PREVENT WORLD WAR III

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP88-01315R000400480016-2
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 50
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: November 4, 2004
• Sequence Number: 16
• Publication Date: January 1, 1957
• Content Type: REPORT

I1IsI1 for the Prevention 1 World 1TA'FI1
515 MADISON AVENUE, NEW YORK 2 2, N. Y.
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SOCIETY FOR THE PREVENTION OF WORLD WAR III
A Non-Profit Educational Organization
BOARD OF DIRECTORS
MARK VAN DOREN
Honorary Chairman
REX STOUT
Vice President
DR. ALBERT SIMARD
Secretary
ISIDORE LIPSCHUTZ
Treasurer
REV. HENRY A. ATKINSON
THOMAS CRAVEN
IULIUS L. GOLDSTEIN
WILLIAM HARLAN HALE
EMIL LENGYEL
WILLIAM I. LUYTEN
ERIC MANN
CHAT PATERSON
HARRY LOUIS SELDEN
JAMES H. SHELDON
WILLIAM L. SHIRER
PIERRE VAN PAASSEN
MAJ. M. WHEELER-NICHOLSON
MRS. BELLE MAYER ZECK
ADVISORY COUNCIL
GEORGE BACKER
KONRAD BERCOVICI
REV. ROELIF H. BROOKS
STUART CLOETE
MORRIS L. COOKE
RICHARD DE ROCHEMONT
WALTER D. EDMONDS
LIONEL GELBER
MARY B. GILSON
SHELDON GLUECK
ALBERT GUERARD
BEN HECHT
JOHN R. INMAN
FRANK E. KARELSEN. JR.
CHRISTOPHER LA FARGE
HAL LEHRMAN
MAJ. ERWIN LESSNER
MRS. DAVID ELLIS LIT
CLARENCE H. LOW
MRS. HAROLD V. MILLIGAN
HERBERT MOORE
LEWIS MUMFORD
ADELE NATHAN
LOUIS NIZER
QUENTIN REYNOLDS
LISA SERGIO
G. E. SHIPLER
CHARD POWERS SMITH
MRS. HIORDIS SWENSON
R. J. THOMAS
FRITZ VON UNRUH
CHICAGO
COURTENAY BARBER. JR.
MRS. ROBERT BIGGERT
J. J. ZMRHAL
LOS ANGELES
F. E. BROOKMAN
MAJ. JULIUS HOCHFELDER
SAN FRANCISCO
VERNON E. HENDERSHOT
ALBERT RAPPAPORT
SIDNEY ROGER
ST. LOUIS
1. LIONBERGER DAVIS
ALL OF THE ORIGINAL MATERIAL IN THIS BULLETIN MAY BE REPRINTED OR QUOTED
WITHOUT FURTHER PERMISSION UNLESS OTHERWISE INDICATED. CREDIT LINE TO
THE SOCIETY FOR THE PREVENTION OF WORLD WAR III IS DESIRED BUT NOT
NECESSARY. AS PART OF ITS EDUCATIONAL SERVICE, AND BECAUSE OF THE
PARTICULAR QUALIFICATIONS OF THE INDIVIDUAL. PREVENT WORLD WAR III PRINTS
FROM TIME TO TIME THE PERSONAL OBSERVATIONS OF MEMBERS OF THE BOARD
OF DIRECTORS AND ADVISORY COUNCIL ON TOPICS OF CURRENT INTEREST.
WILL TIIE U.N. SOLVE THIS PROBLEM'......
EDTI'ORIALS
WHO MAKES POLICY'..
END OT TIIE? POSTWAR WORLD
by II"alter Lip/mianaa
'LEBENSRAUM AFRIKA""
by 7 11. Te/en,
]'HE GRAB OF AFRICA (article from the
..America-Herold") - . 20
"DER WEG' (Dr. Johann von Leers and the Ex-Mufti)22
TWO WAR-COMMANDERS ON WAR AND PEACE 23
NASSER S "EXPENDABLES" . .-_._.__._ ...._._......_............ 24
VIEWS ON TIIE MIDDLE EAST _ -......... __............. ..........._.__..._... 30
SECRETARY DULLES AND THE ARAB PLOT
AGAINST ISRAEL
by G. F. I1arr1rnrl
ITEMS OF INTEREST 36
WHAT ABOUT THE GERMAN GENERAL STAFF? 40
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Published by the SOCIETY FOR THE PREVENTION OF WORLD WAR III, Inc.
515 Madison Avenue, New York 22. N. Y.
Tel.: PLaza 3.4985
Summer Issue, 1957
L Cctilt ,thle 21. 91 o oke JIZIA Pioawn ?
The situation in the Middle East continues to be
fraught with grave dangers to world peace. Unless posi-
tive and effective action is taken to thwart those forces
which wilfully keep tensions alive and to solve the burn-
ing issues in that area, mankind may be faced with the
awful spectre of World War III.
In the Society's statement "The U. N. and the Middle
East Crisis" (November 1956) the observation was made
that "for years it has been politically expedient for states-
men to pretend there was peace in this vital area." The
U. N. itself became the main vehicle through which the
real situation was concealed. Consequently, the U. N.
Charter, as it applied to the Middle East, was a virtual
dead letter.
When Britain, France and Israel embarked on military
operations against Egypt, the U. N. was quick to condemn
them. In retrospect, it is now clear that whatever one may
have thought about their moves, they focussed world
attention on a festering sore which had been eating away
at the prestige and usefulness of the United Nations.
For the first time since the State of Israel was born,
fundamental elements making for conflict in the Middle
East, are spotlighted. The "pure and simple aggression"
which originally described the military action, has lost:
much of its weight as the history of Nasser's endless
provocations and lawless deeds were catalogued before
the bar of world public opinion. Viewed in this light,
the conflict with Egypt can now be traced directly to the
insatiable ambitions of the Cairo "strong man."
It was mainly through the deceit of the Dictator and
his agents that the legitimate aspirations of the Arab
peoples were turned into an irrational force of hate and
enmity. The ceaseless harrassing of Israel marked by cold-
blooded physical violence and economic attrition was the
microcosm of the larger conflict between Nasser and the
West. If Israel could be forced to bend the knee, the
whole Middle East would fall into Nasser's lap, leading
to economic strangulation of our most reliable allies in
Western Europe. This was Nasser's calculation. If it had
been realized, U. S. security would have been placed in
the greatest jeopardy since Hitler's planned invasion of
the British Isles.
Nasser, of course, did not possess the wherewithal to
challenge the West without concrete help from outside
sources. Though a self-proclaimed anti-Communist, the
mutual advantages gained by Hitler and Stalin in their
1939 pact, could hardly be ignored by Nasser and his
top German advisors. Thus, the "mariage de convenance"
between Nasser and Khruchev was a logical and essen-
tial ingredient in the successful development of his plans.
All of the hidden ramifications of Nasser's" conspiracy
were disclosed by the short-lived military campaign. They
constituted nothing less than a major threat to world peace
and security. Yet, the initial reaction of U. S. policy
makers toward the conflict was essentially the continuation
of the old line. This position proved to be decisive during
the deliberations of the United Nations in November
1956. As in the past, the U. N. devoted its efforts to the
surface manifestations while glossing over the basic, issues
which had turned the Middle East into a caldron of
strife and unrest. However, the force of events and the
growing awareness of millions throughout the world who
may have been blinded by Nasser's cunning propaganda,
began to make their impression. Today, our policy makers
are beginning to "understand" that the real issues in the
Middle East crisis can no longer be swept under the rug.
What are some of the major problems which block
progress toward peace in the Middle East?
Nasser's policy of belligerency toward Israel: The
denial of Israel's sovereign rights through unlawful eco-
nomic blockade and acts of physical terror and attack run
counter to the U. N. Charter and violate resolutions
adopted by the Security Council. In terms of. its own
security, the West can no longer sit by and accept as a
matter of course Nasser's defiance on this question. In this
connection, a hopeful sign is the President's view that
"free and innocent passage" in the Gulf of Aqaba is in
accordance with international law. As a logical sequence
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to the President's position, support of all nations' rights
of passage through the Suez Canal, including Israel, must
be unequivocal.
The problem of the Arab refugees, For a number of
years Arab propaganda has endeavored to discredit Israel
as responsible for the miserable conditions of hundreds
of thousands of refugees. Yet, it is a matter of historical
record that the Israeli Government has time and again
offered to work out an equitable agreement with the Arab
states so as to alleviate the hardships of these unfor-
tunate people. It is also a matter of record that the Arab
leadership, egged on particularly by Nasser, has rejected
such overtures for negotiations. The reason is not hard to
find. The Arab leadership looks ulxOn these refugees as
pawns whose plight is to be exploited for ulterior motives.
The refugee problem would have never developed in
its present sharp form, had not the Arab leaders made
war on Israel in the first place, and having done so, in-
duced the Arabs living in Israeli territory to leave. That
the Arabs continue to stall on the question of providing a
just solution is indicated by reports of U. N. officials.
Fortunately, public opinion is getting to know these
facts and this is reflected in new efforts by the United
Nations as well as by our own representatives at the U. N.
to solve this problem in a concrete and just manner for
all concerned.
The continuation of hate-inciting propaganda: In
the No. 49 issue (Winter-Spring 1957) of Prevent World
War III the Society noted that Arab propaganda against
the West and Israel was a fundamental impediment to
the establishment of normal conditions in the Middle
East. "Those leaders who purvey poisonous propaganda,
help to create a climate of blind hatred which may prove
to be uncontrollable among peoples who are kept igno-
rant as to the real state of affairs. As a result, a change
from a policy of hostility to one of peace and mutual
accommodation becomes virtually impossible, even it-hen
the long term interests of the country concerned require
it. When a people are infected by artificially whipped up
hatred, those who are responsible for this state of mind
become prisoners of it. They are no longer able to act in a
statesmanlike manner which is im peratir e If the country's
welfare is to be safeguarded."
In this connection, it is interesting to note that anti-
American propaganda emanating from Egypt predates the
decision of our Government to withhold financial support
for the Aswan Dam project. Many people have been un-
der the impression that the Nasser regime began to talk
tough after that episode. The facts show that this is not
the case. For example, the Cairo Radio (October 11,
1955) denounced the Mutual Security Program as a
weapon by which the United States hoped to "penetrate"
the Middle East. On October 14, 1955, the Cairo Radio
proclaimed: "Justice and logic require that we now
defend Russia and attack America, which has shoran
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falsehood, deceit, and ill-1141I.-
The outpourings of poisonous propaganda against
the United States, the West and Israel continues un-
abated, particularly from Egypt and Syria. We cite below
a sampling of this propaganda which dominates the news-
papers and airways of these countries:
"It is being said that we peoples of the colonies
should support Christianity and fight for the democ-
racy of the Western states, threatened with being
uprooted. 'Are not these things the cause of the
oppression and servility a fflictin~ us?'
"But which states are detonating atomic and hy-
drogen bombs? The Christian Western states, which
are appealing to its to help them preserve their civ-
ilizatiorr. Whose civilization is responsible for dis-
crimination among people because of color? The
civilization of the Western states. 'These Western
states, whose Christian religion eulogizes fraternal
love and equality of human beings, are foremost in
destroyen the lives of their f eowmen in Japan,
Kenya, Algeria, Port Said, Malaya, South Africa,
and elsewhere. The same states were responsible for
the Jews seizing the property and homeland of the
people of Palestine.' " (Cairo Radio, 6-9-57.)
"'The former Jordanian government which was
to pled by the American imperialists with the help
o the palace and its plotting group was loyal to
t ese agreements.'
"The imperialists and their foster child Israel
received these agreements calling for cooperation
with hatred and anger. They continued working
with their agents in Jordan, as they still work with
their agents in Syria, until they were successful in
temporarily altering the situation in Jordan. They
destroyed the agreements of honor and glory, vio-
lated the principles of Arab policy, maltreated the
people, and filled the prisons with thousands of
detainees including officers, soldiers, and citizens."
(Syrian newspaper AN-NASIR quoted by the Cairo
Radio, 6-14-57.)
"Only a f eu' million dollars have thrown a national
government in Jordan out of office. Only a few mil-
lion emboldened the Lebanese Premier and Foreign
Minister. A f ewn millions convinced Nuri as-Said to
relinquish power after he had spread terrorism in
every inch of Iraq to prepare the way for his masters
for a new alliance.
"But do these leaders, these governments, and their
supporters at least know what they are worth in the
eyes of America? Did they ever consider how much
Israel is receiving compared with what they take
themselves, and what Israel is paying? They content
themselves with the crumbs while Israel is receiving
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billions. They sacrifice their interests and the future
of their countries. They sacrifice even their very
existence and expose themselves to the wrath of their
peoples, while Israel pays nothing unless realization
of its aims happens to result in a disadvantage to it."
(Egyptian newspaper ASH-SHAB, 6-17-57.)
The war-like character of this propaganda is obvious.
"It goes beyond the normal practices of exhortation to
patriotism as it whips the mind of the people into a state
of blind hatred" (The U. N. and the Middle East Crisis).
It creates a war psychosis.
Peace in the Middle East cannot be built in the path
of this hurricane of hate. Therefore, it should be a cardinal
task of western statesmanship to work for the curbing of
this propaganda.
Though the Middle East situation is in a state of flux
at the present time, there are signs that Nasser's game
is beginning to lose its effectiveness. Even those Arab
states which have provided an important base for Nasser"s
operations, are shying away from his domineering and
grasping tactics (see p. 24.) It is certain that Nasser will
try by all means to prevent the disintegration of his Pan-
Arabic scheme and, therefore, one must anticipate that
he will resort to desperate measures. The appearance of
contingents of the Russian Navy in Middle Eastern waters
and the delivery of Russian submarines to Cairo must be
viewed in this light. New provocations against the State
of Israel which has'tirelessly sought a peaceful settlement,
may be employed by Nasser so as to bolster his prestige.
Whatever Nasser's plans, however, they will fail if the
United States acts with determination. In concert with our
western allies, our Government should insist that the
United Nations grapples once and for all with the fun-
. . Nasser has used his merely nuisance
value more skillfully, by far, than Hitler or
Mussolini ever did. Hitler possessed the enorm-
ous industrial and military power of Germany
plus the discipline of the German people. Mus-
solini used to be called a sawdust Caesar, but
at least he had the military power to conquer
Ethiopia, Possibly even Ethiopia and demon-
strably Israel could conquer Egypt today, and
would gladly do so, if the Western powers
whom Colonel Nasser thwarts would stand aside
and give their permission.
"The crowning irony of the business is that
Colonel Nasser owes his security most to the
country whose interests he most injures.
"And yet it has been the United States which
has protected Colonel Nasser in his adventures
and which, saved him from the logical conse-
quences when Britain and France set out to
bring him down. He survives today in his palace
in Cairo by grace of Washington, and the UN,
the Soviet Union, and Asian-African opinion. It
takes real skill to parley such meager assets
into such power...
(Joseph C. Harsch, Christian Science Monitor, 3-27-57)
damental issues involved in the crisis.
The Society is under no illusions with regard to the
complexity and difficulties attending the situation in the
Middle East. Yet, we are confident that the United Na-
tions with the active support of the United States and all
freedom-loving countries can achieve positive results. In
this connection we advocate the adoption of a program
resting on the following principles:
1.. Unity of action in the Middle East with France
and England;
2. Protection of the sovereignty of all Middle East-
ern states, as envisioned by the Eisenhower Doc-
trine.
3. A fundamental Israeli-Arab settlement of out-
standing differences through peaceful negotia-
tions;
4. Insistence that all hate-inciting propaganda in
the Middle East against the West cease and that
Arab leaders publicly recognize the rights of the
Israeli people to live a normal economic life with
all of her neighbors;
5. A U. N. program to help the distressed Arab
refugees and to contribute to the development of
the resources of all the Middle Eastern countries.
If the actions of the United States are based on these
principles of justice, we shall have safeguarded our own
interests while, at the same time, given new faith and con-
fidence in the United Nations as man's best hope- for
world peace.
"I HAVEN'T LAID A HAND ON HER"
Courtesy, Washington Post
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jdttO)tktl4
WHO MAKES POLICY?
At the height of the Middle East crisis, Vice President
Nixon hailed the Administration's break with Anglo-
French policies as a "declaration of independence that
had an electrifying effect throughout the world."
Seven months later, Secretary Dulles announced that
"In anything which touched directly or indirectly upon
Germany and its prospects for reunification, we would
act only in the closest concert with Chancellor Adenauer."
The Nixon-Dulles pronunciamentos are essentially
linked to each other and reflect the present basis of U. S.
foreign policy.
The Chicago Tribune correspondent spelled out this
shift reporting on the Nato Conference in May of this
year, "Adenauer's talks today with Dulles added to the
impression in some quarters that a Bonn-Washington
tie-up had replaced the western big three of Britain, France,
and the United States as the prime movers behind the
Atlantic pact ...
"Observers said that there was no sign of reviving con-
sultations among the United States, Britain, and France,
a common practice before Britain and France launched
their ill-fated attack on Egypt.
"Even the Nato council statement last night reflected
the image of a Washington-Bonn axis in the emphasis
on German reunification, the observers said ..." (5-5-57)
Let it not be forgotten that the change in U. S. foreign
policy comes less than a dozen years after American GIs
shed their blood with our British and French Allies in
freedom's defense against German aggression.
The "Washington-Bonn Axis" received further support
during Adenauer's latest visit to the U. S. A. As a short-
term proposition his talks with the President and Secre-
tary of State were summed up by the London Economist,
"The aim of Dr. Adenauer's fifth visit to the U. S. was to
give a decisive boost to his election campaign. It has been
achieved." (6-1-57)
However, much more was accomplished by way of
lasting value to Adenauer and the Germans. The radio
commentator, Fulton J. Lewis, after praising Adenauer
effusively as one of the "greatest political leaders of the
century," declared that the conference in Washington
gave West Germany "a guaranty of veto power" over
American foreign policy.
That "veto power" culminates a trend that became
discernible shortly after the end of World War II. Thus,
by 1953 a German newspaper, the Deutsche Zeitung, was
able to report a popular quip making the round in Ger-
many, "Who makes Washington's European policy? Kon-
rad Adenauer in Bonn."
The accuracy of this "jest" became painfully clear on
the eve of the Summit meeting in Geneva in 1955. Ade-
naucr was not officially present, but his voice in Allied
councils was heard above all.
On the eve of the meeting, Business Week, 6-18-55,
observed that in the whole question of disarmament and
collective security "Adenauer will play a leading part" at
Geneva. This authoritative publication further reported
that the Chancellor "has been giving Eisenhower and
then Dulles, MacMillan and Pinay, a fill-in on the ne-
gotiating position he wants the West to take."
The course of the Geneva Conference and the reports
emanating therefrom indicated that Adenauer's hand de-
termined many of the major moves of the Allied powers.
When Anthony Eden put forth the idea of a demilitarized
zone in Europe, Adenauer vigorously protested. Accord-
ingly, the Allies dropped the plan. Adenauer's obstructive
tactics contributed in no small part toward the inconclu-
siveness of the Geneva meeting.
This was precisely the precondition for his own journey
to Moscow in September 1955 where he made his deals
with the Russians. Though Adenauer had blocked serious
consideration of the Eden plan, he welcomed the Russian
proposal of November 17th, 1956, which, in principle
at least, resembled Eden's idea. (N. Y. Times, 1-11-57)
Indeed, the Chancellor went further and called for the
prohibition of the use of thermonuclear weapons which
in the words of one U. S. official "is playing into the
Russian hands." (N. Y. Times, 1-11-57)
In early May of this year, Adenauer told the press
that his government would "gladly agree to (aerial) in-
spection." On May 21st, 1957, the Bulletin, published
by the Bonn Government, elaborated on Adenauer's view,
"The Federal Republic would agree to aerial inspection
of the Federal territory, provided that the 'open-skies' sys-
tem would also cover a corresponding area beyond the
Iron Curtain; such an aerial inspection would be only
the first step towards disarmament; therefore, the reuni-
fication of Germany is not considered by the Federal Gov-
ernment a prerequisite for trying out the 'open-skies'
plan,,."
It was only when disarmament negotiations in London
showed promise that the Chancellor hurried to Washing-
ton. Once again it was the Adenauer of the Geneva days.
He insisted that aerial inspection of Germany would have
to wait until the Russians showed greater inclination to go
forward on the reunification of Germany. As regards
future meetings of the Big Four Foreign Ministers, Ade-
nauer told the President that this might be permissible
following the "conclusion of an initial disarmament agree-
ment."
By blocking the aerial inspection plan, Adenauer had
automatically scuttled the possibilities of Big Four nego-
tiations even though, for the record, he said they were
permissible.
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As we go to press, Adenauer seems to have reversed
himself again, intimating that he might approve aerial
inspection for West Germany. Whether the new sommer-
sault is due to electioneering considerations, or serves as
a decoy to distract attention while he hamstrings disarma-
ment negotiations by other means, remains to be seen.
In any event, the twists and turns in Adenauer's tactics
have but one central objective, i.e., paralyze U. S. policy
while leaving the Chancellor free to bargain with the
Russians and to prove his usefulness to them.
This is the kind of diplomacy which has strong advo-
cates in Germany today. In this connection, the Christian
Science Monitor, 6-4-57, reported "with unanimity indica-
tive of common origin much of the press here, June 4,
advocated a more supple foreign policy for West Ger-
. We need have no illusions about the
difficulty of coming to an agreement among
ourselves and with Russia which would limit
and stabilize the competition in armaments. But
this is the central and overriding task today as
was the recovery of Western Europe ten years
ago.
"The task is certainly not to disarm while the
world is so divided. Perhaps it is not even to
reduce substantially the present scale of arma-
ments. The task is to bring the competition it-
self under international control before it be-
comes intolerably costly, and before the ten-
sions of the nuclear testing and of the threat of
nuclear war brings us to some breaking point.
(Walter Lippmann, N. Y. Herald Tribune, 6-18-57)
"The blunt, inside fact of the disarmament
talks is that Russia jumped and took over much
of the U. S. disarmament plan while the United
States was bickering over two things:
"1. Old Guard Republican prejudice against
modern Republican Harold Stassen as the dis-
armament negotiator.
"2. The traditional Dulles determination to
put Germany ahead of peace with Russia.
"The Secretary of State has always bowed
from the waist when anything German ap-
proaches, dating from the days when, as attor-
ney for New York banks he urged the American
public to invest in now worthless German bonds.
So when reelection-worried. Adenauer demand-
ed that German unification come before dis-
armament agreement, Dulles got jittery." .. .
Drew Pearson, 6-10-57)
many" . . . vis-a-vis the Soviets.
No matter what the rationalizations in defense of the
"Washington-Bonn Axis," the Society, for one, cannot
reconcile itself to a situation where vital aspects of our
foreign policy are subject to the "nods and nays" of an
alien politician representing a power which has twice
challenged our security and independence within one
generation.
Much has been said and written about the Status of
Forces Treaties which, according to critics, deprive our
servicemen abroad of their constitutional rights. Yet,.
hardly anyone has raised an eyebrow over the Adenauer-
Eisenhower communique which placed an official stamp on
Bonn's "veto" on foreign policies bearing upon the' very
security of our country.
"The French newspaper `Combat' writes as
follows to the appointment of General Dr.
Speidel to the command of Nato forces.
"'Above all let us not be plagued by the
childish argument,' even more despicable than
cynical, that Speidel was not a Nazi. If that
were true then the affair Speidel would only
be much worse. If, for a cause he did not be-
lieve in, he was responsible for having created
martyrs, he would be a monster. We want to
believe in Speidel's own interest that he was
a Nazi.'
"Let it be said that such an `exoneration' or
`de-nazification' is fairly bitter for a proven
anti-Nazi!"
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i&Df VU 6OAtWaJz IVDh.Y
By
WALTER LIPPMANN
The noted political analyst, Mr, )faller Lippnnann, has achieved an in.ernational
reputation for his brilliant conrnnentaires on international Affairs. In this connection,
the New Repablic psibli.rbed a survey by Mr. Lippmann prepared originally as a
Gideon D. Seymour Memorial lecture at the University of Minnesota. lt`'e have re-
printed what we believe to be the highlights of Mr. L. ppmann's analI is.
No one, I think, not even at the top of affairs and there-
fore on the inside of all of the available information, can
as yet see clearly, can as yet see as a whole, where we really
are and where we ought to go.
Everyone knows, of course, that we are in a time of rapid,
radical and complicated change. Now, in itself, change is far
from being a new experience for the generation to which I
belong. We have lived amidst great events for which we
were unprepared. We have become involved in wars which
we expected to stay out of. We have hoped great things from
victory and we have never seen a good peace. But now, if I
may put it that way, the world is changed for Americans,
not only in the degree of our involvement with the outer
world, but in the very kind of our involvement with the rest
of the world.
Throughout the 19th Century, and during the two world
wars of this century, we have thought that we were living
in one world. We have thought that this world had its po-
litical center in the western society, the society which con-
sists of Europe and the Americas, the society to which we
belong.
Even the most anti-imperialistic among us has assumed
this. We have supposed that all the nations--the old ones
who were breaking with the past, the new ones who were
emerging from colonial status--that all the nations would
have the same fundamental political ideals which we have,
not because they are our ideals but because these ideals are
universal.
The greatest and most fundamental change of our time is
that this picture of ourselves and of our place in the world
and of our role in the history of mankind is no longer valid.
The culture, the ideology of the western society is no longer
recognized as universal. It is challenged as it has not been
challenged since Christendom was challenged by the expan-
sion of Islam.
The one world which we always have taken for granted
in our thinking has been succeeded by many worlds. We now
live amidst these many worlds. They compete with one an-
other, they coexist with one another, They trade with one
another and, in varying degrees, they co-operate with one
another. This change from one world to several worlds is a
deep change. It is a change not only in what we think about
our foreign policy but in the very way that we have to think
about it....
When the war ended in 1918, we hoped and believed that
we had won a victory for the idea that the principles and
ideals of the Western society are universal. Woodrow Wil-
son proclaimed a world order. But it was a world order based
on our Western principles and ideals. Moreover, it was to
be an order in which the nations of the North Atlantic re-
gion would continue to be the political leaders of mankind ...
We now know that this was a brilliant illusion. Both
France and Britain were profoundly weakened by their fear-
ful losses in the First World War. As representatives of the
Western philosophy, they were challenged as imperialists
over all Asia and Africa. We did not know this in 1918.
We took it for granted that with American military and fi-
nancial help the worldwide predominance of the Atlantic
community would continue.
In the Second World War, the role played by the United
States was no longer that of an associated power bringing up
the reinforcement, and the reserves. But before Pearl Har-
bor, and before we actually entered the Second World War,
we still thought of ourselves in terms of World War I. We
used to talk, you may remember, about aiding the Allies to
defend America. In fact, however, it was soon plain that we
must take up the whole burden of the war in the Pacific,
including the defense of Australia and of New Zealand. In
Europe, the French Army had been defeated and Great Britain
was under violent assault and strained to the limit. We had
not only to supply the weapons and other economic neces-
sities, but we had to raise a great army ourselves.
The difference between the two world wars is marked by
the fact that in the second, as distinguished from the first,
the supreme commanders on sea and on land were Ameri-
cans. Nevertheless, until World War 11 ended, we could still
believe-perhaps I should say that we tried still to believe-
that when Britain and France and Western Europe recovered
from the damages of the war, the North Atlantic community
would still be the political center of the world.
I venture to believe that in the last analysis this was the
underlying assumption in the minds of both Churchill and
Roo-evelt at the close of the war. They believed that with
Britain and America acting as partners, they could handle
Russia and have the deciding voice in the postwar settlement.
They were mistaken....
The greatest powers with which we have to concern our-
selves are no longer in the North Atlantic region. They arc
in eastern Europe and in Asia. While the welfare of the
Atlantic community is a close and vital interest of the United
States, the Atlantic community is no longer the political
center of the world. We are living mnidst the decline of
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Britain as one of the leading powers of the world, and we
find ourselves without a powerful ally in the face of the new
powers of eastern Europe and of Asia and of Africa... .
As a result of the Yalta conference the world was divided.
into two great spheres of influence. In the one sphere, where
the Soviet Union was supreme, Stalin tried to create a new
Russian Empire. This empire was founded primarily on the
power of the Red Army. In fact, the empire was the territory
occupied by the Red army. Stalin's purpose was to make the
people of Eastern Europe docile satellites or colonies of the
new Russian Empire.
The other sphere comprised the rest of the world. It was
an unorganized collection of old and new states. It consisted
not only of Western Europe, Latin America, and the United
States, but also of the old European empires, which then ex-
tended across North Africa, Egypt, and the Middle East
through India and Southeast Asia to the Dutch Empire in
Indonesia. In this sphere, the United States took the ini-
tiative in trying to make sure that the Soviet Union did not
extend its empire.
As the principal military arm of the Communist sphere
was the Red army, so the principal military arm of the non-
Communist sphere was the United States Strategic Air Force
equipped with atomic bombs.
This situation lasted until about 1950, as long as only the
Soviets had an effective army and only the United States had
the atomic bomb. In this uneasy balance of power, the Red
army was supreme on the ground in all of Europe and Asia;
the United States Strategic Air Force was supreme in the air
over Europe and Asia. Each acted as a deterrent on the other.
As against an invasion by the Red army, Western Europe was
wholly defenseless. Yet the Red army did not and could not
overrun Western Europe. It was contained because the Krem-
lin knew what the United States Air Force could do to
Russian cities.
On the other hand, one might say vice versa, the United
States was held in check by the Red army. Let me say a word
about how we were held in check. The very highest Ameri-
can military authorities knew that if we struck at the Rus-
sian cities, the Red army, which was already in Eastern Eu-
rope, would overrun Western Europe. It would occupy the
countries of Western Europe against which we could not use
the atomic bomb, countries such as Western Germany, the
Netherlands, Belgium and France. When the Red army did
that it would destroy the existing governments. It would liqui-
date the existing leaders in all classes and, before it could be
forced to retire, it would probably destroy the big cities and
the industrial plants of Western Europe.
This was the postwar stalemate, the Red army as against
the atomic bomb....
It was when he realized this, that President Eisenhower
made his historic declaration that there is now no alternative
to peace. The Russians had also realized what the revolution
in military weapons meant. This common realization in
Moscow and Washington led to the famous meeting at the
summit, which took place in Geneva a year and a half ago,
in July of 1955. At that meeting, Russia and the United
States acknowledged publicly to each other and before the
11. . . Contrary to widespread assumptions in
the United Nations and in Washington, the issue
is not originally the result of Israel's armed in-
vasion of Egypt. The issue was raised by Egypt's
long-standing insistence on maintaining a `state
of war' with Israel and implementing it by both
guerrilla raids and a double blockade in the
Suez Canal and the Strait of Tiran. It was this
Egyptian maintenance of a `state of war' and
the exercise of belligerent rights which Egypt
derives therefrom that resulted in Israel's military
counter-action. Egypt has made no public move
or promise to end the `state of war' or to re-
nounce the belligerent rights.
"The Egyptian claim to belligerent rights un-
der its self-proclaimed `state of war' against
another United Nations member is both absurd
and illegal. It is ruled out not only by the
Charter, which bars the use or threat of force in
settling international disputes, but also by the
armistice agreement of 1949, which Secretary
General Hammarskjold interprets as a virtual
nonaggression pact. It was specifically rejected
by the Security Council in 1951, when it denied
Egypt any belligerent blockade rights....
"In these circumstances it would seem that
the first duty of the United Nations should be to
call on Egypt to end the `state of war' and
renounce its claim to belligerent rights as a first
condition of peace in the Middle East. . . .
(Editorial, N. Y. Times, 2-26-57)
"DO YOU THINK WE'VE GOTTEN ANY CLOSER?"
Courtesy, Washington Post
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world that with the advent of the new weapons they could
not, they would not, they dared not contemplate war.
At the time of the Geneva meeting, we were all aware
that, beyond these mutual declarations against war, there
were no serious agreements reached, or even brought any
nearer, on any of the great practical issues of the time-
on, for example, the reunification of the two Germanies, on
the problem of the status of the satellites in Eastern Europe,
on the future of the Middle East.
There is no way of telling whether or not the opportunity
existed to go on from Geneva to settlements of some of
these problems. If the opportunity existed, it was missed.
On our side, the President fell ill and was unable for some
time to take the initiative in foreign affairs. On the other
side, the Russians stood pat and were unyielding. We do not
know what might have been. But what has actually hap-
pened is that while we have come no nearer to settlements
in Europe, in the Middle East and in the Far East, there has
been a rapid disintegration of empires and of alliances.
We can see what has happened to the French in North
Africa and the British in the Middle East. We know from
what has happened in Poland and in Hungary that the Soviet
empire in eastern Europe is undermined, and that the Soviet
military system, which is known as the Warsaw Pact, is
profoundly affected. We know that if NATO is going to
survive, it is going to have a very different future from what
we expected.
A few months ago, at the end of October, the course of
events, which I have been describing, burst into violence. It
is a remarkable fact, which historians will long be studying
and trying to explain, that the explosion in Hungary and the
explosion in Egypt took place at approximately the same
time. The fact that the two explosions came so very close
together may not have been a mere accident. It may well be
that the Israeli Government decided to strike when it saw
that the Soviet Union was deeply entangled by the rebellion
in Hungary. But the two explosions would not have hap-
pened if both in Eastern Europe and in the Middle East the
situation had not become explosive. These two explosions
marked the disintegration of the postwar world... .
There will remain the fundamental stalemate between the
Soviet Union and the United States, the stalemate which was
recognized by the President and the Soviet leaders at Geneva
in 1955.
In all probability, neither of the superpowers will decide
deliberately to make war against the other. On the other
hand, both in Europe and in the Middle East, there are very
grave issues which, if they cannot be settled by negotiation,
may burst into violence. They may become uncontrollable,
and they could involve Russia and America in a war they
are both trying to avoid... .
The supreme question is whether we can, by a great effort
of statesmanship, negotiate a settlement which averts these
dangers. I am not saying that we can. But at least one can
imagine such a settlement. It will have to be a settlement
negotiated by the Western Powers with the Soviet Union
and ratified by the two Germanies. It will have to provide
for the reunification of the two Germanies. It will have to
provide for the gradual but nevertheless definite evacuation
of the European Continent up to the Soviet frontier by the
Red Army in the cast, and by the British and American
Armies in the west. Only in this way can Poland, Hungary,
and the other satellites be liberated.
But that will not be enough. The withdrawal of the armies,
the unification of Germany, the liberation of the satellites
will be possible, will be conceivable-only if we can con-
struct by negotiation an all-European security system which is
underwritten by the Soviet Union and the United States. It
will have to be a sytsem which guarantees the European
nations among themselves, and particularly against a revived
and reunited Germany. It will have to be a system which
guarantees all of Europe against Russia, and it will have to
be one which guarantees Russia against Europe. Within such
a European system there ought to develop an all-European
economy, and beyond that-on the far horizons of hope-
the prospect of a European political confederation.
In my view the issue of war and peace will be decided
primarily in Europe, and, so to speak, along the line of
Iron Curtain. The greatest question in the world is whether
Europe can cease to be divided and can become united by
negotiation and peaceable means.
I would go so far as to say that if we could engage the
Russians in a serious negotiation which looked to a general
European settlement, the problem of the Middle East would
become-I won't say soluble-but manageable. I say this
because Russia is not vitally interested in the Middle East.
She does not need the oil, and she cannot be invaded from
the Middle East. Russia is, however, vitally interested in
Europe, particularly in Germany and in Poland, and it is
there in Europe that we must make a settlement or live in
continual danger of a gigantic war.
When I look into the future I think of this country as
having two great missions to perform. The one is to bring
about the European settlement I have just been describing.
On this, as I have just said, depends the issue of peace or
war. From such a settlement would come a new Europe, a
Europe which had lost its empires overseas but had found a
new strength, security, and prosperity in its own unity. Our
other mission is, I firmly believe, to work out a new rela-
tionship between the Western nations and the newly emanci-
pated peoples of Africa and Asia. The imperial and colonial
age is over. The age which is to follow is only in its dim
beginnings, and it is our mission to play a leading part in
working out the terms on which the peoples of the East and
the peoples of the West can live side by side in confidence, in
security, and in mutual respect.
"An historic incident occurs this week. The
Nato council gathers in Bonn for its first meet-
ing in Germany.
"The event illustrates the ominous extent to
which Germany has penetrated Now. Already a
German officer, General Speidel, commands the
Western allies" armies.
"Germany is rearming even faster after
Hitler's war than she did after the Kaiser's.
German divisions are multiplying. The Luftwaffe
is re-forming with jets. In Britain these de-
velopments rouse deep misgivings.
"The rearming of Germany is a foolhardy
policy. It should never have been sanctioned."
(Daily Express, London, 4-29-57)
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Arabic editions of Hitler's book "Mein Kampf"-"Kifari"
-were found among the personal possessions of some Egyp-
tian officers captured by the Israelis during the Sinai cam-
paign. These editions described (e.g., in the Kolnische
Rundschau, 25-11-56) as. "nine-volume kitbag editions," were
published over a number of years .. .
The contents are not only extracts from the book but il-
lustrations from Hitler's life and the glamorous Nazi Party
Rallies at Nuremberg.
Hitler's book was brought to Arab notice for the first time
in 1934 when the Iraqi periodical The Arab World, Bag-
dad, printed extracts in instalments. Two years later an Arabic
version was available there, and towards the end of 1938
another version, translated by Ali Mohammed Mahbub,
appeared in Cairo (Commercial Publishing House. 250 pp.:),
with the author's full length portrait presented on the cover
as "the strongest man in the world ..."
Extolling Nazi "Anti-Communism"
Apart from "Mein Kampf," Nazi ideas were spread among
Arabs as early as 1934 in a eulogistic biography of Hitler
published in Cairo: "Adolf Hitler, National Socialist Leader.
The Jewish Question" (Egyptian Books Publishing Co. 1934.
166 pp.). The author, Ahmad Mahmoud Sadati, made up his
14 chapters almost entirely of German Nazi literature un-
aided by any first-hand knowledge of his own or other un-
biased evidence. His sources which he faithfully listed at the
beginning, included, in addition to "Mein Kampf," Goering's
"Germany Reborn"; "Wie Adolf Hitler der Fiihrer wurde,"
by Czech-Jochberg; "Die Juden," by Gottfried Feder; "Be-
waffneter Aufstand (Der Kommunismus in Deutschland),"
by Adolf Ehrt, also "Nazi Germany Explained," by Vernon
Bartlett ...
"Nasser, the Hitler of the Arab World"
In its regular column of extracts from the international
press, Die Welt, Hamburg, 12-10-56, reprints from the not
otherwise widely known "organ of the Moslem Brotherhood"
. As the days go by, I wish more and
more that the U. S. would make the effort to
come to an agreement with the Soviet Union by
which neither of these two countries would pro-
vide any arms to Near Eastern countries.
"This would remove all question of attempts
on either side to control these nations, and we,
could leave the inspection to the UN forces so
that we would be sure no arms were coming in
surreptitiously.
"These nations could then proceed to receive
economic aid from either the Soviet Union or
the U. S. for projects to improve the standard
of living of the people of their countries. . . ."
(Eleanor Roosevelt, N. Y. Post, 4-16-57)
at Damascus, Mannar, a passage entitled "Praise for Hitler."
Commenting on the fact that Colonel Nasser is sometimes
called in Britain and France "the Hitler of the Arab World,"
Mannar is quoted as having said: "It must not be forgotten
that, in contrast to Europe, Hitler occupies a respected place
in the Arab world. His name arouses in the hearts of our
movement sympathy and enthusiasm. These sentiments are
due not to his aggressiveness and greed for power but to the
fact that he beat down our traditional enemies, Britain and
France. The whole Arab world was pleased at the time when
France was routed by the Nazis; it was regarded as retribu-
tion for the imperialist crimes which the French still keep
committing.
"If this is the way we feel about Hitler, the Nazi who is
no blood relation of ours, how much more must we support
a Leader who has risen from among the Arabs themselves and
is inflicting defeat after defeat on the Western Powers, our
eternal enemies? Blessed be the Arab people who succeeded
in producing, from its own midst, a 'Hitler' who has shown
that the Arab nation is entitled to an honourable place in
the family of nations and that its sovereignty and freedom
must be recognised. The British and French journalists are
mistaken if they think they can hurt our feelings by calling
Nasser 'Hitler of the Arab world.' On the contrary, that title
fills our heart with pride. Long live Hitler the Nazi who
shot his arrows into the heart of our enemies; long live the
Hitler of the Arab world who opened to his people the gates
to glory and eternity!"
This passage from the journal of the Moslem Brotherhood
at Damascus, quoted by Die Welt, was prominently reprinted
in the monthly magazine of the former Waffen-SS members,
Wiking-Ruf, November 1956.
(Condensed, Courtesy, The Wiener Library)
* The cover of the Arab version of "Mein Kampf" was reproduced in
the No. 49 Issue of Prevent World War III.
"ROW, ROW YOUR BOAT"
Rosen in The Albany Times-Union
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3h0yn /!lrcchruc ,ta Cd'zo
The Middle East crisis is an extremely complicated problem made all the more difficult by outside influences
including the nefarious activities of Soviet agents. However, it is a fact that German influences have also been operating
in this area with considerable efJectiveneu, Pan-Germans and former Nazis have gained important positions in a
number of Middle Eastern states, particularly Egypt. Prevent World War III has published detailed accounts of this
development in the Nos. 41 and 47 issues. Additional information on the role of f oriner Nazis in the Nasser Gov-
ernment is contained in an exclusive report published by the National Jewish Monthly (February 1957). These dis-
closures deserve to be pondered by all liberty-loving Americans and it is with this in mind that we have reprinted the
report.
The violent actions taken by Nasser 's
government against British, French and
stateless Jews resident in Egypt, the con-
fiscation of their property, and their de-
portation on from 9 to 72 hours' notice,
have provided the press with a flood of
news which overshadowed the ominous
fate that looms over the na:ive Egyptian
Jewish community of more than 10,000
individuals.
This ancient Jewish community is be-
ing systematically pauperized, maltreated,
and interned together with common
criminals in unspeakable places of de-
tention. Together with the remainder of
Egyptian Jews, they are left at the mercy
of the State Security Cadre (SSC),
which seems to be as precise a copy of
the German Nazi Sicherheitsdienst as
Egyptian inexactitude permits. This unit
is the military junta's forceful arm which
is responsible for Egypt's actions and
policies to a far greater extent than is
generally known.
The Commander-in-Chief of the SSC
is Lt. Col. Al Nacher, formerly SS-Gros-
saktionsleiter Leopold Gleim, who was
the Commander-in-Chief of the Nazi
government's SD-Geheimgarde.
Addressing a luncheon in Cairo given
in his honor by the representatives of the
League for (East) German-Arab Broth-
erhood (Al-akhwah al-Almaniyah l'Ara-
biyah, i.e., Deutsch-Arabischer Bruder-
schaftsverband) on December 17, 1956
---Gleim frankly pointed out the sig-
nificance of the SSC as the "backbone
of Egypt's protective apparatus against
the aggressive elements of Zionism and
Imperialism." lie thanked the League
for its "vast help extended to this young
State-a most significant contribution to
the mutual ei7orts in the strengthening
and stabilizing of Germano-Arabic
friendship and relations."
Later on, during more intimate talks
with members of the Brudcrschaft-
conducted in Hochdeutsch and made ge-
rnutlich by cigars, Bourbon, and coffee-
Gleim gave, an outline of his unit's short
history and structure, This outline, when
pieced together with additional facts
on hand and the already known pro-
cedures of the Cadre's activities, sketches
a tolerably clear picture of the Egyptian
version of Nazism, which found in Egypt
ideal conditions for its recrudescence.
The plan for the SSC was drawn up
by "several technical advisers of German
origin," approved by the Ministry of In-
terior. The Cadre headquarters were set
up in Cairo, and its administration
handed over to the 6,249 "arabized"
Nazis presently in Egypt (aided by per-
haps 70,000 Egyptians). According to
Gleim, the unit consists of the following
departments:
A : The Public Relations
Department. (PR-Dpi.)
The executive positions in this section
are entirely manned by Germans who are
holding Arab passports. The PR-Dpt. is
headed by SS-Gruppenlcitcr Moser, a
Sudeten German who has now assumed
the name of 1-lussa Nalisman. His right-
hand man is SA-Gruppenleiter Buble,
now arabized into Amman.
The propaganda machine operates
with German precision, according to the
Goebbels-Stuermcr pattern. Its main tar-
get for attacks is, of course, the Jews.
Egyptian youth has been responding en-
thusiastically to this propaganda.
The PR-Dpt. has branches in Berlin
(East and West), Vienna, Stockholm,
Helsinki, Rome, Milan and Bordeaux; it
commands special squads of vans with
loudspeakers, which cruise throughout
Egypt constantly inciting again-t Ameri-
can, British, French, Imperialistic or
Zionist Jews--the adjective changing
with the broadcaster's mood; and it also
owns an independent broadcasting sta-
tion which assiduously cultivates the en-
tire Arab world.
A flood of anti-Semitic literature is
being published and distributed in the
Middle East and Europe. Egypt's recent
bestseller, however, was the new, popular
edition of "Kefahi," the Arabic transla-
tion of Hitler's "Mein Kampf." This is
an abridged, illustrated version which
contains photo-reproductions beginning
with Hitler's picture as a corporal in
Hindenburg's army and up to his cock-
posing as the Fuehrer.
The complete and unabridged version
of "Mein Kampf" was first translated
into Arabic in 1951 by the Syrian jour-
nalist, author, and owner of the Beirut
Printing & Publishing House, Louis al-
Haj, formerly Luis Heiden, director of
Die Reidisdeutsche Presseagentur, Berlin.
Vulgar, colorful posters featuring the
Israeli soldier as a bearded villain who
bayonets an Egyptian baby, are blooming
in many Egyptian towns. These posters
urge the people of Egypt to rise in Jihad
-the Holy War-against "the Zionist
threat to Islam."
Egyptian youth is being assiduously
educated for militarism. One of the out-
standing examples of this campaign is
the target-tent pitched opposite the SSC-
HQ in Cairo's Liberty Square, where
schoolboys are given an interest in usage
of arms,
The PR-Dpt. also has a very special
branch: the Youth Club of the Deutsch-
Arabischer Bruderschaftsverband. Twice
weekly this Club has a closed session,
when many Egyptian youngsters are
sworn in by the Club's chairman, Hussa
Nalisman. This requires only one more
comment: Colonel Abdul Nasser is the
Honorary President of the Club, and had
been sworn in as member No. 3.
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B : The Economic Department.
(EGDpt. )
The EC-Dpt., now so strongly associ-
ated with Jewish affairs, is a close enough
translation of the SS-Wirtschaftsamt, and
it operates on a similar basis. This De-
partment was founded on February 2,
1954; it controls the SSC treasury, which
is independent of the Government's Ex-
chequer. Apart from the annual allow-
ance granted to the SSC from the Gen-
eral Defense Budget, this treasury ab-
sorbs a considerable income from prod-
ucts of prison workshops throughout
Egypt.
The archives of the EC-Dpt. have a
"Jewish Section" with a register of all
Jewish property in Egypt. It contains
up-to-date information on this vital sub-
ject, which has riow become a major
source of revenue to the SSC treasury.
Upon the expulsion of thousands of for-
eign and stateless Jews from Egypt, the
EC-Dpt. cashed in 14 million Egyptian
Pounds in currency, policies, and securi-
ties, and 27 million Pounds of real prop-
erty and assets abandoned by the Jewish
deportees. It is worthwhile noting that
the majority of deported Jews had been
very rich; this explains why there was no
mass deportation of all foreign and
stateless Jews, and why individual ex-
pulsion warrants were issued. The poorer
stateless Jews have been left over, "to be
dealt with later on"-as Colonel Abd-al-
Qadir Hatem explained.
Colonel Hatem, of the EC-Dpt., de-
clared that "not a single piaster or brick
has been confiscated, as the Zionist lies
alleged. We have documentary proof that
property and currency abandoned by peo-
ple who had to leave Egypt were volun-
tarily assigned to the administration of
the EC-Dpt."
Another interesting branch of the EC-
Dpt. is the Public Sales Center in Cairo.
Whatever remained in the residences
which the Jewish deportees ."voluntarily"
assigned to the administration of the
EC-Dpt.-furniture, clothes, paintings,
refrigerators, radios, entire libraries, etc.
-is being auctioned off. It brings to the
SS treasury weekly profits ranging from
500 to 3,000 Egyptian Pounds.
C : Secret State Police
That name rings a bell somewhere. If
translated into German it would be Ge-
heime Staats Polizei; and if abbreviated:
Ge-Sta-Po. Its duties are now carried out
by Army intelligence.
The major section of this Department
is the center of the Egyptian Intelligence
Service. Next to it is a section headed
by Lt. Col. Ben Salem, former SS-Bann
fuehrer Bernard Bender, who owing to
his knowledge of the Yiddish language,
was during the war Chief of the Gestapo
Special Branch for detection of Jewish
underground movements in Poland and
Russia, and who is now playing an im-
portant role in Egypt's "economic and
political administration." He is also the
liaison between the Secret State Police
MVNAy !
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1.8LOCKA OF
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2. INCITEMENT To
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3DEErR YS ISRAEL
4. THEFT OF A
CANAL
and the EC-Dpt.
Nevertheless Lt. Col. Ben Salem is a
very modest man, and while entertaining
some of the young East-German visitors
he declared "I never wear a uniform be-
cause it makes one look more important
than he really is." This is a moot matter,
because in addition to all his known and
unknown tasks, humble Ben Salem is
also Chief of the Interrogation Center
of the SSC, better known to the Egyp-
tions and to the Egyptian Jews in par-
ticular as "The Floating Hell."
The Floating Hell is an old, 12,000-
ton cargo vessel, the former Italian "Ma-
rinajo Rosso," which has been converted
into a floating prison of 80 cells where,
according to Ben Salem, "only cases of
special interest" are being held. The sole
"practical device for bringing out the
truth" which he was prepared to exhibit,
was the recording center in the vessel's
former radio cabin, from which a net-
work of hidden microphones reaches all
the cells. Thus, every word uttered dur-
ing the interrogations or at intervals,
while prisoners are together, is recorded.
The recording center is operated by
two men only: tight-lipped Sergei Klin-
ikin from Odessa; and his subordinate,
Alexei Morganoff, a true Moscovite with
an enchanting smile, huge feet, and a
Swiss watch. Both have served under
Ben Salem ever since General Vlassoff
changed flags. Only . . . that was about
all one could get out of them.
The Floating Hell performed a great
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service for Egypt by helping the famous
Jewish banker, Mr. Elie Politi, succumb
there to the interrogation methods, and
sign a document that he had voluntarily
assigned 112,000 Pounds-all he pos-
sessed. The Floating Hell was also where
Lt. Col. Ben Salem had been "most de-
lighted to be able personally to handle
the affairs of an Egyptian publisher, a
Jew named Mr. Salama."
(Late news dispatches indicated that
their confiscated businesses have been re-
stored to a small number of Jews in
Egypt-Editor.)
Early in November the first phase of
Salem's "Solution of the Jewish-Zionist
Problem" began to take shape:
Conducting 3,000 men of the SSC
Executive Force (municipal police units,
plainclothes men, and army squads), SS-
Grossaktionsleiter Gleim personally su-
pervised the combing of the Cairo and
Alexandria rural districts, throughout
the duration of the curfew. This action
resulted in the seizure of 1,711 native
Jews-men, women and children-inclu-
sive of the six Jewish fellahin families of
Mit Ghammar, who are the last survivors
of a Jewish community believed to have
lived there since 90 B.C.E.
During this action, looting, rapine,
and eight killings were reported and
confirmed. The officers in charge "re-
gretted the incident which resulted due
to the refusal of the subjects to follow
instructions."
These captives have been classified as
"Prisoners Category Alif (A)" and con-
centrated in the southern wing of the
famous French-built prison, Des Bar-
rages, in Cairo. No charges were made
against them, but on the way to prison,
all captives (exclusive of pregnant
women and mothers of children below
the age of 10) were handcuffed. The
northern wing of Des Barrages is packed
with "potential deportees" i.e., Jews who
have no Egyptian nationality.
The sanitary conditions in which those
prisoners are being held should be of
speical interest to those members of the
UN and of the International Red Cross
who, during interviews with foreign cor-
respondents in Cairo, denied any knowl-
edge of such conditions or of the above-
mentioned arrests.
Cells intended for 10 persons pres-
ently shelter 30; and Cell No. 73 is
packed with 38 male Jewish prisoners
"because they have their own water-
closet," as explained by the Chief War-
den, Iladji Mustaffa Ibn-Aziz, who is
very friendly but responsive to bakshirh
only so far as "matters of non-political
nature are concerned, because now-a-days
politics are dangerous."
The male prisoners are not allowed
out of their cells. Their sole opportunity
to breathe some fresh air is while they
carry out the watcrbuckets---a task ea-
gerly done every morning in rotation by
a couple of prisoners-and while fetch-
ing food and water.
The daily rations consist of 500 grams
of Pittah-bread and two litres of soup
per head. Water (two litres per head)
is being distributed only once daily, in
the morning, and the male prisoners
must drink it all at once, because they
are not permitted to keep any containers
in their cells.
Women Are Treated Better
The female prisoners are granted 20
minutes a day to walk in the prison
courtyard, and mothers may, in addition
to that, spend half an hour daily with
their children, who have been accom-
modated very comfortably in the former
recreation hall for prison personnel.
Mothers with babies up to the age of
three are kept in the prison dispensary
and have beds to sleep on. The babies
are being provided with adequate and
appropriate food and with daily rations
of fresh milk.
The 18,000 Alexandria Jews (among
them some 6,000 natives) classified as
"Category Ba (B)" suffered an attack
which completely crushed their economic
life. Alexandria's Military Governor,
Col. Husseini, imposed under Security
Act penalties, a permanent curfew which
lasts from 5 p.m. to 9 a.m., and from
11 a.m. to 3 p.m. The rest of the time
is left for purchase of food which is
usually bought with funds obtained
through the sale of jewelry or other per-
sonal assets, because by order of the
SSC. EC-Dpt., 93 percent of every Jew-
ish bank account has been blocked "until
the position of Category Ba is clarified."
Colonel llatem elucidated this hazy
statement as follows: "The Alexandria
Jews are known to have strong connec-
tions with Israel; but since we cannot
bring them to justice without concrete
proof and simultaneously cannot let them
endanger the State Security by letting
them carry on with their underground
activities, we are forced to take some
slight precautions.
These are the "slight" precautions:
All Arab enterprises have dismissed
their Jewish employees without any com-
pensation whatsoever-as per govern-
ment orders.
Most Jewish enterprises, including the
Cicurel Stores and down to small shops,
were taken over and only those few Jews
who have inter-married were permitted
to continue, but they closed their shops
"voluntarily" because they were picketed
by the Moslem Brotherhood and their
show-windows were stoned. Any custom-
ers who attempted to enter Jewish shops
were assaulted.
All Jewish professionals in Alexandria
(with the exception of a few dentists)
have been forbidden to practice. 710
prominent Jewish personalities, including
a relative of Mrs. Mendes-France, Mr.
Guy Cicurel, former President of the
Maccabi, and Mr. E. Levy, President of
Egypt's Stock Exchange Board, as well
as most of the Jewish doctors, have been
arrested. According to rumors, they will
be tried on charges of treason in a closed
session of the Supreme Military Court.
The Cairo Jewish community, how-
ever, is undergoing an even greater
crisis:
All the Jewish schools have been
closed, all communal activities paralyzed.
The Jewish hospital has been taken over
by Arab authorities and all Jewish per-
sonnet and patients, regardless of their
condition, were ejected on one hour's
notice. Relatives of some of the more
serious cases applied for their admission
to Arab hospitals, but met with refusal.
Five hundred Cairo Jewish men have
been indefinitely interned in the English
Grammar School, which was closed down
and converted into a detention center
with the outbreak of the Suez Canal
crisis. Their wives and children, totalling
622, are held captive and 456 Jewish
men, women and children are confined
in the Hadrah Prison. 830 Cairo Jews
are being held in the ruins of Qalat al-
Qahira, outside the City. Three of these
prisoners were "shot while attempting to
escape"-the old Nazi gimmick. It was,
however, not explained how they hap-
pened to be shot inside the dead-end
underground passage of the ruins where
six mutilated bodies of Jewish girls were
also found.
"This Is Only the First Phase"
Being literally under house-arrest, im-
posed on them by the curfew, the re-
maining Cairo Jews are subjected to
frequent raids of the Moslem Brother-
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hood. And over all this looms Nasser's
State Security Cadre with its iron grip.
Its commander, SS-Grossaktionsleiter
Gleim, smilingly declared in front of
his young German visitors that "this is
only the first phase."
It can therefore be easily guessed that
the "Second Phase" will be the comple-
tion of Ben Salem's "Solution of the
Jewish-Zionist problem within territories
of Sovereign Egypt"-a work which is
now being implemented through five
newly-established concentration camps:
the Heliopolis Fortress, destined to ab-
sorb 2,000 internees; the Gizeb Barracks,
which served during World War 11 as a
P. O. W. camp, able to shelter 10,000
prisoners; two former army training cen-
ters, the Mustaffa Hanun-Pasha Barracks
near Almaza City, originally built for
16,000 men, and the Borg al-Arab Bar-
racks near Alexandria, which once shel-
tered two divisions of recruits.
A Grim Concentration Camp
The most threatening of all, however,
is the fifth concentration camp: the Sa-
marra Baracks in the Suheilla region of
the desert, 200 miles west of Cairo. Thistried to leave Egypt, but Nasser's gov-
". . When Egypt, in clear violation of her
commitments and in defiance of the United Na-
tions, excluded from the Suez Canal all ship-
ping that served Israel, we did not bring pres-
sure to bear on her. On the contrary, we con-
tinued to give her economic and military assist-
ance, which we planned to increase. When
Egypt conducted armed raids into Israeli ter-
ritory and prepared for the day when she might
conquer Israel, we refrained from urging en-
forcement actions that would have set all Asia
against us. Here enforcement was not virtually
impossible, as in the case of Hungary, but it
was inexpedient.
`.`in the light of these facts is it proper to say
that, in forcing the Anglo-French retreat, we
were simply applying to our European friends
a policy of enforcement which we had thereto,
fore been applying to our opponents and to the
nations of Asia? Or would it be more accurate
to say that we could afford to enforce the law
on our friends and clients, who were at our
mercy-that we might even profit in Asia by
doing so-while we could not afford to enforce
it against the Soviet Union in Hungary, and the
price of enforcing it against the uncommitted
peoples of Asia would be higher than we found
it expedient to pay? . . ."
camp, only recently vacated by the 3rd
Regiment of the Egyptian Liberation
Army (the unit which, commanded by
Col. Nasser in 1948, withstood the Is-
raeli attacks on Faluja) is now being
converted at a cost of 17,000 Egyptian
Pounds, and patterned on photo-copies
of the original plan of the infamous
Nazi "Medizinisches Versuchlager Man-
nerheime bei Dachau," otherwise known
as "Block 10," where hundreds of Jew-
ish girls were sterilized. The photo-copies
of the original plan of this camp were
supplied to the SSC by Karl Clauberg's
direct superior, SS-Hauptstabsarzt Hein-
rich Willermann, presently "arabized"
into Lt. Col. Naam Fahum, who is now
in charge of converting the Samarra Bar-
racks.
The stateless and foreign Jews still in
Egypt are hoping, probably against hope,
that the UN will take them under its
protective wings. Should, however, the
UN decide otherwise, they will respond
to Nasser's "encouragement" and leave
Egypt-impoverished, destitute, but alive.
But not the native Jews. They have
ernment refused most of them exit visas,
and most of the foreign consulates re-
fused entrance visas as well as racial
asylum-thus leaving this ancient and
once flourishing community in the sin-
ister grip of Nasser's legislative paradox.
Egyptian law imposes on them all its
restrictions but deprives them of any
rights or protection "within Sovereign
Egypt"-thus preventing any foreign in-
tervention on their behalf, except for
... the UN, maybe?
Maybe.
Because-in spite of the Cadre's strict
censorship on publication of all events in
Egypt and on news leaving the country
-the UN has ample evidence and in-
formation on what is going on there.
Why, then, its reticence? Why the pas-
sive attitude towards Nasser's ruthless
violation of human rights? The UN
must release the facts and warn the world
of what Nasser is up to, so that ap-
propriate measures can be taken. Because
-although economically ruined, interned,
maltreated, and humiliated-it is not too
late yet. Egyptian Jewry is still alive.
(Courtesy, Nat. Jewish Monthly)
WORSHIPER OF CRAVEN IDOLS]
Courtesy, N. Y. Daily Mirror
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ter a Gt ?i~ ' UP. QQ , 7 U!olitici...
While an outraged world focussed at- ister Mikoyan in Copenhagen. The meet- the ingenuity and finesse of German of-
tention on the Russian tanks crushing ing was called at West German initiative ficialdom- Bonn is inclined to discourage
the Hungarian revolt, a group of Ger- with the prior knowledge of the Bonn publicity about this side of its diplomacy
man industrialists were enjoying the Government. It took place only 3 months since it could place the Chancellor,
sights in Moscow. Of course, the West after the Allies had drawn up the Con- "God's gift to the West," in an em-
German Government had deplored the tractual Agreement which gave We-.t barrassing light. Con:equently, the gen-
Soviet action. It is also noteworthy that Germany a free hand in her foreign cral line passed down to those who
Chancellor Adenauer's Government "was relations,
profoundly disturbed" over II, S. "hesi- The meeting res.-ained a clo!eiy wine about this touchy subject, may be
tation" summed up in these words: "The less
Times, 11-2-56). According to the New ister Molotov let the cat out of the bmin-
ag
York Times, a senior official in the Bonn during a Big Four meeting in Berlin in
Government (unidentified) declared that 1954. Commenting on this sensational
the prestige of the U. S. "hangs in bal- disclosure the Christian Science Monitor
ance." He warned that if Washington (-1-17-54) noted that talks between MG,-
pursued a do nothing policy in Hungary cow and West German industrialists had
and permitted the Stalinist tyranny to "ken going on for about 3 years."
triumph, the moral capital of the U. S. One year after the secret get-together
in Germany "will be worth nothing." in Copenhagen, Chancellor Adenauer
Bonn's "holy anger" and the visit of made a public statement on Sovie;-Cer-
the industrialists to Moscow may best be man relations which would be inter-
understood not as a contradiction but preted as a followup of that meeting.
rather as a division of labor. Berthold As reported in the Frankfurter Ailre-
Beitz, Krupp's General Manager, put it mcine Zeitung (7-7-53) the Chancellor
succinctly: "I am a businessman, so what urged the strengthening of economic ties
do 1 care about politics? Le-t Adenauer between West Germany and the Sovic s
see to politics, and let h.:m leave we do and expressed confidence that this would
my job. All embargo lists (on trade with facilitate clo-er political understanding,
the Soviel bloc) should be abolished "Already today the states of the Euro-
immediately." peat., Schuman p/an have formed a mar-
The Eastern ContactEet of 157 million people. Thus from
The "tourists" in Moscow represent- 1,5e point of view of the Russian econ-
ing sonic of the largest industrial aggre- omy these countries represent a highly
gates including Krupp, Mannesmann, interesting trade partner. Year., ago there
Siemens, AEG, Demag and Gutchoff- tress a ttute when the economy of Ger-
nungshiitte, were warmly received by the tu.n'v and Russia complemented one an-
Soviet Minister for Heavy Industry. other in a magnificent way. The economy
Their travels were quite extensive rang- of air integrated Europe, including Ger-
ing from a visit to Moscow's industrial many, could do vastly more. The greater
and agricultural exhibition to the facto- the economic integration (between 11'est-
ries and industries of the Ukraine and ern Europe and Russia), the greater the
the Urals. Judging from subsequent dc- political security."
velopments, it appears that their sojourn Since then other German political
in Soviet Russia has created promising leaders have repeated the Adenauer
opportunities for both, the Germans and thesis, As recently as February 10, 1956,
the Russians. This is not to say that the Forcign Minister von Brentano told tl?e
call
re
e ort:
ithou
__
.
"p
matic relations between West Germany
sented a radical shift in Soviet-German doubt the economier of both countries and the Soviet Union "might be estab-
relations. It would be more accurate to (Russia and Germany) could ruph/e- lished in the not too far future." He
say that the visit added a powerful stim- "tent each other in a most useful man- said by way of explanation. "Our trade
ulus to contacts which have steadily im- ner. , with the Soviets has been intensified
proved over a number of years. Playing the Right Cards - lately." Thus, Adenauer consistent with
In August 1952 leading spokesmen At the Right Time his previous statement in the Frankfurter
for the Ruhr conferred secretly with ('uite understandably the delicate na- Ailgemeine Zcitung, had given clear in-
associates of Soviet Deputy Prime Min- tore of Soviet-German relations has taxed dication of what he was up to. However,
said, the bct_er,- It was with this dictum
in mind that Adenauer and his associates
tried to deflate the importance of his trip
to Moscow in 1955.
At a prc3 conference in July of that
year, Herr von Brentano assured report-
ers that Adcnaucr would remain stead-
fastly loyal to the West regardless of
the impending talks with the Kremlin.
Indeed, he declared, the Chancellor
would not even think of going to Mos-
cow if he felt there was no hope of
altering the Russian stand on German
unification,
Though Adenauer has shown a marked
talent for talking one way to Moscow
and another to Washington, this fact
does not seem to have registered among
our top policy makers. Prior to his trip
to Moscow lie conferred at 1en,th in
Washington and told our experts that
he would not agree to the establishment
of diplomatic relations with the Kremlin.
He said he was going to talk tough and
would insist that there could be no ex-
change of ambassadors until substantial
progress had been made on the problem
of German unity. It was only after his
policy of toughness was transformed into
a posture of meekness that U. S. policy
makers showed the first signs of shock.
I: has always been surprising to us that
Washington should have been taken
aback by the results of the Bulganin-
Adenauer get-together. After all, as early
as May 7, 1954, the Chancellor specifi-
y stated to his own people that diplo-
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Washington in 1955 preferred to believe
in the stories which Adenauer had
handed out for American consumption.
Washington's chagrin over the diplo-
matic rapproachment between the Krem-
lin and Bonn was heightened still further
when the U. S. Ambassador to Moscow
Charles E. Bohlen reported that nego-
tiations between Adenauer and Bulganin
had been decisively in Moscow's favor.
According to Drew Pearson (10-1-55)
Bohlen reported to the State Department
that Adenauer "had been virtually putty
in Russian hands, and warned that the
U. S. could not trust the West Germans
to stand up against the Kremlin in the
future." As if to anticipate criticisms of
his dealing with Moscow, Chancellor
Adenauer told the press just before de-
parting from Russia, "I swear that I
made no secret agreement with the Rus-
sions."
Fact and Fiction
In the maze of diplomatic maneuver-
ing and intrigue, it is not easy to sepa-
rate fact from fiction. The passage of
time, however, does help to clear the air.
Thus, in October, 1956, the Russians
sent a long note to the West German
Government on the problem of unifica-
tion. The Kremlin complained that Bonn
was not "endeavoring to solve on the
basis o l mutual understanding questions
that have not been settled and which
interest bosh sides and obviously con-
tradicts the agreements made between
our governments during the Moscow ne-
gotiations in the year 1955." While the
note did not reveal all of the specific
agreements which were supposed to have
been reached between the two govern-
ments, it made reference to "firm agree-
ment on the question of the development
of trade . . ." It is significant, we think,
that Adenauer has never denied that he
reached such an understanding with the
Russians. On the contrary, the informa-
tion which has been published relative
to this issue, points to the fact that the
Germans no less than their Russian
counterparts are very much interested in
an agreement.
Shortly after the Russians had sent
their note of complaint to Bonn, the new
Soviet Ambassador to West Germany,
Andrei A. Smirnov, received a cordial
welcome from leading German officials.
The New York Times (10-26-56) re-
ported: "The West German Government
is eager to make use of Mr. Smirnov's
presence here ... The official policy now
is to `activate' Soviet-West German rela-
tions in the hope that bit by bit the basis
for serious negotiations on German re-
unification can be established." The
Times referred to the first round discus-
sions between the Soviet Ambassador
"... It will be recalled that the French govern-
ment was able to obtain the approval of the
National Assembly for the Paris Agreements
only on the strict understanding that the new
German army would never be equipped with
atomic weapons..
"But it is now affirmed that the weapons for-
bidden to Germany are to be fabricated in
Spain.
"According to recent reports, Franco has
offered all facilities for their manufacture, and
the United States is prepared to finance some
extra ones for experimentation in atomic
weapons-more for the benefit of Germany
than of Spain.
"If this information is correct it would be a
repetition of what happened during the twenties.
The Versailles treaty explicitly limited the num-
ber and kind of military equipment permitted
the small new German army authorized by the
victorious Allies...."
(J. Alvarez Del Vayo, Gazette & Daily, 1-30-S7)
and the Bonn Foreign Office which
would include "an improvement of trade
relations" and "a cultural and scientific
exchange."
"Love Notes" and the Fair
As the new year was ushered in, the
eagerness of the Bonn Government to
talk about trade with the Soviets grew
considerably. The Frankfurter Rundschau
(1-5-57) reported that the West German
Government "no longer takes a, negative
attitude to the conclusion of a trade
agreement between the Federal Republic
and Soviet Russia." A spokesman for the
Government, according to the newspaper,
declared that Chancellor Adenauer "after
his talks with Soviet Ambassador Smir-
now shortly before Christmas seemed
fully agreeable to take this subject under
consideration. The Associated Press of
the same date reported that this devel-
opment resulted partially from the pres-
sure of West German industrialists who
hope to profit from it. Several days after
these reports appeared in the press, the
Chancellor spoke at a news conference.
The Times described him as "relaxed
and in good humor" and "maintained
his new 'flexible' posture while making
it clear that he was not rushing out to
curry Soviet favor." He emphasized that
he wanted to expand trade with the
Soviets.
.In a message to the Soviet Govern-
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ment (March 1957) which referred to
Bulganin's original complaint, the Chan-
cellor agreed to discuss ways and means
of expanding trade relations which
would "improve the political atmos-
phere." Moscow seemed pleased to learn
that the Chancellor felt this way and
promptly notified Bonn that the Soviets
were ready to conduct negotiations in
the very near future." The deal was
sealed when the West German Govern-
ment informed Moscow that it was pre-
pared to negotiate trade and consular
agreements (New York Times, 4-18-57).
The Frankfurter Allgerneine 7eitung
viewed the exchange of these noes as
"a sure sign that the Federal Govern-
ment plans concrete negotiations between
the two countries in which diplomatic
relations are not merely empty formal-
ities."
Following on the heels of this diplo-
matic exchange, the Germans opened
their Hannover Fair. Judging from de-
scriptions in the press, one is almost
tempted to believe that a most important
consideration governing the organization
of this fair was to impress the Russians
with the great possibilities of trade be-
tween the two countries. The London
Financial Times (4-22-57) said that re-
ports had been circulating that "massive
Soviet trade bids may be made" at the
fair where four Soviet trade delegations
totaling 50 high ranking officials, were
expected. A New York Times reporter
observed that the Russian technical and
trade experts were coming in sufficient
strength "to inventory the fair and dram
up lists Of manufacturers producing
goods needed by the Soviet Union"
(4-27-57). Commenting on this devel-
opment the Times correspondent stated
that when the German trade negotiations
arrive in Moscow, the Soviets will have
conveniently prepared for them the lists
of specific goods which they desire. On
the following day (4-28-57) the Times
correspondent reported that the Soviet
Ambassador and his colleagues from
Moscow "made a bee-line for the Krupp
pavilion on their arrival at the fair,"
He also mentioned that such great con-
cerns as Demag, Kloeckner and Rhein-
stahl received "the personal attention of
the Soviet officials."
The fair made a hit with the Russians.
The Soviet Ambassador sent a telegram
to the exhibition stating that it had
aroused great interest in Russia. He ex-
pressed the hope that through this event
Soviet officials would "be able to make
valuable contacts with German business-
men and thus strengthen economic and
scientific relations" (Frankfurter Allge-
meine 7-.eitung, 4-27-57).
Wilfried Braun, Chairman of the
Board of Hartmann & Braun A. G.,
Frankfurt, told the Frankfurter Allge-
meine that the embargo on Russia was
no longer "disturbing" his exports to
that country. He informed the press that
within a few weeks he would fly to
Russia with a private delegation of Ger-
man industrialists. He saw great possi-
bilities in exports to the eastern bloc and
said that payment arrangements were
always prompt and never produced any
difficulties.
The "Fire Burns Bright"
Obviously the profit lure has kindled
a fire among the Ruhr industrialists. Un-
der these circumstances the task of diplo-
macy became more difficult. In simple
terms, the problem is to contain this
enthusiasm so as to avoid giving alarm
to Washington which has placed so much
trust in "der Alte." Thus, we find reports
in the press (which seem to be inspired)
indicating that the Germans are "re-
luctant" to deal with the Russians and
are "worried" lest the Soviets demand
too much. The New York Times (4-21-
57) describes how West German officials
are allegedly concerned over the Soviet
Government's propaganda for large scale
trade relations. We are told that Bonn
is determined to place a limit on com-
mercial transactions with the Russians.
We have also been given to understand
that Adenauer will not enter into "a
formal trade agreement with Russia" but
will only consent to "an informal trade
agreement . . ." (New York World
Telegram, 4-27-57). Can one think of a
better example of hairsplitting?
It is hard to believe that the mores of
the German cartellists are so unique that
they will go out of their way to avoid
making as much profit as they can from
trade with the Eastern bloc. Fact is that
German trade with the Soviets and the
satellites has risen spectacularly. West
Germany's trade with the East was 710
million DM in 1950. In 1955 it reached
the figure of 1,351 million DM and for
the first 10 months of 1956 1,786 mil-
lion DM. In 1956 trade with the Soviet
Union alone was 2507c of what it had
been in the previous year. These statistics
tell the trend. In some respect trade with
the Russians is even more significant
than the overall statistics indicate. Ac-
cording to an article published in the
Soviet publication New Times "West
Germany's Stake in Soviet Trade"
(March 1957) it is stated that in 1956
"the USSR stood first in Western Ger-
many's imports of pig iron (23 per cent),
second in her imports of rye (26 per
cent) and third in her imports of as-
bestos (17 per cent). It was the second
biggest buyer of West-German shipping
(18 per cent) and copper wire, and
third to fifth biggest buyer of certain
types of rolled steel."
Studies conducted by West German
Government experts show that exports
to the Soviets could reach as high as $1
billion annually. These export plans will
unquestionably be borne in mind by
Bonn diplomats in future negotiations.
"The fact that German experts drew up
these plans would appear to contradict
the internal propaganda line that trade
with the Soviet Union does not have a
future" (New York Times, 9-18-55).
The Times report could have added that
these statistics and studies also belie the
propaganda which the Germans have
been passing out to the West.
Bonn has not only pretended that fu-
ture trade with the Soviets will be of
little value but its top leaders are al-
ways careful to assure the West that
commercial dealing with the Russians
will not assume diplomatic significance.
On the other hand, the German people
are told a different story. The German
newspaper Die Welt (4-15-57) carried
a special editorial under the title "Trade
with Russia." It noted that a future trade
agreement with Moscow would not only
step up contacts between the two coun-
tries in the economic sphere but in the
political as well. "There is," the edi-
torial observed, "the desire to again take
up old contacts and connections with
which we have had such favorable expe-
riences between the two wars. Politically
the creation of trade relations with Rus-
sia can become a trump card for us. A
genuine trade agreement would really be
the biggest trump of all ..." Because of
the importance of future negotiations
which would involve vital political con-
siderations, the editorial believes that
Bonn should entrust these negotiations
'only to the best man who is in a posi-
tion to maintain relations to the Commit-
tee for Eastern Matters of German in-
dustrialists,"
The above editorial was in sharp con-
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trast to previous positions taken by the
Bonn Government. On May 2, 1956, a
spokesman for Chancellor Adenauer told
the press that the Bonn Government
would not negotiate a trade agreement
with the Soviet Union until the Soviet
Government was ready to consent to the
reunification of Germany in "peace and
freedom." A few weeks later von Bren-
tano repeated this point at a press con-
ference and dismissed a trade agreement
with the Russians as "by no means ur-
gent." As recently as January 11, 1957,
Adenauer declared that his government
would not negotiate a commercial treaty
with Moscow. But this promise may be
evaluated in the same light as Adenauer's
previous pledge not to establish diplo-
matic relations with Moscow. Fact is that
such negotiations are now under way.
Ironically, agreement to negotiate came
shortly after Adenauer had succeeded in
obtaining a veto power over vital aspects
of US policy (see p. 4). As previously
noted, Germany went into secret con-
ference with the Russians in Copenhagen
after winning the Contractual Agree-
ment. They seem to be repeating !
The Larger Goal
There is no question but that leading
circles in West Germany look upon the
trade negotiations as a stepping stone
toward resolving political issues between
Bonn and Moscow. Chancellor Adenauer
has stressed this tie-up and the Soviets,
too, share the same views. Thus, along-
side the preparatory steps for the con-
clusion of a trade agreement we find
Soviet and German sentiment speculating
on the wider ramifications. In the Jan-
uary 1957 issue of the Russian publica-
tion "International Affairs," several il-
luminating documents on former Soviet-
German economic relations are repro-
duced allegedly taken from German
archives. On February 17, 1920, the top
executives of the Allgemeine Elektrizi-
taets Gesellschaft, Felix Deutsch and
Walter Rathenau, wrote a lengthy memo-
randum dealing with the problem of
establishing economic and political ties
with the Bolshevik Regime. The German
industrialists urged that Germany "with
all haste" should establish contacts with
the new Russian regime and declared
that Germany's future relations with the
East "will evidently be brightest if Ger-
man foreign. policy succeeds as soon as
possible in establishing relations between
Germany and the Eastern states which
would make the latter refrain from agree-
ing to desires of the Entente for a re-
striction of relations between Germany
and Russia." They expressed alarm lest
the Entente took the initiative before the
Germans. They further warned, that the
closer the understanding between the
Entente and the Soviets "the greater the
danger that Germany will miss the mo-
ment for laying the foundations of a suc-
cessful Germany policy in Eastern Eu-
rope." Elaborating on their views the
memorandum said, "The decisive point
is that Germany will be either a colony
of the Entente countries, the object of
exploitation by them, and if necessary a
purveyor of hired troops who will have
to fight for the glory of the Entente any-
where in the world where the criminal
working of the Versailles Conference
kindles a war; or she will succeed in ex-
ploiting the political possibilities which
offer themselves in the East of Europe
and winning a modicum of independence
and freedom which will guard her
against the worst privations and oppres-
sion, Besides the fact that Central and
Eastern Europe are neighbours and eco-
nomcially complete each other, they also
have common needs, and Russia and
Germany have the common fate of de-
feated nations. Cleverly and carefully to
make use of the points of contact given
here, and by developing them to construct
a dependable framework, for German
foreign policy is a need the importance
of which has probably never been felt
so strongly as today, when the demands
of the Entente for extradition (of crim-
inals-Ed.) are aimed at tainting the
name of Germany with indelible dis-
grace for centuries." Toward the conclu-
sion of this memorandum the industrial-
ists declared: "But the revival of German
influence in Russia gives Germany at the
same time the possibility of being an in-
termediary between Russia and other
countries, particularly the United States
of America. These countries call for
German mediation because psychologial-
ly the British and Americans do not un-
derstand the Russians as well as the Ger-
mans who have at least had the rich ex-
perience of the pre-war period." The
Russian publication also reproduced let-
ters from Stresemann and from Krupp,
stressing the importance of the Eastern
contact. It does not take a bright mind
to figure out why the Russians should
have reproduced these documents at this
time.
Bulganin's note to the Germans of
February 5, 1957 seems to fit in exactly
with the Russian propaganda offensive
designed to reawaken the "good old
times." Bulganin did not equivocate and
the letter is particularly warm and
friendly. Here are some choice excerpts:
"Whether there will be peace or war
in Europe depends above all on the fu-
ture relations between our peoples. That
is why both our Governments must be
aware of their responsibility for the des-
THE SNAKE CHARMER
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tinies of the peoples of their countries
and for the destinies of peace in Eu-
rope...
"After thoroughly analyzing the pres-
ent situation my colleagues and I have
come to the conclusion that the vital in-
terests of the Soviet and the German
peoples call for a decisive turn in the
relations between the USSR and the
Federal Republic of Germany .. .
"Only such a turn in the relations be-
tween our countries can guarantee that
the two great peoples-the Soviet and
the German-will never again be forced
to squander their forces and wealth,
bleeding each other white ...
"It is not difficult to understand that
those who want to push the Federal Re-
public of Germany onto the road of war
least of all care for its future, or the
interests of the German people. They
obviously count on evading the retalia-
tory atomic Now and on placing in
jeopardy the Federal Republic of Ger-
many hoping that others will pull their
chestnuts out of the fire ...
"We hope, however, that the national
patriotic forces that will not allow their
country to be drawn into war gambles
will prevail in the Federal Republic of
Germany ...
"It was not without reason that in the
past the most far-sighted statesmen of
Germany, attaching great importance to
the strengthening of German-Rissian
relations, vigorously denounced the at-
tempts to set Germany at loggerheads
with Russia ...
"It is no exaggeration to say that there
are tremendous possibilities for the large-
scale development of over-all economic
contacts between the Soviet Union and
the Federal Republic of Germany to the
mutual advantage of both sides. The
Federal Republic has a highly developed
industry and can count on big and ad-
vantageous orders from the Soviet Union.
The Soviet Union in its turn also has
broad possibilities for selling goods to
the Federal Republic of Germany needed
by its industry and agriculture.
"Ir'e raise the question of expanding
trade with the Federal Republic also
because the Soviet Union regards the de-
velopment of such contacts as a farm
foundation for improving the political
relations between states."
Business Week (2-16-57) reported
that the Bulganin message to Adenauer
looked "like the first gambit in a differ-
ent Soviet approach to the German ques-
Lion . . . Bulganin wrote as though he
thought a Soviet-German agreement
would settle all the problems of Europe."
Mutual Admiration Society
Soviet propaganda latched on to the
note with a steady drumbeat on the
enormous good that would come from
close ties between Moscow and Bonn.
One Russian commentator reported an
important conference to be held in Dus-
seldorf by West German business circles.
According to him, the meeting evoked
great enthusiasm and was filled to capac-
ity--200 people were refused entrance.
The same commentator quoted German
newspapers and businessmen to the effect
that good relations with the Russians
was a "must." He referred to an article
published by the Rheinische Post, an or-
gan closely associated with Adenauer's
party, which said that a trade treaty with
the Soviet Union would be of mutual
benefit. Another publication associated
with German industry, Wrest Post, de-
clared that a trade treaty with Russia
"would help to improve the political
climate in the relations between the two
countries , . ." It also noted that one of
Germany's top financiers, Robert Pferd-
menges, perhaps Adenauer's closest ad-
visor, had also spoken favorably for the
conclusion of an agreement with the
Russians.
As the political flirtation grew warmer,
,Soviet propagandists began to recall the
halcyon days of the 1920s and 1930s
when close economic and political co-
operation existed between Germany and
the Soviets. Thus, a special article re-
cently appeared in the government news-
paper Izvestia entitled "The Spirit of
Rapallo and Our Times." The writer of
the article, N. Polyanov, spoke about
"the lessons of Rapallo" which marked
what he called "sincere friendly coopera-
tion" between the two countries. Surely,
he said, this spirit must still be alive.
"Is it not time to achieve a decisive
change in relations between the Federal
Republic of Germany and the USSR, a
change towards confidence and friend-
ship? The possibilities in this direction
have by no means been exhausted."
The love note excited Adenauer too,
and he publicly declared that it was of
decisive significance. At the same time,
he told reporters that he would not dis-
cuss its contents because the time was
premature. The Russians, always with
an eye towards exploiting the propaganda
value of their diplomatic moves, were
uninhibited and publicized the contents
of the note all over the world. Bonn was
extremely annoyed by this publicity. One
German newspaper, the Westdeutsche
Allgemeine Zeitung, published a cartoon
of "Auntie Adenauer" watching Mar-
shal Bulganin announcing in a television
screen the text of his latest note; Aden-
auer is incensed and says, "But I thought
that was our special secret." Poor Aden-
auer did not take into account the Rus-
sian temperament which can be embar-
rassingly frank.
The well-known German commentator
Reinhard Gerdes, speaking over the radio
on February 8, 1957, found great poten-
tialities in Bulganin's note: "They (the
Russians) may wish to obtain a disarm-
ament agreement through the mediation
of the Federal Government. The Chan-
ce//or should see to it that despite all
caution the Soviet request will not be
turned down." The idea of Germany
holding the last word on East-West re-
lations is certainly an attractive one for
German diplomacy, especially if Aden-
auer is able to prove to the Russians that
they can obtain advantageous terms
through his good offices.
On February 10, Herr Gerdes returned
to this theme mentioning that Adenauer's
statement on the possibility of halting
the test of H bombs "was also designed
to increase Soviet readiness for talks with
Bonn ..." As though he was talking to
the Soviets, Gerdes once again empha-
sized Adenauer's "position of trust in the
Western world" and the role that he
could play as mediator between the
United States and Russia. Another Ger-
man radio commentator, Otto Herr, also
waxed enthusiastically over Bulganin's
note. Here was a great opportunity which
the Federal Republic must not neglect.
"Among the Western nations," he told
his listeners, "the Federal Republic is
the biggest supplier of the Soviet Union
anyway."
It has been rightly stated that a well
informed public opinion is the surest
guaranty for an intelligent and farsighted
foreign policy. In our opinion, it is a
real tragedy that the American people,
as we have stated many times in Prevent
World War III., have come to know only
one side of the German coin. Respon-
sibility for this state of affairs which can
do great harm to the national interest,
rests in the first place with those who
formulate our policy towards Germany.
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American Pro-Adenauer Paper Predicts the Coining Showdown Between Germany and the U. S. A.
Dear Editor:
Scanning some German language newspapers printed in the United States, I came across an article which amazes even the hard-boiled
observer of German geopolitical scheming.
On April 24, 1957, the "America-Herold," a political weekly printed in Winona, Minn., carried an article "The Grab of Africa" which is
translated below. The article reveals Germany's true aims in Africa and anticipates in the not too distant future a showdown over the Dark
Continent between a United Europe and the "greedy Wall Street imperialists." In essence the "America-Herold's" article could be regarded
as Bonn's prematurely issued ultimatum to the United States "to keep hands off in Africa."
The America-Herold has been an outspoken apologist on German war crimes. Among its regular feature writers are such prominent
political figures as Prince Hubertus zu Loewenstein and Dr. Hans von- Hentig, two Pan-German propagandists whose activities have been
disclosed by the Society in the past. The America-Herold also publishes articles by leading Bonn politicians such as Chancellor Adenauer,
Foreign Minister von Brentano and the State Secretaries Hallstein and Lenz. In addition, this German paper is often filled with Bonn's
official propaganda handouts or with unsigned articles which deal with certain "hot" geopolitical questions. In short, the America-Herold,
as so many other German language papers in the U. S., functions as an unrestrained propaganda wheel for the interests of the Bonn
Republic.
The record shows that almost all of the German language papers in the U. S. have served the Nazi cause and were subsidized by the
Hitler government in one form or another. Today these papers, supposedly American publications, serve Dr. Adenauer's game of "Welt-
macht" politics. Let me demonstrate what this means by pointing out the highlights of the article in question.
Interpreting Vice President Nixon's recent state visit to several countries in Africa as a demonstration of "Wall Street's greedy designs,"
the author expects in the future "very serious tensions between Europe and the United States." Africa, warns the article, is the last
underdeveloped continent, a rich storehouse of raw materials that must not fall into American hands. To secure the limitless raw materials
of Africa for the industrial plant of the old continent, is for Europe "a question of life or death." Wall Street's present "offensive" to
grab the riches of Africa must be stopped. Therefore, Germany must regain her strength and rally the forces of Europe in order to
"defend" Africa. The showdown will come when the reunification of Germany will lead to a unified and strong Europe. That, says the
article, will change the whole balance of power in the world and a situation will develop in which "the American people will be confronted
with the necessity, forced upon them, of paying the bill for Wald Street's greed for money!"
The "America-Herold" article demonstrates two facts very clearly: First, that the ruling circles in the Bonn Republic, the industrialists,
the Ribbentrop diplomats in the Bonn Foreign Office and the geopolitical schemers of the Hitler-Haushofer tradition still adhere to the old
German blueprint of "Weltmachtpolitik"; secondly, that these planners are convinced that Germany's "third try" again will be a showdown
with the Anglo-American world. The political planners in Bonn certainly do not want to fight the Bolsheviks in the Urals. Of this they
have had enough! Their hopes today center around the thought of how they can undermine the British and American world position.
The issue is quite clear: The coming German battleground is Africa, the only great raw material storehouse available to the West.
Here the Germans are determined to tell us point blank: Stay out or you Americans will have a fight on your hands! This is frank geo-
political language in the best Hitler style.
It is my hope that this article will serve as an eye opener. By now our diplomats and intelligence scouts should know the whole
story about Bonn's planning in Africa. Enough of this self-incriminating material has been published by Dr. Adenauer himself and by
"A German parliamentary delegation has
recently returned from a trip of inspection of
commercial possibilities in Asia which went as
far as Bangkok, Thailand. One aftermath of this
trip has been a ,spate of proposals designed to
attract Arab and Asian students to German uni-
versities and technical schools and applicants
for industrial training to German factories. At
the present time there are 3,000 or 4,000 Asian
students and some 5,000 trainees in factories
and it is hoped to multiply these figures... .
"The intensive development of commercial
and educational. contacts with the nations of
Asia and the planned expansion of these con-
tacts is one of several proofs that Germany,
after Hitler tried to solve its problem of earning
a national livelihood by military conquest and
exploitation, has now set out on a much more
promising road. It is the absence- of any specter
of German political ambition that is an asset to
the German businessman and engineer in this
`anti-colonial' age."
(William Henry Chamberlin, Wall St. Journal, 1-29-571'
FRIENDS ... IN AN ELECTION YEAR ...
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his whole group of assorted geopolitical masterminds, To refresh our memories we need only mention but a front page article which
appeared many years ago under Dr. Adenuuer's own signature in his ideological mouthpiece, the "Rheinischer Merkur" (5-20-50). Dr.
Adenaner then acclaimed the Schuman Plan as the beginning of "a long-range economic venture in Africa" that would bring to the German dream. A few years later the same Rheiuischer Merkur (6-24-55) complained bitterly about "America's economicuof lnsivee
into Africa, the last available raw material storehouse in the western world." The paper then warned that it would be foolish for Europe
to continue an ostrich-like head in the sand policy in face of America's dangerous penetration of Africa. In a similar vein the nationalist
German magazine "Nation Europvd' wrote in its August 1954 issue that Germany and France together must rally their strength, organize
Africa and then "convince ?be Americans that it might be wise for them to scurry on to their ships and get out"
For many years now the German industrialists and geopoliticians have clamored in secret memoranda, in books and articles, that Europe
and Africa must be wielded into a new super-continental bloc far more powerful in population and economic resources than the U. S. S. R.
and the United States. This great African venture is pushed quietly and relentlessly by the industrial and financial barons of the Rhine and
Ruler. Up to this time nobody-in Washington has dared to intercede against Dr. Adenauer's "tremendously hold plant". First the creation of
the new Leberstraum, Eurafrica, followed by rapproaclsement with Russia. If this comes to pass, the United States will soon be confronted
with the showdown. ?made in Germany."
Every diplomatic more by the U. S. A. which has resulted in undermining the traditional position of Britain and France in the Middle
East and Africa is hailed and exploited by the Bonus Republic. Washington's past policies have contributed enormously to a development that
has played right into the hands of the German schemers, They know only too well that fruition of their plans would bring them the gift of
a rich continent to replace a few more or less important colonies which they lost after World War 1, Today the Germans can well afford
to be against "colonies" if they are in the process of taking over two continents.
It would be wise if our Germany Firsiers in the Pentagon and the State Department would place the following article as a perma-
nent reminder on their desks,
T. H. Tetens.
THE GRAB OF AFRICA
(A Translation from the "America-Herold"
Winona, Minn.)
The official trip of U. S. Vice President Nixon to Africa,
carried out with such great pomp, awakened world public
opinion for the first time to what attentive observers have
foreseen with great worry: American big business is beginning
to take over the "black continent" for its own expansion as
a sort of "second South America."
This development should disturb every friend of peace;
more so, it should most deeply disquiet all those desirous
of good relations between Europe and America, for it contains
potentialities of new and really serious friction between Eu-
rope and America, which for the present-due to the pre-
ponderous power of America and the present division and
weakness of Europe-may still seem unimportant, but which
in the years to come will put the greatest strain upon the
relations between Europe and America.
Let us first look at the facts: big business in America for
a long time has recognized in Africa a chance to recover its
source of raw materials and its market for its products which
it lost to the Red Moscow-Peiping imperium in Asia. Wall
Street adroitly understood, and continues to understand to
project itself in the foreground as the natural heir to the
colonial powers, above all, England and France.
Wall Street is repeating the same game in Africa that it
has played so successfully in Burma and India against Eng-
land, in Indonesia against the Netherlands and in Indo-China
against the French. In the role of a champion in the fight for
national freedom, Wall Street Dollar imperialism becomes
the successor of the economic position held by the former
colonial masters. The new nations only discover very grad-
ually, that national independence without economic and fi-
nancial freedom amounts to only a half-baked thing.
This game, which Wall Street has played so successfully
in the Far, Middle and Near East since 1945, is now to be
repeated in Africa. In the light of the commercial interests
of Wall Street, the economic and financial points of view
have priority, but they will be masked through political
moral attitudes---a procedure for which England itself for
centuries has furnished the pattern!
Any one aware of history will react with a disdainful
smile when reading American Vice-President Nixon's re-
marks: that America only wants to draw Africa within its
orbit, to prevent it from falling into the hands of the com-
munists! This is how it looks according to the report of the
"Zuricher Tat" of March 12, 1957:
'?L= S. Vice President declared at a Press Conference on
Saturday, Africa with its lrentendou~ resources and 200 mil-
lion inhabitants consUtttles 'object number one for the com-
munist movenmetet'."
It would be wise to consider Wall Street's intention in
this situation more seriously, than within the motivations
advanced by Nixon ! There can be no doubt about world
capital, concentrated in Wall Street and controlled from
there, being increasingly determined, to exploit Africa's
wealth for itself and turn its 200 million inhabitants into
cheaply paid industrial proletarians: they would be used as
replacements for the "far too costly" white industrial work-
ers and thus increase the profits of financial capital manifold;
on the other hand it would open up the possibility of a
continuing pressure against the unions for lower wages.
Above all, Africa represents a challenge to world finance
because of its immense riches in ores of all kinds, of which
until now only the deposits in South Africa, Rhodesia and
the Belgian Congo have become known and developed; the
vast wealth of Morocco and Ethiopia staggers the imagina-
tion. Oil of course, ranks in second place, its existence hav-
ing been proven by French discoveries in Algeria, Maureta-
nia and the Sahara in large quantities; without doubt it also
occurs in other regions of Africa.
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In this sequence there follows uranium, important today,
absolutely indispensable tomorrow; as is generally known,
the Congo is still its greatest world supplier-and the gamut
of all known minerals, which Africa offers in sheer inex-
haustible volume and which only await development and
transportation.
All this is understandable ! But all this is also known in
Europe-with this difference: that these raw materials repre-
sent a question of life and death for factory Europe! Where-
as for Wall Street they only are a question of monetary gain!
This leads to serious and compulsively increasing conflicts
of interest between American high finance and European
economy-the results of which is partly dependent upon the
attitude of the American people, partly upon the unity and
strengthening of Europe, and, last, not least, upon the attitude
of the peoples and nations of Africa.
The American people must know that, due to the greedy
grab of Wall Street in Africa, it will find itself in serious
and compulsively increasing opposition to all European peo-
ples, for whom this is a question of life or death! American
politics, whose dependence upon Wall Street is at least as
large as it is upon the American voter, may be indifferent to
this for the time being; but when the day of the coming
reunification and strengthening of Germany arrives-and
with this, the unity and strengthening of Europe-then the
weight of this problem will increase; and the American peo-
ple could be confronted with the necessity, forced upon them,
of paying the bill for Wall Street's greed for money!
H. HOOVER JR.'S THREE HATS
"According to reports published in the Amer-
ican and European press . . . Mr. Herbert
Hoover, Jr., former Under Secretary of State, has
accepted General Franco's invitation to be chief
engineer of Spain's oil trust .. .
Mr. Hoover's mission, according to reports,
"can facilitate the exploitation by a Spanish-
American group of the oil deposits in the Sa-
hara, which up to now have only been tapped
by France."
(Iberica, 2-15-57)
"Herbert Hoover, Jr., former Under Secretary
of State, returned to the State Department as a
part-time consultant on oil imports and Middle
Decisive will be, what solution the peoples and nations of
Africa will choose: for submission to Dollar Imperialism or
for co-operation with Europe ! For unhealthy industrialization
by transformation of its own inhabitants to industrial prole-
tarians-or for an economy complimentary to that of Europe,
whereby Africa will develop its agriculture in full freedom
and self-determination, while the distribution of its-mutual-
ly developed-natural resources to "Factory .Europe" will
offer a secure basis.
That such a "natural symbiosis" between Europe and Africa
simultaneously represents the best, in fact, the only bulwark
against the infiltration of Communism in Africa, is just as
certain as the fact, that the cultural self-development of the
African peoples will be secured through their own develop-
ment of the economy! Nothing would be more ominous for
Africa than the proletarianization of its masses enforced by
big finance: the slums of Johannesburg, created by the Roths-
childs, Rhodes and Oppenheimers and painfully being il-
luminated by the Boer government, bear witness to this.
Wall Street's grab of Africa is just as much of a threat
to Europe as it is to Africa-and, in the final analysis,
against the American people themselves ! The exploitation of
human beings through Financial Imperialism is more throt-
tling and worse than that experienced through old-style
power imperialism-and the solution is solidary cooperation
of the free peoples-in this case: the free peoples of Europe
and Africa!
"Herbert Hoover, Jr., who is retiring from his
job as Number One to John Foster Dulles at
the State Department, has agreed to go to the
Middle East to act as a special `adviser' to King
Saud on behalf of President Eisenhower. . (Sefton Delmer, Daily Express, 2-12-57)
"YOU SAY YOU HAVE THIS IMPRESSION
THAT YOU KEEP SMELLING OIL?"
Herblo.ck, Courtesy, Washington Post
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rr, y JFJP
Dr. Johann ton Leers and the Ex-z Iu f ti
All-out support for Egypt is proclaimed in the German
Nazi journal still published in Buenos Aires, Der Irreg.
Whatever may be thought of Colonel Nasser's action in na-
tionalising the Suez Canal, he was right, says an article in
the September 1956 issue, and all blame must lie with "the
hare-brained policies of some Western Powers." (Pleasure
is expressed at the fact that "step by step the imperialist
powers are being deprived of what they once grabbed and
through generations exploited.") Conveying their "sincere
wishes" to the Arabs in their "faithful struggle," the German
Nazis in Argentina affirm the "inconquerable hope" that
this new rebellion will catch on among our own people."
It will be remembered that already last year (see this Bul-
letin, September-December 1955) one of the II'-'rg's most
prominent contributors, Dr. Johann von Leers, now in the
employ of Colonel Nasser 's foreign propaganda services in
Cairo welcomed the Arabs' "struggle for independence"
on the ground that "anything calculated to destroy the
Democratic-Communist world tyranny forced upon us in 1945
is a clarion call of freedom to us Germans." lie was pleased
to think that "the idea behind the rising of Arab nationalism"
was "to prepare for the approaching struggle against the
oppressor Powers."
"Jewish Bolshevism"
Presumably lie does not now include among the oppressor
Powers Soviet Russia. But it is interesting to recall how.
true to the doctrine of "Mein Kampf," he used to denounce
"Jewish Bolshevism" whenever Hitler prepared for fresh
aggression. One wonders what he thinks now of Cairo as
he wrote in 1938 about Prague: "That place has really be-
come a branch office of Moscow, just as Moscow is a branch
office of World Jewry. It is often by no means easy to dis-
tinguish where Czech propaganda ends and Bolshevist pro-
paganda begins. They shade off into one another, working
hand in hand." (Hakenkreuz-Banner, Mannheim, 23-9-38).
Leers probably owes his present employment in Cairo to
the good offices of the ex-Mufti who keeps in close contact
with Der ]Veg. In the January 1953 issue he had compli-
mented Leers on his "very important work in favour of the
traditional friendship between the German and Arab Nation."
Now (August 1956) he compliments Der II"eg on having
"always championed the Arabs' righteous cause against the
powers of darkness embodied in World Jewry."
In the course of an interview with him, printed in the
same issue, the ex-Mufti is stated to have denounced "the
support given to the Zionists by the Christian churches in
sonic European countries, especially Germany." "Are they go-
ing to call for a crusade against Islam?", he blandly asked.
The interviewer remarks: "The new anti-Islam tendency,
especially among Protestant theologians, is well known and
being carefully and suspiciously watched. We clearly see the
parallels between German nationalism and the Arab struggle
for freedom, both nations writhing under the same imperial-
ist oppression," etc.
"The Old Paganism"
Der IG'eg recently celebrated its tenth anniversary. In a
leading article, No, 7.8, August 1956, the editor, Eberhard
Fritsch, explains how lie had always hoped to keep alive the
"fire" of Nazi "truculence." If he were to sum up what it
was that caused people to read his journal, he would say, he
writes, "it is the old paganism that was aroused in them."
A characteristic representative of that paganism is Dr. J.
von Leers. In his anniversary contribution, on "The New
World Age," he forecasts the end of the Christian era, as
he had already done in a booklet 22 years ago ("Der Kar-
dinal and die Germanen"). He thinks that "it will soon be
impossible for people performing miracles with hypnotism,
spiritual healing, telepathy and occultism, to be fobbed off
with the tribal god Jehovah and to force their new piety into
old bottles."
A reference to the "dying faiths" which, through their
"neglect," had caused "the reactions of National Socialism
and Bolshevism," is also contained in a long Open Letter to
the Editor by Hans Grimm, the author, who rehashes most
of his sanctimonious tricks of white-washing Nazism. The
German people's "will to live and to assert itself," he writes,
had "to a terrifying degree been reduced by the much in-
voked repentance."
In its devout effort to defend the Nazis cause, Der IYPeg
does not mind representing Ilitler who had always boasted
of his infallibility, as a fool who was deceived by "thieves
within the house ..."
An interview with Leon Degrelle, the Belgian quisling, is
printed, on the occasion of his 50th birthday, in the journal
of the "Belgian Social Movement," Courtier du Continent,
July 1956....
The September 1956 issue of Dtr Irleg, Buenos Aires,
which reprints this from the Belgian paper, also carries a
leading article by Sir Oswald Mosley, the British Fascist
Chief.
Contact in the U. S. A.
The Weg publishing firm, Durer Verlag, has a "United
Nations Correspondent" in New York. He is H. Keith
Thompson, describing himself as a "journalist and public
relations counsel," who was mentioned as a joint director of
"Le Blanc Publications" in the Wiener Library Bulletin, No.
1-2, 1956. On October 1, 1956, he sent a telegram to Ad-
miral Docnitz to mark "the occasion of his release from 11
years of illegal confinement by the 'Allies' for 'war crimes'."
In this telegram, Thompson referred to the "despicable
Nuremberg proceedings brought about by the criminal co-
guilt of the U. S. A. and world Jewry."
An appeal in October to the American News Company
to discontinue distribution in the United States of Der Weg
remained unanswered. In letters to Mr. Henry Garfinkel,
President of the American News Company, the American
Jewish Congress described Der Weg as a "mouthpiece of
present-day Hitlerism."(Condenfed, Coxrlecy, The Wiener Library)
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Jwi, Ma-CA.i72i12MLGtQhd A.H W.QIt and ~QacQ
The following quotations have very exceptional meaning, coming as they do from
two national heroes; the French victor of the two decisive Marne battles of World War
I, Marshal Foch, a deeply devout Catholic, and Field Marshal Hindenburg, the van-
quished general in this campaign, whose insolent words reveal all of the unchanged
mentality of Prussianism.
Because the "spirit" of Hindenburg continues as part of the "equipment" of the
German officer, his words assume added importance in the face of German rearma-
ment. Die Oesterreichische Nation.
Marshal Focu (on the centenary of Napoleon's death,
1921):
"Napoleon had to fall, because he forgot that no man is
God, that the nation is above the individual, that morals stand
above the man, and that peace is enthroned above war."
HINDENBURG (in an interview with U. S. Captain Mac
Mahon, May 15,1923):
"We will take revenge, even if it will take 100 years, for
history repeats itself, and what I want more than anything
in this world, is, that I myself can take up arms against
France."
FocH:
"As if our nation could live on glory instead of by work!
As if in a decent world the moral concept would not prevail
over power, depending solely upon force, no matter how
ingenious!"
HINDENBURG:
"War cannot be conducted with sentimentalism. The more
bitter a war is conducted, the more humane it is in reality.
War agrees with me like a rest cure at a spa.
"A pattern of peril develops in British policy
towards Germany.
"First the Government agrees to rearming the
Germans. And now Mr. Macmillan assures them
that Britain also supports their ambition to re-
unite with Eastern Germany.
"He tells them: 'We shall do everything we
can to help you.'
"Britain should do nothing at all to further
this dangerous German ambition.
"It is bad enough that Britain should ever
have been led into accepting German rearma-
ment. But this new commitment is even worse.
"For what is the danger? That one day the
Germans will use their new guns to fight for
their old lands. And then Britain will be dragged
in to help rescue these allies of hers from the
Russians.
"There is only one safe policy for Britain to
adopt towards the Germans. No reunification.
No rearmament. No commitments at all."
(Daily Express, London, 5-9-57)
FocH:
"It is the absolute duty of all, a duty higher than the
command of victorious armies: to serve the people for its
happiness, just as the people believe in itself; to help justice
attain the upper hand. For, above war, there is peace."
HINDENBURG (addressing the "Stahlhelm" in Gross-
Schwuelper) :
"You are young people and you have played the Trium-
phal Entry of Paris march very well for me. But I hope,
that you will play this march at some time in the future,
where it belongs, at the right place, where I have already
been in 1870."
FoCH ("Soldatenworte) :
"The wisest man will err, if, in questions of decisions
affecting humanity, he depends only upon his own views and
insight and distances himself from the moral law of society,
which is founded upon respect for the individual and the
principles of liberty, equality and fraternity, the basis of our
culture, as it was conceived by Christianity."
"Of course, there's no such thing as the Ger-
man Riviera. But with an apt sardonic turn of
phrase, the French today call their Cote d'Azur
by another name-Cote d'Allemagne, or the
German coast.
"For the Germans, who are collectively and
individually the richest people in Europe, have
this summer almost replaced the Americans as
the No. 1 tourists here. .
"The recent headlines show the power that
Germany commands and which gives their
tourists today a special ascendacy-" 'Dulles to
Work With Adenauer On Arms Plans. . . . U. S.
to Seek Bonn's View Before Making Any Accord
With Russia on Europe. . . . Germans to Be
Consulted by U. S . . . . Atomic Arms for U. S.
Forces in Germany. . . . Krupp to Enter Atom
Field...
"But what one wonders most objectively oft
all is: Where do all the Germans come from?
In the past year, one has seen them in multi-
tudes in Cairo, in Lebanon, Syria, even in Iran
and Iraq. Passing through Germany last week,
they seemed to be more numerous than ever
before in the Fatherland. The roads through
France are jammed with them....
(Bill Richardson, N. Y. Post, 6-23-57)
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It seems that modern dictatorships, by their very nature,
thrive at the expense of their strongest supporters. Both Hitler
and Stalin turned their friends and all ies---domestic and
foreign-into obedient satellites. When this was achieved,
they liquidated the leaders who had helped them, and replaced
them with their own henchmen. Those who remember the pre-
war Hitler and- Stalin period, will also recall how these dic-
tators cooperated with the various kings of the Balkan coun-
tries only to undermine their positions and oust them at the
opportune moment.
The "Expendables"
Egypt's "strong man," Gamal Abdul Nasser, is filled with
the same "gratitude" toward the Arab Kings. They are pawns
-his "expendables." Yet, Nasser would have never reached
the position he now enjoys, without the concrete help and
financial support of the Arab Kings.
If the Kings ignored the fate which befell a number of
European rulers, one would expect them to sit up and take
notice when one of "their own," former King Farouk, was
sacked by the Egyptian dictator. However, this did not happen.
Instead, they heaped praise on the "bright young man." There
appeared to be no doubt in their minds that Nasser's sole
ambition was to revive the ancient glories of Islam. After all,
it was he who outlined the grand design which made such a
marked impression on the Kings,
"When I consider the 80 million Muslims in Indonesia,
and the 50 million in China, and the millions in Malaya,
Siam and Burma, and the nearly 100 million in Pakistan,
and the more than 100 million in the Middle East, and the
50 million in the Soviet Union, together with the other mil-
lions in far-flung parts of the world---when I consider these
hundreds of millions united by a single creed, I emerge with a
sense of the tremendous possibilities which we might realize
through the cooperation of all these Muslims, a cooperation
going not beyond the bounds of their natural loyalty to their
own countries, but nonetheless enabling them and their
brothers in faith to wield power wisely and without limits."
(Egypt's Liberation by Premier Gamal Abdul Nasser, Public
Affairs Press, Washington, D. C., page 113.)
Whatever aspirations the Arab Kings may have had with
regard to this project, it goes without saying that Nasser had
no intentions of taking a back scat. Possessed with the
"Fuehrer complex," he wrote: "And now I go back to that
wandering mission in search of a hero to play it. Here is the
role. Here are the lines, and here is the stage. We alone, by
virtue of our place, can perform the role" (ibid., page 114).
In Nasser's self-appointed role "supporting actors" are super-
fluous. This holds especially true for the Kings %%ho are
logically regarded by Nasser as a harrier to his insatiable
ambitions.
Discussing one of the chief elements with allegedly pre-
vented the Arabs from destroying Israel in 1947-48, Nasser
writes, ". . . then, each in its own internal affairs encountered
the same factors, the same ruling forces that had brought about
their defeat, and forced them to bow their heads in humilia-
tion and shame" (page 95).
Therefore, it is clear beyond the shadow of a doubt, that
the Arab Kings are regarded by Nasser as an intolerable stum-
bling block. It is they who must submit completely to his will.
But submission is only a temporary respite. They will live
on his sufferance until the day that he prepares his assassins
for the coup de grace.
Former French Premier Mollet referred to Nasser's book
as the new "Mein Kampl" wherein an oriental Hitler lays
bare his boldest dreams. The French statesman was not playing
on words. Nasser's book shows all the earmarks of German
geopolitical theory and even terminology. Nasser writes about
the allegedly outdated concept of political boundaries and
national states (page 84) and stresses the need for "living
space" (page 85). In developing his thesis he delineates the
three "circles": Arab, Islamic and African. Nasser tells us
that they are tangent to each other through the center which
is Egypt. To hold the three "circles" firmly and to wield
them as a gigantic geopolitical unit which can, if it wills,
strangulate the world, is Egypt's holy mission "since no one
else is qualified to play it" (page 88.).
King Hussein vs. Nasser
The crisis that shook Jordan in the Spring of this year
has its roots in Nasser's dreams. Like Hitler, the Egyptian
dictator operates according to plan. When Hitler marched
into the Rhineland, some people thought that this was merely
the act of a German patriot asserting "the God-given rights"
of his people. If those trusting souls had seriously studied
"Mein Kampf" they would have recognized that Hitler's
move was but a preparatory step toward wider pickings.
Nasser's seizure of Suez was also praised by many people
as the expression of a legitimate national aspiration. A care-
ful examination of Nasser's writings shows that the grab was
not the work of an Egyptian patriot but the initial thrust
of a man who desires nothing less than to be the lord and
master of the whole Islamic world and its resources. It was
a move to prepare the groundwork for the Jordan "An-
schluss" with Syria and Egypt-the nucleus for the Arab
"circle."
That Nasser and his strategists were working day and night
toward this goal was hardly a secret. Yet, the king of Jordan,
entranced by the thought of becoming a "big" king, seemed
oblivious to the facts of life.
Nasser had carefully prepared the attack. The govern-
mental apparatus in Jordan was honeycombed with his agents
and stooges. However, it seems that the rather crude methods
of Nasser began to tell on the king. Toward the beginning
of the crisis Hussein found his tongue. He warned his then
Prime Minister Suleiman Nabulsi that the Communist danger
had grown. There were individuals, he declared, "who feign
loyalty to Arab nationalism, indulge in hullabaloo, prevarica-
tion, falsehood and heroics. thereby seeking to conceal their
evil designs against Arab nationalism and the fact that they
cooperate with our enemies in misleading the masses and
exploiting the people."
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Nabulsi contemptuously ignored Hussein for he knew that
the King had become more and more isolated since the
British had been ousted in March 1956. At that time Hussein
was hailed as a great patriot. Actually, the riots and demon-
strations resulting in the removal of the British General
Glubb as the Chief of the Arab Legion, had been engineered
by Egyptian agents together with an assortment of pro-
Communists and Nasserites who had infiltrated Jordan's
government. Hussein's difficulties were compounded by the
fact that by losing the British subsidy of 30 million pounds
annually, he had placed himself at the mercy of Nasser who
had solemnly pledged that Egypt, Syria and Saudi Arabia
would make up a great part of the deficit.
While the noose around Hussein's neck was drawn more
tightly, Prime Minister Nabulsi, an ardent devotee to the
Nasser cause, was already speaking of the end of Jordan.
On one occasion he proclaimed flatly, "Jordan's destiny is to
disappear." Another time he said, "Jordan cannot live alone.
Our intentions were from the beginning to work for Arab
unity. The first step is a sort of federation and the first phase
of federation is to have it between Syria and Jordan . . .
Practical negotiations are now making progress . . . There is
no longer any doubt that federation is coming."
Nabulsi's words were translated into the demonstrations
and riots in April which threatened to overthrow King
Hussein. The London Economist (4-27-57) reported how the
rioters carried the flags of Jordan, Syria and Egypt. Nasser's
picture was most prominent. The main slogan of the mobs
was, "Federal Union With Syria and Egypt!" It was these
initial demonstrations which broke Nasser's spell over Hus-
sein. By the end of April the King, with great courage
smashed the conspiracy and the Nasserites fled or were im-
prisoned.
Provocation Through Propaganda
At the beginning of the crisis Nasser was confident of
success. Although he regarded Hussein as "an emotional,
irresponsible playboy" (New York Times, 4-28-57), he was
sure that his loyal followers in Jordan would keep the King
in line. Egyptian propaganda reflected the carefulness with
which Nasser played his cards during those dramatic (lays.
On April 18, 1957, the Cairo radio reported a commentary
from the Syrian newspaper Barada: "The' battle is now tense
in Jordan between the forces of imperialism and reaction and
the forces of patriotism, and the Jordanian people who are
renowned for their gallantry and strength in defense." The
radio also referred to another Syrian newspaper, An-Nasr
which said that Hussein should seek the advice of his Arab
"friends," i.e., King Saud and Presidents Al-Quwwatli
(Syria) and Nasser. The paper declared that they were the
true "trustees" of Jordan and that they were dedicated to
helping Hussein achieve complete freedom. "We do nos' be-
lieve that King Hussein's opinion is different from that of
the three leaders or that his means are different from ours."
Nasser's propagandists were trying to give Hussein the
benefit of the doubt. With a condescending air they por-
trayed him as the innocent victim of an "alien imperialistic
conspiracy." The Cairo radio (4-22-57) pretended to weep
over Hussein's plight and charged that the ousting of Nabulsi
and a couple of pro-Nasser generals was really the work of
the "imperialists." Yet, even in this broadcast there was al-
ready a faint hint that perhaps Hussein himself was no longer
willing to toe the mark: "Is it possible by these torturous
means, devoid of honor, sincerety, straightforwardness and
respect for the will of the people, to succeed or divert a
people from their aims and objectives?" Hussein's name was
not mentioned but this ominous warning was made: "Those
who planned the plot, who participated in it, and those who
supported it, will relent sooner than they imagine ..."
Thus, Nasser's propagandists shifted to a bolder line as it
became apparent that Hussein was "getting out of hand."
On April 23, the Egyptian radio denounced what it called
the "conspiracy against Jordan." It named the "heroes" of
Jordan's independence, i.e., Generals Nuwwar, Huyari and
former Prime' Minister Nabulsi. Since it was the King who
had eliminated this trio from positions of power, the Egyp-
tian propaganda guns were inevitably shifting their sights on
the King himself. This was the meaning of the Egyptian
radio broadcast on the following day which termed the strife
in Jordan "the struggle of Arabdom." The broadcaster af-
firmed that the "Arab nation" was in the midst of the battle
in Jordan and that Jordan "will triumph in the same way the
Arab nation has triumphed."
As the plot against Hussein unfolded with all its ramifi-
cations, the King finally took to the radio on April 25, 1957.
Though he castigated Israel he also leveled a sharp attack
against his Egyptian "friends": "I had to believe that the
slightest duties of cordiality and gratitude would have re-
quired our brethren in Egypt to cease at least inciting the
people through the press and radio by attacking my person-
I who had sworn my blood for the sake of dear Egypt at the
time of its catastrophe-and to cease fabricating statements
and falsifying utterances in an attempt to plot out , the con-
SEEING THINGS
Cartoon by Marcus, Courtesy, N. Y. Times
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spiracy against the throne-the plot which is being investi-
gated by a reliable group headed by a higher ministerial com-
mittee, the plot which is confirmed and upheld by the fleeing
of certain conspiring officers for fear of being uncovered.
"I was patient for a long time regarding the mistakes of
these Egyptian tongues and pens which attacked and defamed
us, which attempted to incite certain of our people against
us and destroy the true situation in our country and which re-
leased lies, rumors, and propaganda. We were patient and will
remains patient, suppressing rage and forgiving (them?) in
fulfillment of our promise to Egypt and in maintaining our
solidarity, fraternity, Arabdom, and unity. 117e had hoped
that this misleading propaganda would not flare up, spread,
and become brutal in a way which has become difficult for
our Arab dignity and prestige, and our national heritage to
tolerate injustice and wrong."
On April 27, the Egyptian radio toned down--apparently
stung by Hussein's accusations. Once again Cairo pretended
to shed tears about the dangers to Jordan's independence
and security. "0 Arabs," an Egyptian radio commentator de-
clared. "Who is Jordan? Jordan is your country and mine.
Jordan is our country, my brother. Jordan is the country of
all the Arabs. The independence of Jordan is my independ-
ence and yours, my brother. The independence of Jordan is
our independence; it is the independence of all Arabs. The
security of Jordan is your security and mine, my brother. The
security of Jordan is the security of all the Arabs."
The "new" approach emphasized that Egypt had not been
interfering in Jordan but was only naturally solicitous for
her welfare. "We of the Voice of the Arabs," the Cairo radio
said, "have no right to speak in the name of Jordan. Jordan
has its own nationalism ..."
In this connection it will be recalled that on April 18, the
Egyptian radio had named Nasser as one of the trustees of
Jordan's fate, but Hussein's surprising show of defiance
obliged the Egyptian propagandists to disclaim any thought
of intervention. However, the change was of short duration
for on May 4, the Cairo radio once again began to employ
threats and innuendoes: "Those who concocted the Jordanian
plot did not take into consideration the fact that the day will
come when the plotters will be disgraced, when everything
will be exposed before the eyes of world public opinion, and
when the mask will be taken off the faces of those who plotted
and committed crimes without heeding the lessons of his-
tory. Truth can never be suppressed, and crime will never
pay." The following day (5-5.57) the Cairo radio sought to
discredit Hussein's policies: "The Jordanien budget, which
the present government will submit, cannot be described as a
budget of an Arab slate proceeding in the caravan of libera-
tion. It is a novel budget, the main item of which is Ameri-
can aid given to this Arab country as a reward for those who
hatched the imperialist plot and for the bold measures they
took against the free and struggling people."
On May 8, it became clear even to Egyptians that the King
was winning out. The Cairo radio was incensed and railed
against "the imperialists and their stooges." As if it were
warning Hussein directly, the radio quoted Nasser: "We
shall antagonize those who antagonize as and we shall be
peaceful to those who are peaceful to us."
The Egyptian Home Service, broadcasting on May 10, de-
plored that Jordan "by virtue of the plots of imperialism and
its lackeys has been transformed into a state about which the
imperialists deem it their right to speak with malice ..." It
charged that Jordan's status had changed "after it permitted
the supporters of reaction and imperialism to raise their
hands and stand in the way of the people's will." The broad-
cast concluded with the warning that the "people" would yet
emerge victorious "for the sake of the whole liberated Arab
world."
Exposing Nasser
However, by this time the Jordanian propaganda machine
had largely outgrown its fears and inhibitions and struck
back. It noted that at one time the Egyptians would praise
Arab leaders when they did the bidding of Cairo and would
denounce them when they strayed from Nasser's camp. The
broadcast referred to the stand taken by the Egyptian press
on the crisis in Jordan. It charged that the Egyptian papers
relied on information of traitors to Jordan and accused Egypt
of having lied about the true conditions obtaining in the
capital of Jordan. The broadcast noted that when General
Hyari first accepted the post Chief of Staff under Hussein,
the Egyptian press smeared him as an "imperialist stooge."
On the other hand, when he fled to Damascus the same paper
praised him.
The Jordanian radio commentator, understating the case,
noted that this kind of propaganda based on false reports and
provocation, "harms relations between Egypt and the other
Arab states." In conclusion the commentator said: "We re-
quest that the Egyptian Government and the Ministry of
Guidance in Egypt reimpose supervision of the Egyptian
press and the Voice of the Arabs broadcast so as to avoid in
the future any misunderstanding between sister Egypt and
any other Arab state." As was to be expected Cairo, by this
time, arrogantly ignored Jordan's rather mild protest of in-
terference.
SKID ROW
Courtesy, N. Y. Herald Tribune
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This forced Hussein's hand and on May 11, the Jordanian
newspaper Al-Urdan broke wide open the conspiracy hatched
by Nasser and his cohorts. It was a plot, the newspaper de-
clared, which not only involved the overthrow of King
Hussein but also the thrones of the kingdoms of Saudi Arabia,
Iraq and Libya. The newspaper named names of key Egyptian
agents and also revealed the identity of certain representa-
tives from the various Soviet embassies in the Middle East.
The people of Jordan were told the pertinent facts concern-
ing the nefarious role of Egyptian representatives in Jordan.
King Hussein was their target and one of the leading organ-
izers of the plot against the King was the Egyptian Military
Attache Fuad Hilal. Together with the Egyptian Consul Gen-
eral in Jerusalem he was expelled from Jordan. The expul-
sion deepened the rift between Jordan and Egypt and showed
that the King had become disenchanted with Nasser's Pan-
Arabic schemes.
In recounting the "zigs and zags" of the Egyptian propa-
ganda line during the crisis, one thing becomes clear, i.e.,
Nasser strove with all his might to control the events in that
country so that his dream of absorbing Jordan would be fully
realized. It was a cat and mouse game-first pretending to
be concerned about Hussein's difficulties-pretending that
Egypt had no desire to interfere but on the contrary wished
Hussein well. When Hussein sought to clean out the nest of
Nasserites the Cairo radio began to squeal like a stuck pig,
yet even then direct attacks against the King were avoided.
However, the logic of events in Jordan could no longer con-
tain the feeling of outrage which grew in the breasts of
Nasser and his co-conspirators. They threatened Hussein and
even now seek in every possible way to turn his people
against him.
The Jordan story has had a profound effect on recent de-
velopments in the Middle East. Like a flash of lightning it
cleared up the heavy atmosphere of confusion and illusion
made impenetrable by the cunning propaganda and bold ac-
tivities of Nasser and his henchmen.
King Saud vs. Nasser
The crisis in Jordan would have never reached such grave
dimensions, had it not been for the fact that Nasser not only
received help from the minions of Moscow but also from
King Saud of Saudi Arabia. Saud, too, had sat at the feet of
the "bright young man" from Cairo. Nasser fascinated him
.and undoubtedly the King dreamt about the day when the
whole Moslem world would lay prostrate before his throne.
It was therefore relatively easy for King Saud to provide
millions of dollars for the terrorists and propagandists who
flooded the Arab world under the direction of Nasser and his
Nazi advisers. It was Saud's money received from the royal-
ties paid by American oil companies, that subsidized the
activities of Nasser's men in Jordan.
Events in Jordan shocked King Saud and the confidence
which he reposed in Nasser, began to wane. Indeed, it has
been reported that after Nasser blocked the Suez Canal there-
by cutting off much of Saudi Arabia's oil revenues, the King
began to wonder where Nasser's program would lead to.
King Saud received his answer in relative short order. Ac-
cording to reliable reports, the King discovered that the
Egyptian Military Attache in his capital had organized and
financed a terrorist band whose ultimate target was the King
himself. Saud's security police arrested the plotters who were
armed with guns, grenades and explosives. The men admitted
planning the King's assassination and implicated Col. Ali
Khashaba, Egypt's Military Attache. According to Time
Magazine (5-13-57), the King was outraged and expelled a
number of Egyptians and ex-Palestinians.. "He then backed
Hussein to the limit."
Nasser was dumbstruck. The idea that he might lose Saud's
subsidies made him desperate. According to Joseph Alsop
(New York Herald Tribune, 5-6-57), top Nasser represen-
tatives sought out King Saud in the very shadow of the
sacred Kaaba in Mecca. One Egyptian member of the dele-
gation swore that Nasser was innocent as a newborn babe !
Nasser did not deny that the plot existed but disavowed
personal responsibility! By this time even Saud seems to have
reached the point of understanding that he might suffer the.
fate of other leaders, including King Michael of Rumania
and Jan Mazeryck of Checkoslovakia. Reports in the press
now tell us that Saud has definite second thoughts with re-
spect to Nasser's dream world. Saud who financed Nasser in
Jordan hoping that he would be richly rewarded for the
money; Saud who had helped Nasser in spreading terror
throughout the Middle East; Saud who paid for the riots
against the King of Iraq, was sobering up at last.
Nasser Reaches for Iraq
The Government of Jordan had accused Nasser of fo-
menting rebellion against other thrones in the Middle East.
These facts have been published in the West last year. The
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noted British correspondent Sefton Delmer reported to the
London Daily Express (1-23-56) that the King of Iraq had
proceeded to purge his army, having learned that Nasser had
infiltrated "the officer corps with the aim of overthrowing
Iraq's anti-Soviet Premier Nuri, forcing the abdication of the
King and establishing the same kind of military dictatorship
in Iraq as in Egypt."
As in Jordan and Saudi Arabia the Egyptians worked
through their military attache. Col. Mahmoud Gamel Al
Hinawi, Cairo's Military Attache in Baghdad, was respon-
sible for the operation. Only the quick and resolute action
of the Iraqui Government uncovered the plot which resulted
in the arrest of Col. Hinawi's number one agent, the German
trained Egyptian Commando Officer Cpt. Mohamed Ali Issa.
Commenting on the plot, Delmer wrote: "Yes, it is a strange
world when ultra-rich princes of Saudi-Arabia distribute dol-
lars they have received from American oil companies to Com-
munist agents in order that the Communists may spread chaos
and anarchy in the neighbour country."
Undermining Libya
The King of Libya has also found his friend Nasser a bit
difficult. Nasser's agents are omnipresent in Libya-as they
are in other countries of that area. The London Economist
(4-13-57) noted that many of the townspeople in Libya and
especially the youth "feel the attraction of the Pan-Arab ideas
and methods of which Col. Nasser has made himself the
exponent."
Nasser, of course, has fully exploited these Pan-Arab sen-
timents and his agents have distributed tons of propaganda
material throughout the country. The propaganda has been
markedly effective to the extent that "humble Cyrenaican
parents can be seen urging their children to lisp the name of
Gamal Abdul Nasser as they gaze at portraits of the Egyptian
leader in the windows." Nevertheless, King Idris has also be-
come uneasy. The Egyptian military attache in that country,
Ishmail Sadek, organized a so-called "Front For The Struggle
Of The Libyan People." Ignoring the fact that he was but a
guest of Libya, he publicly accused the Government of King
Idris of being "the servant of imperialism." He backed up
his charge by smuggling in at least 28 cases of automatic
arms which were hidden in the Egyptian Embassy for future
distribution at the appropriate time. The activities of Sadek
impelled King Idris to take a stand. The Government sent
him out of the country along with a number of "teachers"
supplied by the Egyptian Government to instruct young
Libyans.
Nasser Is "Pro-Nasser"
Perhaps some people who like to indulge in historical anal-
ogies might want to depict Nasser as Egypt's Thomas Jeffer-
son resolutely opposed to monarchy. However, such compa-
risons are preposterous and misleading. It is a known fact,
for example, that Moscow, too, has disposed of kings but who
would want to, compare Stalin with Thomas Jefferson I "Pro-
republicanism has no part in Nasser's philosophy. The Leban-
ese Government which is a genuine republic, can testify to
that. The Egyptian dictator, under the guise of fighting "im-
perialism," has been busily at work trying to undermine
Lebanon and its republican institutions.
The Lebanese Government has already exposed this con-
spiracy hatched by the Egyptian Ambassador Abdel Hamid
Ghalib. The Ambassador has had large funds at his disposal
to interfere in the political life of Lebanon. Joseph Alsop,
reporting in the New York Herald Tribune (5-20 and 5-22-
57), states that the Egyptian Embassy in Beirut is the chief
political headquarter for the pro-Egyptian forces. These ele-
ments have tried to create turmoil and civil war during the
recent elections, but the Lebanese leaders who apparently
have been wise to Nasser's designs for a much longer time
than the Arab kings, have successfully smashed the plot.
The "Education" Angle
Nasser's drive to subvert the regimes of the Arab kings not
only involves terror, assassination and civil war, it also in-
cludes a carefully laid out program to win over Arab youth.
The London Economist (4-27-57) devoted an informative
article on this subject under the title "Egypt's Empire-Build-
ers." Realizing the growing urge on the part of the Arab
youth to gain literacy and taking advantage of the fact that
in most Arab countries there are few native born teachers
who are equipped to meet the educational needs of the peo-
ple, Nasser has developed a corps of teachers throughout
the Arab world. While the standard and quality of Egyptian
pedagogy may be inferior to that of western standards, it is
still high by the standards of the Middle East. "In each oil-
bearing country, therefore, the protagonist of a 'greater Arab
nation' under Egyptian management has an instrument ready
to band-the schoolmaster for the new school, not to men-
tion the inspector for the schools systems as a whole." Even
in the tiny sheikdom of Kuwait the number of Egyptian
teachers is more than double that of native teachers.
While not all of the Egyptian teachers in the various Arab
countries are pro-Nasser, the London Economist notes that
everywhere they are interspersed "with members of Egypt's
Cultural Mission-men and women glib with patter from
NASSER'S NETWORK
"Nasser is rapidly building up a new spy-network
in Arab countries in place of his badly discredited
military attaches-expelled from five Arab countries
during the last I5 months for espionage and sabotage.
"Most advanced is his reorganization in Libya-area
holding best British and U. S. air bases in North Africa.
"Here the new spy chief is Tewfik Shallabi, ostensi-
bly a modest embassy archivist.
"(His predecessor. Colonel Sadek, the military at-
tache, was expelled in November.)
"Shallabi's deputy is an Egyptian brigadier named
Muhamad Tabei. But Tabei is in mufti, listed as a
consul.
e Egyptians have at their service a platoon of
Libyan agents indoctrinated in Egypt.
"Shallabi and Tabei have ample funds and they are
using them lavishly. Three new Egyptian clubs have
been opened to replace the one closed by the Libyans.
"Newspapers and journalists are being bought to
print anti-Western propaganda.
"A special effort is being made to buy leading trade
unionists so that control of Libya's trades unions may
pass into Egyptian and Soviet control.
"My information is that they are proving successful."
(Sefton Delmer, Daily Express. London, 6-13-57)
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Cairo's Ministry of National Guidance and capable ('like
the one rotten mano in a basket,' as an lraqui put it) of in-
jecting into a whole school the tincture of disloyalty to the
local ruler or government." From time to time some of these
teachers are dismissed for becoming too enthusiastic over
Nasser and for paying little heed to their duties as teachers.
As noted in the case of Libya, a number of the 600 Egyptian
teachers in that country were deported. The same holds true
for Iraq where groups of teachers have been dismissed al-
though there are still about 500 of them in the country.
The Economist observes that even when the more ardent
Nasserites among the teachers are removed, there arc still
jobs in other Middle East countries. "A point that at once
strikes anyone who scrutinizes the efficient work they are
doing, is their proprietary behavior. 'We are doing this and
that. We intend to run a university here.' Who is we?
Egypt's greater Arab nation, not the Kuwaitis." Wherever
they go, these Egyptian teachers who are subsidized by Cairo,
faithfully spread the gospel preached by the "bright you rig
man." Hitler saw the value of this kind of operation arid
succeeded in establishing powerful fifth columns in many
countries abroad as an adjunct to his military plans.
The amazing influence that Nasser's teachers exert through-
out the Arabic world, prompts the Economist to ask the
"$64,000 question" : "How far is a ruler such as King Saud,
or the Sheikh of Kuwait, aware of the anomaly whereby he
is paying Egyptians to teach the next generation of his sub-
jects that thrones and hereditary rule are out of date, that
AMONG NASSER'S ELITE
"For the.lust-So-We-Know-Where-We-Stand-
Dep't.: Back in 1938, when the Hitler hordes
putched their way into Austria, a Dr. Herman
Neubacher, engineer and high-ranking S.S.
official, was named Mayor of Vienna. He was
well remembered by the populace for having
had a hand in the assassination of the nation's
beloved President Dollfuss. In '45 Neubacher
was sentenced by the Tito government of Yugo-
slavia to twenty years as a war criminal-and
released after 5 years. What is Neubacher's
current assignment? He's one of the most
trusted advisers of Dictator Nasser of Egypt..."
(Hy Gardner, N. Y. Herald Tribune, 3-12-57)
WHAT HE WANTS
"... A few months of Nasser's bluster and
plotting have done more to destroy his prestige
than years of delicate diplomacy.
"For he has revealed to the Arab lands which
he aspired to lead that he has nothing to offer
them. On the contrary, it is he who wants some-
thing from them-their oil and their inde-
pendence ...
the western race that has created the wealth that produces
superb classrooms. and self-wiping blackboards, is fit only to
be booed, and that a role of importance for the Arabs hangs
on creating a greater Arab nation run in subservience to
Cairo?" To what ' extent the question can be answered, only
the future will tell. If the rate of present developments con-
tinues, the kings may have to give their answer sooner than
they expect.
"To the Bitter End"
Nasser's role in Jordan has helped to dispel many illu-
sions. The kings are no longer as comfortable as they were
when Nasser first came to them. His initial failure in Jordan
was in no small part due to the support that Hussein received
from the Kings of Saudi Arabia and Iraq. This cold fact must
have made a profound impression on the Egyptian dictator
and may induce him to take more drastic measures.
Will the Kings be prepared for the coming counter attack?
Nasser's next move may be camouflaged by the smokescreen
of a new drive on Israel. The "bright young man" has been
adept in employing the bogey of Israel as a means of whip-
ping recalcitrants back in line. Will the Kings dare to pene-
trate the anti-Israel fog which has already led them to the
brink of self-destruction?
There is no doubt that the struggle between Nasser and
the Arab Kings will continue to the bitter end. Nasser will
never give up his dream to rule the Arab world and only the
Kings stand in his way. If the Egyptian dictator is to suc-
ceed, he must eliminate them.
WHO CONTROLS THE SUEZ CANAL?
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"The Arab states don't want the refugees settled, for if
they were they would lose their most precious propaganda
piece against Israel. As Ralph Calloway, until recently head
of United Nations relief in Jordan, has said, 'The Arab
states do not want to solve the refugee problem, They want
to keep it an open sore, as an affront to the United Nations
and as a weapon against Israel. Arab leaders don't give a
damn whether the refugees live or die.'
"Recently, Henry Labouisse, director of U. N. R. W. A.
declared that the Arab states have placed so many obstacles
in the way of U. N. help for their own fellow-Arabs that it
may be necessary soon to suspend such relief entirely. The
Arab aim is to foster in the refugees the notion that return
to their former homes is the only desideratum."
(James A, Pike, N. Y. Times, 5-19-57)
* * *
The crack-up of the Arab alliance so proudly pro-
claimed at Cairo only a few months ago provides convincing
evidence that events in the Middle East are not turning out
to Nasser's liking. Jordan and Saudi Arabia have rejected his
brand of leadership as well as the Soviet influence that lies
behind it. They have found that the United States stands
ready to offer help and support with no strings attached,
"But even if Nasser's ambitions have been temporarily
checked they have by no means been crushed. Indeed, the
setbacks administered to them may well have the effect of
pushing the Egyptians and Syrians into further dangerous
adventures . . .-
(Editorial Excerpt, N. Y. Herald Tribune, 6-18-57)
... It must be clear, especially from the recent disclosures
on the Aswan Dam, that Dulles regards Nasser not as a
friend but as someone to be overcome and brought to terms.
Dulles' defect is that he dare not will the direct means to
achieve the end he desires. Caught between his religious
heritage, his legal training, and his Machiavellian self-image,
he must always seek the means that will square all three.
"As a result he is always seeking policies that will enable
him to be a legal expert, to pose as a great moral champion,
and at the same time use the most cynical duplicity in the
history of American foreign relations. If the results prove
disastrous, as they have on the canal, he falls back on the
belief that the judgment of history will prove him right . , .
"My own theory about Dulles is that he is a vain man
who has a glory-image of himself as a great adventurous
diplomat, even when the truth is that most of his moves are
confused and often contradictory ones, taken without any
real pattern or any basic philosophy . . .
"To be sure, some of his gambits-including the one on
Nasser have proved disastrous blunders. The double-take on
the Aswan Dam led by a fateful inevitability to the Suez
war, which Dulles then tried to retrieve by betraying our
allies and stripping both them and ourselves of bargaining
power-which is where we are now . . ."
(Max Lerner, N. Y. Post. 4-3-1s7--4-2I-57)
"When United States aid was being pumped into Egypt
Nasser planted the idea that Egypt might be anxious to join
a western defense alliance if only the British would give up
Suez first. And so, under pressure from the United States,
the British got out of Suez and Nasser immediately nation-
alized the canal. Now we are witnessing the results of a new
mistake in foreign policy.
"For a long time Nasser was a darling to many of our
diplomats and State Department officials even after he made
his arms deal with the Soviet Union. And he still continues
to get aid from us . .."
(American Taxpayers Association, 1-57)
* *
"It is time that we stopped being frightened by false
stereotypes and propaganda cliches about the Arabs and the
Middle East. The illusion of a united, all-powerful Arab
world ready to act as one force in a holy war against the
outsider has been shattered by the events since October 29.
Words like colonialism, imperialism, and Arab nationalism
have taken on an unwarranted power to frighten and in-
timidate . . -
"The policy of arming the Arab rulers which was begun
by this administration is one of the major factors in the
Middle East crisis and a contributory reason for the state in
which we now find ourselves. This policy was responsible
for stirring up the rivalry between Iraq and Egypt to a new
high pitch and tempted Colonel Nasser to open the gates
of the Middle East to the Soviet Union, thus giving the
Kremlin the opportunity she had been seeking in vain for
more than a century. The extent of Communist penetration
of Egypt, the large numbers of so-called technicians, and
the vast stores of Soviet-bloc arms that were built up in
Egypt shocked the free world when they were exposed by
the Israeli sweep across the Sinai . , ."
(Cong. James Roosevelt, Congressional Record, 2-14-57)
* * *
"Secretary Dulles has a painful propensity for toying with
brinkmanship, but in our opinion he has reached the brink
of another lower depth when he exposed himself as an
apologist for King Saud's discrimination against American
citizens of the Jewish faith.
"Mr. Dulles has gained for himself the reputation of being
not only a semantic contortionist, but an historic distortionist.
Some months ago he tried to explain away Saudi Arabian
discrimination against Jews with the wholly false rationaliza-
tion that the Arab animosity against Jews derived from the
fact that Jews had killed their Prophet Mohammed. Now he
has come to Arab defense with the preposterous thesis that
King Saud's continued discrimination against American Jews
was partly motivated by the fact that he was discriminated
against by New York City when it refused to give him an
official reception on his recent visit to the United States.
"Since Mr. Dulles did not quote the King as having said
that, it must be assumed that the effort to equate New York
City with Jews was the exclusive brainchild of our Secretary
of State, Secondly, even a Secretary of State is expected to
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know that Saudi Arabia's discriminatory policies against
Americans of the Jewish faith antedate his visit to this
country ..."
"Mr. Dulles' whitewashing attempt will be rejected not
only by the Jewish citizenry of the country, but by decent
men of all faiths and colors ..."
(Seven Arts Feature Syndicate, 5-2-57)
* * *
When this correspondent was in Cairo last summer,
another reporter was thrown out of the country for writing
that he had met Dr. Johann von Leers, a notorious Nazi
propagandist during World War 11, and identified him as
the head of the Egyptian Government's anti-Israel propa-
ganda work. The report persists, however, that von Leers is
in Cairo as a propaganda consultant to the regime.
"It is no secret that the regime has called upon Dr. Hjal-
mar Schacht, one of Hitler's economic brains, for advice in
that field. What is perhaps ironic, however, is that the
method which the Communist bloc is using to penetrate
Egypt-gaining the country's economic dependence by be-
coming almost the one and only market for its principal
export, commodities-strikingly similar to the methods em-
ployed by Dr. Schacht to bring Rumania into Hitler's
camp . . ."
(Arch Parsons, Jr., N. Y. Herald Tribune, 2-21-57)
* *
"The greatest and most powerful weapon in world politics
today, more powerful than even the H-Bomb, is ready to our
hand. I mean the weapon of the appeal to genuine national-
ism, as against the brand of Nasser and Khrushchev.
"Yet it is almost wholly, and tragically, an unused weapon.
If we fashioned our foreign policy by reason and logic and
national interest we would use this unused weapon . . ."
(Max Lerner, N. Y. Post, 4-15-57)
* * *
"The United States brought to bear the full weight of its
power and influence to bring about the withdrawal of
France and England from Egypt, even as it has now done
to bring about Israeli withdrawal.
"It cannot therefore evade the moral and political neces-
sity to use the same power and influence, within and outside
the United Nations, to make Nasser desist from blackmailing
France, England and Israel. Washington, almost single-
handedly, rescued Nasser from total military debacle. Short
of sacrificing every shred of honor and prestige, it cannot
accept a slap in the face as reward for that service .. .
"Appeasement of Nasser now, in . the light of United
States and United Nations commitments to Israel-and by
implication to France and Britain as well-could only bring
nearer and perhaps make inevitable the crisis of war which
it seeks to avoid."
(A. N. Spaniel,. Chairman, International Latex Corp.,
N. Y. Times, 3-21-57)
"... Israel, which got a legitimate start in life with U. S.
doing the mid-wifery, is uniquely the, one state in our day
threatened with annihilation.
"As proof of its intent, Egypt openly engaged in acts of
war against Israel, such as blockading the Strait of Tiran.
U. N. hardly more than yawned.
31
"Is then the new rule for intervention, which U. N. seeks
to enforce as a principle, that if a nation formally engages
in war, after what it considers due provocation, it must be
denied any remedy, any spoils, any possibility of corrective
action? To accept that idea must say, in effect, that it is a
respectable act to fight and die in.self-defense but unpardon-
able to disarm one's assailant. Absurd, of course, but not
more absurd than to call Israel a lawbreaker ..."
(S. L. A. Marshall, Detroit News, 3-3-57)
* * *
11 Like all movements that live by the appeal to hatred,
this nationalism, which attracts so many young people and
idealists, is none the less an inwardly ugly movement. It
is capable of such dark treachery as the bomb plot against
King Saud of Saudi Arabia, organized by the Egyptian Mili-
tary Attache. In propaganda and in organization, it employs
every device in the Fascist book. It has now even produced a
Middle Eastern 'La Prensa' case, in the form of Nasser's
recent seizure of 'El Ahram' which used to be the most re-
spected independent newspaper printed in Arabic.
"By hatred, this nationalism wins support. But it is also
a betrayal of the masses to whom it beckons. For every
practical Arab interest now calls for equal friendship with
the West. Yet Nasser is moving more and more rapidly to-
ward the kind of overt cold war with all the Western powers,
including his recent rescuer, the United States, which will
surely condemn the masses he leads to another generation of
squalor and suffering ..."
(Joseph Alsop, N. Y. Herald Tribune, 5-23-57)
* * *
"The agreement between King Saud of Saudi Arabia and U.S.
"OKAY - NOW SCRAM"
Courtesy, Washington Post
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that 'the two governments will exert efforts to settle justly
President Eisenhower, as published in a communique, pledges
the problems of the Middle East by peaceful and legitimate
means within the UN Charter' and that 'they assert their
firm opposition to the use of force in any form as a means
of settling international disputes.'
"I hope that by this it will be understood that our friendly
feeling extends to all of the countries of the Middle East,
including Israel, and that we recognize the fact that economic
sanctions are sometimes a form of force. These sanctions, as
we know, have been threatened against Israel .. .
"There can be no disagreement with the paragraph of the
agreement that recognizes the independence of all peoples
... If this part of the agreement applies to Israel as well as
to all the Arab states, then a beginning has been made to-
ward a good understanding.
"I am not sure that the strengthening of Lite armed forces
of any country in the Middle East has much value. I would
much rather see an agreement reached between the Soviet
Union and the U. S. against supplying military equipment
to any country . . .-
(Eleanor Roosevelt, N. Y. Post. 2.12-57)
... Secretary of State Dulles is technically correct when
he claims no secret deals were made at the Bermuda Con-
ference. Inside fact is, however, that President Eisenhower
initialed nine secret memos spelling Out general policy agree-
ments.
"Some memos actually were nothing but agreements to dis-
agree .. .
"Other memos dealt with the Middle East, guided missiles,
atomic tests, British arms reductions, and German reunifica-
tion.
"Most interesting fact about the memos was that the
British demanded they be written and initialed because they
recalled how other agreements had been forgotten about or
denied by Dulles.
"They also remembered how Mrs. Meir, the Israeli foreign
minister, had submitted her U. N. speech to Dulles in ad-
vance and received his complete 0. K. only to have him
renege on certain parts of it later .. _"
(Drew Pearson, Gazette & Daily, 4-4-57)
* *
"... Britain's decision to permit its ships to use the Suez
Canal was inevitable. Thanks to the United Nations the canal
is open; thanks largely to the United States it is under
Egyptian control. With Middle Eastern oil so vital London
had little choice but to accept use of the canal on whatever
terms it could get .. .
`Beyond all these factors lie the basic discontent of the
West over a situation which leaves the canal's future involved
in inter-Arab rivalry and the Soviet effort to expand its in-
fluence into the Middle East. What it all boils down to is
that Nasser has won a big victory. The West has suffered
another painful demonstration of the impossibility of reason-
ing with an arrogant, power-thirsty dictator. Only force
makes an impression on such people. And if power is lacking.
or if the exercise thereof is impractical, then there is no use
of continued prattling that the U. N. can somehow win
through with high-sounding principles.
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"The plain fact is that Nasser had his way, and those who
don't like it had better get to work on ways and means of
applying the screws to the Egyptian boss. That means, among
other things, to build tankers and pipelines as substitutes for
the Suez Canal. Then Nasser, with a shrunken treasury, might
learn something."
(Editorial Excerpt, New York Herald Tribune, 5-13-57)
"Vice President Richard Nixon's highly publicized friend-
ship tour of former Anglo-French African colonies has left
a bitter after-taste here which may sour America's relations
with its French ally long after Suez and Colonial Nasser have
been forgotten .. .
"A majority of Frenchmen have conic firmly to believe
that Washington's anti-colonial policy is nothing more than a
cloak to hide the real goal of replacing European commercial
and financial interests with American firms and American
money .. (Claudia Parker, Gazette and Daily, 4-10-57)
* * *
... Meanwhile, there is one problem which cannot await
a general settlement-the Arab refugees. This ever-growing
Communist infection must be tackled in Jordan, where they
number 500,000, if nowhere else. Four governments hold
the key---America, Britain, Jordan and Israel. If Israel would
take back 100,000 or so--and Ben-Gurion gave me good
grounds for hoping she would if Jordan would play her part
.--America and Britain should spare neither money nor effort
to get Jordan to resettle the residue by promoting largescale
irrigation schemes."
(Anthony Nutting, N. Y. Herald Tribune, 5-24-57)
* * *
"It is surely a strange situation when the great powers of
the West must rely on the doubtful reasonableness of the
Egyptian dictator, rather than their own power, to get an
acceptable settlement of the vital Suez Canal issue. The
situation arose because blind folly on both sides permitted
the Western Alliance to come apart at the scams . . ."
(Stewart Alsop, N. Y. Herald Tribune, 3-25-57)
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~b e,chWtahy f__h.ulluA M&WN (,liurG flat Glgaund 9AA"! I
By
G. F. HUDSON
In a public statement issued on March
15, after the arrival of Major-General
Abdel Hassan Latif as Egyptian Gov-
ernor in Gaza, the Israeli Foreign Min-
istry declared:
"For the Egyptian dictator there is
apparently reserved a unique code of
international law and conduct whereby,
while waging a one-sided warfare against
Israel, he is to be given the shelter of
the United Nations."
This sentence does not exaggerate
the state of affairs which has arisen as
a result of the application in the United
Nations of a double standard of law for
judging the actions of Israel and Egypt
respectively. It is now a fact of history
that the United Nations under the lead-
ership of the United States and the Soviet
Union, and with the active connivance
of the Secretary-General, has shown ex-
treme partiality and injustice in dealing
with the Israeli-Egyptian conflict. It re-
mains to seek an adequate explanation
for this extraordinary episode and to
consider what it implies for the future.
There has never been an international
crisis in which the facts have been so
little in dispute. Nobody denies-least of
all the Egyptians themselves-that Egypt
claims to be in a state of war with Israel
and therefore to exercise belligerent
rights. Nobody denies. that Egypt has for
six years kept the Suez Canal closed to
Israeli shipping in defiance of a resolu-
tion of the Security Council, has forcibly
kept Israeli shipping out of the Gulf of
Aqaba, and has organized systematic
raiding of Israeli territory by fedayeen
bands. Nobody, in other words, denies
that Egypt has been committing acts of
war against Israel ever since the conclu-
sion of the 1949 armistice, which was
supposed to lead to a negotiated peace
settlement.
Yet, as soon as Israel also exercises
belligerent rights and commits acts of
war against Egypt, virtually the whole
world as organized in the United Nations
(including not only the Arab and Mos-
lem states, which were predisposed to
side with Egypt, but also governments
which might have been expected to ap-
proach the issue impartially) agrees` to
treat Egypt as an innocent victim of
aggression and order the Israeli forces
to withdraw without exacting from a
defeated Egypt any renunciation of bel-
ligerency.
It can, of course, be argued that mil-
itary occupation of another country's ter-
ritory is so different from blockade and
guerrilla raids that the one must formally
be reckoned as war and the other not.
But it is clear that governments which
invoke this distinction in regard to the
Israeli-Egyptian conflict would not be
willing themselves to accept the logical
implications of the principle.
If, for example, the Russians were
to start firing on American ships in the
Baltic or shooting rockets into California
from submarines in the Pacific, one can-
not imagine John Foster Dulles explain-
ing to the American people that nothing
had been done to justify armed' retalia-
tion because no Russian troops were in
NASSER: This is the Secretary General of the U. N.... Yes, I'm listening)
Aux Ecautes, Paris
occupation of any part of American ter-
ritory. It is only Egypt which is deemed
to possess, uniquely among the nations
of the world, the right to wage war with-
out interference and yet to be protected
by the world's security organization from
the normal risks of belligerency.
It was also argued during last month's
crisis that no Israeli conditions for with-
drawal could be accepted because it was
not for the aggressor to lay down terms
for the cessation of his offense. Any
pledges given to Israel, it was held,
would mean that a nation was profiting
by an act of aggression, and this was
something the UN could not tolerate.
But it should never have been neces-
sary for Israel to demand guarantees and
be put in the position of bargaining
with the UN over terms for evacuation.
The UN of its own accord should have
required a renunciation of belligerency
by both sides as part of an Assembly
resolution for putting an end to the
state of war between Israel and Egypt.
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In view of the fact that Egypt openly
claimed belligerent rights, it was the
plain duty of the Assembly to call on
Egypt to renounce these rights at the
same time that it required Israel to evac-
uate Egyptian territory-especially as
Egypt was manifestly incapable of bring-
ing about an Israeli withdrawal by her
own strength.
If the Assembly failed to perform
this duty, it was in no way due to any
moral scruples about "rewarding aggres-
sion," but solely due to the formation
of a log-rolling bloc of interests which
made it possible to obtain a two-thirds
vote for sanctions against Israel, but not
for any restriction on Egypt . . .
The Arab world is up for auction
to the highest bidder, and the bids are
required not only in economic aid or
concessions but also, and above all, in
toleration or support for the pan-Aral,
designs against Israel.
Nobody acquainted with pan-Arab
propaganda and the sentiments of Arab
politicians can honestly doubt that these
designs, unless checked and restrained
from outside, must sooner or later lead
to an all-out Arab-Israeli war. The ma-
jority of Arab leaders frankly declare
that Israel must be eliminated as a state;
the few moderates who are willing to
accept the existence of an Israeli nation
insist on such a reduction of its territory
that it would cease to be viable. Not
only does the anti-Israeli cause arouse
the strongest emotions among Arabs, but
it is also the only issue on which the
separate Arab states can effectively be
combined. And this means that it is a
political necessity for politicians aiming
at increased influence in the Arab world
to dwell on it and exacerbate it as much
as possible.
Since the Israelis have no intention
of submitting to national extinction (or
even to deprivation of territory which
they now hold) without a desperate
fight, the present policies of Israel's Arab
neighbors must inevitably result in war
-whenever the Arab leaders feel that
they have attained military superiority
over Israel and are reasonably sure there
will be no great-power intervention
against them.
The military superiority they require
is a matter of modern arms, of training
in their use, and of close coordination
between the forces of the Arab states
directly concerned. Manpower is not a
problem, for the odds in terms of popu-
lation are overwhelmingly on the side
of the Arabs. But time is needed to
bring the Arab armed forces to the point
where they will be qualitatively a match
for the Israelis. The arms deliveries from
the Soviet bloc, by nullifying the West-
ern attempt to keep peace in the Middle
East through a balance in military sup-
plies, have made the project of a serious
attack on Israel one of practical politics.
Last October, when the Israelis struck
against Egypt, the confederates were
still unprepared. The Egyptians had not
yet had enough training to handle the
heavy weapons with which they had
been provided, their staff work proved
quite inadequate, and neither Syria nor
Jordan took any military action in sup-
port of Egypt. The result was a setback
in the Arab timetable.
But this cannot be more than a post-
ponement of the day of wrath, and the
former buildup has now been resumed:
Soviet arms arc again coming into the
Middle East, and the United States,
under its agreement with Saudi Arabia
and the provisions of the Eisenhower
Doctrine, is also engaged in arming Arab
states, even if supplies are not at the
moment going directly to Egypt. The
recent proceedings in the United Nations
and the course of American diplomacy
as conducted by Secretary Dulles have
given the Arab leaders more reason than
ever before to hope that they can achieve
the destruction of Israel without serious
interference from outside. They have,
therefore, only to wait until their mil-
itary strength matures and meanwhile
keep the pot boiling by agitation, propa-
ganda, threats, incidents and the partial
exercise of belligerent rights.
There is only one thing that can stop
this rake's progress toward another war
in tfie Middle East, and that is a firm
declaration by the Western great powers
that they will not allow what the Arab
leaders intend to do.
If the United States, with or without
Britain and France, were to give Israel
within her existing frontiers a definite
guarantee against armed attack (as un-
ambiguous as that which has been given
to Formosa) and at the same time to
recognize Israel's right to retaliation for
as long as Egypt claims to exercise rights
of belligerency, then the propagandists
of the destruction of Israel would have
to desist from their perpetual rabble-
rousing. They would then know that
they could never make war on Israel
without making war on America, and
that they could never, therefore, deliver
the goods which they teach their mob-
audiences to expect from them.
The long-term effect of such a decla-
ration would be to pacify the Middle
East by removing the hope of destroying
Israel from the realm of practical poli-
tics. But the immediate result might well
be an outburst of fury and resentment
among the Arabs which might be dam-
aging to American oil interests and lead
the Arab rulers to make dramatic ges-
tures of appealing to Russia. There
would, in fact, be little danger in this,
for if the Soviet Government were con-
vinced that America would protect Israel
against an Arab attack it would be very
unlikely to support such an attack, unless
it intended to go to war with America in
any case.
But clearly the short-term tension
would involve a period of unpleasant-
ness for the Secretary of State, and Dul-
les is not willing to face such a prospect.
His idea of a Middle East policy is to
win the friendship of the Arab states,
particularly Saudi Arabia, and to avoid
offending them in any way-a policy
which is obviously incompatible with any
sort of guarantee to Israel.
It is charitable to suppose that Dulles
believes that he will be able to use the
influence he expects to gain in the Arab
world to restrain its leaders, when the
time comes, from an all-out attack on
Israel. If so, he has fatally overestimated
the restraint which can be exerted by
counsels of moderation on an inflamed
nationalist fanaticism when there is no
deterrent of military commitment to sup-
port them.
But it is really not fair to Dulles to
assume that he is the victim of such
illusions. He is a diplomat of great
knowledge and experience; his defects
are not of intellect, but of character. The
only reasonable inference to be drawn
from his recent behavior is that he un-
derstands very well the price that has
to be paid ultimately for the ends he
pursues and that he is prepared to pay it.
The man who goes to an auction de-
termined to get what he wants must be
ready to bid as high as is necessary. The
Arabs require payment primarily in the
form of material and diplomatic support
for their design of destroying Israel;
Arab friendship as between America and
Russia is to go to the power which will
make the better offers to this end. And
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if. Dulles is to beat Russia in this game,
he must in the long run do everything
to help the Arabs short of using Ameri-
can bombers to wipe out Tel Aviv. But
why should he not? Israel is not his
country, and he thinks it important to
conciliate the Arabs.
In such a policy, Dulles can expect to
find a good second in Selwyn Lloyd, a
worthy representative of the pro-Arab
"camel corps" school of Briti::h Middle
Eastern diplomacy. Britain was trying to
buy Arab friendship by an anti-Israeli
policy long before the Eisenhower Ad-
ministration entered the market. Nothing
during the last two years has whetted
Arab appetites more than Sir Anthony
Eden's Mansion House (Guildhall)
speech in the autumn of 1955. Eden in-
dicated then that the condition of a
Palestine peace settlement must be an
Israeli willingness to make territorial
cessions.
Britain's subsequent quarrel with Nas-
ser over Suez superficially brought her
into an alignment with Israel against
Egypt, but British-Israeli relations in fact
remained as. bad as ever. Eden appears
to have imagined that by proclaiming
the Anglo-French intervention in Egypt
to be a move to separate the Egyptian
and Israeli forces he could dissociate
Britain from the Israeli action. As it
turned out, nobody took the Eden ver-
sion seriously; in the eyes of the Arabs,
the British were acting in collusion with
Israel, and the universal Arab sympathy
for Egypt was far greater than it would
have been had Britain used force against
Egypt immediately after Nasser's rejec-
tion of the London Conference proposals
for international administration of the
Suez Canal.
Since the fiasco of the Suez interven-
tion, however, the British Government
has been making tentative attempts to
regain Arab favor by showing hostility
toward Israel. Selwyn Lloyd has publicly
returned to the Eden thesis that Israel
can have peace only if she is willing to
cede territory. Since Israel's present ter-
ritory is the bare minimum needed for
strategic and economic viability, and
since there is no juridical or moral
ground for. requiring territorial cessions
from Israel any more than from the
Arab states, this attitude is nothing but
an encouragement to the Arab leaders to
intensify pressure and threats against Is-
rael. It is a way of giving notice that
Britain is not committed to any protec-
tion of Israel.
The American and British policies to-
ward Israel are also in harmony with
the attitude of the Soviet Union. The
Communists have always been hostile
to Zionism-in the early days because it
was a rival to Marxism for the ideolog-
ical allegiance of the younger generation
of East European Jewry, and later be-
cause the state of Israel, allegedly an
outpost of American imperialism, was
feared as a source of influence over Jews
in Russia and the satellite countries.
Since the Eisenhower Administration
took over in Washington, it must have
been obvious to the Kremlin that Israel
no longer enjoyed American favor or
support, but Russia has found a new
motive. for hostility to Israel in the desire
to obtain predominant influence in the
Arab world. Recent Russian policy has
been to suggest to the Arabs that if only
they will dissociate themselves sufficiently
from all ties with the West, they can
count on Russian help to achieve the aim
of eliminating Israel.
It is this Russian championship of the
Arab cause which has created the market
in Arab friendship. open to bids by the
Western powers. In the Middle East,
competitive coexistence between Russia
and the West has become competitive
anti-Zionism. It may be a source of satis-
faction to those who feel nostalgia for
the good old days of Big Three unity
that America, Britain and Russia have
found in a common partiality for the
enemies of Israel at least one subject in
world affairs on which they can agree.
Their concord in conspiracy for the ob-
literation of a small people is all the
more impressive in that it would cer-
tainly have had the unreserved approba-
tion of Hitler.
But a rivalry for the more effective
fulfilment of Arab desires is not, of
course, the same thing as a real agree-
ment about the future of the Middle
East. The Russian purpose is to become
sole patron of an Arab confederacy and
to exclude the influence of the West.
Thus, Moscow has no interest in coop-
eration with the West for a settlement,
even at Israel's expense.
With America, Britain and Russia
all competitively aligned against Israel,
France is the only power which definitely
takes Israel's side in the conflict. This is
not, it must be admitted, because the
French have a greater regard for abstract
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justice, but because their view of their
national self-interest happens to coincide
with the aim of preserving the Israeli
state instead of aiding and abetting Arab
plans to destroy it. The French have no
oil holdings in Arabia or Iraq, or pipe-
lines through Syria, and therefore less
susceptible to blackmail from that quar-
ter. Their attention is concentrated on
North Africa, where they regard Egypt
as their principal enemy, and they are
therefore ready to support Israel as a
check on Egypt.
But it is not primarily on French sup-
port that Israel, apart from reliance on
her own right arm, bases her hopes for
future survival. It is on the general atti-
tude of public opinion throughout the
Western world, and not least in America
and Britain. This public opinion holds
that Israel is entitled to national inde-
pendence and security, that the same
principles of law should be applied im-
partially to Israel and the Arabs, and
that a "solution" of the conflict which
compels withdrawal of victorious Israeli
forces while leaving Egypt with belliger-
ent rights is unjust and absurd.
The feeling of the American people
on the matter was shown clearly enough,
both in the press and in Congress, when
it was a question of the United States
voting for sanctions against Israel. Not
even President Eisenhower's broadcast
availed to persuade the nation that black
was white when it was so obviously
black. Nor was the verdict of public
opinion any _different in Europe . . .
It is this strong current of public
opinion which will in the end frustrate
the schemes of the American and British
Foreign Ministers for buying the Arabs
by complicity in the murder of Israel.
The American people are too decent for
Dulles and the British nation is not bad
enough for Selwyn Lloyd. A series of
episodes in recent history has shown that
the foreign policies of democratic nations
cannot in the long run he conducted
along lines which are repugnant to the
WILL WE LEARN THE LESSON?
"...Here is where the lessons of history should
trouble our awareness. What happened in 1933 and
1934 and 1935 and 1936 under the Nazis? Oh, they
weren't killing any Jews then. There weren't any con-
centration camps or gas chambers or crematoria then.
The Nazis were only making things unpleasant for the
Jews ...
"And now we are confronted with a new totali-
tarianism, a new dictatorship an the banks of the Nile.
And to what lengths this dictatorship program of
persecution may go, the thinking mind fears to con-
template. In the 1930's there were those who said that
the Nazi treatment of the German Jews is an internal
matter. Why worry about some 600,000 German Jews
when world peace is on our agenda? The massacre
of 6 million was in part a result of the world's indiffer-
ence. Today, in 1957, we cannot say, 'Why worry about
the Jews in Egypt? It's an internal Egyptian matter;
after all, there is the Arab-Israel conflict.'
"It is not without significance that much of this
anti-Jewish program in Egypt is being directed by
former Nazis, and that there is today an axis between
Dictator Nasser and the Soviet Union with its history
of Stalin's and Khrushchev's antisemitism, . ,"
(From Congressional Record, 2-14-57, excerpts of
address by Gov. Theodore R. McKeldin of Maryland,
at public meeting on Egyptian Terror against Egyptian
Jewry, Statler Hotel, Washington, D. C.)
consciences of the great bulk of their
citizens.
The policy which has recently been
pursued by Secretary of State Dulles
must lead inexorably, if it is continued,
to the perpetration of a great interna-
tional crime. But it can be foreseen with
a high degree of certainty that, before
that point is reached, the American peo-
ple will rebel against the policy. The
danger is that the turn will come too
late to avert war in the Middle East, and
that catastrophe will overtake the West-
ern democracies while they are trying to
extricate themselves from commitments
to the Arabs. A world war can start in
Palestine if there is doubt about Amer-
ica's position-as there was over Korea
in 1950. Today there is still time to
reconsider policy and relate it to the
fundamental principles for which the
Western democracies stand. But the time
is short.
(Condensed, Courlery, The Neu' Leader)
"BEST SELLER"
"On the occasion of its fifth anniversary, the journal
of the former Waflen-SS, Wiking-Ruf, November 1956,
states that it now has a five-figure circulation with
readers in 28 countries including Scandinavia, Spain,
France, Belgium, Italy, Britain, U. S. A., the Middle
East, Africa, Indochina, Latin America and Australia."
("Bulletin," The Wiener Library)
HITLER'S ECHO
"Nasser's anti-Jewish arm has reached out to South
Africa in Swahili-language broadcasts from Cairo
clearly aping the rantings of Hitler, Goering, Himmler
and the rest of the barbarians who fed on the blood
of six million Jewish victims of the aberration of the
century.
In a broadcast pretending to cement a base of
friendship between the peoples of Egypt and East
Africa, the Voice of Hitler speaking through the Voice
of Cairo delivered itself of this filth: "The British have
filled the colonies chock-full of Jews, and if a son of
the country finds himself in need, he has no one to
go to except a Jewish moneylender. The usury of these
Jews, brought in and looked after by the British them-
selves, is unmentionable." Hitler's ghost directed the
venom against the Jews in Kenya, Tanganyika and
Malaya."
*
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DANGEROUS CRITICISM]
"We learn from an absolutely reliable source that
Mr. Bohlen was recalled from Moscow and sent to the
golden retreat of Manila for having violently criticized
Mr. Dulles' policies in the Near East.
"In a series of reports Mr. Bohlen attempted to put
Mr. Dulles on guard against his tentative folly of ap-
peasing Nasser. It was necessary, according to him, to
support France and Great Britain in their endeavors
to put an' end to the dictatorial adventure which im-
periled the most important strategic crossroad of the
world, or convoke a four-power conference with. the
Russians on all the pending problems. In one case or
the other, Nasser would have had to go and the Suez
Canal would have returned to its international status.
"For having foreseen the truth, Mr. Bohlen had to
go; just as before him, Mr. George Keenan was ditched
for having condemned the policy of the 'rollback,' the
liberation of the satellite nations."
(Aux Ecoutes, Paris, 4-12-57)
*
NASSER'S EXTERMINATION EXPERT
"John Stanley Grauel was a minister before he made
history running the gauntlet of the British Navy aboard
the famous Israelian vessel, 'Exodus 1947.' He now
describes himself as 'The only Methodist minister who
ever became a Rear-Admiral in the Jewish Navy,'...
At a luncheon of the radio, teevee, stage, musicians
and bandleaders division of the U. J. A. Grauel re-
vealed that Eichmann, a released war criminal, has
joined Egyptian Dictator Nassers' inner-circle. His ex-
perience qualifies him perfectly for the job. At one
time Herr Eichmann was 'Extermination Engineer' for
Hitler. This was back in the dark ages when rats ex-
terminated people..."
(Hy Gardner, N. Y. Herald Tribune, 5-10-57)
FILLING THE "VACUUM'
-In the Middle East, German companies have
achieved the upper hand as a result of Arab reluctance
to deal at present with the British, the French, as well
as the Americans in the light of the confusing Suez
crisis. Germany is seriously expounding the possibilities
of extending its economic interests in the Far East, as
can be gathered from the fact that thus far in 1957
two leading German government officials have visited
the area with declared economic purpose. This em-
phasis followed closely a business mission to the
area _ which reported that all German industry needed
to expand its markets in the Far East were long-term,
low-interest loans..."
(Curtis J. Hoxter, N. Y. World-Telegram & Sun, 5-4-57)"
NO COMMENT
"Because no adequate German. equipment was
available U. S. army trucks brought an 18-ton monu-
ment to a cemetery in Herbom, Germany.
"The huge statue is being erected to honor German
soldiers killed in World War H."
(A. P., 5-10-57)
"THE WORST"
"Secretary of State John Foster Dulles is 'the worst
Secretary of State in modern times; Rep. Wayne Hays
(D-Ohio) told the Gazette and Daily. Hays is a member
of the House Foreign Affairs Committee.
"He stalked out of a committee hearing in protest
against Dulles' insistence that part of his testimony on
the administration's Middle East plan must be given
in secret.
"'The damage that Dulles has done will live with us
for generations, 'the congressman said...'
"Hays' criticism followed a similar attack on Dulles
by Democratic Sen. Kerr Scott of North Carolina. Scott
called for Dulles' resignation..."
(Gazette and Daily, 1-17-57)
*
"And now it gives me great pleasure to close the Canal, not only to British, French, and Israeli ships
-but to all ships that do not think Egypt the most advanced and wonderful nation in the worldl"
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A "NEW" CONSORTIUM
"Chancellor Konrad Adenauer's six-day visit to Iran
is one in a series of visits which West German officials
are making abroad, principally to different parts of
Asia ...
"Chancellor Adenauer's visit to Teheran, the press
points out, is primarily due to the Chancellor's love
of travel ... But the fact that his entourage included
Dr. Albert-Hilger van Scherpenbeg, chief of the eco-
nomics section of the Foreign Office, carries its own
significance.
"In fact, it is assumed that Bonn expects from this
visit a great increase in German-Iranian trade and that
arrangements for large German credits to make this
possible may be reached. Simultaneously. it is hoped
that the German-Italian-Japanese consortium which is
seeking concessions for building a pipeline from Qum
will be successful.
"Germany has been a very welcome economic
partner of Iran during the past few decades. This is
strengthened by the fact that West Germany has had
no political position to defend in the Near East and
that Soraya, Empress of Iran, has close German family
connections.. :"
(J. Emlyn Williams, Christian Science Monitor, 3-29-57)
*
FROM SUEZ TO GIBRALTAR
"Egypt soon will buy arms from Spain as well as
from the Soviet bloc...
"This assumption stems from the recently concluded
visit to Spain of a military mission headed by the
Egyptian Army's chief supply officer, Gen. Rizkalla
Attia ...
"General Franco defined his position in the Israel-
Arab dispute. He said: 'We can assure you that we
have not been insensible to your sufferings and that
we share the feelings of the Arabs who have been ex-
pelled from their homes.'
"General Attia had told the Spanish press earlier
that the link between Spain and Egypt was very im-
portant because Spain holds the key to the Mediter-
ranean at Gilbraltar, whereas Egypt at Suez holds the
key to the Arab people."
(Richard Mowrer, in Madrid.
Christian Science Monitor, April, 57)
TAPPED
. West German industrialists were stopped from
smuggling the machinery and prefabricated parts of an
enure steel rolling mill to Russia. Telephone calls be-
tween the West German agents and the go-between
in East Berlin gave the game away."
(Sefton Delmer, Daily Express, London, 6-13-57)
*
MOVING INTO SYRIA
"The German concern Dickers has been given a
Syrian #270,000 c Dntract to supply 32 oil storage depots
with a total capacity of 50,000 tons. Syria has" been
receiving refined oil from Russia and Lebanon."
(Financial Times, London, 3-21-57)
INTERESTING
"The United States Department of State desires West
Germany to take over the badly shaken trade positions
of England and France in the Near East. This informa-
tion was given by Arab King Saud at a secret con-
ference on the Mediterranean island of Ibiza, attended
by Arab and Spanish politicians, as well as U. S.
Ambassador to Madrid, Lodge. Saud declared, how-
ever, that during his talks in Washington he stated
his doubts about this project due to Bonn's close col-
laboration with French colonial policy within the
framework of the common market. Similar misgivings
were transmitted to Bonn by the new Spanish Phalanx
Minister Solis, who maintains good relations to West
German industry." (Der Spiegel, Hamburg, 3-23-57)
SO VERY PEACEFUL
"Russia has signed an agreement with Egypt for
construction of an atomic reactor and laboratory for
nuclear research in Egypt, a member of the Russian
United Nations delegation said.
"Vladimir Barkovsky. counsellor of the Russian dele-
gation, told the all-college conference on 'Tensions in
the Middle East' at Iowa State Teachers College that
the Soviet Union also would train Egyptians to operate
the reactor ..
GUESS WHO DID ITI
"Unknown persons overturned and demolished
twenty-six Jewish tombstones at the cemetery of Tho-
ley, the Saar.
"This was the third incident of the kind in West
Germany within four weeks. Last month, eighty Jewish
tombstones at the international cemetery at Salzgitter,
Lower Saxony, were overturned and demolished...
"At the Salzgitter cemetery, the vandals also put
up a sign bearing the Swastika that read: 'Germany
awaken-Israel perish.'...'" (N. Y. Times, 5-12-57)
OPERATION "CANADA"
"The Mannesmann combine, having acquired $20m.
of the share capital of Algoma, Canada's second larg-
est steelmakers, through its subsidiary, Mannesmann
International Corporation, of Toronto, is now the largest
single shareholder in Algoma..."
(Financial Times, London, 5-2-57)
*
IN SUNNY SPAIN
"Private West German business interests are nego-
tiating with Madrid for the development of a German
armaments industry on Spanish soil.
"The two principal figures are Willy Messerschmitt,
Hitters' ace aircraft designer, and Claude D3mier,
another World War II plane builder.
"Krupp. the Ruhr steel magnate, and Henschel, the
loc--motive and truck manufacturer, are among the
leading industrialists involved ...
"Anticipating armaments orders, Messerschm;tt and
Dornier already have bought into the Spanish aircraft
industry..." (Gazette and Daily, 3-7-57)
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FULL BLAST IN TURKEY
"Renewing prewar ties with Turkey, West Germany's
Krupp will build a new blast furnace at Turkey's only
steel mill, in Karabuk. Other straws in the wind for
Krupp; construction of a second steel mill in Turkey
and a railway between Turkey and Iran, also develop-
ment of wolfram deposits, and help in building a
bridge across the Straits of Bosporus."
* (Business Week, 6-8-57)
STEEL FOR THE SOVIETS
... Embargo lists do not seem to have hampered
German trade with Soviet Russia. Considerable quan-
tities of steel sheet were sold to Russia last year, and
talks about the export of plate are in progress.
"Germany does not insist on payment in hard cur-
rency any more, both limited convertible marks and
transferable sterling are being accepted."
(Financial Times, London, 2-13-57)
BACK IN HARNESS ' *
"Okinori Kaya, paroled war criminal and author of
Japans 'Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere,' is
reported to be planning to try to make a political
comeback. Kaya, 68 years old, was Finance Minister
under Hideki Tojo, World War II Premier. He applied
for membership in the ruling Liberal-Democratic Party
and was said to be planning to run for the House of
Representatives in the next national election."
(A. P., 5-14-57)
ATTENTION: STATE DEPARTMENT
"Tourists visiting the Syrian Embassy and consulates
for travel literature today reported receiving copies of
the anti-Jewish forgery, 'The Protocols of the Elders of
Zion.'
"The pamphlets are printed in French from plates
believed to originate in Nazi Germany. They are given
out along with maps and customary travel folders to
Americans who inquire about visiting Syria. The
'Protocols' allege to be a blueprint of a Jewish plot for
world domination. The forgery originated in Czarist
Russia in 1905. It was revived in the 1930's by the Nazis."
(J. T. A., 6-11-57)
. . The second chance to revise our
European policy, created for us by the satellite
revolt, will not last forever. Given time, the
Kremlin will bend every effort to restore its posi-
tion in Eastern Europe. Meanwhile, if we fail to
seize the opportunity of the moment and con-
tinue along our present course, it is not hard
to see what will happen. The British will reduce
their forces stationed in Germany. The French
will remain bogged down in North Africa. Ger-
many, now at long last seriously at work to
create an army, will definitely become the
dominant power in Western Europe. This will
mean that, eventually, the fate of Europe will
be decided, not by the United States, Britain
and France in negotiation with the Soviet Union,
but by Russia and Germany." . .
(Jame; P. Warburg, Forum Foreign Policy Assn., 4-11-57)
MORE LOOT FOR ABS?
"The Deutsche Bank Group has become a partner
in a European bank group which is to render financial
assistance in the economic development of Africa and
the areas of Africa held by France. It has taken over
one-half million Luxemburg francs of the 21/2 million
francs of the capital of the newly founded 'Consortium
European pour le developpement des resources natu-
relles de 1'Afrique' in Luxemburg. The German interests
on the Administrative Board of this bank group are in
the hands of the Chairman of the Board of the Sued-
deutsche Bank, H. J. Abs, and the Chairman of the
Board of the Deutsche Bank West, F. Groening."
(Sueddeutsche Zeitung, 12-12-56)
HE GETS AROUND
"Close cooperation has been arranged between the
Deutsche Bank group and the Banco Commercial
Transatlantico in Barcelona.
"Herr Abs, of the Deutsche Bank, will join the Board
of the Barcelona bank and up to 10 per cent of its
share capital will be acquired by a subsidiary of the
Deutsche Bank, the Deutsche Ubersee Bank."
(Financial Times, London, 1-4-57)
*
BULWARK AGAINST COMMUNISM
"The firm of Friedrich Krupp announced it received
orders to build a $4 million plant to produce man-
made fibers in Soviet Russia.
"A Krupp spokesman said this was the first large
industrial order by Russia to a West German firm.
"A contract for construction of the plant was signed
in March. It needs government approval, said the
spokesman, adding that Krupp was certain of getting
official consent for the project..."
(N. Y. World-Telegram & Sun, 6-20-57)
"Were you sent here to get me out, or to get him in?"
Scott in The London Daily Sketch
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What QGnut .fha 9zcman 5"taial 5i4fa
It is reasonable to assume that most
persons conversant with the history of
German militarism must think, above all,
of the German General Staff. The char-
acter of this "Institution" is unique and
in fundamental respects differs from the
role of the general staffs of other major
countries.
John W. Wheeler-Bennett, in his ex-
haustive study of this subject (TheNem-
esis Of Power), notes that the forces
controlled by the German General Staff
"dominated the Weimar Republic from
the moment of its birth . . . first sup-
ported, and then condoned the overthrow
of the Republic and ... made a major
contribution to Hitler's coming to
power." The basic reason why the Ger-
man General Staff (hereafter initialed
GGS) bears these responsibilities lies in
the fact that ,its functions encompass far
more than the military phases of planning
and- waging wars.
The GGS was the clearing house and
ultimate arbiter of the political and eco-
nomic policies pertaining to the domestic
and foreign affairs of Germany. It co-
ordinated the activities of powerful in-
terests and groups ranging from the ar-
dent Pan-Germans to the traveling sales-
men of Krupp and IG Farben. It served
as the final censor of ideas and, at the
same time, was the fountainhead of the
German dream to rule the world.
The power and the influence of the
GGS was recognized by the Miles after
World War I, and the Versailles Treaty
called for its suppression. However, the
proscription was to no avail as the GGS,
under various guises, succeeded in main-
taining its grip on Germany's destiny.
The Danger to Peace
The demand for the abolishment of
the GGS and the German Officer Corps
which replenished its ranks, rose again
after World War II. The US Foreign
Economic Administration which made a
thorough analysis of the German war
potential at the end of the war, declared
that peace could not be won without
the elimination of the GGS and its re-
establishment prohibited under any cir-
cumstances.
At the Nuremberg War Crimes Trials
the Allied prosecution charged that the
GGS was a criminal organization and
should be so judged by the Tribunal. In
his summation of the Prosecution's case
against the GGS Brig. General Telford
Taylor referred to a passage in Sumner
Welles' book, Time For Decision: "The
authority to which the German people
have so often and so disastrously re-
sponded, was not in reality the German
emperor of yesterday, or the Hitler of
today, but the German General Staff. It
will be said that this insistence that the
German General Staff has been the driv-
ing force in German policy, is a danger-
ous oversimpli frcation. I am not dis-
posed to minimize the importance of
other factors in Germany history, They
all have their place but I am convinced
that each of them has played its part
only in so far as it was permitted to do
so by the real matser of the German race,
namely, German militarism, personified
in, and channeled through, the German
General Staff .. .
"Whether their ostensible ruler is the
Kaiser, or Hindenburg, or Adolf Hiller,
the continuing loyalty of the bulk of the
population is given to that military force
controlled and guided by the German
General Staff. To the German people,
the Army today, as in the past, is the in-
strument by which German domination
will be brought about. Generations of
Germany may pass. The nation may un-
dergo defeat after defeat. But if the rest
of the world permits it, the German
General Staff will continue making its
plaits for the future."
Similar warnings were raised by other
prominent Americans. General Julius
Ochs Adler, the late treasurer of the
New York Times, urged that the GGS
should be "imprisoned for life if not
shot" because it represented a continual
danger to world peace (New York
Times, 7-6-45). President Eisenhower
minced no words on this subject. He
declared: "The German General Staff it-
Self must be utterly destroyed. These
wars of Germany's have been, from the
standpoint of the general staff, merely
campaigns-merely incidents. They start-
ed back in 1806 under Scharnhorsi, and
they have determined to rule Europe,
and. in my opinion, they have used these
political leaders that have come along in
order to implement their own ideas and
planning. If they found a Hitler-like
leader with his tremendous ability of mob
psychology, who could get the whole
German nation behind him, he was use-
ful. It happened he got so powerful he
dominated them.
"Now, how are you going to destroy
that German general staff is something
else again, because many of them have
the excuse they did their duty as honor-
able soldiers. But my opinion is that it
should be made utterly impossible for
them to function again" (New York
Herald Tribune, 6-19-45).
The numerous voices of Allied leaders
calling for destruction of this dangerous
"institution" reflected the deepest wishes
of the peoples who had been victimized
by German militarism. Have their hopes
been realized or are we going through the
same make believe world as after World
War I? This question inevitably arises
as both, East and West, race to rearm the
former enemy.
Does the rearmament of Germany pre-
clude the resurgence of the GGS-or
are we closer to the truth when we say
that German rearmament without the
GGS is as inconceivable as a flame with-
out oxygen? Toward the end of World
War II Life Magazine carried an ar-
ticle on German militarism wherein it
was stated that the GGS "is reborn as
soon as two trained German officers meet
in a ratskeller and talk war or simply
sit and think about how to win the next
war." Even if we should regard Life's
descripution as an oversimplification, it
is none the less essential to know what is
happening today and what may be antici-
pated. Admittedly this is a difficult as-
signment and we do not pretend at this
juncture to be able to draw hard and
fast conclusions. The difficulties are com-
pounded by the fact that by tradition
and practice the GGS is a highly secret-
ive organization. Moreover, news about
military affairs in Germany is scant and
superficial. For example, we are told
that military uniforms will no longer be
styled along the old Wehrmacht lines,
nor will there be any more goose-step-
ping. This may make good news but it
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hardly tells us anything about the inner
developments relative to the new German
armies.
Recognizing these handicaps it is pos-
sible to gather tidbits of information
which come to the surface now and then.
Though they do not form a complete
picture, they are straws which we dare
not ignore. The remainder of this ar-
ticle is devoted to an examination of
these bits of evidence.
Post-War Signs
In the January 29, 1950 issue of the
New York Times, Drew Middleton
wrote a lengthy article under the title
Ghosts Of The Old Wehrmacht. He
discussed the dangers inherent in the re-
vival of Germany's military power.
"What insurance," he wrote, "has the
West that the re-establishment of the
p
o
er
ed officials, accord-
German army will not produce some new, . ing to the A. P., said that this movement
von Seeckt or Scharnhorst?" Answering "might serve as the nucleus for a new
bis own question, Mr. Middleton said: GGS."
"It may be argued that the German of- Gen. Koch was not bashful when he
fcer corps was decimated in World War was questioned by western newsmen with
11, which is true, and that the General respect to the activities and possibilities
of his group. "Money is only a secondary
problem," he said. "We want our honor
restored," he declared. "We want an
apology for the Post-war defamation of
the German Officer Corps." In defiant
tones he declared that the Allies could
not prevent the German Military from
recovering its strength and unity, "we top
flight officers have known each other for
decades and nobody can keep as from
keeping in touch with each other."
The year 1950 also marked the ap-
pearance of the so-called Briiderschaft.
As far back as the No. 35 issue of Pre-
vent World War III, the Society ex-
posed this organization as consisting of
former German army officers under the
leadership of General von Manteuffel,
former commander of the Greater Ger-
many Division. It was ascertained that
the Bruderschaft membership consisted
of a number of high ranking former of-
ficers of the GGS who receive the sup-
port of powerful financial circles in
Germany, including Chancellor Aden-
auer's close friend and advisor, the bank-
THOSE SPEIDEL DISCLOSURES - BY CUMMINGS
Courtesy, Daily Express, London
Staff is scattered and impotent in Ger-
many today, which is also true. But, given
the basic condition of a German army,
would not these elements reunited, espe-
cially in a period when Western eyes
are fixed on Moscow rather than on
Bonn?"
On March 6, 1950, the Associated
Press reported from Bonn that German
generals "of the old GGS have started
a campaign to restore the German Of-
ficer Corps to its former glory." One of
the members of this group, Gen. Fritz
Koch, boasted that contact was main-
tained between some 4000 generals,
members of the GGS, the Supreme Com-
mand and others who held key positions
under Hitler. While former High Com-
missioner McCloy minimized this de-
velo
ment
th
Alli
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er Robert Pferdmenges. irony, as Mr. Richardson brings out, the ganization and structure of the German
The first meeting of this militaristic Allies have applauded the so-called rebels military leadership are pertinent to this
organization took place on December 11, against Hitler who-in reality-rebelled survey. In 1949 Hitler's foremost expert
1950. Its deliberations were secret but because their main concern was the pres- on tank warfare, General Heinz Guider-
nevertheless there were sufficient leaks to ervation of Germany's military potential ian, prepared a memorandum on mili-
indicate that the Bri derschaft's main aim above anything else. tary organization for American military
was to uphold the traditions of German In a subsequent report on this sub- officials. The essentials of this memo-
militarism and to rally those forces that jest (3-22-55) Mr. Richardson observed randum take on particular significance
were associated with the various enter- that the detailed planning which the when they are compared to the setup
prises undertaken by the GGS. West German Defense Ministry had un- which the West German Federal Re-
he Bruderschaft paid particular atten- dertaken for the new army, ostensibly on public has devised for its own military
tion to Russo-German relations and a democratic basis, could be used "to organization.
veered toward the Bismarckian policy conceal and distort the true German de- Guderian advocated that the three
of close union between Germany and fense picture from our own and NATO branches of the armed forces-Army,
Russia. We shall refer to the Bruder- authority." He noted that the GGS had Navy and Airforce-be directly subor-
schaft again when we deal with German succeeded in fooling the Allies after dinate to the commander-in-chief of all
militarism and Russo-German relations World War I and that, therefore, it was of the armed forces. He proposed that
at the present time. certainly not beyond the realm of possi- the commander-in-chief of the armed
The activities of German militarists bility that they would repeat. To those forces should be directly responsible to
proceeded apace without any particular who find comfort that many of the Gcr- the Chief of State. This concept of a
hindrance by the occupying powers. In- man generals were not Nazi party men- tightly knit military organization whose
deed, developments reached the point hers and did not actively participate in sole civilian control would be in the per-
where the London Daily Express felt some of the more horrifying crimes per. son of the Chief of State was denounced
it justified to report to its readers that petrated by Hitler's Wehrmacht, Mr. by Cognressman Thomas It. Werdel:
"the GGS, the mercilessly effective ma- Richardson wrote, "These observations "The German plan outlines a military
chine which for 100 years drew the plans are quite beyond the point. Some of the high command which is the ultimate, the
for European wars is here again" (7-16- finest men in western Europe may serve millennium in the complete Prussian
51). The early signs pointing to the re- on the GGS, but they are still men who CGS concept. It holds that the military
surgence of German military activities regard Koenigsberg as their mecca, and should control the destiny of the nation
drew little atteniton in the western press. Marburg home of the Teutonic Knights it time of war and have decisive voice
However, two years ago the New York as their spiritual capital. They are dedi- on everything which affects the military
Post ran two sensational articles by its catcd to a tenth century concept of chiv- in time naGovernment boasts that its
correspondent William Richardson who alry, a Bismarckian approach of real-The wrote that "the West German Defense politik, a 1925 concept of camaraderie military structure is a radical departure
Ministry is planning to revive the GGS." and concealment and a 194-4 belief that from the past. However, in essential re-
Mr. Richardson noted that in spite of flauting authority does pay.' spects there is a startling similarity be-
Bonn's plans to put the GGS in new About the same time that ]Mr. Rich- tween the Guderian plan and Bonn's
clothes "it will remain basically the GGS ardson made his disclosures, the French setup. In time of peace the West German
concept of Gneiscnau and Scharnhorst." newspaper France Soir (2-22-55) car- Defense Minister possesses the supreme
Mr. Richardson brought out the fact ried a report from its correspondent in authority of command. It is admitted in
that many experts believed that the mo t Bonn entitled "A Vest Pocket General the "Bulletin" of the German Govern-
dangerous angle about the revived con- Statf." The correspondent noted that the ment (5-17-56) that the Defense Min-
cept of the GGS was precisely that it Born Defense Ministry consisted of for- ister in his capacity of 'civilian' corn-
had been conceived in Bonn by the men mer members of the GGS who made mander-in-chief enjoys t a standing whim of view who rebelled in 1911 against Hitler. special efforts to hide their true identity. from a political 1 the defense
""Their actions in 1944 made there the They are an aristocratic group, I e wrote, in a strong position." Thus,
darlings of the west. They were feted "the former officers of the GGS coming minister has approximately Gthe iderian'e
and honored by Allied Occupation of- from that 'General Staff' which was the function in times of peace
ficers and Konrad Adenauer as the good, nursery of the big German military lead- Chief-of-State.
the democratic elements in Germany, but ers." He estimated that there were about Directly subordinate to the minister
in a hard-headed sense they had built 900 of these high officers but that about of defense is the so-called Inspector
their entire port-war careers on this 890 remained secluded and are unknown General of all of the armed forces. Just
foundation of disaffection against au_ to the outside world while the remaining as Guderian sought the abolishment of
~
thority, the revolutionary approach. It to act as their spokesmen on all mat- the independent high commands of the
paid off" (3-17-55). tcrs. They are the specialists on "public various branches of the armed forces, so
Richardson referred to the fact that it relations." They are the ones who tell does the new setup in West Germany
was not until 1944 that powerful mem- all that needs to be known about what enable the Inspector General of the
bers of the GGS decided to rebel against the German military is doing and plan- armed forces to dominate all of the
branches. The Inspector General in turn
Hitler; that is, when they knew that Dung. is directly accountable to the all power-
essential game was up and that it was The "New" Structure
essential to plan for the future. Thus, by Reports concerning the internal or. ful Minister of Defense. The centraliza-
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tion of the armed forces is the very heart
of the plans advocated by West Ger-
many's Defense Minister Franz Josef
Strauss. Time Magazine (10-29-56) dis-
cussed the Strauss plan and noted that
it was "tantamount to a German General
Staff." The New York Times (1-17-57)
reported that Herr Strauss wanted to
streamline the command structure in
which authority was broadly dispersed.
"His idea is to centralize the military
leadership in the person of a dynamic
officer." In this connection the rew York
Times reported (2-12-57) Strauss as
stating that under his plan "the top
military officer (Inspector General)
would have some of the duties assigned
to the chief of the old German General
Staffs . . . It appeared that the Inspector
General's role would be determined in a
large measure by the personalit