UPDATE: SOUTHERN AFRICA

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP88B00443R000502210004-1
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 32
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: December 22, 2010
• Sequence Number: 4
• Publication Date: January 10, 1986
• Content Type: OPEN SOURCE

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M-4.74,
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 Approved For
The special effects
11 i "I If
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Volcanoes explode.
Continents joust.
Fires burn on the ocean floor.
Solar winds rage at a million miles per hour.
On January 22nd, the world premiere of
a seven-part PBS television series called
"Planet Earth" does more than scratch the
surface of the globe.
Daring camerawork transports you across
the seven continents, from the Antarctic to a
Pacific atoll, from the Amazon to an Indian
desert, from the depths of the sea to the edges
of space.
Pioneering production techniques place
you in the footsteps of the dinosaurs, the grip
of an ice age. the acid clouds of Venus.
Scientists guide you through our planets
past and present, and speculate upon its future.
Watch "Planet Earth"-a television
event so dramatic it makes all the world a stage.
EAR'I'li
See the world premiere of "Planet
Earth" in seven one-hour episodes on PBS.
Beginning Wednesday January 22 at
9:00 PM ET
Please check your local listings for broadcast times.
Major funding for this series and the related college
television course provided by the Annenberg/CPB Project.
Produced by WQED/Pittsburgh in association with the
National Academy of Sciences.
Corporate funding provided by
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We'll pay you to take
the most exciting classes anywhere.
You'll learn electronics, avionics, aircraft
maintenance, health care sciences, man-
agement or logistics-the Air Force will
train you in one of more than 200 technical
specialties America needs today.
You'll get hands-on experience with the
latest equipment, and we'll pay 75% of your
tuition for off-duty college courses, to get
you even further.
Whatever your goals, the Air Force will
equip you with the skills to get where you
want to be.
If you're looking seriously into your
future, Aim High to a future in the Air Force.
Visit your Air Force recruiter today or call
toll-free 1-800-423-USAF
(in California
1-800-232-USAF). ~.........~.~~
mow
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UPI)ATE?
Southern
Africa:
Region
in Turmoil
A focus of protests in South Africa for
decades, passbooks enable the govern-
ment to control the movements of all
non-whites. Here, a woman displays
hers. For details, see pages 12-13.
Cover photo: c Louise Gubb/JB Pictures.
Cover subject: Mourners at funeral for riot
victims in Duncan, South Africa.
5 A Region the Whole World Is Watching
The unrest that has South Africa in its grip has drawn the world's attention
toward an entire region-one that has more than its share of troubles.
6 Four Teenagers, Four "Victims of Apartheid"
Profiles of four young people who live worlds apart-in the same country.
Their futures hinge on a peaceful resolution to South Africa's problems.
9 How the Afrikaners' Past Shapes Their Decisions
Afrikaners have oppressed non-whites for centuries. Yet they continue to see
themselves as a persecuted people. Here's why.
12 What's Behind South Africa's Cry of Pain
South Africa's white-ruled government, pressed both to resist change and to
advance change, has adopted a gradualist approach that pleases few people.
14 South Africa's Economy: Target of Apartheid Foes
Enemies of apartheid hope to force an end to South Africa's policy of racial
separation by striking at the nation's Achilles' heel.
16 A Close-up Look at Five Nations on the "Front Line"
To their chagrin, South Africa's neighbors-Mozambique, Zimbabwe, Zam-
bia, Botswana, and Angola-can't get along without South Africa.
19 Two Islands in the Storm
The tiny kingdoms of Lesotho and Swaziland, both engulfed by South Africa,
take very different stands toward their mighty neighbor.
20 Key Figures Caught Up in Southern Africa's Turmoil
Profiles of 10 people-heads of state and citizen activists-whose opinions
and actions shape the region's destiny.
22 The Debate over U.S. Policy Toward South Africa
For the past five years, the U.S. has encouraged change in apartheid through
patient dialogue. But the time for patience, many argue, is past.
24 A Glossary on Southern Africa
Southern Africa-particularly its economic engine, South Africa-can be a
bewildering place if you don't understand the language.
25 DataBank: Snapshot of Apartheid
Charts and graphs encourage you to draw links between the people of South
Africa, their relative status, and the recent unrest.
26 Puzzle Page
A Crossword, a Wordsearch, and a Scrambler-all on Southern Africa.
NEXT TIME (Jan. 24): "The U.S. Affairs Annual." How good were the "good
old days"" How good is today'? The statistics in a history piece answer the first
question. The latest data on the states-everything from population and school
spending to crime and divorce rates-help you answer the second. Plus a report on
"Regional America" and talks with six governors and U.S. President Reagan.
Maurice it, Robinson, founder of Scholastic Inc., 1895-1982
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JANUARY 10, 1986 ^ 3
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ZIMBABWE
ANGOLA
ZAMBIA
Area: 150,000 sq. mi., nearly twice the size of
Area: 481,000 sq. mi., more than three times the
Area: 290,000 sq. mi, 22,000 sq. mi. bigger than
South Dakota
size of California.
Texas
Population: 8,600,000
Population: 7,900,000
Population: 6,800,000
Per Capita Income: $13,480 (white); $315-$655
Per Capita Income: $500
Per Capita Income: $414
(black)
Literacy: 20%
Literacy: 44%
Literacy: 69%
UN Expectancy: 42
Life Expectancy: 51
Life Expectancy: 56
Labor Force: 60% farm, 15% factory; govt. &
Labor Force: 65% farm; 35% industry
com-
Labor Force: 35% farm; 30% industry, com-
services N.A.
,
merce
merce; 20% service; 15% govt.
Major Exports: oil, coffee, diamonds, sisal, to
Major Exports: copper, cobalt
zinc to Japan
Major Exports: tobacco, gold, alloys, asbestos,
Portugal, Brazil, U.S.S.R., Yugoslavia.
,
,
U.K., U.S., West Germany, China, South Africa
cotton, sugar to South Africa, U.K., West Germa-
Major Imports: military weapons, transport, oth-
Major Imports: transport
oil
other machinery
ny, U.S., Netherlands
er machinery from Portugal, France, U.S.S.R.,
,
,
,
chemicals, food from U.K., South Africa, U.S.,
Major Imports: transport, other machinery, tex-
South Africa, Brazil, U.K.
West Germany, Japan, China
tiles, oil, steel, chemicals from South Africa, U.K.,
U.S., West Germany, Japan
BOTSWANA
Area: 232,000 sq. mi., more than twice the size of
Arizona
Population: 1,100,000
Per Capita Income: $550
Literacy: 35%
Life Expectancy: 54
Labor Force: 70% farm
Major Exports: diamonds, meat, metals to Swit-
zerland, U.S., U.K., Southern Africa Customs
Union'
Major Imports: machinery, transport equipment,
food, from So. Al. Customs Union, Zimbabwe,
U.K., U.S.
MOZAMBIQUE
Area: 303,000 sq. mi., more than twice the size of
California
Population: 13,900,000
Per Capita Income: $220
Literacy: 33%
Life Expectancy: 49
Labor Force: 85% farm; 9% Industry, com-
merce; 4% govt.; 2% service
Major Exports: cashews, shrimp, sugar, tea,
cotton to U.S., Portugal, South Africa, U.K., Neth-
erlands
Major Imports: petroleum, machinery, spare
parts from South Africa, West Germany, Portugal,
Iraq, U.K.
SOUTH AFRICA
Area: 471,000 sq. mi., 4/5 the size of Alaska
Population: 32,500,000
Per Capita Income: $1,722 (black-white aver-
)
L It racy: 98% white; 85% Asian; 75% Colored;
50% black
Life Expectancy: 70 white; 65 Asian; 59 black
Labor Force: 34% services; 30% farm; 29%
industry, commerce; 7% mining
Major Exports: gold, food, diamonds, metals,
machinery to Japan, U.K., U.S., Went Germany,
France
Major Imports: machinery, motor vehicles,
chemicals, metals, textiles from West Germany,
U.S., U.K., Japan, France
SOUTHERN AFRICA
LESOTHO
NAMIBIA
Area: 11,700 sq. mi., slightly bigger than Mary-
SWAZILAND
Area: 320,827 sq. mi., somewhat smaller than
land
Area: 6,704 sq. mi., slightly smaller than New
Texas and Oklahoma combined
Population: 1,500,000
Jersey
Population: 1,052,000
Per Capita Income: $355
Population: 700,000
Per Capita Income: $1,150
Literacy: 52%
Per Capita Income: $840
Literacy: 99% white; 28% others
Life Expectancy: 49
Literacy: 65%
Life Expectancy: 53
Labor Force: 87% farm; 3% industry, com-
Life Expectancy: 47
Labor Force: 60% farm; 19% industry, com-
merce; 1% govt.
Labor Force: 53% farm; 9% industry, com-
merce; 8% services; 7% govt.; 6% mining
Major Exports: diamonds, mohair, wool, phar-
merce; 9% service
Major Exports: diamonds, uranium, copper,
maceuticals, clothing to Switzerland, South Africa,
Major Exports: sugar, chemicals, wood pulp,
zinc, lead, fish to South Africa
West Germany, Belgium-Luxembourg, U.K.
fruit, electronic equipment to South Africa, U.K.
Major Imports: food, construction materials from
Major Imports: food, livestock, clothing, oil, mo-
Major Imports: machinery, transport equipment,
South Africa, West Germany, U.K., U.S.
tor vehicles, textiles, chemicals from South Africa,
fuels, food, livestock from South Africa
U.K., West Germany
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A REGION THE WHOLE
WORLD IS WATCHING
Racial violence in South Africa has claimed more than 900 lives
over the past 15 months. The nation's self-inflicted wound is
causing pain for the entire region-and even for the world.
T his past November 21, 50,000
people marched on government of-
fices at Mamelodi, a black township
10 miles outside South Africa's capi-
tal city of Pretoria. All were black.
Most were women. They rallied to
demand an end to the army's occupa-
tion of their township.
The march ended in tragedy. The
police-prompted, they claimed later,
by youths who hurled gasoline
bombs-fired into the crowd. Among
the 13 dead were old people and
young children. Many had been shot
in the back while fleeing.
Over the past 15 months, clashes of
the sort that took place in Mamelodi
have claimed hundreds of lives. Like
a terrible earthquake, the violence has
sent a shudder throughout the world.
People everywhere have begun to look
on in horror as South Africa's white
government deepens a self-inflicted
wound. This issue of UPDATE exam-
ines that wound and suggests why the
healing process, when it begins, may
leave ugly, disfiguring scars.
REGIONAL PROBLEMS
This is not just an issue about South
Africa, however. It is also about the
region of Africa that South Africa
dominates with its massive army and
powerful economy-the most power-
ful one on the continent. (See Eco-
nomics, page 14.) Just about anything
South Africa does-or fails to do-
has a direct impact on every other
nation in the region. These nations
have problems of their own-plenty
of them. The South African govern-
ment's attempts to perpetuate white
minority rule often intensify them.
(See the report on the "frontline
states," pages 16-18, and on Lesotho
and Swaziland, page 19.)
There are many ways to break into
this issue of UPDATE. You might
want to begin with DataBank (page
25), which gives a breakdown of
South Africa's people, or with Word-
power (page 24), which explains some
of the tricky language of South Afri-
can racism. Or you might prefer to
start with one of the two pieces that
describe ties between the U.S. and
South Africa. One of these articles
focuses on the two nations' economic
ties.
Another article explores the debate
over "constructive engagement," the
Reagan Administration's policy to-
ward South Africa. (See page 22.)
This article shows how hard it is for
one nation's government to convince
another's to change its ways. Despite
nearly five years of quiet diplomacy,
the U.S. has failed to get South Afri-
ca's white-ruled government to make
more than token changes in its apart-
heid laws.
MISINTERPRETING THE U.S.
Why hasn't the U.S. approach
made more headway? The problem,
its critics say, is that it has led many
South Africans, white and black, to
believe that the U.S. supports apart-
heid. Nothing can be farther from the
truth. But, during the nearly five years
of patient dialogue, U.S. trade with
South Africa has increased, and the
presence of U.S. companies in South
Africa has grown. (See chart, page
15.) Seeing these economic links
tighten, many South Africans con-
cluded, wrongly, that the U.S. ap-
proves of their government's slow
pace toward change.
In recent months, the U.S. has tak-
en steps to make its opposition to
apartheid clearer. President Reagan
has put restrictions on the sale of U.S.
military and computer hardware, for
one thing. For another, he has had
U.S. diplomats in South Africa make
a more public show of support for the
aspirations of the black majority. For
example, an official at the U.S. Em-
bassy in Pretoria attended the mass
funeral in early December for the 13
people who died November 21 in Ma-
melodi. Ten other Western diplomats
also attended the funeral.
Despite these steps by the U.S.,
many people are urging more dramatic
ones-appointing a black U.S. ambas-
sador to South Africa, for example,
and clamping down further on trade.
Some suggest that the U.S. should
begin a dialogue with popular black
South African groups and step up
funding for educational programs
aimed at black South Africans.
These proposals-and others like
them-have at least one thing in com-
mon. The people who propose them
believe that real change is coming to
South Africa-sooner rather than la-
ter. And they believe that the U.S.
should act now to ensure that U.S.
relations with any black-led govern-
ment will be friendly.
THE WHITE MINORITY
What about the white minority'? No
one who has thought seriously about
South Africa believes that the white
minority can be ignored. For one
thing, the white minority's roots go as
deep into South Africa's past as the
roots of the black majority. (See His-
tory, page 9.) For another, the whites
have a lock on the expertise needed to
run South Africa's complicated public
and private enterprises. Until the
black majority gains similar skills, it
will have to rely on the managerial
and technical know-how of the white
minority. These are the feelings even
of Nelson Mandela, the imprisoned
head of the nation's oldest black pro-
test group. Mandela wants justice for
the black majority, he once told a
reporter, not revenge.
There's nothing abstract about the
pain South Africa feels today. The
pain is very real, and it is being felt
not by a place but by people-people
of all races. More than 32 million
people, black, white, Asian, and
"Coloured," are apartheid's "vic-
tims." That's the word used by one of
the four South African teenagers pro-
filed on the next three pages. You
should find his story, and those of his
peers, an excellent summary of South
Africa's predicament.
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 SOCIOLOGY
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FOUR TEENAGERS WHO ARE
"VICTIMS OF APARTHEID"
A partheid literally means separate-
ness, and so, in four corners of
Johannesburg, four teenagers live
their separate lives. They know almost
nothing of each other's experience.
The government's apartheid policies
ensure that each-black, Afrikaner,
DIKWE THIPE, 15
Naledi, Soweto.
Dikwe will always remember 1985
as the year the army arrived in his
neighborhood of Naledi in "Deep
Soweto." Soweto-a collection of
black districts originally called the
South West Townships-is a sprawl-
ing ghetto, home to more than one
million blacks on the outskirts of
high-rise Johannesburg.
This past July 21, the government
declared a state of emergency, giving
police nearly absolute powers of arrest
and search. A nightly curfew was im-
posed on Soweto. In protest, high
school students walked out of class,
demanding "liberation before educa-
tion." Thousands of small children
were tear-gassed, whipped, and arrest-
ed on school grounds.
Dikwe, one of South Africa's 23.4
million blacks, has seen friends die.
"I remember one day in August," he
says. "We were at a vigil for one of
my friends, Mandla, the night before
his funeral. He was also 15. He was
shot by the police. We were singing,
about 400 of us, and the army came
and fired tear gas. We were so angry,
we threw stones at the hippe Ithe slang
name for an armored truck].
"The next day," Dikwe recalls,
"when we left the graveyard-about
700 people-the police came again
and fired tear gas. Our friends started
running, and the police shot at them.
Eight people were killed."
And so Dikwe's year continued,
with funerals every weekend, very of-
ten for those shot dead at other funer-
als. In August, the government out-
lawed a group he belonged to, the
Congress of South African Students.
COSAS has been at the forefront of
Coloured, or English-lives in a ghet-
to, an area inhabited only by people of
the same background.
It was final-exam week in late No-
vember when Corrie, Dikwe, Antony,
and Amalia spoke to UPDATE corre-
spondent Vivienne Walt. These four
students are unlikely ever to meet
each other or to make friends with
anyone outside their ethnic group. But
their lives and futures have become
increasingly intertwined, as the vio-
lent struggle for political power inten-
sifies around them.
Dikwe Thipe stands before his home in Soweto, where he lives with his father and
younger brother. A sister and her children, looking on, live nearby.
this year's political unrest. Its teenage
leaders called for the police and army
to leave the black townships and per-
suaded students to stay away from
classes until black demands are met.
"One day in July," Dikwe says,
"the police arrived at our COSAS
meeting and arrested us. They took us
to the police station and started asking
questions. We didn't answer, so they
beat us with their fists and kicked us.
"About midnight, they took us
back to Naledi in their van and
dropped us off in a field. We crept
back in the dark and made it home."
Dikwe doesn't like the violence
which has become part of everyday
life in Soweto. "It's not safe to live in
Soweto, no," he said. "You can get
killed or kidnapped. The army kid-
naps people, and so do the [black]
youth. If they don't trust you or they
think you're a police informer, they
will just burn you alive."
Living with tension and fear,
Dikwe has begun to dream of a future
South Africa in which all races have
equal rights. "We will all live togeth-
er," he says hopefully. "Whites will
go to school with us. Now, I don't
understand white culture. I've never
had a white friend."
He corrects himself a moment later.
"When I was five, my mother worked
as a maid for a white family. It was
the first time I had ever seen whites.
There was one boy my age. But every
day, his mother would shout at him
not to play with me."
Dikwe last saw his mother seven
years ago, when she left his father.
She moved to a so-called homeland-
one of 10 rural areas assigned to
blacks by apartheid policies. Dikwe's
sister, who is a year younger than he,
lives nearby in Soweto, with an aunt.
But for Dikwe, the greatest loss is
his 17-year-old brother, who, fearing
arrest by the police, fled the country
last year. "I don't know where he
is," he says. "I have just been told he
is somewhere safe. I miss him a lot."
Dikwe helps to cook, clean the
house, and look after his 12-year-old
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brother. His father, an auto mechanic,
is teaching him the trade. Like most
families in Soweto, Dikwe's remains
poor. "When people pay my father,"
Dikwe explains, "we cat meat and
rice. Otherwise, it's always bread."
This is life in Soweto: poverty and
police, curfews and school boycotts.
"I don't think there will be school
next year." Dikwe said, "because our
friends are still in jail. We will not go
to school until they are released.
"When I see the white school chil-
dren in their neat uniforms, I think, if
we put them into the spirit, they
would help us fight. All they need is
someone to go and ask them to help.
After liberation, we will all be one."
CORRIE VAN DER MERWE, 17
Albertan, near Johannesburg.
"A black government'?" asks Cor-
rie in response to a question about her
nation's future. "No, I wouldn't like
it. We would have to live according to
their ways, as a minority. They would
discriminate against us."
Corrie is an Afrikaner, one of 2.9
million descendants of the original
Dutch immigrants who sailed to South
Africa in the 1600s. Her father, a
leading Conservative Party member of
Parliament. believes that President
Pictcr W. Botha has given in to too
many black demands. He urges more
white control, not less.
He has taught Currie to be proud of
her Afrikaner heritage. Two model
ox-wagons sit on the living room car-
pet, reminding Corrie and her two
brothers of their Dutch ancestors who
trekked into the interior of the country
to tlce British rule in the early 1800s.
"We Afrikaners are really differ-
ent," says Corrie. "We are more con-
servative in our morals than the En-
glish." She speaks perfect English,
but laughs at the thought of marrying
an English-speaking South African.
Her ideal family would be "very tra-
ditionally Afrikaans, with the father as
the head of the household--someone
the children look up to."
AMALIA HENDRICKS, 16
Bosmont, Johannesburg.
Amalia is not black, nor is she
white. In the eyes of the South Afri-
can government, she is "Coloured,"
a descendant of marriages between
blacks and whites. Most Coloureds
trace their racial status to their grand-
parents' generation or earlier, before
such bonds were outlawed in 1949.
Although Amalia is fair-skinned
enough to be mistaken for white, she
and her family-like the rest of the
nation's 3.25 million Coloureds-are
Corrie Van Der Merwe fears that apart-
heid's end will change her way of life.
As a student at a girls' boarding
school in central Johannesburg, Corrie
sees little of the outside world. From
Monday morning to Friday evening,
the boarders are confined to the school
grounds, except for a couple of hours
one afternoon a week.
But even with such strict isolation,
Corrie has felt the wave of black mili-
tancy this year. "We were told at
school a few days ago not to go into
the center of town, because of unrest.
"I really don't know the motives of
the black school boycotts," she ad-
mits. "1 am very ignorant about it. I
shut out from privileges accorded to
whites by the laws of apartheid. They
must live in a neighborhood reserved
for Coloureds, and Amalia must go to
a school just for Coloured students.
"One day I was kicked off the
whites-only train," says Amalia.
"When I got on, I sat next to two
white girls who smiled at me. Then
my friend followed me. He's very
dark, and suddenly there was a com-
motion. The conductor kicked us off.
As I walked past the train window, the
two white girls looked like they want-
ed to take their smiles back."
Now, she says, she no longer
have never had any black friends."
At Corrie's school, as in most white
South African schools-particularly
where subjects are taught in Afri-
kaans, the Afrikaner language-poli-
tics is a taboo subject. But on the
school playgrounds and at home, the
14 months of rioting are a central top-
ic of conversation. "A few years ago,
I wouldn't have thought about going
to the same place, like a restaurant, as
a black person," says Corrie. "Now
in the city there are many more
blacks, and in certain ways I resent
it."
In Corrie's opinion, apartheid is de-
sirable. It's a social structure which
promises her and other Afrikaners
great benefits. Yet, to her, it is more
than desirable-it is natural. "People
all live with their own kinds. Why
should we be forced to live together'? I
don't think mixed marriages are a
good idea. What will happen to the
children [of a racially mixed mar-
riage]? I don't know why they [the
blacks) would want to come to our
schools, when they have their own."
But Corrie realizes that time seems
to be rapidly running out for the era of
white rule. "I'm worried about the
future," she confesses. "1 am scared
that I might not be able to find work
and that my children might not be able
to go to school. I am worried that
something is going to happen."
"passes for white," as she calls it.
"We would sneak into movies, but
why should we have to ask permis-
sion? What if we aren't allowed in'?"
Instead, Amalia has begun to see
herself as "part of the oppressed."
She helped to organize a three-week
school strike and exam boycott, in
sympathy with students 1,000 miles
away near Capetown. There, police
arrested hundreds of Coloured stu-
dents and killed many in street battles.
"We decided that, under those cir-
cumstances, we couldn't write [take]
our September exams," says Amalia.
"Instead, we organized alternative
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Amalia Hendricks, outside her parents' house in a "Col-
oured" suburb, no longer tries to "pass for white."
programs." Such programs have run
in high schools throughout South Afri-
ca in recent months. "Every day we
would read literature and poetry and
sing freedom songs."
Despite the school protests, events
in Bosmont have been low-key, com-
pared with the turmoil in black town-
ships. "People don't feel affected,"
ANTONY KRAWITZ, 17
Illovo, Johannesburg
For Antony, white South Africans
must ask themselves "whether or not
they can live with their conscience. I
cannot," he told UPDATE. "I have
three meals a day, and then at night I
drive past a newspaper vendor who's
six years old and has no shoes on. I
find that very difficult to live with."
Antony is one of nearly 1.9 million
"Anglophone," or English-speaking,
white South Africans, a group that
makes up about 40 percent of all
South African whites. He concedes
that "1 live among wealth and enjoy
it." Illovo, where he lives, is a com-
fortable suburb north of Johannes-
burg. His family's spacious home,
with a tree-shaded swimming pool,
seems to have been transplanted from
a well-to-do neighborhood in the U.S.
Antony too would probably fit well
into most U.S. high schools. He likes
rock music, plays sports, and swims
every day. He and his friends plan a
vacation at the beach. He has just
taken his final exams at Johannes-
burg's private Jewish high school.
But the sense of safe serenity is
misleading. "I really don't feel secure
Amalia says,
"because we
have all got
meals to eat, and
some have big
houses and
cars. "
Caught be-
tween two
worlds, a lot of
Coloured people
align themselves
with the top rung
of society-the
whites. Many
fear that, by sid-
ing with blacks,
they risk being
pushed to the bottom of the social
ladder. "Many people around here
say we should leave black people to
fight their own battles," Amalia says.
She disagrees, but also disapproves
of violence by black students. "Quite
frankly, it's mass hysteria," Amalia
says. "Burning and killing each other
is not going to change things. We
Antony Krawitz, of English descent, re-
sents apartheid despite his privileges.
here, but I don't know where else in
the world I would like to live." His
two sisters both plan to move to Aus-
tralia this year. Antony hopes for a
future without apartheid, in South Af-
rica. "I don't think apartheid will be
here by the time I bring up my chil-
dren," he says. "If it is, I will leave.
But this time, the rioting isn't going to
stop. Things are changing soon."
In one big way, Antony is playing
for time, hoping for a new govern-
ment. Like all white males, after grad-
should have mass demonstrations, like
Gandhi." Mohandas Gandhi, who
masterminded India's march to inde-
pendence in the 1940s, led civil dis-
obedience campaigns in South Africa
early in this century. He won a few
concessions but none for blacks.
Still, Amalia knows, protests often
turn violent in South Africa. "I'm not
scared of dying," she says. "It would
be worth it for the right reasons."
Amalia's father, a builder, hasn't
worked in a year because of the econ-
omy's woes. Her parents "fight all
the time," she says. "It's a big strain
on me and my younger sister."
Despite the dangers around her,
Amalia has big plans. "I want to be a
journalist, to get to the top and travel,
particularly to Japan," says Amalia,
who holds a brown belt in karate.
Still, wherever she goes in the fu-
ture, "I want to be here for the
change," Amalia says. "Because my
parents and grandparents have suf-
fered all these years, I want to see
what joy this country can bring."
uation he was "called up" to the
armed forces for two years. But he has
managed to defer his service for three
years until he completes a commerce
degree at Johannesburg's Witwaters-
rand University, where he starts his
freshman year in February.
At least for now, Antony is relieved
that he's avoided military duty-and
the possibility that he might have been
assigned to keep order in black town-
ships. "I don't agree with the coun-
try's policies," he says, "and I don't
want to fight for them."
Antony feels that "apartheid has
brought up a nation of racists." He
includes himself in that category.
"Deep down, I am a racist. Because
of the environment I grew up in, I
don't feel at ease with my black peers.
I am a victim of apartheid."
Antony's feelings of prejudice are
also aimed at other whites. "I have
become racist towards Afrikaners as
well," he says. "I blame them for
what's happening, and that's wrong."
Meanwhile, Antony's life is socia-
ble and busy. Illovo is just a few miles
from Dikwe's home in Soweto, but it
could be in another country. "In the
end, we're all the same," Antony
says. "It's just that the government
has made us different." -Vivienne Walt
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HOW THE AFRIKANERS' PAST
SHAPES THEIR DECISIONS TODAY
Though Afrikaners have oppressed non-whites for centuries, they
view themselves as a persecuted people. The historical reasons
are a key to understanding South Africa's current crisis.
The blood-chilling battle cries of
Zulu warriors pierce the South Af-
rican hush. Against a backdrop of
flames, a small band of Afrikaner
farmers defend their covered wagon,
now riddled with spears. A white boy,
armed with a rifle, is wounded. His
sister falls to the ground, and her fa-
ther carries her away.
The onlookers are thrilled, some to
tears. For this is not a real battle but a
re-enactment of one that was fought
almost 150 years ago.
The show has a message-a racial
one."God is telling us," an Afrikaner
priest warns, "that a small people
cannot become a great nation by mix-
ing with a neighboring people."
Afrikaners flock to such pageants-
this one was staged last October-
because they are acutely conscious of
their history. A knowledge of that his-
tory is essential to understanding the
current crisis in South Africa. It helps
explain why rigid racial segregation
exists there. It also explains why the
Afrikaners, who have oppressed the
blacks for centuries, still see them-
selves as a persecuted people.
South Africa is a strategic point
overlooking the sea route between Eu-
rope and Asia. In 1652, the Dutch
East India Company, which carried on
trade with the Far East, set up a way
station at the Cape of Good Hope.
The new colony attracted Dutch,
Huguenot (French Protestant), and
German settlers. The colonists gradu-
ally evolved their own language, Afri-
kaans, which is close to Dutch.
A CHOSEN PEOPLE
The Afrikaners believed that God
had chosen them for salvation-and
condemned the blacks to servitude.
Black slaves were first shipped to
South Africa in 1658. By the early
1700s, the slaves outnumbered the
whites. The South African economy
had become dependent on a large sup-
ply of cheap, exploited black labor.
Intermarriage between whites and
blacks was banned in 1685. White
settlements often expelled ''Co-
loureds"-people of mixed race-and
forced them to live in their own com-
munities beyond the frontier.
Boer guerrillas assaulting a British convoy in 1902. Memories of the horrors of the Boer War stiffen Afrikaner resistance today.
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Boer pioneers and their laager, or defensive camp of ox wagons. Afrikaners today
frequently call up images of encircled wagons as they attempt to hold off calls for
change. Their history has made them believe that their survival is always at stake.
By 1815, Britain had taken control
of the Cape Colony, and English set-
tlers began to arrive. The British ex-
tended some legal rights to blacks and
abolished slavery in 1833. They pros-
ecuted Boers (Afrikaner farmers) who
maltreated their non-white servants.
Afrikaners bitterly resented these
efforts to protect blacks. In 1837,
about 6,000 Boers embarked on the
"Great Trek," pushing northeast be-
yond the colonial frontier. These
Voortrekkers hoped to escape British
rule and preserve Afrikaner culture.
On February 6, 1838, the Zulu
chief Dingaan met with a party of
Voortrekkers and agreed to give them
land. Then, on the same day, he had
the Boer party murdered. Zulu war-
riors swiftly overran white settlements
in a series of raids-the same raids re-
enacted in last October's pageant.
On December 16, 1838, at Blood
River, the Zulus met a force of 500
whites. Badly outnumbered, the Boers
drew their covered wagons into a cir-
cle-a laager-and inflicted a crip-
pling defeat on the Zulus.
This battle still shapes South Afri-
can racial attitudes. Today, Afrikaner
teachers point to Blood River and tell
their pupils that blacks cannot be
trusted. Though all the nations of the
world have condemned South Africa's
racial policies, many Afrikaners still
believe that they can win by once
again forming a "laager"-pulling
into a protective circle and fighting off
all demands for reform.
The Voortrekkers established two
independent agricultural nations-the
Transvaal and the Orange Free State.
Then, in 1867, diamonds were discov-
ered on the banks of the Orange Riv-
er. In 1886, there was a huge gold
strike in the Transvaal. Hostility be-
tween Britons and Boers grew as they
competed for these rich resources.
In 1884, Germany annexed the col-
ony of South-West Africa, today
known as Namibia. The British now
feared that Boers and Germans might
join to threaten the Cape Colony,
which guarded the sea route to India,
Britain's most prized possession. By
October, 1899, British goading and
Boer stubbornness resulted in war.
THE BOER WAR
The Boer War began with a series
of stunning Afrikaner victories. The
Boers were superb cavalrymen. They
could move swiftly and live off the
land. But, in the long run, they could
not prevail against the vast resources
of the British Empire. By June, 1900,
British troops had captured Pretoria,
the capital of the Transvaal.
The Boers switched to hit-and-run
tactics. By day, they raided British
railway lines and supply trains. At
night, they faded into the countryside.
This was one of the first modern
guerrilla wars. The British responded
with another new military tactic-the
concentration camp. Afrikaner farms
were burned, and over 150,000 Boer
civilians were herded into camps, to
keep them from aiding the guerrillas.
Epidemics broke out in the camps
and killed 26,000 inmates, mostly
women and children. Faced with that
catastrophe, the Boers surrendered in
1902-on the condition that the Brit-
ish would preserve white supremacy.
The Afrikaners have never forgot-
ten the horrors of the camps. Today,
at historical pageants, speakers tell
Afrikaners that, once again, their sur-
vival as a people is at stake.
In 1910, the Cape Province, the
Transvaal, the Orange Free State, and
the Province of Natal were joined to
form the Union of South Africa. Two
former Boer generals, Louis Botha
and Jan Christiaan Smuts, led the Af-
rikaners to victory at the first national
elections. By voting, the Boers got
what they had failed to win in war.
The British government believed
that it could win the loyalty of the
Afrikaners by granting them self-go-
vernment. That gamble paid off when
World War I broke out in 1914. Botha
and Smuts sided with Britain, and, in
1915, South African troops overran
German South-West Africa.
After the war, Smuts helped to
found the League of Nations, a fore-
runner of the United Nations. He sug-
gested that conquered German colo-
nies become "mandates''-territories
that the victorious Allies would pre-
pare for self-government, under
League supervision. When the League
gave South Africa a mandate for
South-West Africa, he was disap-
pointed. He wanted the colony to be-
come part of South Africa.
DENYING THE VOTE
Smuts also helped draft the U.N.
Declaration of Human Rights in 1945.
He had no intention of granting those
rights to non-white South Africans,
however. In the Cape Province, a few
blacks and Coloureds had long been
entitled to vote. But Smuts refused to
extend that privilege to the other prov-
inces. He wouldn't let non-whites sit
in the South African parliament, ei-
ther. Blacks lost all meaningful voting
rights in 1959. The vote was taken
from the Coloureds 10 years later.
South Africans of Indian descent
were also denied the vote. They could
not own land in certain parts of the
country, or even enter those areas.
Indian immigration and business ac-
tivities were restricted, and Indian res-
idents were forced to carry special
passes. In 1908, nonviolent protests,
including the burning of passes, were
led by Mohandas K. Gandhi, who la-
ter used similar tactics to gain inde-
pendence for India. Gandhi won a few
promises from Smuts, but Indians re-
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nmined subordinate to whites.
By the 1920s, white mine workers
were paid 15 times more than black
miners. Most black workers were de-
nied the right to strike, to enter skilled
trades, and to bargain with employers
through unions. The South African
government assumed near-dictatorial
powers over its black citizens. It as-
sumed the right to resettle tribes, ap-
point chiefs, and control African
courts and land ownership.
During the 1930s, Afrikaner ex-
tremists, many of them influenced by
the racist policies of Nazi Germany,
began to advocate apartheid the At-
rikaans word for total race segrega-
tion. Under the banner of the National
Party, these extremists won the 1948
election and carried out their program.
Interracial marriages were banned.
Schools and universities. cultural
events, sports. post offices. public
transit, labor unions, and even some
churches wcre strictly segregated.
The government also decreed that
certain arras would be reserved for
certain races. People who lived in the
"wrong" area 317,694 Indian fam-
ilies, 44.885 Coloured families, and
I ,513 white families by 1972 were
forcihly moved. Often their homes
and businesses were bulldozed.
Hendrik Verwoerd, as minister of na-
tive affairs and then prime minister,
was apartheid's chief architect.
Africans had long been required to
carry passes, which allowed the police
to restrict black migration to the cities
and other "white areas." Now en-
forcement of the pass laws was stiff-
ened, resulting in thousands of arrests.
SHARPEVILLE MASSACRE
On March 21, 1960, at the town of
Sharpeville, police fired into a crowd
of Africans who were protesting the
pass laws. Sixty-nine blacks were
killed and 180 injured.
In March, 1960, South African police fired machine guns on protesters at the town of
Sharpeville. Some of the 69 killed in the massacre lie on the ground above.
A nervous government promptly
outlawed the African National Con-
gress, a black organization fighting
for majority rule. In several cities.
race riots erupted. Half of South Afri-
ca was placed under a state of emer-
gency, and 18,000 people were arrest-
ed. The national economy went into a
tailspin, as investors pulled their mon-
ey out of South Africa.
For a moment, it seemed that apart-
heid was about to crumble. But the
government cracked down hard on
black militants. Nelson Mandela. who
had organized sabotage against jails,
post offices, and railroads, was arrest-
ed and sentenced to life in prison. By
1962, South Africa was on the way to
economic recovery, thanks largely to
her enormous mineral reserves. (See
Economics, page 14.)
The Organization of African Unity
tried to organize a boycott of' South
Africa, but several black governments
found that they had to do business
with the racist regime. South African
aid helped build Malawi's new capital
at Lilongwe. and the Cahora Bassa
Dam in Mozambique. By 1972, 78
percent of black workers in South Af-
rican mines came from nearby states.
mostly from Lesotho. Botswana, Swa-
ziland, Mozambique, and Malawi.
Meanwhile, South African blacks
were being removed from integrated
urban neighborhoods and resettled in
new suburban townships. By 1976,
the South Western Native Township
(Soweto) was home to 750,000 Afri-
cans, many of whom commuted to
nearby Johannesburg for work.
The government hoped that separate
black cities would he easier to police,
but in June, 1976, riots erupted in
Soweto. Dozens of public buildings.
schools. and police vehicles were
burned, and 176 people died.
In 1966, the U.N. General Assem-
bly ended South Africa's mandate
over Namibia and demanded indepen-
dence for the territory. South Africa
still occupies Namibia, hut internal
unrest and the threat of economic
sanctions have forced the government
to make concessions in Nantihia and
at home. (For details, see the next
article.) Today, apartheid remains
what British historian Paul Johnson
once called it: "a massing of totalitar-
ian power . . . which- for consistency
and duration. is rivaled only by Soviet
Russia's own."
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WHAT'S BEHIND SOUTH
AFRICA'S CRY OF PAIN
The arguments in favor of apartheid now ring hollow even to
many whites who once voiced them. But the government, rather
than dismantle an unjust system, merely tinkers with it.
I n order to hold a job, Sara Quabela,
a black woman in South Africa,
lives in constant fear of arrest. "My
children are starving and there is no
work where I come from," she told a
U.S. journalist recently, referring to
the distant "homeland" where South
Africa's white government has as-
signed her. She found a job in Johan-
nesburg paying six rand a day-about
$2.50-but was arrested, fined 30
rand, and sent back to her homeland.
There, on exhausted soil, she could
not support her family. So she went
back to Johannesburg. "I have no
choice but to try again," she said.
Sara's story is not unique. An esti-
mated 5 million blacks live illegally in
South Africa's cities. They are victims
of the maze of laws that make up
apartheid, South Africa's policy of
discrimination against non-whites.
WAVE OF VIOLENCE
Over the past 15 months, that poli-
cy has caused a wave of violence that
may break South Africa apart. The
violence has put Pieter Botha, the na-
tion's president, in a tight spot. To his
right, Afrikaners taught to revere their
Dutch ancestors' sacrifices vow to die
to preserve white rule. To his left,
thousands of blacks, aware of their
own pain and the sacrifices of their
ancestors, vow to die to end white
rule. Botha's response has been to tin-
ker with the system, proposing small
changes. Yet, as this survey of South
Africa's turmoil shows, the time for
minor changes may be long past.
Apartheid laws divide South Afri-
cans into four race groups: white,
black, Asian and Coloured (people of
mixed race). Each group is assigned
its own areas, schools, and facilities.
Political rights are also distributed
according to race. Whites elect the
state president and members of the
powerful 185-seat white parliament.
Recent reforms have given Asians,
who trace their ancestry mostly to In-
dia, their own, nearly powerless, 46-
seat parliament. Coloureds now have
a parliament, too, with 92 seats and
little power. Yet blacks have political
rights only in the "homelands," 10
areas set aside for them.
Outside the homelands, blacks have
little freedom of movement. Section
10 of a law called the Urban Areas
Act states that only certain blacks may
live in South Africa's cities. Blacks
have "Section 10 rights" if they were
born in the city where they live, or if
they worked there for more than 10
years. Blacks without such rights-
like Sara Qabela-risk jail, fines, and
"deportation" to the homelands.
Part of South Africa's problem, ob-
servers say, may be that its white
leaders aren't totally honest-even
with themselves-about apartheid's
goals. These laws preserve white mi-
nority rule. Yet officials often say that
they are designed to give all groups in
South Africa the freedom to grow as
they wish. "Each race in South Africa
is allowed to develop," Botha said
recently, "still maintaining its own
traditions and integrity."
Few besides diehard white South
Africans buy that argument. John W.
Riehm, head of Freedom House, a
private U.S. group, calls apartheid
"legalized racism." The United Na-
tions agrees, and expelled South Afri-
ca from the General Assembly.
Botha insists South Africa is "on
the path of reform. " Apartheid has
been modified lately, most notably by
a new constitution adopted in 1983.
This body of laws created the new
Coloured and Asian parliaments.
But critics say all real power is still
in white hands. For example, the
white parliament can veto any deci-
Blacks as well as whites serve in South Afri-
ca's police force and thus play a role in enforc-
ing apartheid laws. Dressed and armed for
lion made by the Asian or Coloured
parliaments. Also, the new Constitu-
tion gives no role in the nation's gov-
ernment to South Africa's 23 million
blacks-72 percent of the population.
In the past year, residents of the
black townships outside South Afri-
ca's cities have protested the "re-
forms." More than 900 people have
died in the almost daily demonstra-
tions since October, 1984. Many were
victims of fighting between blacks.
But at least 75 percent died in clashes
with police, according to the South
African Institute of Race Relations.
UNAVOIDABLE BLOODSHED
Bishop Desmond Tutu, whose work
for racial justice won him a Nobel
Prize, has pleaded for non-violent pro-
tests. Yet he thinks violence can no
longer be avoided. "1 still hope for
peaceful change," he says, "but I
think that because the government re-
fuses to make meaningful reforms,
more bloodshed is inevitable."
A focus of the protests is the white
government's plan to deny South Afri-
can citizenship to blacks. To achieve
this end, the government grouped the
nation's blacks by tribal heritage into
10 "black nations." During the
1970s, each "nation" was assigned a
"homeland"-generally a barren tract
of rural land. All people with parents
in the Tswana tribal group, for exam-
ple, were assigned to Bophuthats-
wana, five separate parcels of land
along South Africa's northern border.
It didn't matter where the 2.5 million
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riot duty, these men look on during a mass
funeral held for the more than 900 blacks who
have died during the past 15 months.
Tswanas were born or raised. If they
didn't have Section 10 rights, they
were moved to Bophuthatswana,
which became independent in 1977.
Even for blacks with Section 10
rights, life in urban areas is restricted.
They cannot live wherever they
want-nor, under the law, can anyone
else in South Africa. The Group Areas
Act of 1950 requires South Africa's
tour racial groups to live apart. Since
1961, 3.5 million non-whites have
been evicted from their houses and
relocated, either in the homelands or
in other parts of the same urban area.
The reason: to rid areas designated as
white of so-called "black spots."
Another focus of the protests in
black townships is the hated pass-
books. Passbooks are identity docu-
ments that non-whites must carry at
all times and produce on demand.
These passbooks show where their
hearers live and work-where, in oth-
er words, they are allowed to be. Non-
whites can be arrested if caught with-
out passbooks, or outside areas their
passbooks give them permission to be.
Whites carry identity documents,
too. But these are merely cards, much
like driver's licences in the U.S., and
their hearers are rarely asked to show
them. "Most of the time, it sits in
your drawer at home," says Lily
Stewart, a white South African.
Whites can travel anywhere they
want, although they must obtain per-
mits to visit some black areas.
In September, a government panel
called passbook laws "evil and de-
At a funeral in Duncan Village, near East London on South Africa's southeast coast,
the coffins of riot victims are draped with the flags of the African National Congress
(ANC). The ANC, South Africa's oldest black protest organization, is now outlawed.
grading" and advised that they be
scrapped. No end to the pass policy
has been announced, although arrests
for passbook violations are down.
What has been announced is a pro-
posal to allow blacks to own land out-
side the homelands. If parliament
okays the plan, blacks will be able to
buy land in areas reserved for them.
THUNDER FROM THE RIGHT
For most South Africans, such re-
fornms offer too little, too late. Yet a
large bloc of whites calls the reforms
too extreme. "Changes the govern-
ment is making will destroy this coun-
try," says Julia Stofburg of the Her-
stigte National Party (HNP). The HNP
and the larger Conservative Party are
both set against dismantling apartheid.
The HNP uses history to buttress its
claim that the whites have a right to
run South Africa. When whites first
colonized South Africa in the 1600s,
the HNP points out, very few blacks
lived in the area. Many moved to
South Africa in the 1800s and 1900s,
lured by jobs and the higher standard
of living generated by the whites.
Black migration into South Africa
continues today. Every year thousands
of blacks from Zimbabwe, Mozam-
bique, and Botswana move to South
Africa illegally. According to the
HNP and others, apartheid protects
white society from being over-
whelmed by this migration. More-
over, they say, apartheid-and espe-
cially Section 10 regulations-protect
blacks already living in the cities from
an influx of unskilled workers.
Over the past year, the HNP has
gained strength. Recently, it took a
parliamentary seat-its first-from
Botha's National Party, which has
ruled South Africa since 1948.
Botha, whose party has lost a third
of its traditional supporters, refuses to
let apartheid alone. "We cannot fol-
low a policy of stagnation," he said
after the HNP won its seat. His party
has gained the support of liberal vot-
ers who back his reforms.
While diehard defenders of apart-
heid have become more visible, so has
black opposition. Demonstrations are
only one part of the protests. Students
in many black areas refuse to go to
classes or take exams. The African
National Congress, (ANC), an out-
lawed black group, has committed
acts of sabotage inside South Africa.
The latest group of blacks to speak
out against apartheid is the Congress
of South African Trade Unions.
Unions of black workers, once
banned, were first allowed to form six
years ago. Their leaders have only
now begun to take a stand on South
Africa's political future. The Congress
called for Botha's resignation, for a
government takeover of the country's
mines, and for an end to the pass
laws. If these demands aren't met,
warns Elijah Barayi, head of the Con-
gress, "We are going to burn all the
passes of the black man." Last
month, 50,000 Congress members
vowed to do just that.
-Clare McHugh
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WHY SOUTH AFRICA'S ECONOMY IS
THE TARGET OF APARTHEID'S FOES
South Africa's economy is the nation's pride. Enemies of apart-
heid view it as the government's Achilles' heel-a vulnerable
point which, if hurt, could force an end to minority rule.
A mile deep into the soil of Johan-
nesburg, South Africa's biggest
city, is a dark, sweaty world far from
the skyscrapers and lights. Beneath
the banks and boulevards, the offices,
schools, churches, and homes are the
pits where men dig for gold.
Perhaps only in such oil-rich na-
tions as Saudi Arabia or Kuwait is the
economic foundation of a country as
clear as South Africa's. Gold, dia-
monds, and a rainbow of rare metals
are the roots that support the richest,
most powerful nation in Africa.
The discovery of diamonds in 1867
and gold in 1886 lured prospectors
and foreign investors to what was then
a land of farmers and herders. The
impact was immediate. Roads were
built where there had been only wag-
on trails. Bridges arched over rivers.
With the infusion of millions of dol-
lars from gold sales, South Africa's
economy changed overnight. As peo-
ples' incomes rose, so did their de-
nmand for new, more, and better
goods. Imports of steel, machinery,
clothing, and other goods soared.
A NATION TRANSFORMED
In 1887, coal was discovered. This
provided abundant, cheap power to
run the mines and fuel the railroads.
All of this transformed the land and
the people. The site of the original
gold find, once grassland, went from
mining camp to metropolis. Called Jo-
hannesburg today, the site is where
1.5 million people live.
The ripple of gold earnings to other
areas of the economy continues. In-
dustry, office work, and other services
now represent a bigger share of the
domestic economy than gold or dia-
monds. Since 1946, manufacturing's
share of the economy has more than
doubled-from 12 percent to about 26
percent. Factories began a rapid ex-
pansion during World War II, when
European imports were unavailable.
Today, the country produces every-
thing from chemicals and steel to plas-
tics, paper, and cars.
The combination of mineral riches,
manufacturing, and a high level of
education-at least for whites-makes
the nation an economic giant in Afri-
ca. Its gross national product (GNP)-
the value of all goods and services
produced in a year-is huge. It's near-
ly nine times the combined GNPs of
the five nations that border it to the
north and east.
Despite all the factories, South Af-
rica's mines-yielding everything
from antimony to zirconium-remain
the economy's vital core. Mining em-
ploys more than 7 percent of all work-
ers. By comparison, mines provide
only about l percent of all U.S. jobs.
South Africa's fortunes rise and fall
with the price of gold. During the
1970s, its price rose from $35 to $700
Gold, used in electrical switches and jet
engines as well as jewelry, earns billions
of dollars for South Africa each year.
an ounce. In 1980, it hit a high of
$875 an ounce. South Africa's income
soared alongside those prices. Be-
tween 1972 and 1980, gold's share of
South Africa's export income rose
from 28 percent to 44 percent. Last
year, gold is estimated to have ac-
counted for 50 percent of the nation's
export earnings. Today, South Africa
supplies about 70 percent of the non-
Communist world's gold.
Gold's rising price helped keep
South Africa's treasury full, too. Dur-
ing the 1970s, government income
from the heavy tax it levies on gold
sales soared more than 3,000 percent.
The treasury took in more money than
it spent. In 1986, this surplus makes a
crucial difference. "if the mines shut
down completely, the country would
go bankrupt," says Michael Coulson,
a British expert on South Africa's
economy. "That's unlikely to happen,
but that's the bottom line."
TARGETING THE ECONOMY
The government's going broke may
be unlikely, but the nation's economy
is under assault nonetheless. Blacks
are protesting the system of racial seg-
regation known as apartheid. And
much of the protest is designed to
shake up South Africa's economy.
The protests have stirred opposition
to apartheid far from South Africa's
shores. U.S. President Ronald Reagan
has announced a list of economic
sanctions against South Africa. In re-
cent years, South Africa's private
banks and companies have borrowed
heavily abroad, and the President or-
dered restrictions on U.S. loans to
these borrowers. He also banned com-
puter sales to South African agencies
that enforce apartheid, and he out-
lawed sales in the U.S. of the Kruger-
rand, a South African gold coin.
The sanctions followed an earlier
demand by U.S. and other banks that
South African banks and companies
repay their loans. Seeing the protests,
killings of blacks, and miners' strikes,
U.S. banks worried about the impact
of the unrest on South Africa's econo-
my. They demanded payment on bil-
lions of dollars in loans.
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This demand caught South Africans
Off balance. "We are being asked to
pay all our debts in a minute," corn-
plained Aubrey Dickman, an econo-
mist who works for it group of South
African mining and industrial compa-
nies. "No country can do that." The
South African government, which also
owes billions of dollars to U.S. banks,
slapped a four-month freeze on its
own loan repayments. The freeze has
been extended into 1986.
In the U.S., meanwhile, anti-apart-
heid protests have shifted to 350 U.S.
firms that do business in South Africa.
These companies with investments
of about $2.8 billion account for less
than 20 percent of all foreign invest-
ment in South Africa. U.S. firms con-
trol about 33 percent of South Africa's
auto industry, 44 percent of its oil
industry, and 70 percent of its com-
puter industry. Many of' apartheid's
foes say, that the U.S. firms' presence
aids South Africa's econo-
my. And that, they say,
helps keep apartheid alive.
DISINVESTMENT
These critics hope to
weaken the South African
economy by getting U.S.
companies to withdraw. To
convince companies to
withdraw, they want people
who own shares of these
companies to sell them-
making the shares worth
less and less. Critics hope
that the mere threat that
U.S. companies will leave
South Africa will push the
white minority there to
grant full rights to the 23
million black Africans.
TOP 10 U.S. COMPANIES
IN SOUTH AFRICA
(By number of employees)
at`d M Co.*
U.S,Grlrit
Goodyt"fre
Caltex Petroleum Corp,
Allegheny Irti*1 Irtd,
R.J. Reyr'ibkt
Int'l Bus. Machines
6,673
4,949
,T8a
x631
2,8'10
24025
1",'804
1,793
Ford merged its operations with Amcar
Motor Holdings, of which it owns 42 percent.
Source: Investor Responsibility Research Center,
Wash., DC
"My people want you and need you
here, just as we need the whites and
the whites need us."
DIVIDED OPINIONS
Experts in the U.S. and elsewhere
are similarly divided. "Our strongest
leverage against the system is eco-
nomic pressure." says Willard John-
son, a political scientist at the Massa-
chusetts Institute of Technology.
"Foreign investment has always been
seen by Afrikaners the majority of
whiten as a sign of moral approval, as
well as a base for industrialization."
Others are not so certain. "South
Africa is a fairly self-sustaining econ-
omy," says Stephen Lewis, chief
economist at a British firm that studies
South Africa's economy. "It could
pay for its imports without credit
Ifrom U.S. banks] and still survive."
Whatever the impact, the disinvest-
ment drive angers South African
President Pieter W. Botha.
He threatens to retaliate by
cutting chromium sales to
the U.S. By his estimate,
that would put a million
Americans out of work.
"My message to the
U.S.... is that by digging
a hole for South Africa,
they could end up harming
themselves," he says.
Botha's numbers might
be off target. But a study by
the U.S. Commerce Depart-
ment finds that 60 percent
of all Americans in private
industry work for firms that
use chromium--most of it
from South Africa.
Ironically, South Afri-
cans have not always been
Johannesburg, South Africa's largest city, is built on the site
of the first gold strike a century ago. Diamond-shaped head-
quarters of the Anglo-American Corp. stands in the center.
So far in the U.S., at least 10 state
and 30 city governments have sold
some of the stock their pension funds
own in companies that do business in
South Africa. Students at more than
70 colleges and universities have pres-
sured their schools to "disinvest,"
too. And many have.
Yet there is sharp disagreement in
the U.S. and South Africa over the
impact of disinvestment. The U.S.
State Department says that South Afri-
ca needs about $1 billion a year in
foreign investment-mainly in min-
ing, manufacturing, and oil refining-
to keep its economy growing. A pull-
out would presumably wound the
economy. But the question is, who
would get hurt-blacks or whites'?
Critics say that blacks are already
hurting under the current system.
Whites miners, for example, earn on
average four times the wages of
blacks. Bishop Desmond Tutu, a
black leader who won the 1984 Nobel
Peace Prize, supports economic pres-
sure, even though it might hurt
blacks. He says he will demand disin-
vestment if the whites do not end
apartheid by 1987.
Other blacks disagree. "it is moral-
ly imperative that American firms re-
main active here," says Gatsha Buth-
elezi, leader of 7 million Zulu people.
eager to encourage international firms
to settle in their country. Only 20
years ago, some South Africans saw
foreign investment as a threat to
apartheid. M. Viljoen, a former top
labor official, warned that foreign in-
vestment would make South Africa
too industrial a nation. To meet their
demand for labor, he said, companies
would hire and train more blacks. And
that, he felt, would lead to racial
equality. "The enemies of South Afri-
ca encourage foreign investment as
much as they can," Viljoen said.
"They consider that every dollar in-
vested will crack and destroy . . .
apartheid." -Peter M. Jones
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A CLOSE-UP LOOK AT FIVE
NATIONS ON THE "FRONT LINE"
F the nations-Angola, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Mo-
zambique, and Botswana-are the "front line"
of black-ruled nations bordering white-ruled
South Africa. They're on the front line in more
ways than geographically. Their economies and
their security all depend to some extent on the way
South Africa solves its problems.
That's why, in public, the leaders of these front-
line states restrain their objections to South Afri-
ca's racial policies, which they condemn in pri-
vate. It's also why they oppose forcing an end to
apartheid with economic sanctions-restrictions
on trade with South Africa. "Those [governments]
who talk of sanctions must give us some assurance
that they will assist our economies should sanc-
tions be applied," says Robert Mugabe, Zimba-
bwe's prime minister. "We are the ones who will
suffer first from sanctions."
Several of the frontline states are heavily depen-
dent on South Africa, which employs miners from
Capitalist know-how helps fuel Angola's
Marxist economy. It's a marriage born
of necessity. Angola is a vast country 13
times the size of Portugal, from which it
won independence in 1975. Locked in civ-
il war from the start, the young nation
never had time to create the expertise it
would need to develop the nation's re-
sources alone. So a U.S. firm, Gulf Oil,
pumps oil out of the ground at Cabinda, a
coastal enclave physically separated from
the rest of Angola by Zaire's western tip.
Without this odd partnership--a Marxist
state's reliance on a capitalist company-
Angola might well be bankrupt. Oil and
related products account for 84 percent of
the nation's exports.
Angola's Marxist president, Jose dos
Santos, leads the MPLA, which took pow-
er after the Portuguese left in 1975. But
his party is only one of three groups that
fought for independence. When an earlier
MPLA leader turned his back on the other
two groups, they began to fight the go-
vernment. Today, the UNITA faction, led
by Jonas Savimbi, controls, in the South,
some 30 to 40 percent of the country.
Communist nations help dos Santos
fight the war. Cuba has some 25,000 sol-
neighboring nations. These miners bring home
substantial income. Yet the frontline states may
lose that source of income if South Africa sends
some 1.5 million black foreign workers home in
reaction to sanctions applied by the U.S. and other
nations. South Africa's manpower minister,
P.T.C. du Plessis, has spoken ominously about
"contingency plans ... for relieving unemploy-
ment in the face of disinvestment, sanctions, and
boycotts." Such statements send shock waves
through the frontline states, whose economies, as
the following pieces show, are already teetering.
Another common worry of the frontline states is
the possible involvement of the U.S. in Angola's
civil war. President Reagan is said to be in favor of
secret aid to UNITA. UNITA, the rebel group
fighting Angola's Marxist government, currently
relies largely on aid from South Africa. And the
U.S. Congress is considering bills which would
provide some $27 million in open aid to UNITA.
diers in his country. Military advisers from
East Germany and the Soviet Union work
with the Cubans.
Savimbi's UNITA gets help wherever it
can-from several black African nations
and even from South Africa. South Africa
is UNITA's chief supplier, and gives it
access to airstrips and roads.
DIAMOND MINE
Besides its oilfields, Angola's major
money-maker is a diamond mine at
Dundo, in the east-central portion of the
country. The government relies on geolo-
gists and mine experts from South Africa's
De Beers Company to run the mine. Sa-
vimbi's troops have raided the mine to get
diamonds to finance his operations.
South African troops are frequently ac-
tive in Angola, too. Their target is the
South-West Africa People's Organization
(SWAPO), a group dedicated to freeing
Namibia from South African control.
Angola's civil war has made it hard for
the country to feed itself. It imports food,
military equipment, and machinery from a
number of places, including Portugal,
France, and the Soviet Union. It exports
half its products-mostly oil-to the U.S.
Three tribal groups-the Ovimbundu,
the Mbundu, and the Kongo-account for
72 percent of Angola's population. Angola
also has a sizable mixed-race population,
created through intermarriage during 500
years of Portuguese rule.
Jonas Savimbi's National Union has
battled the government for 11 years.
Many of the mixed-race Angolans are
descended from Portuguese criminals.
Centuries ago, Portugal used Angola as a
penal colony-a place to send its crimi-
nals. Men condemned to Angola saw it as
a kind of prison. But it was also a lush,
rich country, full of potential. Portugal
never had the money to develop Angola.
So Angola remains one of the last large
tracts of unexploited land in the world.
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President Kenneth Kaunda, Zambia's
elected leader since Great Britain
granted it independence in 1964, rules
over a one-party state with a single goal:
economic development. Development is
an elusive goal for Zambia, whose only
major resource, copper, has been in little
demand in recent years.
Still, Zambians consider themselves for-
tunate that they are separated by other
frontline states from South Africa. This
distance enables them to focus their ener-
gies on strengthening their industries. Yet
Zambia, it landlocked nation, is dependent
on South Africa for transporting its goods
to the outside world.
Zambia, slightly larger than Texas, is
lucky in another way. Its 6 million people
belong to more than 70 tribal groups. A
nation of minorities, Zambia has been
spared the kind of tribal hostility that has
torn other African countries apart.
Zambia won its own independence
peacefully. But its neighbors Angola,
Zimbabwe, and Mozambique did not.
Their wars for liberation caused Zambia
much harm. At one point, war spilling
Zimbabwe, a nation about the size of
California, may turn out to be one of
Africa's major success stories. That's
something no one could have predicted a
decade ago, when it was called Rhodesia
and wracked by continual warfare.
In 1965, Rhodesia's white colonial
leaders, led by tan Smith, broke away
from British rule, declared Rhodesia inde-
pendent, and continued to freeze the black
majority out of the government. Years of
strife and bloodshed followed. A cease-
fire between Rhodesia's white troops and
black guerrilla groups finally was achieved
in 1979. Zimbabwe got its independence
in 1980, the year Robert Mugabe became
the nation's prime minister. Thus ended 14
years of a twilight existence for this fer-
tile, landlocked country.
Prime Minister Mugabe, a Marxist, pre-
sides over a capitalist economy that blos-
somed during the years of white rule under
Ian Smith. It was during this time that the
United Nations, urged by Britain, imposed
sanctions on Rhodesia that included an
embargo on oil and gasoline shipments.
The sanctions had the unexpected benefit
of forcing the country to develop a variety
of industries to survive.
Though 60 percent of Rhodesia's white
over from Zimbabwe closed
down Zambia's tourist indus-
try, losing it millions of dollars
in needed foreign exchange.
Falling copper prices have
forced Zambia to shelve a
number of plans. Among them
was an ambitious scheme to
create a university system. For
President Kaunda, slow devel-
opment is painful. ''At inde-
pendence,'he said, "we had
only 100 university graduates.
We were on a race to higher
achievement when the oil crisis
of 1973 came. Then, soon af-
ter, copper prices began to go
down. With high interest rates,
Skyline of Lusaka, Zambia's capital, where 600,000
live. Two other Zambian cities house over 300,000.
Cant trading country in Africa for Zam-
bia," a Zambian diplomat in the U.S.,
Elias Kavembe, told UPDATE.
we can no longer buy the raw materials we
need, We can't get foreign currency, so
our industries have been going down in
production. Unemployment has set in."
PROMOTING AGRICULTURE
Faced with all these problems, Zambia
has decided to make an all-out effort to
develop farming. This, experts say, seems
a reasonable aim for a country with so
much rich, fertile land.
South Africa, though far away, is rarely
distant from the thoughts of Zambia's
leaders. "South Africa is the most impor-
settlers fled upon indepen-
dence, 100,000 remain. Their
farming and business skills
have been an essential ingredi-
ent in Zimbabwe's success.
Still, Zimbabwe is finding it
difficult to teed its people. Be-
fore independence, it exported
food. But soon after, it was
importing food the result of
drought, continual rural vio-
lence, and the exodus of white
farmers, who had trained few
black Zimbabweans to take
their place. Recently, howev-
er, the nation recorded a food
surplus again-amine of the few
SOUTH AFRICA'S PROBLEMS
Zambia does what it can to help South
Africans find a solution to their problems.
Recently, it brought together white South
African businessmen and the exiled lead-
ers of the African National Congress, the
leading black protest group in South Afri-
ca. But, for the foreseeable future, Zam-
bia's major preoccupation will continue to
be its own economy.
Last year, the largely capitalist Zimbabwe celebrat-
ed the fifth anniversary of its independence.
nations anywhere in Africa to do so.
Two major tribal groups dominate Zim-
babwe's population of about 8 million.
The Shona, of which Mugabe is leader,
make up about 77 percent of the total. The
Ndebele, led by Joshua Nkomo, account
for 19 percent. Mugabe and Nkomo, once
bitter enemies, now live by an uneasy
truce. In 1983, relations between them
were so had that Nkomo fled into exile.
PRESSURES FROM REFUGEES
One of the nation's major problems is
taking care of many thousands of refugees
from Mozambique, which is in the throes
of civil war. As long as fighting continues
in Mozambique. the refugees must he fed
and housed-not easy in a country that is
already spending more than it earns.
Of all the frontline states, however,
Zimbabwe should be able to handle the
job. Its farmers are prospering again. The
government has not threatened to take over
any businesses. The result, for a newly
independent nation, is a sound economy.
With its exports-mainly tobacco, gold,
and steel alloys Zimbabwe can afford to
import the machinery its industries need
and the fuel to run them.
Despite these successes of capitalist
economics, Mugabe insists that he wants
to "create a socialist society" in Zimba-
bwe. But few expect him to actually do it,
although he may make Zimbabwe a one-
party state, with his socialist party,
ZANU. in charge.
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Of the five frontline states, no country
is in poorer shape than Mozambique.
Its economy is a total shambles. At $220 a
year, the country's per capita income is
the lowest of the group. A terrible drought
has killed 100,000 people, and 4 million
still face starvation. A civil war has raged
there for the past eight years, draining the
economy and making the countryside un-
safe for ordinary travel.
In order to secure some measure of safe-
ty for his people, President Samora Ma-
chel, a Marxist, had to swallow his pride.
He signed a peace accord with South Afri-
ca, which had been supporting the rebel
movement. Yet, even this humiliating act
was little help. Within a year, South Afri-
ca had broken the accord and begun to
resupply the rebel group, the Mozambican
National Resistance Movement.
Mozambique's ruling party, Frelimo,
was the guerrilla organization that won
independence from Portugal in 1975. The
Portuguese hadn't prepared the Mozambi-
cans to run their own affairs. After 500
years of Portuguese rule, only 7 percent of
the population could read. The country
had fewer than 1(9) doctors. Practically no
$ 1 1
Until Botswana's 1960 discovery of di-
amonds, this Texas-sized nation's
economy was based almost entirely on cat-
tle. Discovered by geologists from De
Beers, part of the Anglo-American Corpo-
ration of South Africa, diamonds have giv-
en Botswana a chance to make its way
economically. At the same time, diamonds
have made Botswana, of all the frontline
states, the one most dependent on South
Africa. Diamonds make up about 90 per-
cent of Botswana's exports.
Botswanans also earn paychecks in
South African mines. Thus, Botswana's
economic health is tied to South Africa's.
"Whatever you do against South Africa is
going to hurt us," says Legwaila Leg-
waila, Botswana's ambassador to the Unit-
ed Nations. ''The economies of our two
countries have been inextricably linked."
President Quctt Masire oversees a capi-
talist economy--one in which few of the
1. I million Botswanans have much chance
to deal in cash transactions. Some 85 per-
cent of them earn their livings from the
land. The Kalahari Desert, which covers a
large portion of Botswana, is home to the
San, who make up about 5 percent of the
one had been trained to run the
farms, the industries, the ports,
or the government bureaucra-
cy. Worse, Mozambique, a
fertile land twice the size of
California, was unable to feed
itself.
Most of the Portuguese who
lived in Mozambique fled after
independence. About 60,000
Portuguese now live in South
Africa, where they aid the anti-
Machel rebels.
Uneasy relations with South
Africa have hurt Machel's Mo-
zambique from the start. In
1975, 100,000 Mozambicans
worked in South African The port city of Maputo is one of the few places in
mines. Their earnings were a Mozambique that government forces still control.
great help to Mozambique's
economy. Shortly after Machel
took over, however, South Africa
60,000 Mozambican miners home.
sent
Mo-
zambique still feels the loss of their earn-
ings. South Africa also stopped using the
port at Maputo, Mozambique's capital
city. This shift cost Mozambique millions
of dollars a year in lost income.
DANGER ZONES
At present, Machel's government can't
claim full control of any of the country's
10 provinces. Only Maputo and a few
population. The San live as
their ancestors did, hundreds
of years ago. Most other Bots-
wanans belong to the Tswana
tribal group.
The diamond mines, expect-
ed to remain productive for at
least 50 years, are crucial to
Botswana. The government
takes half the profits, and it
taxes diamond sales.
Tourism brings in cash, too.
Mostly, tourists trek to the
huge Okavango Swamp in the
North. This vast wilderness is
filled with rare wildlife. Just
north of the Okavango, Bot-
swana borders the Caprivi
Strip, a long finger of Namib- children of diamond miners attend school together.
ian land. This odd quirk of the
map means that South Africa,
or its disputed territory of Namibia, hems
in Botswana on three sides.
Botswana uses its export income to im-
port grain, fuel, machinery, transportation
equipment, and metals--almost all from
South Africa. South Africa also supplies
half of Botswana's electricity and permits
Botswana access to its ports.
CONTROLLED MARKET
Botswana's diamonds are marketed in a
very complicated way, through a near-mo-
other cities are safe to move around in.
President Machel has begun to turn to
the West for aid. This past September, he
met with U.S. President Ronald Reagan.
U.S. assistance last year amounted to
about $30 million.
To find its footing economically, Mo-
zambique will need more than foreign aid.
It must find a way to make its farms pro-
duce an adequate food supply. And, to get
dollars to buy needed equipment abroad, it
must find a way to boost its exports.
nopoly controlled by Dc Beers. There is
no other reliable way for Botswana to sell
its diamonds-a situation that makes its
reliance on South Africa nearly total.
Even in good years, it must buy abroad
about two thirds of the grain it uses. The
drought of the past three years has forced
Botswana to become more dependent on
foreign aid than any other African nation.
The government has had to divert much of
its development budget for emergency re-
lief. -Ettagale Blauer
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A diamond mine in Lesotho. Unlike Swaziland, Lesotho has no significant mineral
wealth. About half its work force is employed in South African mines. Swaziland, on
the other hand, earns a lot from tourism and exports iron ore, mainly to Japan.
TWO ISLANDS
IN THE STORM
The tiny kingdoms of Lesotho and Swaziland are trying to make
their own way in a region torn by strife. That's not easy, with
South Africa and its problems pressing on all sides.
S lightly larger than Maryland, land-
locked, mountainous Lesotho is
bordered on all sides by the Republic
of South Africa. That country's racial
conflicts often touch Lesotho's bor-
ders, yet they rarely cross them. That
doesnt mean that the 1.5 million citi-
zens of Lesotho- - mostly black Afri-
cans of the Basuto tribe--are indiffer-
ent to what goes on around them.
They strongly oppose the racial poli-
cies of the South African government.
Last October, King Moshoeshoe of
Lesotho asked the United Nations "to
take necessary and appropriate mea-
sures to deter and disarm the oppres-
sive regime" of South Africa. The
king also called for economic sanc-
tions against South Africa, even
though such sanctions would hurt Le-
sotho's economy. In this, the king
was backed by Prime Minister Leabua
Jonathan and most of Lesotho's elect-
ed representatives.
This is a brave stand by a tiny na-
tion. Ilowever, the people of Lesotho
have a long history of brave stands.
In 1824, after wars had laid waste
much of Southern Africa, Moshesh,
king of the Basuto tribe, led his peo-
ple to safety in the Lesotho h igh-
lands. There, they formed the Basuto
nation, which prospered for 32 years.
In 1856, Boers-white settlers of
Dutch origin began moving into the
region. They tried to drive out the
Basutos. But the Basutos fought back
from mountain fortresses.
CALL FOR HELP
Finally, in 1868. King Moshesh ap-
pealed to the British for help. The
British, hitter rivals of the Boers. cre-
ated the Protectorate of Basutoland.
Over the years, the Basutos devel-
oped democratic institutions for self-
government. Finally, in 1966, the
Protectorate of Basutoland became the
independent Kingdom of Lesotho.
From the start, Lesotho's govern-
ment has tried to live in peace with
South Africa. That's not easy. In De-
cember, 1982. South African troops
raided Lesotho in pursuit of members
of the African National Congress
(ANC), a group outlawed in South
Africa. Thirty refugees and 12 Leso-
tho citizens were killed.
For a time, it seemed that Lesotho
would no longer be an "island of
peace." A few months later, howev-
er, Lesotho agreed not to shelter the
ANC, and peace was restored.
In a way, Lesotho is a "hostage"
nation. It has no army. South Africa
has the most powerful army on the
African continent. Thousands of Le-
sothans work in South Africa, whose
leaders have threatened to expel them
if foreign nations sever trade links
with South Africa. Nonetheless, Le-
sothans continue to speak out against
injustice in South Africa.
I n past development and present sta-
tus, Swaziland resembles Lesotho.
But there are some hi,, differences.
Like Lesotho, Swaziland is a land-
locked, mountainous kingdom. Its his-
tory begins in the late 1700s, when a
Swazi chief, Ngwane, led his people
over the mountains to their present
location During much of the 1800s,
the Swazi nation was pressured by
Boers and British. In 1890, Swaziland
became part of the Boer republic of
Transvaal. Twelve years later, Swazi-
land became a British protectorate. It
gained full independence in 1968.
CAUGHT IN THE MIDDLE
Almost entirely surrounded by
South Africa, the kingdom shares a
short border with Mozambique.
Though smaller in size and population
than Lesotho, Swaziland is richer in
mineral and agricultural resources.
Despite its wealth, Swaziland is
less defiant of South Africa than Leso-
tho is. Swazi police have even arrest-
ed ANC refugees from South Africa.
Ruling groups in Swaziland are
very conservative and traditionalist.
They don't want Marxist Mozambique
to affect their ways. Also, they are
painfully aware that their small nation
could become a battleground between
white-ruled South Africa and black
frontline nations, which include Mo-
zambique.
Clearly, Lesotho and Swaziland
share the same goals. Each, in its own
way, is struggling to maintain inde-
pendence, stability, and cultural iden-
tity in a strife-torn region.
-Michael Cusack
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KEY FIGURES CAUGHT UP IN
SOUTHERN AFRICA'S TURMOIL
The 10 men profiled on these pages are among
Southern Africa's top newsmakers. One, South
Africa's chief executive, is a defender of his nation's
policy of racial separation. The other nine are
among apartheid's most vigorous opponents.
Four of them govern "Frontline States"-nations
north of South Africa that have formed an alliance
against South Africa. Two are leaders of outlawed
rebel groups. Two others-a wealthy white South
African and a black clergyman-argue for more
peaceful avenues to change.
Harry Oppenheimer,
77. South Africa's most
powerful capitalist, is a
vocal foe of apartheid,
which he feels is unjust.
Moreover, like many
South African whites, he
fears that apartheid could
wreck his nation's
economy. An unassertive
man, he is the son of a
German immigrant to
South Africa who built a
worldwide business
empire on gold and
diamonds. He believes
that economic growth,
spurred by foreign
South Africa prosper-
for all its people.
Nelson Mandela, 67, the
jailed leader of the
banned African National
Congress (ANC), stands
as a symbol of the
determination of South
Africa's blacks to win
full rights. The proud son
of a tribal chief, he
joined the ANC in 1944.
He has served 23 years
of a life sentence for
plotting the white
government's overthrow.
He has turned down
offers for release because
they stipulate that he
renounce violence and
live in a "homeland."
His goal: "a democratic
and free" South Africa.
Bishop Desmond Tutu,
54, 1984 winner of the
Nobel Prize for Peace
and head of the South
African Council of
Churches, is one of the
most respected and
vigorous opponents of
apartheid. Tutu calls for
calm negotiations
between the white South
African government and
black leaders. A former
school teacher, he is a
confident, warm public
speaker. In hopes of
forcing apartheid's end,
he has urged foreign
corporations to stop
creating businesses in
South Africa.
Pieter W. Botha, 69,
state president of South
Africa, is a quick-
tempered, tough
politician. Prime minister
from 1978 to 1984, he
convinced white voters to
accept a tricameral
Parliament-one for
whites and two weaker
ones for Coloureds and
Asians. These reforms
shocked some hardliners.
Yet others call them too
little, too late, and score
their goal of keeping the
nation in the grip of the
white minority. His plans
fueled months of unrest
by denying the black
majority a political voice.
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Among those missing from this list are Randall
Robinson, a leader of the anti-apartheid movement
in the U.S., and Allan Boesak, president of the
World Alliance of Reformed Churches in South Af-
rica. Two other figures of note are Gatsha Buthelezi,
leader of South Africa's 7 million Zulus, and Winnie
Mandela, the wife of the jailed activist Nelson Man-
dela. Recently Mrs. Mandela spoke out in defiance
of a government ban on her appearance in public.
Her book, Part of My Soul Went with Him, was
recently released in the U.S.
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Dr. Sam Nujoma, 56,
heads the South-West
Africa People's
Organization (SWAPO),
which the United Nations
considers the legitimate
representative of the I.2
million mostly black
people of Namibia
(South-West Africa).
SWAPO's Angola-based
guerrillas are battling for
Namibia's independence
from South Africa, which
gained control of the
former German colony in
1915, imposed apartheid
laws, and won't let go.
Born of poor farmers,
Nujoma co-founded
SWAPO in 1960.
Dr. Kenneth Kaunda,
61, has since 1964 been
president of Zambia,
until then the British
colony of N. Rhodesia.
The recent collapse of the
price of copper, Zambia's
key export, has plunged
its economy into deep
trouble. A Marxist and
one of Africa's most
respected and trusted
leaders, Kaunda regards
white South Africans as
Africans and believes that
blacks and whites there
must find a way to live
together. In 1982, he
held talks with P.W.
Botha, then South
Africa's prime minister.
Samora Machel, 52, is
president of
Mozambique, one of the
world's poorest countries,
which he helped free
from Portuguese rule in
1975. A Marxist and foe
of apartheid, he wants an
end to violence in
Southern Africa and
particularly in his war-
torn nation. In 1984,
Mozambique and South
Africa signed the
Nkomati Accord. They
agreed to end support of
rebel actions against each
other. Though backed by
the Soviet Union. Machel
hopes to lure Western
business investment.
Quett Masire, 00.
presides over Botswana,
which boasts one of
Africa's most open and
democratic societies. An
exporter of diamonds,
Botswana sits in the
middle of turbulent
Southern Africa. Though
86 percent of his nation's
imports come from South
Africa, Masire has
rejected South African
pressure to keep African
National Congress
guerrillas from basing
their operations in
Botswana. Botswana's
policy is to protect
refugees from S. Africa.
Dr. Hastings Banda, 79,
is "Life President" of
Pennsylvania-sized
Malawi, one of the
world's least developed
countries. He was
educated in Scotland and
the U.S., where he
practiced medicine. An
authoritarian ruler who
encourages capitalism
and pro-Western foreign
policies, he has kept
Malawi politically and
economically stable since
its independence in 1964.
Banda is a foe of
apartheid. Yet Malawi
maintains diplomatic and
trade relations with South
Africa.
Robert Mugabe, 61,
prime minister of
Zimbabwe, is a
revolutionary who fought
to end white minority rule
in his country. A Marxist,
he has said he intends to
make Zimbabwe a one-
party, socialist state. Yet
today Zimbabwe has a
capitalist-style economy.
A carpenter's son,
Mugabe is a strong critic
of South Africa's racial
policies. "We cannot
accept apartheid because it
is politically, socially, and
economically an
undemocratic and unjust
system," he says.
-Christopher C. Williams
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THE DEBATE OVER U.S.
POLICY TOWARD SOUTH AFRICA
U.S. policymakers are caught up in an intense debate over how
the U.S. can help end apartheid. Critics say the President's
cautious tactics so far don't put enough pressure on South Africa.
The protesters were peaceful but in-
sistent. Every weekday for a
year-until this past Thanksgiving-
they marched outside the South Afri-
can embassy in Washington, DC, de-
manding that the white-ruled nation
end apartheid. Drawing on tactics
learned from the U.S. civil rights
movement of the 1960s, more than
3,000 protesters there pushed forward
to be arrested-including 22 Con-
gressmen and Senators, religious and
labor leaders, and scores of others.
The protesters, organized by a
group known as the Free South Africa
Movement, didn't expect their
marches to convince South Africa's
leaders to grant full rights to its black
majority. Instead, anti-apartheid lead-
ers aimed their efforts closer to
home-at the American people. Their
goals: to raise public awareness of the
plight of South Africa's blacks, and to
push the U.S. government to step up
pressure on that nation's white re-
gime. "We're going to lobby as long
as it's necessary," said Coretta Scott
King, widow of the slain civil rights
leader Martin Luther King, Jr. "The
world is watching America, and we
are the only people who can change
the policies of our government."
Anti-apartheid protests are at the
center of an emotional debate over
what the U.S. can-and should-do
to help speed the end of South Afri-
ca's system of racial segregation and
oppression. "America's view of
apartheid is simple and straightfor-
ward: we believe it's wrong," Presi-
dent Reagan declared this fall. "We
condemn it. And we're united in hop-
ing for the day when apartheid will be
no more. "
What's not so simple is how the
U.S. can best use its influence to
make that goal a reality. Anti-apart-
heid activists such as Mrs. King argue
for strong steps to undermine white
rule, including cutting off U.S. trade
and investment. Business leaders and
top U.S. officials, however, counsel a
more cautious approach. Punishing
South Africa, they warn, will lessen
U.S. influence, not increase it. The
U.S., they say, can best help by work-
ing for gradual change before it's too
late. "Do we want to see the country
become so unstable that there is a
violent revolution?" warned U.S.
Secretary of State George Shultz.
"History teaches that the black major-
ity might likely wind up exchanging
one set of oppressors for another."
U.S. STRATEGIC INTERESTS
For years, U.S. policymakers have
struggled to balance moral opposition
to apartheid with the need to protect
other U.S. interests in the region. The
problem is, South Africa has been
America's most dependable ally there,
and it is southern Africa's strongest
industrial and military power. Its tech-
nical know-how and modern transport
system play a major role in the econo-
mies of a dozen neighboring black
nations. Its mineral wealth has made it
the main supplier of several metals the
U.S. considers essential to its own
economic and military security. It
controls the shipping lanes around the
southern tip of Africa, which carry 70
percent of Europe's oil from the Mid-
dle East. And it's the leading oppo-
nent of Soviet influence in the area.
For all these reasons, President
Reagan has tried to maintain close re-
lations with South Africa. His policy,
known as "constructive engage-
ment," has stressed quiet persuasion
to encourage the white regime to grad-
ually adopt reforms. "Indignation
alone doesn't make for an effective
foreign policy, nor does isolating
South Africa" says Bob Bruce, a
State Department spokesman. "Con-
structive engagement means trying to
work constructively for change. In the
Administration's view, the South Af-
rican government urgently needs to
engage in dialogue and negotiations
with black leaders."
Backers of constructive engagement
fear that cutting off most trade and
investment in South Africa could
backfire. Such moves, they claim,
would hurt U.S. companies in the re-
gion, most of which already abide by
principles of equal hiring and pay for
black workers. Even worse, they say,
such actions could sabotage jobs and
President Reagan meets Bishop Desmond Tutu, Anglican Bishop of Johannesburg, at
the White House. Bishop Tutu, winner of the 1984 Nobel Peace Prize, calls for tough
U.S. sanctions against South Africa to force the white regime to dismantle apartheid.
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living standards for millions of other
black workers. " I'he Administration
does not approve of disrupting the
South African economy," says Bruce,
"because that will hurt the very peo-
ple you're trying to help."
Another key U.S. worry is Ameri-
can dependence on South African
minerals- "South Africa is the Middle
Fast of non-fuel resources," says
Robert Wilson, director of strategic
resources for the U.S. Commerce De-
partnment. "It's a geographic accident.
They have almost every metal in sig-
nificant quantity.''
RELIANCE ON KEY METALS
According to Commerce Depart-
ment studies, the U.S. relies on South
Africa for about half Of its supplies of
five key metalsplatinum, chromi-
um, manganese, cobalt, and vanadi-
um. These are needed to make spe-
cialty steels and alloys used in many
high-tech products, such as cars, com-
puters, and military equipment. Some
3.2 million U.S. jobs --mostly in the
transportation, steel, and aerospace in-
dustries --could he affected if South
African supplies were disrupted. "It
could he very damaging to our econo-
mv," says Wilson. "And the key al-
ternative supplier is the Soviet Union.
We're not thrilled with the idea of
depending on them for materials we
need for national defense."
U.S. policymakers call "Construc-
tive engagement'' just one part of a
regional policy. That policy closely
links progress in South Africa to re-
ducing tensions among its neighbors.
SOUTH AFRICA'S
STRATEGIC
MINERALS
As a share of
world resources
Other
8%
South Africa is caught up in bitter
armed squabbles with the Soviet-
hacked governments of Angola and
Mozambique, and with guerrillas
fighting its control of Namibia.
The U.N. has called repeatedly for
independence for Namibia, a mineral-
rich but thinly populated territory that
South Africa has held since World
War I. The Reagan Administration
wants to negotiate a cease fire, lead-
ing to free elections and an indepen-
dent government. But South Africa
has stalled negotiations, some observ-
ers say, because it fears that elections
would produce a rebel victory. In-
stead, last June it set up a new puppet
regime there.
Another major obstacle to a solu-
tion in Namibia is South Africa's sup-
port for UNITA, an anti-government
rebel group in Angola. There, some
30,000 Cuban troops prop up the
Communist government. The U.S.
seeks peace talks between UNITA and
Angola's government. The key, most
experts say, is a plan for Angola to
send the Cuban troops home in ex-
change for a South African withdraw-
al from Namibia. Meanwhile, U.S.
officials are hinting that if Angola
doesn't soften, they may begin aiding
UNITA. But, critics warn, such a
move might appear to link Washing-
ton too closely with South Africa.
Is President Reagan's policy work-
ing? Yes, say hackers, who say that
South African president P.W. Botha is
slowly placing his nation on the path
of change. lie has brought Indians and
Coloureds (South Africans of mixed
Cobalt -0--- U.S. 10%
' Transported through South Africa
The U.S. relies on South Africa for much of its supplies of several key metals used in
high-tech products and military hardware. If these exports were cut off, officials
worry that the U.S. might be forced to buy them from the Soviet Union.
race) into the government, legalized
black labor unions, and abolished
such "petty apartheid'' laws as the
bar against inter-racial marriages.
"We have to remember that the gov-
ernment there is caught between right
wing Iwhitesl and the black major-
ity," says the State Department's
Bruce. "We are diappointed with the
pace of reform. But to white South
Africans, it's going very fast."
Critics, however, worry that con-
structive engagement has given South
Africans the wrong impression of
U.S. concerns. Emphasis on "quiet
diplomacy," they say, has encouraged
many whites to believe that the U.S.
actually hacks them. And it has bitter-
ly angered most blacks, who blame
the U.S. for defending the white re-
gime. "'That policy of constructive
engagement is as evil, as immoral, as
un-Christian as the policy that they are
seeking to buttress --apartheid," said
Bishop Desmond Tutu, the black An-
glican leader who won the Nobel
Peace prize last year.
ECONOMIC PRESSURE
Under growing pressure from Con-
gress, last September President Rea-
gan imposed sanctions aimed against
"the machinery of apartheid." The
order banned exports of nuclear tech-
nology and computers used to enforce
race laws, imports of gold coins, and
most loans to the South African gov-
ernment. President Botha promptly
accused the U.S. of ''economic war-
fare." Critics, however, said the Pres-
ident's move was too weak to have
any real effect. ''These are minor cos-
metic changes," says Doug Tilton,
legislative director of the Washington
Office on Africa. a non-profit group
that monitors African affairs. "U.S.
investment is still strengthening the
system on which apartheid exists."
Sooner or later, such critics warn,
South Africa's black majority will
come to power. In the long run, they
say. the way to maintain U.S. inter-
ests is to put U.S. policy on the side
of history, even at the risk of short-
term problems."When white rule is
finally doomed," says Rep. Jim
Leach of Iowa, a hacker of anti-apart-
heid legislation. "we don't want to go
down as the one government that held
the coattails of the remaining vestiges
of colonialism and racism in Africa."
-David Gaddy
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A Glossary on Southern Africa
Afrikaner: Descendant of the Dutch
farmers, or Boers, who settled South
Africa in the 1600s. Afrikaners, who
first passed apartheid laws, make up
60 percent of white population and
dominate politically. Their language is
the Dutch-derived Afrikaans.
Anglo: Descendant of the British who
settled S. Africa in the 1800s. They
make up 40 percent of S. Africa's
white population and are considered
more liberal than Afrikaners.
African National Congress (ANC):
S. Africa's leading black opposition
group. ANC has been fighting racial
discrimination since 1912. Whites,
claiming the ANC is led by Commu-
nists, outlawed the ANC in 1962.
Based now in Zambia, it calls for
black rule within the decade.
Apartheid: South Africa's policy of
racial segregation. Whites have politi-
cal, economic, and military control.
Blacks and people of other races face
job, school, and housing discrimina-
tion. Blacks have no vote in national
elections. Pronounced uh-pahr-tate.
Azania: Name some blacks give to S.
Africa. From Greek ("dry country")
or Arabic ("land of slaves").
Coloured: The 10 percent of S. Afri-
cans who are descendants of black-
white marriages. Asians are those
whose ancestors came from India.
Constructive Engagement: U.S. pol-
icy toward S. Africa since 1981. U.S.
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Laws known as "petty apartheid" restrict blacks, Coloureds, and Asians from
public places used by whites. Recently, some of the petty apartheid laws have been
lifted, and signs like this one-in English and Afrikaans-have been taken down.
says diplomatic and trade ties, not
economic sanctions, allow it to pres-
sure S. Africa to ease race policy.
Disinvestment: Selling stock in U.S.
companies that do business in S. Afri-
ca. Supporters say this will pressure
South Africa to end apartheid. Oppon-
ants, including President Reagan, say
black workers will suffer most if U.S.
companies leave.
Frontline States: Five nations-An-
gola, Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Zam-
bia, and Botswana-wedged between
South Africa and the rest of black-
ruled Africa. All oppose apartheid.
Homelands: Ten isolated, rural areas
reserved for black self-rule. Four are
independent, though no nation outside
S. Africa agrees. Citizens of indepen-
dent homelands are removed from the
S. African census, increasing the per-
centage of whites in S. Africa.
Laager: A circle of wagons used by
Afrikaners to defend against Zulu at-
tacks in the 1830s. Now refers to Afri-
kaners' fearful state of mind, as apart-
heid foes increase.
Linkage: Tying one diplomatic action
to another. U.S. and South Africa link
independence for Namibia, now con-
trolled by South Africa, to departure
of Cuban troops from Angola.
National Party: Afrikaner-dominated
political party in power since 1948.
Afrikaners also control hard-line Con-
servative Party that pushes for stricter
apartheid. Main opposition is the An-
glo-led Progressive Federal Party.
Pass Laws: Rules limiting movement
of blacks and Coloureds. Non-whites
must carry pass books, are not permit-
ted in white areas without reason. In
1982, over 200,000 blacks were ar-
rested for violating pass laws.
Petty Apartheid: Laws forbidding
black-white contact on buses, parks,
restaurants, other public places. Re-
cently some rules have been lifted.
Rand: South Africa's money. One
rand equals about 36 U.S. cents,
down from $1.29 in 1980. President
Reagan stopped U.S. sales of the Kru-
gerrand, a one-ounce gold coin.
Sanctions: Bans on certain types of
trade. U.S. sanctions against S. Africa
include bar on sales of computers to
agencies enforcing apartheid. Goal is
to pressure whites to end apartheid.
Soweto: The sprawling black ghetto
of 1.2 million people southwest of
Johannesburg, S. Africa. Most in
Soweto are poor, live in overcrowded,
housing. The name derives from
SOuth WEst TOwnships.
Strategic Dependency: U.S. reliance
on foreign nations for minerals vital to
defense and communications. S. Afri-
ca is the U.S.'s main source of chro-
mium, manganese, and platinum.
Sullivan Principles: Fair employment
rules for U.S. companies in S. Africa.
Drafted by black U.S. clergyman
Leon Sullivan, principles include ra-
cial integration, equal pay for equal
work, and more non-whites in man-
agement. Signed by 186 companies.
SWAPO: South-West Africa People's
Organization. SWAPO fights for inde-
pendence of Namibia, now ruled by
South Africa. -Mauro Christopher
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SNAPSHOT OF A
vtih P-{r.%ca
os
MaevP
f~tirr~c
} aW o trace then
oP~e ?~ mix e
.Ma`n`y Pe\nd`a
ancestN to
Total population. 32,500,000
Life Expectancy
JV
yrs. yrs.
80.6
25.3
14.9
(Deaths per 1,000 live births)
?,000
SOUth Ndebeles 500,000
428,000
10 Largest Blac
Groups k
Note: South Africa's
these groups "bl
call
s
ack nt
aions.,, Eac made Each one is
up of Eac
example, in the many tribes 200 tribes, for
means of holding case of the Zulus. As a
means ernment has power, the white
piece of terraito assigned each 9ov-
homelands ry called "nation" a
have become a "homeland." Four
though no nation independent, al-
of South Africa
recognizes their independence.
pendence.
Literacy Rate
98%
DEATH TOLL I Number killed in racial unrest, 1984 & 1985
1984 (Total killed: 175) 1985 (Total to Nov.,,,',, 0: 746.
'84
Jan. 1-Aug. 31
26
January
4
.July
96
,
February
35
August
163
Sept. 1-Dec.31, '84
March
76
September
69
April.
46
October
85
M4y
he
66
45
Nov. 1-Nov. 20
61
.
,
,
.
,
p
.
?
e
1985"were 360 blacks killed by police and 201 killedlri conflict between black groups. At least 17 of the dead
were police-most of them black-killed by black township residents. Township residents killed one soldier;
guerrillas killed one policeman. White civilians killed two blacks; black civilians killed four whites.
Among the dead in
eight were white
20
'85
to Nov
1 84
lekilled from Sept
p
Note: Of the 895
o
59
White South south Africa's
2.)(hus
English- * 40% 3. No-ohas 000, 000
Speaking 4. Tswanas Sothos 5,000 ,000
5. ou s 5r0 o
orth ern Othos 8 O00
Shan eles 1,96 ,000
8 SwaZ9aha Tson9as y,29Q,000
ikaan ' 0
Afr 5 60%
Speaking
Vendas 951000
Africans
Includes 183,000
speakers of
Portuguese, German,
Greek, and other
European languages.
Total White Pop-
ulation: 4,875,000
Infant Mortality
Approved For Release 2010/12/22 : CIA-RDP88B00443R000502210004-1
 WORDSEARCH
Approved For Release 2010/12/22 : CIA-RDP88B00443R000502210004-1
E
N
I
M
A
N
D
E
P
U
E
P
A
C
N
W
O
G
Q
B
A
R
A
B
H
D
R
I
W
A
L
A
T
U
L
D
B
E
I
B
D
E
A
O
S
M
Z
L
A
L
O
G
N
A
I
E
T
T
G
F
T
W
Z
V
H
A
N
A
W
S
T
O
E
K
T
S
I
X
R
CROSSWORD
*Starred clues refer to articles in
this issue.
ACROSS
*1. Capital of Zimbabwe.
*4. Major South African econom-
*8.
*9.
is resource.
African National Cong.
Areas where many Blacks are
forced to live in South Africa.
13. Ma's mate.
14. Account of (abbr.).
15. - code (for mail).
16. Occupational Safety and Haz-
ards Admin.
* 19. Capital of Mozambique.
21. Trade, pawn.
*22. Nobel Peace Prize Winning
Bishop in South Africa.
*24. Members of certain southern
African ethnic groups.
27. Exam.
29. Chicken - king.
30. Tiniest state in 32 Across.
32. New England, for short.
*33. Racist, discriminatory policy
of South Africa.
37. Parent-Teacher Assoc.
*38. South African ethnic group.
*39. Its capital is Lusaka.
DOWN
I. Laughing sounds.
2. Male sheep or L.A. footballer.
3. Environmental Protection
Agcy.
4. Mutually Assured Destruc-
tion, for short.
5. - and outs.
6. North of S.C.
L A
A R
R A
M C
R I
O M
B R
O B
A M
The words on the list are hidden in the diagram. When you find them, circle
them. Each word runs in a straight line. Some of them run on a slant, or
backwards. (See MALAWI, in the example.)
Nine letters will be left over. In order they spell the long march the
Afrikaaner settlers took in the late 1800s:
Angola Botswana
Arab Cape of Good Hope*
Boa Durban
Boer War* Gold Mine*
2
3
d
5
6
7
8
9
0
12
Id
15
d
16
25
17
21
18
26
19
22
20
27
23
28
29
30
31
32
33
3d
35
36
37
8
39
Namibian insurgent group:
South-West Africa People's Org.
10. Goose-eggs on a scoreboard.
11. Repeat.
12. Nat. Assoc. of Manufacturers.
13. Watermelon spit-out.
* 15. Native peoples of southeast-
em Africa.
* 17. Major Zimbabwean language.
18. American Civil Liberties
Union, for short.
20. Touch or join at the edge or
border.
23. Technical (abbr.).
*24. President of Malawi.
25. Beer, lager.
26. Ocean.
28. Precedes cycle or mester.
31. Thought, concept.
33. With a quick look: _
glance.
34. Skillet.
35. Rice, in Nice.
36. - and Flow (back and forth
motion).
37. 3.14159
Lesotho Mozambique
Malawi Racism
Mandela Swaziland
Marxist Veldt
Zimbabwe
Unscramble the letters in each of the
four words listed below. Each word will
spell an African nation. The circled let-
ters, when rearranged in the spaces at the
bottom, will answer the riddle.
1 101 1 10
1 10101 101 1 11
0
Riddle: What
a Nobel
Prize-winning
South African Bishop might have respond-
ed when told of recent, piecemeal reforms
offered by his government?
- angry
!"
Answers in your teacher's edition.
Puzzles created by Andrew Gyory.
Approved For Release 2010/12/22 : CIA-RDP88B00443R000502210004-1
 Approved For Release 2010/12/22 : CIA-RDP88B00443R000502210004-1
If your plans for the future include college, the Army Reserve can fit nicely into your plans.
' ou ll get hands-on training in one of hundreds of potential careers, from communications to elec-
tronics to engineering.
YOu'll learn from experienced, first-rate instructors. And you'll hone your skill by working on a
Saturday and Sunday each month at a Reserve center near your college.
The money you earn (an average of $1,500 a year) will help with your expenses. In addition, you
may qualify for educational benefits up to $5,040 in student aid from the New GI Bill, and a student
loan repayment program.
Find out more about the Army Reserve. If you're headed for college, it's a step in the right direction.
See your local Army Reserve Recruiter today. Or call toll free 1-800-USA-ARMY.
ARMY RESERVE.
BE ALLYOU CAN BE.
Approved For Release 2010/12/22 : CIA-RDP88B00443R000502210004-1
 Approved For Release 2010/12/22 : CIA-RDP88B00443R000502210004-1
MUSIC
READERS REACT TO RATING RECORDS
by Chip Lovitt
The mail-in response to the arti-
cle "Rock Music: Is It a Good or
Had Influence'?'' (November I issue)
Should have been rated X, as in
X-tra hcavv. "Thanks to thou-
sands of teens and teachers, this
question has generated more mail
than all the music columns in the last
10 years combined.
The mail ran nearly 10 to I against
rating records. Here are some of
your comments, both in favor of and
against record rating.
"Putting a label on records warn-
ing of 'offensive' lyrics is okay,"
wrote .I.E., of Maryland. "But rat-
ing records is not okay. If you don't
like a record, don't buy it.''
"I think labels should be put on
albums because people have the
right to know what they are buying.
This isn't censorship. It's just putting
on labels," wrote .I.C., of Virginia.
"No one rated my parents' music
when they listened to rock in the
l1)51()'s. You didn't have to be a cer-
tain age or get someone's permission
to listen to rock then." said F.K.,
of Colorado.
"l'hcre's nothin~~ wrong with it
sticker on an album," another read-
er added. "It would help people
know what kind of music is inside."
"I'ecnagers should have the right
to listen to the type of music they
want," said 13.13., of New York.
"Besides, just because sonic music
can be a bad influence doesn't mean
all of it is-
"Ratings are unnecessary," wrote
V.K., of Neva Iersev. "No one is
being forced to buy records."
.
"Records should be rated. I think
the public has a right to know what
song lyrics say before they spend
their money on a record," said L.L.,
of California.
"I think parents are overreacting
to this issue. They listen to one or
two bad songs and think all rock
music is like that," C.Y., of Penn-
sylvania, pointed out.
''I think lyrics should be printed
on album covers. Then if you saw a
warning label, you could just look
at the lyrics and decide whether or
not you want to listen to them," said
S.J., of Ohio.
"I listen to a lot of the heavy-
metal hands everyone is complain-
ing about. I don't think it has done
anything harmful to my behavior,"
said T.H., of Florida.
"1 think it would be fine to put
labels and ratings on records," writes
E.E., of Utah. "A lot of heavy-
metal groups are disgusting and their
music is trash."
"If rating labels are used," wrote
S.C., of Washington, "it might lead
more rock fans to buy albums that
contain 'offensive' lyrics or subjects.
An X or R rating on a record might
encourage more kids to buy the
record just to be rebellious."
"Music is very important in our
lives," wrote a group of 14-year-olds
from Ohio. "We do feel that certain
subject matter in rock songs is not
right for young children. Therefore,
putting a label on it record saying it's
not recommended for listeners under
13 years of age is all right. But music
shouldn't he restricted in any way for
kids who are 13 or older."
"Kids have always listened to mu-
sic their parents didn't like, but that
doesn't mean it's all automatically
good or had," wrote C.S., of Penn-
sylvania.
"It's up to me and my parents to
decide what music is right for us
not some government agency,"
wrote B.V., of Georgia.
"Record rating represents a limi-
tation on my freedom of choice,"
wrote several readers.
"What's next?" asked one reader.
"Will I have to he a certain age to
see a concert'?"
Many people agreed that some
rock groups have gone too far, es-
pecially in their videos. But many
others said, "If on don't like them,
don't watch them."
"Sure some groups go too far,"
wrote K.S., of Texas. "But many
cartoon shows and prime-time shows
have more violence and suggestive
scenes than any rock videos. Do you
think kids who see a cartoon char-
acter being pushed off a cliff will im-
itate the cartoon? I doubt it."
One thing nearly all readers agreed
on was the issue of censoring rock
songs or videos. Like M.C., of Ida-
ho. they felt, "Censorship is wrong
in a free country like America.-
S.F., of Maine, added, "For any-
one to be suggesting censorship in
a free country like the United States
is far worse than having kids listen-
ing to music which some people
might find 'objectionable.'"
The industry-wide debate on the
issue of rating records has prompted
some record companies to take ac-
tion. They have agreed to put a rat-
ing sticker on some LP's and to print
lyrics when space allows. But most
people in the music and record in-
dustry remain strongly opposed to
actual ratings. Regardless of the out-
come of this dehate,the letters read-
ers sent to me indicate that nearly
all teenagers think they have the
right and the intelligence to decide
whether or not a record is right for
them as individuals.
Approved For Release 2010/12/22 : CIA-RDP88B00443R000502210004-1
 Approved For Release 2010/12/22 : CIA-RDP88B00443R000502210004-1
For John Evans, it Was Just A Short Walk
From Gone Wrong to Dead Wrongl
"Dead Wrong" is a dramatic portrayal of the true
story of John Louis Evans lit, who, a few days
before his execution for the crime of murder,
learn from his experience. Underscoring Evans'
message, excerpts from that original tape are in-
cluded in this docu-drama. A powerful and chilling
experience, "Dead Wrong" takes us from the origins
of John's first run-ins with the law to his final
moments In Holman Prison's electric chair. Starring
John Laughlin, Bibi Besch, Cameron ?
Gibbs and Ed Lauter, written and directed by E.
Arthur Kean, "Dead Wrong" contains Important
lessons for adolescents and adults alike.
Catalog Number 211
?
?
Marotte, Jessica
Steen, Shawn
Executive Starring: Carl
Thompson. Ex-
John Brunton.
Pro-
ducers Scholastic: Jane
Startz, John
Matoian. Directed
Produced by: lain
Paterson.
the book by Todd
Strasser.
Happen When Blue Collar Meets Blue Blood,
Anything Can And Sometimes It's Love
Focusing on the relationship between two young
engaging program sensitively explores class differ-
ences in American society. Jeff Mead (Carl Marotte)
and Melissa Stotts (Jessica Steen) are from two dif-
ferent worlds: he sells beer at the baseball stadium,
and she sits in the owner's box. When Jeff and
Melissa fall in love, their honesty and acceptance of
each other's differences is put to the test. From the
.book by respected teen author Todd Strasser,
Workin' For Peanuts" makes the subject of class
young adults.
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 Approved For Release 2010/12/22 : CIA-RDP88B00443R000502210004-1
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