also favored with official conies
of Mr. Weinberger's letter.
Here two definitions are relevant. It
NEW YORK TIMES
20 November 1985
is generally agreed in the Washington
newspaper corps that an exclusive
story is a "scoop? when you get it, and
a "leak" when the opposition gets it.
There also used to be a theory but
that a government was the only vessel
that leaked from the top. But that
theory of leakage no longer It was destroyed by the photocopying
machine. This infernal invention, now
humming and winking in every closet
in every department of government,
did more to threaten the security of the
Republic than all the Communist guer-
rillas in Central America.
-Just let a few copies of CapWs
final advice to the President cross the
Potomac in sealed pouches, and be.
fore you can say Caspar Willard
Weinberger dozens of anonymous bw
reaucrats will be producing hundreds
of copies, dreaming about writing
books in retirement and babbling se-
ct:etato their sweethearts in the night.
Mr. Weinberger, on the other hand,
doubts everybody's judgm~ but his
own. He is a true believer, a patriot of
his country, a brilliant advocate who
thinks he knows, by God, how to de-
fend the nation from the moral mon-
sters of the Soviet Union.
But at least seen from this corner,
he's 'not a deceitful man who would
try to sabotage the Geneva talks with
sly leaks to the press. It's. just that
with relentless conviction, bordering
on intellectual arrogance, he has
made enemies, some of whom by ac-
cident or design may have leaked his
letter to embarrass him, which here
is called the Al Haig treatment.
Anyway, this is the sort of personal
and policy intrigue that fascinates
Washington and drives George Shultz
up the State Department w~eal~I But be-
hind the letter lies the dd'pec quss-
lion of how policy is made, or not
made, and this worries even the
President's friends *and allies more
than the- ;are to say in put Ac. 0
eral Meese will
in to his old
California tes at the State a
ease enta 711111 help
awliget from i asey at C.I.A.
ere is, owever, maybe some.
thing more important and interesting
than this plumber's game: Not who
leaked the letter, but why the Secre-
tary of Defense sent it to the Presi-
dent just before the summit talks.
We have it on the word of the Secre-
tary of State that there was nothing
new in the letter, that Mr. Weinber-
ger had said the same thing to the
President a dozen times.
Is it conceivable, then, that after
months of preparation for the first
meeting between the leaders of the
two nuclear giants in six years, that
the President had still not made up
hit mind on the SALT II and antibal-
listic missile questions?
Or could it be that Mr. Weinberger
couldn't be sure what the President
would say or do in the distracting tu-
mult of Geneva and just couldn't re-
sist' reinforcing his warnings before
the President took off?
This is, and for a long time has
been, the critical question about the
conduct or casual misconduct of Mr.
Reagan's foreign policy. Especially
his- best friends wonder whatche will
say or do strolling along the lake or
walking through the woods with Mi-
khail Gorbachev.
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BOSTON GLOBE
21 November 1985
'Since the Yurchenko affair, that's taken on a whole new
meaning....'
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NATIONAL
CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR
21 November 1985
CIA attempts to
put fmger in leaking
intelligence dike
By Wanen I tsy
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