ENOUGH OF THIS NONSENSE!

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP88-01315R000200340001-8
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 82
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: October 12, 2004
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: April 11, 1977
• Content Type: NSPR

A1 21CLE 1PP.1391M9ved For Releac 9nty
nialre9ipAcip88_0131eQ04:06340criti
ON PAGE 13? 11 April 1977 las44
fre
Co IA, pit ir ST
Ex-CIA Agent Philip Agee has been afraid to
return to the United States. He feared arrest and
prosecution because since he flip-flopped .and
became a i?ilarxist-Leninist he has been spilling
U.S. -secrets ? and fingering CIA agents. He. has
said he wants to destroy the CIA. The CIA has
had to spend millions to transfer and . protect
. agents Agee fingered, but they could not protect
them all.
?
Recently Agee Was' ordered out of ,Britain. The
'British charge that -hatmaintained contacts with
foreign. intelligence agents and had been in7
.volved in activities !`that could be harmful to the
secinity.. of the United Kingdom." Agee' has said
that he thinks this is related to the arrest of ,a.
large 'number of Western intelligence agents in
Poland. He says he is not to blame, but there is
no denying that he has put many agents in
jeopardy.
. .
-On March 21, Ban Civiletti, the new head of ?
? the Criminal- Division of the Justice Department,
.was reported to have informed Philip Agee that
he would not be prosecuted under the Espionage
Act Wile Wine Came home. Two months earlier, Civi-
letti's predecessor had informed Agee that he
Might be prosecuted.
So now Philip Agee, who has. dishonored the
oath he sworewhen he joined the CIA and has
put Many a CIA agent in jeopardy, is free to come
home, become a TV personality, and clean up on
the college lecture' circuit. He can thank Ben
Civiletti.
But don't think that Ben Civiletti is soft on
crime. No sir!
episodes where the heroes risked their lives to
surreptitiously enter offices or homes to obtain
information or carry out operations that higher
authority had ordered in the national interest?
Did it occur to you that Peter Graves and his
associafes in these dramas were engaging in.
criminal acts for which they might be prosecuted
and sent to jail by their own government that had
ordered and financed their operations?
.? It seems utterly ridiculous. But not to Ben
Civiletti of our -Justice Department. He wants to
prosecute the real "Mission Impossible" guys.
He wants to send to jail the courageous FBI
agents who risked their lives making surreptitious
entries?just like Peter Graves et- Co.?to get
needed information to combat terrorists such as
the notorious Weather Underground and sub-
versive groups working to destroy the freedoms
all of us enjoy. . ,
Get the picture'? Philip Agee, the man who has
spilled his secrets to the world, including the
communists, is told that he faces no charges and
that he can safely return to the U.S. and carry out
his nefarious activities. The loyal, dedicated FBI
agents that were carrying out orders-to get the
goods on the likes of Agee are told that they had
better prepare' for a long legal battler because
Ben Civiletti wants to throw the book at them and
put them in jail while Agee cleans up on the col-
lege lecture circuit. -
You think it sounds crazy? It is crazy!
No wonder William Salim, the New York Tintes
columnist, sent up a warning rocket when Ben
.Civiletti was appointed assistant attorney gen-
eral. Satire warned that the appointment signalled
.? o ? ?
He has, according to a .Washington Post story the return of politics to the Justice Department.
?
on March31,-advised the Attorney-General that . You have a right to be revolted by this brand of
Charges:should be brought against FBI agents 'politics in the 'Justice Department. We hope that
. and officthis who in the past did the kind of thing ? the Attorney-General, Griffin Bell, will share your
that. made' Peter- GINATIPtgniNtif@ltsPi96/04.91-Igtief? IrEgaPfigtariat14610.92911341.90t1481ink. Speak up
.retnember "Mission Impossible"1,t'You can -still,; and protest the topsy-turvy- "justice:. being
thriec, &hvrifirtrt. npriqimel hu Rpn CiviIattt 4- -- ?
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Council Against Against Communist Ag ression c t AreS-
te, r,
A committee of correspondence founded 1951 to disseminate information in aid of World Freedom
National Headquarters ? U.I.U. OFFICES, 1500 N. BROAD ST., PHILADELPHIA, PA. 19121
Chairman
MARX LEWIS
511-A So. 21st Avenue
Hollywood, Fla. 33020
Vice-Chairmen
Roy Brewer
Rev. Dennis Comey, S.J.
Mrs. Geraldine Fitch
Gerald Gidwitz
Sal B. Hoffmann
Victor Lasky
Benjamin McLaurin
Herbert Philbrick
Treasurer
Marshall Peck
Capitol Correspondent
George Holcomb
Arlington, Va. 2220'7
Executive.?
National Committee
N. F. Allman
Frank R. Barnett
Earl Copeland, Jr.
Bishop Fred Corson
F. Roger Downey
Edward R. Easton.
Dr. Wm. W. Edel
Earl A. Emerson
Dr. S. Andil Fineberg*
Col. Hamilton Fish
Robert Fitch
Dr. Ben A. Garside
James W. Gerard, II
Harry D. Gideonse
Thomas W. Gleason
Alan G. Grant, Jr.
Montgomery M. Green*
Robert Heckert
Reed Irvine
William Kaufman
Irene Kuhn
Marvin Liebman
Sarah Limbach
Dr. Charles W. Lowry
Wingate Lucas
Archbishop Robert E. Lucey
Eugene Lyons
Paul A. Maroney
David Martin
James R. McIiroy
F. J. McNamara
Thomas J. McNeil*
Edgar A. Mowrer.
Bonaro W. Overstreet
Dr. Dan Poling
Henry Carter Patterson
Jerome Paulson
Merlyn B. Pitzele
Benjamin Protter
Bernard Rabkin*
Serafino Romualdi
Dr. Fred C. Schwarz
Mark Seiko
Peter Steele
Sol Stein
Theodore Strelbert
Judge Matthew J. Troy
Dr. Richard L. Walker
Watson Washburn*
Peter Weimer
C. Dickerman
Dr. Karl Wittfogel
Bertram D. Wolfe
Bernie Yoh
and Officers
Foreign Correspondents
Geoffrey Fairbairn
Canberra, Australia
H. W. Henderson
Glasgow, Scotland
Suzanne Labln
Paris, France
Valter Loll
Scandinavia
Andy McKeown
London, England
Jose Roberto W. Penteado
Sao Paulo, Brazil
0. Rosenbes
Melbourne, Australia
D. G. Stewart-Smith
England
Ram Swarup
New Delhi, India
Keilchl Ariyama
Osaka, Japan
20JUN
196p
ITEM NO, 122
MAY 1968
THE INTERNATIONAL ASPECTS OF THE PRAGUE CRISIS
By J. Josten, Editor
Free Central European Agency
(London/FCI) The eyes and ears of the world are focussed
on Prague which has never seen so many foreign and diplomatic
correspondents within its walls as now. Yet it seems that
the foreign or external implications of policy changes by the
new leadership may be almost as far-reaching as the domestic
freedom gains of Czechoslovakia's population. From both
changes, internal and external the whole world may profit.
The impact may soon be felt in places like Saigon, Damascus,
Cairo or Algiers as it is already felt in Washington, where a
Czech, or better described as a "Warsaw Pact" General is
giving away secrets which may overshadow gains the Soviets
had from either Philby or Blake.
WEAPON DELIVERIES: When the Soviets sent Marshal
Jakubovskij to Prague four weeks ago, it was to ascertain
not only the strategic value of the Czechoslovak divisions,
perhaps the best battle-ready and technically advanced in
the satellite group, but especially the position of the
Communist bloc's second largest armament industry without
which Soviet support of local wars in Asia - above all in
Vietnam -, the Middle East, and of guerrilla campaigns in
South America and elsewhere, would fall short of the set
targets...
Because of this one of Mr. Dubcek's more delicate and
unheralded tasks will be, on the one hand, the recall of
many of his military or "technical" missions from Africa,
Asia and the Middle East - and, on the other, to send
packing some of the many budding guerrilla warfare experts
who are being trained all over Czechoslovakia. There are
also some 2700 very exotic students at the "University of
the 17th November" in Prague where future revolutionary
leaders are taught Marxist-Leninism and the technique of
the overthrow of existing regimes by a minority. For
smaller powers like Czechoslovakia, it will become rather
incompatible to continue exporting revolution and to ply
for trade with, and loans from those whom the revolution-
aries trained in Prague are intended to overthrow.
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The new leadership must be fully aware that at
home the newly won freedoms would soon wear thin if
they were unable to back them up with improved living
standards and with guaranteed supplies of essential
commodities, such as electric current for Prague
colleges (the shortage of which sparked off last
year's student riots); or foreign travel without
people having to count on support from exiled rela-
tives, or selling what they can smuggle out of the
country, It is pathetic to see, for instance, sports-
men, their country's best ambassadors abroad, selling
their prizes in order to buy the Western equipment
they need. This will have to end and weapons, if they
continue to be delivered on Soviet instructions, will
have to be paid for in hard currencies or in gold.
If North Vietnam cannot do so, the Soviet will have to
dig into their pockets.
DIPLOMATS AND SPIES are certain to come soon under
the new economic budgeteers scrutiny. In many countries
small Czechoslovakia maintains embassies, trade, technical
and other missions which are better staffed than the
corresponding delegations of big powers. At the height
of the Stalinist, that is Novotny,s.period, in London alone,
there were no less than 27 intelligence agents on the
embassy staff, all protected by diplomatic immunity. The
role of this particular mission is emphasized by the new
Embassy building under construction which, with its assembly
hall for 800 people, is budgeted to cost about one and a
half million pounds of sterling. It can now be revealed
that a secret agent who some tie ago quietly slipped into
asylum in Britain started his mission with a down payment
of 500 in his pocket, which has Fragge black market value
E-2,500. Throughout the world, especially in Asia, Africa
and South America, there are hundreds of alleged diplomats
and as many or more direct agents planted by a country which
intends to seek a Western loan in order to prevent bank-
ruptcy and the eruption of discontent on the home front.
The solution will be to switch them on the Soviet payroll,
as some of them no doubt will be.
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"TECHNICAL" AID: It was admitted in Prague that when the Soviet break with
China came, Czechoslovakia wrote off something between 100 and 150 million pounds
due for deliveries of capital and other goods ?to Mao's revolutionary empire.
The country's losses in Indonesia were impressive as well, In Cuba, Czechoslovakia
built a whole range of industries, from a pencil and kitchenware factory to a
refrigerator assembly plant. Especially constructed sugar cane harvesters were
supplied as well, and so many technicians that the Czechs wanted to buy VC 10
planes to maintain a regular direct passenger line. This deal fell through
because of shortage of hard currency. Instead they continue to use less economic
and technically inferior Soviet TU airliners which have to refuel in Canada.
This resulted in another undesired export: well over one hundred of these
technicians as well as some "tourists" secured freedom in Canada and never
finished the return journey. Many disclosed that what they saw in Cuba was the
last straw, or rather, gave them strength to decide to become refugees. The
Cuban investment adventure runs into several hundred million dollars.
At one student demonstration in Prague, shouts were heard: "Krmime Kubu,
susime tabu", which means in free translation; "Cuban business empties stomachs".
The cost of "trade relations" entered into on Soviet directives with countries
like Egypt, Syria, the old Ghana, Algeria, Guinea (where at the airport one could
find even Czech inscriptions and where the police organizer "on loan" was a Czech)
and in a dozen other highly underdeveloped countries would be beyond the financial
resources of quite a few Western Powers. So all this will have to be reconsidered
before Wall Street or other gnomes tick off a loan to Mr. Dubcek to finance what
is in fact a veritable counter revolution.
THE QUESTION TO ASK IS: "Where and when will the clean sweep start?" The
most likely and most costly branch of the Communist superstructure to be affected
are the Embassies. They are sheltering many of the proteges of the fallen Presi-
dent and Interior Minister Kudrna. The axe will fall as soon as Mr. Dubcek is
able to cast at least one of his eyes on the foreign jungle of the crumbling
empire he inherited. He is sure not to forget the swollen ranks of the foreign
correspondents of the CTK News Agency or of Radio Prague. It was, for instance,
the absconded agent with his special tasks in Britain, who in our FCI office took
out of his pocket a copy of an evening paper, where a reference was made by their
travelling cartoonist to some advice he received from a CTK chief in London,
Antony Strouhal. The agent drily commented: "Whatever Strohal did in Fleet
Street, in Prague he was my high-ranking boss."
As well as good nerves and iron will, Mx. Dubcek will need a very large
broom to sweep clean the shambles to which his predecessor reduced his unfortunate
Country.
How We Can Have Bigger and Better Riots
By Marx Lewis
Although some public officials and even several of the aspirants for the
Presidency have talked in rather subdued tones about those who have incited, or
participated, in the riots and have instead preferred to find extenuating
circumstances, most of them have deplored the use of violence as a method of
bringing about necessary reforms.
There is one conspicuous exception. He is Senator Robert Kennedy. He is
quoted as having stated in a speech to Kansas State University students on
March 18: "If our colleges do not breed men who riot, who rebel, who attack
life with all the youthful vision and vigor, then there is something wrong with
our colleges." That the rioters attack life with the vigor he called for may be
judged by the number of people who have been killed in these riots.
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Kennedy, it will be noted, steered clear of endorsing riots per se.
Politically, it was inexpedient to do so. It would, perhaps bring him the votes
of the rioters. In a close election, such as the one he managed for his brother,
the late President Kennedy, in 1960, they might be enough to swing the election
in his favor. On the other hand, an outright endorsement of riots might lose
him the votes of the victims of riots. On balance, he might lose as much as gain.
Instead, he offered a philosophical justification for riots. Riots prove that we
are a virile nation.
If the virility of a nation were to be measured by the number, the size
and the damage of riots, the two most virile nations today would be Germany and
? Italy. Hitler and Mussolini obtained control of their respective countries after
?the riots they instigated. So did the Communists.
Communists place great stock in riots as a prelude to the seizure of power.
It is part of their technique for weakening the fibre of a nation and readying
it for the kill. "Insurrection," Trotsky once wrote to Lenin, "is an art. It
is an engine. Technical experts are required. The other people are of no use
except to be used."
Since it is an art, for which technical experts are needed, it would seem
that Bobby Kennedy should have gone a step further and recommended that the
colleges not only breed men who will riot, but also give them instruction on
how the riots can be made bigger and better. The campaign for the nomination
is young, and Kennedy may even get around to that. If, and when, he does, he
will not have to start from scratch in working out a suitable curriculum. He
can get some helpful information from Communist literature and courses of
instruction.
Lenin, when he taught in a -clandestine Communist school at Longjumeau, France,
in 1911, boasted: "When we have companies of specially-trained worker revolu-
tionaries who have passed through a long course of schooling, no police in the
world will be able to cope with them." He was right. The problem was to train
them specially, so that the violence can be manipulated properly and successfully.
He solved that problem too. He founded the Lenin Institute in Moscow, where
courses are given, some of them lasting four years. Since then, many similar
schools have been established in Communist-controlled countries to train cadres,
or, as the Communists call them "conflict managers", to create and manage the
violence so as to lead to the overthrow of existing governments, and their re-
placement with police states. Many of present Communist rulers, including Ho
Chi Minh, were trained in these schools.
If Kennedy wants to know what college courses are needed to train rioters
he can refer to the testimony of Joseph Z. Kornfeder at a Senate hearing we had
on our Freedom Academy Bill some years ago. Kornfeder graduated from the Lenin
School, was returned to the United States to create conflict. Years later, he
'renounced Communism, and rendered distinguished service to the anti-Communist
cause by revealing information which would have been hard to get from other
sources. He was due to testify at a second hearing on the same bill before
another Senate committee, He made a special trip from Detroit to Washington,
paid for out of his own resources which were very meagre to testify. The night
.before he was to appear at the hearing, he was found dead in his room at the
Y.M.C.Ar in Washington. The doctor said he died from a heart attack,, This
was never double-checked.
In the testimony he gave at the earlier hearing, Kornfeder submitted the
curriculum at the Lenin Institute. It enumerated the text-books that were
used, mentioned the instructors, all of whom were Red Army Staff officers of
the high command, and the subjects that were taught.
One of the subjects came under the heading "Political and Ideological
Preparation for Armed Insurrection." The key theme here was (1) everyday
politics have no sense unless it is consciously preparatory to armed struggle
for power; or, (2) insurrection is a continuation of everyday politics by means
of arms.
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Another heading dealt with "Precondition for Successful Armed Insurrection."
These preconditions included: (1) economic collapse and chaos in a country; (2)
demoralization and dissention among the governing circles; (3) defeat of a govern-
ment in a foreign war or its inability to keep things moving as a result of
exhaustion following the war; (4) ability of the party to take advantage of the
situation.
In what the curriculum calls "The 'Peaceful' Phase of Preparation" a long
list of steps preparatory to a seizure of power is mentioned.. One of them calls
for "Demonstrations disconcerting to the morale of the public, and continued
crescendo of demoralization propaganda," It recommends that much of this be done
through "front" organizations; even the average party member is not expected to
know the pattern and intent of the top strategists. But, without questioning,
party members are expected to participate actively in the demonstrations, and
help guide them So that they will do a maximum amount of damage.
Communists are not rigid in applying the means by which mobs can be manipu-
lated. Circumstances will alter cases. The pattern will depend on conditions
as they arise. But,tbasically, the methods, and the purposes are the same. The
police, for example, become a special target by being baited. Specially trained
women screm hysterically, faint at policemen's feet, or claw at their faces.
Other pawns 'are instructed to roll marbles under the hoofs of policemen's horses,
attack them with razor blades on the end of poles, or jab them with pins, causing
them to rear and charge through the crowd and thus provide photographers with
"proof" of police brutality. These methods will, as has been indicated, vary.
If, for example, the police are not mounted on horses, the officers are attacked
in other ways. All is centrally planned and directed,
Making riots is, indeed, an art. It should not be left to amateurs. They
involve risks.
If the first riots are unproductive, new ones will be instigated. They do
not always bring communists to power. Sometimes the reaction that sets in,
brings Fascists and military juntas to power. But the ultimate result is the
same. Tyranny triumphs.
"Shame and Glory of the Intellectuals"
That was the title of a book written years ago by Peter Vierick. What he
wrote then has particular relevence now. In the Communist countries of Eastern
Europe, it is the intellectuals who sparked the present struggle to have their
freedom restored. That is their glory. In the United States the intellectuals,
aided by the clergy, furnished the leadership, even though not the numbers, to
defend tyranny abroad and sow dissention in wartime at home. That is their
shame.
To these intellectuals, patriotism has become a dirty word. That is,
old-fashioned patriotism, the kind which preserved our nation and its freedom.
They now applaud a new kind of "patriotism". When leftist students seized
control of Columbia University, wrecked the University president's office, held
University officials hostage, and barred the entry of faculty members and
students to the University, a Professor James Marston Fitch, a Columbia pro-
fessor of architecture, said that these events will some day come to be regarded
as patriotic, as patriotic as the Boston Tea Party was in its day.
These intellectuals are, numerically, an insignificant minority. But they
do great damage by creating the impression that they speak for the academic
community.- In effect, they are perpetrating a hoax. Not only do they not
reflect the sentiment of the vast majority of academicians, but they are, the
least qualified to discuss the issues on which they speak.
Dr. Roger Swearingen, editor of Communist Affairs, a Professor of Inter-
national Relations and Director of the Research Institute on Communist Strategy
and Propaganda at the University of Southern California, recently made a study
and analysis of the signers of two "ads" which appeared in the New York Times,
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one on May 9, 1965, and the other on June 5, 1966. Both of them attacked U.S.
policy in Vietnam. These academicians listed a series of steps our country should
take towards ending the Vietnam war. They added up to an unconditional surrender
to the Communists.
Dr. Swearingen, in his published results of his study, does not question
the right of these academicians to express their opinions. On the contrary, be
said that they have not only a right but a duty to do so. But they ought to do
so as citizens, and not create the erroneous impression that because they are
academicians, they are especially qualified to give advise on subjects they know
no more about than the average layman.
The majority of the signers of these "ads" teach psychology, mathematics,
physics, biology, theology, languages, astronomy, medicine, bacteriology, etc.
Only 15 of the hundreds of signers of the first "ad" were listed in political
science. Despite the existence of several major international relations
research and programs in such universities as Harvard, MIT, Tufts.and Yale, only
two scholars out of 784 are so identified.
Columbia, for example, has at least 10 of its faculty, probably more, who
are acknowledged and senior specialists in the political, military, and economic
aspects of the inter-related problems of Communism. Not a single one of these
specialists is among the signers listed under Columbia. The University of
Southern California, which also has 10 senior specialists in this field is not
even listed, though 7 other California universities and colleges are. Hardly
any of the members of the faculties of universities specializing in this field
of foreign policy were signat ries to these "ads".
Dr. Swearingen concludes from his study:
That the signers of the two "ads" constitute an extremely small percentage
of the academic community and should not be regarded as a representative cross
section; that the overwhelming majority of these critics are from fields or
specialities, where no training, experience, knowledge or perspective on
foreign policy, communism or Vietnam is either required or assumed - nor have
a professional commitment to or, obviously, the time for serious studies of
such matters; that the recognized U.S, scholars on foreign policy, the Soviet
Union, Southeast Asia, Communism, and American security problems at the major
U.S. centers are conspicuously absent from the roster of critics; that the
assumptions on which the "ads" rest are dubious, if not false, and are
apparently not held by the overwhelming majority of specialists on the subject
in or out of government, and that, consequently, the policy proposed is neither
realistic nor in the interest of the Vietnamese people or the United States.
These critics, he points out, are motivated, perhaps, by moral and humani-
tarian considerations, which are worthy of consideration, but these considera-
tions "must not be allowed to be obscured by uninformed, confused, or mislead-
ing presentations which might imply, if inadvertently, that the academic
community and the members of the professions of the U.S. do not support their
government's policy."
Only the Name Has been ed
Slavery, which the Soviets introduced in Russia fifty years ago, first bore
the name of "forced labor." It was practiced in what they called "forced labor
camps." Critics of the regime who somehow avoided being sent before firing
squads wound up in these camps. The fates would have been more merciful to them
had they been executed. But the regime profited from their labor. The conditions
which prevailed in these camps, described by eye witnesses, some of whom escaped,
were so monstrous that they shocked the world. Only years later, when Hitler
set up his concentration-camps, was there anything resembling it.
In recent years, little has been said about these slave labor camps. It
was assumed the Soviet Union has abolished them. That is untrue. They are now
called "colonies" - "corrective labor colonies." But only the name has been
changed. -The treatment accorded the inmates remains shocking.
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Responding to an ury, our Council sent to the Institute for the Study
of USSR, the Institute's Research Department has informed us that it estimates
the number of present inmates at close to a half million.
That the number of such "camps" or "colonies" has been reduced over the years,
is probably true. At the 20th Congress of the Russian Communist party, when
Krushchev denounced Stalin's crimes; the Kremlin began to reduce the number of
forced labor camps, largely because they were uneconomical and some of the inmates
who were technically skilled were badly needed in speeding the development of
Soviet economy, particularly in arms production.
It is known that the "colonies" are divided into four categories, based on
the severity of punishment. One category is governed by "general" regulations,
another by "stricter" regulations, a third by "severe" regulations, and a fourth
by "special" regulations. In addition there are "corrective labor colonies" for
minors. Here, child labor might be expected to prevail. There are official sets
of regulations applicable to the different degrees of punishment, but copies of
them are not available.
However, as in the past, reliable information can be obtained from unofficial
sources, at least as to the number of such camps and as to the type of treatment
accorded the inmates.
The April issue of the Free Trade Union News, of the AFL-CIO, reveals some
interesting facts. It published a map showing the location of 56 of the better
known forced labor camps, and the approximate number of their inmates. The map
shows only a partial list. Their existence is a flagrant and callous violation
of the UN Charter and the Declaration of Human Rights and the ILO Convention on
forced labor.
One of these forced labor camps is the Dubravlag group of camps, in the
Fotma region. The inmates now there includeYtfri Daniel and Gerald Brooke, the
writers, 20 Ukranian intellectuals who were given long sentences in 1961, a fairly
large number of Ukranian political prisoners and memb rs of various nations of the
Soviet Union - Latvians, Lithuanians, Estonians and Russians. Some of the camps
also include members of various religious sects like the Baptists and Jehova's
Witneses.
A ? letter which has reached the West, and is published in
of London, tells how the inmates are treated. Irt was written
ovil, a courageous Ukranian intellectual, who was arrested on
sentenced on November 15, 1967, to three years detention in a
the East West_Rigsert,
by Vyacheslav Chorn-
August 3, 1967, and
labor camp.
As toYull Daniel, whose imprisonment has created considerable unrest in
Russia, he writes that he is an unselfish and brave man, very much concerned with
the suffering of his fellow prisoners and uncompromising in his attitude towards
duplicity, and the corrupt practices of the authorities.
This camp, Chornovil writes, consists of two zones, the main one holding 700
women convicted. of ordinary crimes., and another which holds 276 male political
prisoners. The majority of the male prisoners, 225 in number, are invalids. Yet
its so-called hospital contains only 7 beds. The majority of them are seriously
ill and quite old. There are no drugs and the. prisoners are not allowed to
receive any from their families, not even vitamins. Medical aid is virtually
non-existent. There. are some medical personnel among the prisoners, but only
people who cooperate with the KGB and the operational department are selected.
Others who .are qualified to help sick people, are sent to Work in the workshops.
On several,accaims, when the camp doctors sent prisoners to the central hospital
with a diagnosis of cancer, the doctors, instead of releasing the prisoners on the
basis of their illness (they have the full right to do this) sent them back to the
camp with e diagnosis of acute gastritis. Prisoners are released only in cases
where death is expected to come a few days after the release.
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"A policy of repression towards the prisoners is severely applied," Chornovil
writes. "It is directed at undermining their health and suppressing the least
display of rebellion or protest, Prisoners who work on building sites do not have
the required warm clothing; in the shop the temperature is usually below the freez-
ing point. Nevertheless, the prisoner is expected to fulfil a quota which would be
impossible to fulfil even under normal circumstances.
"One hour is allowed for a so-called lunch break and rest period. But only
is this not a rest, it is an additional punishment, because people are forced to
spend an extra hour in the cold building. Lunch and supper are served in un-
sanitary conditions, in generally dirty premises without tables - so the prisoner
has to eat at the machine. There is nowhere to wash one's hands because the tiny
wash-basin cannot hold enough water and there are no towels.
"The administrator constantly threatens those who do not fulfil their quotas
with reprisals.... ecause invalids of the second category do not have to work,
there are not enough people to do the work; so the administration has announced
that it will form a local medical commission to re-categorize the invalids and
put them to work."
On January 7, 1967, the prisoner Mykhaylo Soroka, who has spent 31 years
in Polish and Soviet prisons, fell seriously ill with myocardius,. A medical
assistant arrived four days later. On the seventh day after his attack, Soroko
was taken to the medical station. Yuli IDahiel complained about the shocking
attitude towards Soroko's illness. The medical inspector stated that all these
matters were irrelevant and tried to make Daniel acknowledge that everything
was in order in the camp, something he needed before formally dismissing the
matter, Daniel refused,
In mid-February 200 prisoners at the Potma camp were reported to have gone
on a hunger strike in support of their demand that their special status as
political prisoners be acknowledged. At this writing, nothing is known as to
the outcome.
COLD WAR DIGEST
Communist Activities in the Caribbean:
Communist activity in February and March centered on the Caribbean.
Cuba: In Cuba, Fidel Castro admitted that grave economic difficulties continued
even as he declared again Cuba would go her own way and find her own path to a
purer Communism. While he promised to halt the national lottery and shut down
all the bars it seems, he said, that small businessmen are almost entirely
counter-revolutionary - he also threatened to seize U,S, aircraft hi-jacked to
Cuba.
Excuse for the threat was his claim that the U?S? has not returned the crop
duster planes, one helicopter, rafts, fishing craft, small boats and other equip-
ment used by Cubans fleeing the country.
Although our State Department hastily claimed everything has been returned
to Castro, he was not expected to listen. Why should he? He needs the aircraft,
with only a few of his own passenger craft still capable of taking to the air,
and it seems likely he can count on unscheduled deliveries from time to time by
hi-jackers.
Besides, such a threat helped take some of the pressures off the fact that
the skipper of the Cuban ship "26 de Julio" machine-gunned and then ran down
three Cubans seeking refuge on U.S. Coast Guard vessels, Murder on the high
seas does not help the Cuban image.
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SANTO DOMINGO: In the Dominican Republic, Francisco Caamano Deno, who headed
the "constitutionalist" forces that sought to overthrow the Government of the
Dominican Republic and promoted U.S. intervention, became a heady topic of
conversation. Why? Just because he was the little man who wasn't there. He
dropped out of sight last October, just 15 days after the death of Ernesto
"Che" Guevara in Bolivia- Caamano was in The Hague, visiting a friend, when
he disappeared. Hie Wife was quoted a few days later as being "slightly
worried" because he had not shown up.
No one is really worried about Caamano's health. On the contrary,
President Joaquin Balaguer thinks Caamano is in Cuba. "Logic dictates his
presence in Cuba," Balaguer said.
Many Dominicans think Caamano has taken over "Che's" role as leader of
the Communist-inspired guerrilla movements in Latin America. He would be a
less-than-inspiring successor to "rhe," if only because he has shown neither
personal courage nor the coolness that were Guevara's trade-marks,
LATIN AMERICA - CHILE: In South America, Chile's decision to let five members
of Guevara's Bolivian guerrilla force leave the country for Cuba, via Tahiti
and Prague, brought alarmed concern from La Paz, Buenos Aires and other capitals.
Chile's neighbors do not relish the thought that the leftist Christian
Democratic Government of President Eduardo Frei, already regarded with a con-
siderable measure of suspicion, should demonstrate such concern for Communist
guerrillas. Just to rub it in, Senator Salvador Allendo, head of the anti-
government Communist coalition, accompanied the five men to be sure they made
it safely.
SOVIETS WOOING INDIA:
While conducting a massive propaganda designed to weaken and eventually
add India to her empire, the Soviet Union is also doing what it can to woo
India, It is a double play, the kind the Communists have developed into an
art. Its immediate purpose is to secure the kind of supremacy in India which
the Chinese Reds are seeking to achieve in Pakiston. Both countries are the
victims of a Communist power play.
On a recent visit to India, Soviet Premier Kosygin ordered India's
pro-Moscow Communist party to quit its labor agitation in the country's plants.
This reflects a change in Soviet policy, or rather strategy- Why the turnabout?
The Russians have already ordered 600,000 tons of steel and 10,000 railway cars
from India's producers, This is only a starter. This is pump-priming. But it
may not produce results soon enough for the thousands of young Indian college
graduates, especially engineers, who cannot find jobs. Frustrated, they may
tend to join rioters, and thus upset the applecart. So thousands of these
engineers are to be trained in the Soviet Union. They will not only get jobs
in the Soviet armaments' industries, but it is certain they will also get
plenty of indoctrination. Soviet interests at the moment is to reduce, if not
prevent, demoralization in India.
While Red China is supplying military hardware to Pakistan, the Soviet
Union is bolstering India militarily with submarines and jet fighters. In the
process, India will become more dependent on the Soviet Union. Eventually,
the Soviet Union will cash in on it. It is a calculated investment,
RETURN TO "PROFIT" SYSTEM HELPS RUSSIA:
The Russian rulers say that 190' was a good year for them. They cite
progress in industry and new capacities put into operation in the Asia terri-
tories, They are not as enthusiastic about their agricultural situation, which
has lagged behind, and shown a very uneven performance,
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They say that for the first time, 1967 profits exceeded expectations. At
the end of the first nine months of last year, 5,500 industrial enterprises,
accounting for one third of the country's industrial output, have been affected
by the reforms which have been introduced, and which allow for a greater leeway
for management and a more reasonable relationship between production and demand.
By the end of the year, the number of reform-oriented enterprises had risen to
7,000, accounting for 40 per cent of the output, and employing one-third of the
industrial manpower. This leaves more than 20,000 enterprises, employing two-
thirds of all industrial workers, and accounting for about 60 percent of the
output operating under old conditions.
But those enterprises which have been brought under the reforms were, to
begin with, the ones considered more efficient, and the most likely ones to
meet and exceed targets and show profits. Even in these plants, the target
has not always been met. Turbine production of turbines declined when it was
supposed to increase; there has been a decline in oil-industry equipment, diesel
locomotives, and in other industries. The iron and steel industry has failed to
meet expectations.
Great pride is taken in the fact that the home-building plan has been
exceeded. But this pride must be measured against the existing housing situation,
which remains bad. Present building costs are not given, but what it took some
years ago to build a house there is available.
A typical single-family Russian home, 1959 vintage, was put on display in
a South Florida community alongside a counterpart American iode1 home, 1968
vintage. The Russian house was chosen from a number of plans obtained from the
Library of Congress. They originally were published in a Soviet magazine.
The Russian house, which was built with American materials and furnished
with replicas of Russian furniture and appliances contained two rooms and a
bathroom, and had 384 square feet of floor space. The exterior is unpainted
because paint in Russia is an expensive item. The interior is whitewashed.
This house is estimated by the Soviet Journal to cost 21,000 rubles or
$22,000 in American money. The best estimate of the cost to mass produce the
same house in the U.S. is $1,500. It is safe to assume there has been an
improvement, and production costs lowered, but it is equally safe to assume that
at best, this Russian house, which would be considered a slum dwelling here, is
beyond the reach of even the best-paid Russian worker.
If a house is out of the question, apartments with anything approaching
adequate space is equally hard to come by. Officially, every Russian citizen
is supposed to have a least nine square meters (about a 10 by 10 foot space).
That is hardly spacious. But in many places this bare minimum cannot be met.
In Moscow, for instance, the average available living space in 1966 was 6.6
meters, (the equivalent of a 7 by 10 foot room) per person. Newlyweds must
sometimes share a 2 room flat with their in-laws, Grandparents squeeze in with
grandchildren.
By 1980, Deputy Chief of the Moscow Housing Authority Igor Pushkariov
predicts, every Moscow family can be guaranteed a separate apartment and every
person a private room. In the meantime, Moskovskayya Pravda, the party's Moscow
organ, says, three-room apartments are too big for the average Moscow family,
and are "costing the city too much. We are not rich enough to throw around
extra living space."
The Soviets are, however, rich enough to build and maintain the largest
armament industry in the world, which they can use to blackmail the West and
subjugate free peoples. A fraction of the amount spent for armament might give
the average Russian some decent living space long before 1980.
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THE COMING CRISIS IN FRANCE:
/n an article on "The Atlantic Alliance, Yes or No", which appears in the
April issue of Today in France, the publication of the Society for French-American
Senator Henry M. Jackson, of Washington, discusses the position taken by President
De Gaulle with respect to NATO; It is that "there is no longer a Soviet threat to
the Atlantic Community,', that the threat has disappeared, and that the danger of
hegemony comes now not from behind the Elbe but from across the Atlantic."
Senator Jackson rejects this view in toto. He cites as evidence what the Russian
leaders are saying, and what they are doing to make the Soviet Union the strongest
nation militarily. Senator Jackson establishes that Western Europe remains con-
trary to De Gaulle's wishful thinking, in grave danger.
Benjamin Protter, editor of Today in France, and a member of our National
Committee, commenting on the Senator's views, points out that the day when France
must face up to the truth is rapidly approaching. He writes, in the same issue:
"The North Atlantic Treaty was signed on April 4, 1949, for
a fixed period of twenty years, with each country having the
? option after April 4, 1968 to withdraw on giving one year's
notice. The approach of this date has given rise to much
? speculation in the French press what President De Gaulle will
do on or after that date.
"Many of the articles are definitely in favor of France
continuing ih,the Alliance. Many in or near the government
or close to the French President have been ambiguous in their
declarations. The idea of a referendum on whether France
should or should not withdraw had previously been suggested,
and now it has been brought forth once again by Louis Vallon
in an editorial in the Leftwing Gaullist weekly, E211.2Reu.
The suggestion is evidently a trial balloon, but what gives it
its significance is that Vallon is supposed to be a 'confidant'
of General De Gaulle.
"It has been evident for quite some time that General
De Gaulle has been preparing the people of France for a
definitive break, under whatever pretext with the Alliance.
A11 anti-American propaganda, all the moves against the
United States, even the stiff attitude towards Great Britain,
have been and are being made with that end in view. It is
also evident that when France does take that fatal step, it
will be followed sooner or later by a breakdown in the West
European community relations with France.
"The crisis of the Atlantic Alliance when it comes, as
well as that of the West European Community, will be the sole
responsibility of one man and that man alone, President Charles
De Gaulle. He has declared time and again that France's
foreign relations are strictly his province and that of no one
else, the French Constitution notwithstanding, and no member
of the Pompidou Cabinet has dared raise his voice against that
assumption."
BERLIN WORKERS RALLY IN VIETNAM:
While leftists and rightists march again, as they did in the day when Hitler
instigated these marches, and then riots, to destroy the Weimar Republic and
achieve power, the workers of Germany are demonstrating their support of the
Government's sympathetic position towards our policy in Vietnam.
Some 150,000 people took part in a mass rally in West Berlin on February 21,
1968. It was organized by the democratic political parties, youth organizations
and trade unions in West Berlin. Addressing the meeting, Walter Sickert, presi-
dent of the Berlin district committee of the German trade union federation DGB,
reminded his audience that many American pilots had risked their lives in the
so-called Berlin airbridge to help the people of Berlin to break the Soviet
blockade of the city in 1948-49.
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"Me know what the guarantee of the occupation powers mean for this city,"
Sickert said. "That is why it should be the last place where one of the occupa-
tion powers should be slandered. "Those who paraded with photographs of communist
leaders do not care about Vietnam but they want to put the axe to the roots of our
state's democratic order. Trade unions are against all wars, including that of
Vietnam, but it is not our business to march with those who wish for the victory
of the Vietcong over the United States."
SOVIET MISSILES FOR THE ARABS:
For the first time, the Soviet Union has shipped to the United Arab Republic
a short-range ground-to-ground missile, with a range of about 45 miles, which can
be used in coastal defense against naval targets or as a tactical weapon against
such ground targets as troop concentrations, fixed positions or convoys. About
20 of the new missiles have already reached President Nasser as he prepares for
another round of war with Israel. Jet aircraft, tanks and other equipment, plus
Russian military men to advise the Egyptians how to use them, are flowing into
the Middle East in increasing amounts.
Israel does not intend, of course, to be caught napping. Like Egypt, it
is acquiring efficiently guided missiles and supersonic bombers capable of
delivering nuclear destruction. Diplomats in the Middle East, and elsewhere,
watching these developments, fear the Mideast arms race may soon go nuclear.
There are reports that Soviet deliveries to Egypt of missiles over 250-miles
in range took place earlier this year. The Institute for Strategic studies
estimated last year that Egypt also possesses about 150 domestically-built
missiles. Some military and nuclear experts think Israel might be able to
manufacture several low-power nuclear bombs by this year or may have already
done so.
Over the years Israel has always contended that she needed additional
military capacity. American diplomats admitted that the Arabs had quantitative
military superiority, but they remained cool to Israel's pleas because they
claimed, that Israel had qualitative superiority and therefore did not need
additional weapons. After Israel's spectacular victory last June the United
States greeted Israel's appeal for arms with "We told you so." But Israel
wanted arms not to win wars but to prevent them. She needed strength to deter
attack. She felt that Egypt would hot have launched her campaign last year if
there had been no illusions about Israel's military capacity.
Now, even more than a year ago, Israel feels she must be prepared, and if
she is not, a nuclear war in the Middle East, may eventuate. Then the United
States said Israel did not need arms because the United States was committed
to oppose aggression in the Middle East. She knows better now. She knows she
can rely on no one but herself.
If a new war, a nuclear-triggered war, comes to the Middle-East and some
experts say it is not a question of if but of when - it may be well to recall
who triggered it. Following the June war, President Johnson appealed to the
Soviet Union to agree to a program which would prevent another arms race, which
would be followed by another war. The Russians replied to this plan by shipping
more arms to the Arabs. The race began. And war now looms again. That is how
the Soviet Union implements her claim that she wants to reduce tensions.
SOVIETS INVADE OUR WATERS:
When the Soviet Union does not break treaties outright, she lends to the
breaking point by engaging in practices which amount to a repudiation of them.
When she announced not long ago that she developed an "Orbital Missile" which
could deliver nuclear warheads" on the first or any other orbit around the
earth" it was construed by many to be a violation of our Outer Space Treaty,
but our officials took the position that it was only a "technical" violation
of the treaty. To consider it otherwise might irritate the Russians, and that
would be contrary to what "detente" calls for.
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A recently concluded agreement between the Soviet Union and the U.S. grants
the Russians to fish off the Middle Atlantic coast of the U.S. In the past they
were usually 60 to 70 miles out to sea. But now they are fishing right off our
shores.
An illustration of how, when you give the Communists a finger, they insist
on taking the whole hand, occurred recently off Cape May, N.J. A mammoth fleet
of Russian trawlers invaded our shores. It consisted of 36 trawlers, a 500
foot mother factory ship and an oiler. The Russians were not content with just
fishing, which is already playing havoc with the American fishing industry, but
they proceeded to cut the main lines of the Sun Pal, one of our trawlers,
doing considerable damage to it. After a 300-footer crossed the lines of our
trawler it left, taking with them what little fish there was left.
As a result of this incident, our Coast Guard has dispatched a cutter to
patrol the area, and announced that any Soviet vessels found within the nine-
mile fishing limit "may be boarded and searched when there is reasonable cause
to believe the vessel violated US. laws." But this could provoke an incident
and under present policy that must be avoided at all costs. Only the Communists
are free to cause incidents, including the seizure of our ships on the high
seas. We could end up by apologizing to the Soviet Union,
Joseph Curran, president of the National Maritime Union, is conducting
a vigorous campaign to protect the rights of our fisherman. He has described
our agreement with the Soviet Union as a "sell-out of U.S. interests and a
demonstration of the perils of bargaining from weakness." The pact, he added,
"looks more like a surrender than a negotiated agreement. It should be
repudiated by Congress."
"FULL" PAY IN THE SOVIET UNION:
The Soviet Union is not only doing a wonderful job in providing housing for
its people, according to her rules, but, according to the same rulers, or their
American agents, she excels in providing sickness benefits for her workers. We
have discussed elsewhere her housing situation. Now let's look at her sickness
benefits.
The Communist Worker, of April 28, the organ of the Soviets' fifth column
in the United States, attempts a comparison between sick benefits in the Soviet
Union and the United States. It cites an article which appeared in a recent
issue of the AFL-CIO NEWS, which is based on a report of the U.S, Health,
Education and Welfare Department. Our Government report states that of a
total value of time lost by American workers through sickness, only 29 per cent
replaced by sick leave, that only a few states have some form of compulsory
sickness insurance, that in 1966 workers in private industry were off the job
an average of 7 days because of illness, etc.
But not so, says the Worker in the Soviet Union, where "a comprehensive
system of social insurance prevails", covering all who work, no matter the
type of the job, Benefit payments there start from the first day of illness,
and there is no limit to the length of this perid. To top it off, says the
Worker, full earnings are paid for time lost due to an industrial sickness
Before American workers begin packing their belongings for a journey to
the Soviet paradise, they might want to have some information which the
Worker somehow manages to omit. For example, our workers might want to know
what full earnings of Russian workers are.
Delegations which some trade unions, mainly German have sent to Russia on
the invitation of the Soviets, have come away from the Soviet Union disappointed.
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The German Postal Workers Union, for example, sent such a delegation
to the Soviet Union. The delegates were permitted to visit some of the Soviet
institutions, but the moment they began asking concrete questions regarding the
wages of Russian workers, they ran into difficulties. The reason the Russian
"trade union" leaders consider this a touchy subject is revealed by two American
labor men who visited Russia about a year ago. One was from the steelworkers,
the other from the teamsters. They managed to get some information on their
awn.
The Soviet steelworker's average weekly wage - and it is a very long week -
is $41.00 or less than a dollar an hour. A highly skilled steel worker averages
$68.50 a week, less than $1.50 an hour. A teamster is even worse off. A Soviet
truck driver's average weekly wage under socialism - 50 years after the revolu-
tion - is $38.50. For a 44-hour week that gives him an average hourly wage of
about 85 cents. In the United States a teamster averages four times that
amount or more. Our national legal minimum wage, for everyone, no matter how
unskilled he may be, or how menial his work may be, is $1.60 an hour.
But what is even more significant is what these wages will buy. Low
wages, if accompanied, by a low cost of living, as happens in some countries,
might be understandable, even tolerable. But in the socialist paradise
extremely low wages are accompanied by extremely high living costs. For
example, a suit of clothes in Russia costs a month's pay.
Full pay, therefore, is not as attractive as the Worker would have our
workers believe. Full pay in Russia is 50 to 400 rubles a month, at an exchange
rate of $1.11 a ruble.
But if the German union's delegation failed to get the information they
wanted as to wages, it did get and accept a taste of Communist propaganda. In
a joint communique with their Soviet counterpart, the two demanded that the
Vietnamese be granted "the right to solve by themselves their own problems."
The communique did not contain a single word about the German's peoples' right
to similar self-determination.
When the editor of the German union's publication was criticized for this
omission from the communique he explained that the omission was necessary be-
cause the Russians would not accept that. So the Germans accepted what the
Russians wanted. This is in the spirit of give and take - the Germans gave,
and the Russians took.
DANGERS AND DELUSIONS OF THE NON-PROLIFERATION TREATY:
At the Budapest conference of Communist parties which ended March 5, 1968,
two inter-related themes were presented. One called for concluding a nuclear
non-proliferation agreement, which has since been presented to the UN General
Assembly; the other was the statement that the NATO, SEATO and other multi-
lateral and bi-lateral defensive arrangements which began in 1947 have now
"entered the phase of open crisis or complete decay."
That could be true. If it does happen it will mark a complete victory
for the Communists. Ever since NATO was established twenty years ago, the
Communists have made all kinds of zig-zags in tactics and strategy but one aim
remained constant: the destruction of NATO. Their one hope above all others
now seems nearing realization. By contributing to that result, we are acting
as an accessory to the mutilation of a defensive system which we once con- .
sidered indispensable to the containment of Communist aggression, and to which
we still profess by words, but not deeds, to adhere.
Dr. William R. Kintner, Deputy Director of the Foreign Policy Research
Institute of the University of Pennsylvania, and one of our country's best
qualified authorities on foreign policy and military strategy, told the House
Foreign Affairs Committee on February 7, 1968 of the dangers we face in pro-
moting this treaty, and exposed the illusions on which it is based. Dr. James
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D. Atkinson, Professor of Government at Georgetown University, and a former
member of the special subcommittee of the National Strategy Committee of the
American Security Council, which prepared the landmark study for the House
. Armed Services Committee, The Chan2in9 Stratesi9 Military Balance U.S.A. vs.
U.S.S.R. does the same thing in the Security's Washington Report of April 1, 1968.
In his testimony before the House Committee, Dr. Kintner made these sig-
nificant p ints: (1) the treaty may be legally meaningless; (2) it is unenforce-
able, unless U.S. is willing to use nuclear coercion against nations acquiring;
as they now are, nuclear weapons; (3) it increases, rather than decreases, the
world-wide security obligations of the U.S.; (4) it provides the Soviet Union
With a tool capable of wrecking NATO, a tool which is already being used by her
successfully; and (5) it opens the doors to nuclear power politics on a ?lobal
scale.
The very process of negotiating the anti-proliferation treaty, Dr. Kintner
pointed out, has aided the Soviet campaign to undermine the cohesion of NATO.
"The U.S. Soviet agreement on the Draft Treaty was achieved at the expense of
positions which the U.S. strongly held two years ago," he declared.
For one thing, it has increased the German sense of isolation at a
critical period of the Federal Republic. The Federal Republic will be forced
more than ever to rely upon either its own resources or upon other West
European countries for the development of advanced European military cap-
abilities, Dr, Kintner said. France, along with Britain, are these countries.
In return for agreement to German participation, France could extract important
concessions from the Federal Republic, including the revision of Germany's
status in NATO. This is only one of several ways, which can "deepen the
cleavage between the U.S. and Western Europe, without achieving the objective
of U.S. policy, namely, to prevent this dissemination of nuclear weapons to
powers which do not now possess them," Dr. Kintner declared.
U.S, negotiators tried to forestall this danger by urging a provision
which would have kept open the option of creating a joint nuclear deterrent
in which Germany would have a voice. They stated that the NATO countries
would not permit the question of their collective nuclear defense arrangements
to become the subject of negotiation with the Soviet Union. But somewhere
along the line there was a slip-up. On April 27, 1966, the New York Times
reported that the U.S. had asked Bonn to forego any sharing of nuclear arms,
Our policy-makers hastened to deny the report. But it did not quiet the fears
of the Federal Republic, which still feels that the U.S. now assigns a higher
priority to the detente, than it does to the defense of Europe against
Communist aggression.
If the agreement is ratified, it will mean, Dr. Kintner also stresses,
that, "despite our oft-repeated assurances to the contrary, the Soviets will
have been admitted to a voice on the organization of future NATO strategic
policy, for they will be able to raise a treaty issue if the subject of
nuclear-sharing ever comes up again in NATO.
Another thing to be remembered is that the Soviets have, as usual, raised
their traditional objections to international control and inspection. And as
usual, the U.S. made concessions. It had already adhered to a Test Ban Treaty
and a Space Treaty without international inspection provisions. This time it
tried to preserve some semblance of international inspection, but if it were
to be really meaningful, the Soviets would not agree. A compromise was reached.
It is that 180 days from the treaty's entrance into force negotiations on the
subject should begin and the agreements which may then be reached should enter
into force no later than 18 months after the start of negotiations.
"In effect," as Dr. Kintner states," the signatories would be promising
to reach agreements after signing the treaty that they could not reach before
signing. But if no satisfactory agreement is finally reached, there is no
rule of jurisprudence that can insure that the substance of such ex post facto
agreements will conform to the expressed intention of the contracting parties.
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It deprives the document of any legal meaning.
Finally, the illusion that nuclear proliferation can be averted simply by
a non-dissemination agreement among existing powers is over optimistic. China
is not a party to it, and Japan is beginning to wonder whether it does not need
a nuclear force to counter that danger. It is unlikely that a treaty which
perpetuates the division of the world between the nuclear-armed and the
nuclear-deprived, and which constitutes an obvious discrimination, can command
the support or adherence of the non-nuclear powers. We have given up a sub-
stance for a shadow, a reality for a dream, multiplying and plrpetuating our
illusions.
STRENGTHENING OUR INTERNAL SECURITY STRUCTURE:
The Internal Security Sub-Committee of the Senate Judiciary Committee has
prepared a series of legislative recommendations designed to undo the damage
which the State Department, by its ruling, and attitudes, and the United States
Supreme Court, by its decisions, have done. To what extent the damage can be
repaired, particularly where Supreme Court decisions are involved, is debatable.
It may also be debatable how much new legislation Will help when those charged
with its enforcement are, as in the case of the State Department, unwilling to
take the intent of Congress seriously.
The State Department's indifference to security arrangements is not new.
Representative John M. Ashbrook, of Ohio, in a House speech some months ago,
reviewed the Department's past reluctance to provide adequate security in the
conduct of the Department's affairs. When Soviet influence in the State
Department in 1937 became almost common knowledge the Department purged not
those who were subversives but those who called attention to their presence
in the Department.
We paid dearly for the Department's readiness to tolerate our enemies
in its ranks and destroy our friends. Many thousands of our soldiers in Korea
died because the Department refused to take necessary steps to prevent leaks
in our intelligence. Plans relating to the strategy General MacArthur was to
follow were known by the enemy commanders before they were known to General
MacArthur. The commander of Chinese forces in Korea stated afterwards that he
would not have made the attack on our troops and risked his men and military
reputation on the venture if he had not previously received assurances that
Washington would restrain General MacArthur from taking adequate retaliatory
measures against the Chinese lines of supply and communications.
But we do know that the Communists have not relaxed their efforts to
infiltrate Government agencies. They have made that one of their prime func-
tions. Last November, in an article "Structure of Soviet Intelligence Unit"
the N.Y. Times stated that "The Soviet Union's Security Committee, which is
the nation's principal intelligence agency, employes 600,000 to 1,000,000
people inside and outside the Soviet Union, according to Western estimates."
Some of them, it is safe to assume, have found their way into our Government
departments. Yet the laxity of security enforcement in the State Department
is frightening. The tendency is still to purge those who expose this laxity,
and to harbor people whose loyalty may be questionable.
The case of Otto F. Otepka best illustrates the Department's eagerness
to cover-up its laxity and to punish those who are critical of it. It is worth
telling in some detail.
Otepka, Chief of the Division Evaluations, Department of State Office of
Security, had consistently refused to OK the appointment of persons with
questionable backgrounds. He followed strictly Executive Order 10450, which
requires that whenever there is any reasonable doubt as to a Government
employee's, or applicant's loyalty or suitability, that doubt is to be resolved
in favor of national security. The directive had been issued by President
Eisenhower.
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Because he followed the Order literally, he became a target for attacks
by his superiors. In 1961 he was removed from his job of issuing clearances
to incoming presidential appointees, and was put on the shelf. Now that he
was out of the way, Secretary of State Rusk personally signed 152 security
"waivers", which permitted new appointees to take over virtually all key
policy positions in the Department, based only on National Agency checks and
without prior investigation. During the eight years of the Eisenhower
administration, only 8 such "waivers" were signed. Where 'waivers" are signed,
investigations are conducted after the appointments are made. It is generally
known that it is one.thing to keep a questionable character from getting an
appointment, and quite another thing, and a much harder thing, to dislodge
him( after he is in.
In November, 1961, with the New Breed in full control of the Department,
steps were taken which the Department thought would compel Otepka to quit in
disgust. But he stayed on, and got back his former position, where he was
able to discover, among other things, all kinds of malpractices. For example,
he found that nearly a third of the security 'waivers" signed by Secretary Rusk
had been predated to make it appear that full investigations had been made
prior to the appointments.
Otepka exposed these practices before a Senate subcommittee. This, in
the eyes of the New Breed, was the very height of treason. The Department
struck back. John Francis Reilly, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for
Security, even questioned Otepka's sanity. To prove that he was telling the
truth, Otepka delivered certain technically classified, but actually innocuous,
documents to the sub-committee.
The Department was furious. His telephone was tapped, his office safe cracked,
the contents of his "burn bag" trash examined regularly, and otherwise spied
upon. On June 27, 1963, he was summarily driven from his office by Reilly, who
then proceeded to have the F.B.I. investigate Otepka for a possible violation
of - of all things - the Espionage Acts
The evidence of the illegal acts perpetrated to "get" Otepka was unearthed
by the subcommittee. It led to a running duel with what the subcommittee later
referred to "the lying trio" - Reilly, his assistant, David I. Belisle, and
Elmer Hill, who was in charge of the sensitive security unit in the Department.
It was found that Hill had been an erstwhile admirer of Lenin. Reilly and Hill
were permitted to resign; Belisle is still on the payroll. After the 1964
election, Reilly was rewarded: he was given a plush job in the Federal Com-
munications Commission,
Otepka was to wait for four years to a departmental hearing. Of the 13
charges against him 10 were dropped the first day of the hearing. He was
found guilty of three charges pertaining to violation of an order forbidding
Government employees from divulging information from personnel security files.
Last December Secretary Rusk upheld these charges, reprimanded him, and
demoted him to a job outside of the security field. Otepka's appeal is now
before the Civil Service Commission.
The Department's vendetta against Otepka was extended to include
Department employees who testified in his behalf, They had told the truth,
and for three years have been isolated and penalized by being denied work.
Two or three other witnesses who lied to the committee about whether or not
they wire-tapped Otepka's telephone, and when caught lying, they changed their
testimony. They have been adequately taken care of by the Department.
The harsh treatment and extreme penalty to which Otepka has been exposed
will remind others not to buck the Establishment, And there are few who
will have the courage he has shown.
The Internal Security Sub-Committee's recommendations, yet to be reduced
to legislation, may strengthen our security machinery, if the fate of this
legislation, when enacted, can survive the Supreme Court's mutilation of such
legislation.
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The Court has struck down, in one decision after another, a series of laws
enacted to protect our country against Communist subversion and espionage.
Among them were state laws requiring that teachers take loyalty oaths, a pro-
vision of the Subversive Control Act forbidding overseas travel by Communist
party members, laws requiring the registration of Communist party members,
and others too numerous to mention. One of the latest decisions invalidated a
section of the Internal Security Act prohibiting members of Communist-action
organizations from working in designated defense facilities. The Communists
have, of course, hailed all of these decisions. They now enjoy greater
freedom to destroy our institutions because of them.
TAIWAN FARMERS OUTPRODUCE AMERICAN COUNTERPARTS:
While the Soviet Union, after 50 years, has yet to find a way to make her
agricultural system work, Taiwan has demonstrated what free enterprise can do
to provide people with food they need. The U. S. Department of Agriculture
reported recently that Taiwan's economy, industrial and agricultural, is
booming. Taiwan farmers get six times as much from an acre as Americans.
Taiwan's annual economic growth since 1952 has averaged 7.6 per cent. Per
capita income has grown 4.2 per cent. And all of this occurred despite rapid
rates of population growth, limited natural resources, and heavy defense
expenditures.
U.S. aid has helped Taiwan achieve the gains she has made. It averaged
about $100 million, or $1,500,000,000 in 15 years. It is a small fraction of
the amount we spend to fight in Vietnam, but this, and more, could have been
made available to North Vietnam for construction, instead of destruction. Pres-
ident Johnson has repeatedly urged the North Vietnamese to accept his offer of
money for reconstruction. The Communists preferred to have us spend it on war.
WHY NATIONS SHOULD BE LEFT TO DIE:
During the March hearings before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee,
when the famous confrontation between Secretary Rusk and the doves on the
committee took place, Senator Clifford P. Case, of New Jersey, made the observa-
tion that no nation has a right to exist, except insofar as it could defend
itself. It was the ultimate in isolationism. It shocked Secretary Rusk who
said that if this be true it must lead inevitably to a world in which
"Might makes Right."
If Senator Case's policy had been pursued in the past, or were adopted
now, the world would return to the law of the jungle, in which each nation
would fend for itself, and one nation after another would fall prey to the
aggressors. Japan would have taken over first China, and then the rest of
Asia, Hitler, who had quickly subdued France, would have taken over England,
to whose aid we came, since neither France nor England has built up the
mighty war machine Hitler created. South Vietnam, and then the countries
in Southeast Asia, would now be in the hands of the Communists, since none of
them could stand up against the Soviet Union, China and the Soviet satellites
who have united to bring about the conquest of that area.
If Senator Case be right, then all we have attempted to do, first through
the League of Nations, and now through the United Nations, has been wrong.
Without collective security, which is still more of a dream than a reality, no
nation can be expected to live except in fear, and in the end, under tyranny.
HISTORY TURNED UPSIDE DOWN:
If Senator Case's idea that a nation which cannot defend itself has no
right to exist is shocking, a statement made by Senator John Sherman Cooper,
of Kentucky, must be considered ludicrous. Senator Cooper has ventured a new
interpretation of history,
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Soviet-American relations would have taken another and better course, the
Senator said, if President Kennedy, when he assumed the Presidency, has followed
his advice. Khrushchev had sent a glowing telegram of congratulations to Kennedy
on his inauguration, Since Khrushchev had thus shown he was in a friendly mood
the Senator told Kennedy that this was the psychological moment for the United
States to push for better relations with the Soviet Union, especially in con-
nection with Berlin. But, the Senator says, Kennedy failed to do so, and, the
Senator implies, things have gone from bad to worse.
That the failure of the United States to take advantage of a friendly
Soviet gesture, such as the telegram Khrushchev sent to Kennedy on his inaugura-
tion, changed the course of history can be believed by a United States Senator,
and a former Ambassador, is a cause for some concern. The Communists, in their
effort to subjugate the free world, have used friendly gestures as weapons, when
threats and warnings of nuclear war failed to produce the desired results. The
Communists are never more dangerous than when they smile and generate professions of
friendship. These are weapons in their arsenal.
No wonder we have lost so much ground in the Cold War. Cooper was our
Ambassador to India, which in all important foreign policies supports the Soviet
Union. We wonder what Cooper did in India that helped make this possible.
JAPANESE COMMUNISTS INFILTRATE COMMUNICATIONS INDUSTRY:
Several weeks ago a Japanese high security official warned that the
Japanese Communists have penetrated the communications industry and other key
sectors of business and government. The official, Kyosuke Hirotsu, of Japan's
Public Security Investigation Agency, said that the Communist party had launched
a program that would create a big anti-American movement by 1970.
Hirotsu said the Communist agents have infiltrated, and made some progress
in such areas as broadcasting, newspapers, the legal profession, and even the
judiciary. More than half of the officers of the Broadcasting workers Union
which covers both radio and television are members of the Communist party.
They are operating in the unions, sectors of industry, and local government.
They, and the leftist groups they control, have as their principal objective
the abrogation of the mutual security pact between the U.S. and Japan.
? "The executive committees of the unions are also controlled by the Communist
party members," he said. "Thus, the situation seems to be a dangerous one.
"In regard to the Federation of Newspaper Workers Unions, one-third of
the federation's Central Executive Committee are Communist party members of
associates,"
The Japanese Communist party claims a membership of about 270,000 in a
country with 100 million people. The party newspaper, Akahata, has a circula-
tion of 326,000 daily, Communist candidates received 1,656,477 votes in the
election of January, 1967,
"I would say that if Japan's mass-communications media lean left under
the strong influence of the Communist party, public opinion in this country
will undergo a great change against the United States and the Liberal-Demo-
cratic party," Mr, Hirotsu asserted.
He added that the Communist party, through its expansion programs aimed
at acquiring a membership of 600,000, with an additional 300,000 in the party
youth group, called Minseido.
It would be interesting to know what we are doing to help counteract
this infiltration and subversion. We hope it is more than is being done by
us to counteract similar Communist attempts to subvert free governments, In
Denmark, for example, the U.S? Information Service operates on an annual budget
of $128,0001 half of the amount the Danish Government spends on promotion in
the United States.
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SOVIETS INSIST ON FREEDOM OF THE PRESS!
Life Magazine published, on February 2, a lengthy interview with Soviet
Premier Alexei Kosygin. It could have been a paid "ad" for the Soviet Union.
But Life gave the Communist regime this "ad" free of charge. Subsequently
our Embassy in Moscow advised the Soviet Foreign Office that President Johnson
would like to have the same privilege of talking to the Soviet people. In the
United States that is called "equal time." Our Embassy official was informed
that President Johnson must apply directly to the individual Soviet newspapers,
that the foreign ministry does not control the Soviet press!
This will come as a complete surprise to all who have read in recent
months how writers who dared to doubt, sometimes only by implication, that the
Communist system may have some weakness, paid for their heresy. Some of them
are now serving prison terms in the Soviets' slave labor camps. That the
Soviets have a free press, in which the editors, rather than the Government,
can do as they please, may be believed by the editors of Life, who are free
to print anything they want, if they feel it will promote circulation, and
therefore, profits, regardless of what it does to confuse and mislead its
readers. But the Soviet Union newspapers are different. They operate to
serve the Government, not to make profits at the expense of the country's
security. We wouldn't have it that way. But it does have its uses.
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7 s miiet...c a e kw h,
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oTtat2 ttord
PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE 90th CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION
The Vietnam Debate and the Law
of Diminishing Understanding
4.
Speech of
Hon. Thomas J. Dodd
of Connecticut
in the
Senate of the United States
Friday, December 8, 1967
Not printed
at Government
expense
United State), Government Printing Office, Washington 190
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290-363-11258
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The Vietnam Debate and the Law of
Diminishing Understanding
SPEECH
OF
HON. THOMAS J. DODD
OF CONNECTICUT
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
Friday, December 8, 1967
Mr. DODD. Mr. President, for almost
4 years now, there has been taking
place a national debate on Vietnam
policy.
Probably never before in the history
of our Nation has any issue of foreign
policy been debated with so much vigor
and with such vehemence and over so
long a period of time at every level of
society.
With each passing month the clamor
of this debate seems to grow in intensity
while tempers on both sides become more
strained.
During my recent illness I found myself
pondering over the bitter division that
has grown up around the subject of
Vietnam.
I reread many of the speeches that
had been made and many of the articles
that had been written.
And the more I read and the more I
pondered, the more disturbed I became
over the increasingly intemperate quality
of the debate and over the acerbity of
the division.
I asked myself why it was that there
should be such sharp differences, on an
Issue of such fundamental concern, be-
tween people who are, in general, of equal
intelligence and integrity arid good will.
And it is in an effort to answer this ques-
tion in part, that I prepared the state-
ment I now present to you.
In the course of the unprecedented na-
tional debate on Vietnam policy, the
charge has several times been made that
the administration is seeking to stifle
dissenting opinions on Vietnam.
I believe this charge is nothing short
of ludicrous in the light of the continu-
ing and sometimes vituperative dissent
in Congress and in every other public
sphere.
Among other things, dissenters have
charged the President of the United
States with lack of credibility, with delib-
erate deceit, with irresponsibility, with
aggression, and even with genocide.
In the entire history of free nations, I
am certain that there is no wartime
precedent for the extravagant degree of
freedom that the Johnson administra-
tion has accorded to dissenters and
demonstrators.
In a sense, this freedom reflects thg
continuing growth of the democratic
tradition, for no such unlimited and con-
tinuing tolerance was shown to dissen-
ters during the War of Independence, or
during the Civil War, or during World
War I, or World War IL
During the Civil War, tho Lincoln ad-
ministration suppressed scores a news-
papers, suspended habeas corpus, and
imprisoned many thousands of dissen-
ters and suspected dissenters without
trial.
Lincoln made no apologies for these
stringent measures. In reply to some peo-
ple who had protested against the arrest
of the Copperhead leader, Vallanding-
ham, Lincoln said the following:
He who dissuades one man from volun-
teering or induces one soldier to desert,
weakens the Union cause as much as he who
kills a Union soldier in battle . . . Must I
shoot a . . . soldier boy who deserts, while I
must not touch a hair of a wily agitator who
induces him to desert? This is none the less
Injurious when effected by getting a father
or brother, or friend, into a public meeting,
and there working upon his feelings, till he
is persuaded to write to the soldier boy, that
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he is fighting in a bad cause, for a wicked
administration of a contemptible govern-
ment, too weak to arrest and punish him if
he ,shall desert. I think that in such a case,
to silence the agitator, and save the boy, is
not only constitutional, but, withal, a great
mercy.
I thank God that our own society is
now so strong that we are not constrained
to resort to the measures which char-
acterized the Lincoln administration's
handling of Civil War dissenters.
While there has been much talk about
the stifling of criticism, I cannot recall a
single instance where those who support
our Vietnam policy have intervened to
silence a critic of this policy or to prevent
him from making his views heard.
On the other hand, Vietnam critics
have intervened in the most shameful
manner to prevent Secretary McNamara
and Vice President HUMPHREY and Secre-
tary of State Rusk from defending ad-
ministration policy.
To the extent that totalitarian tactics
have been used to stifle debate on Viet-
nam, they have been used exclusively by
some of the more extreme opponents of
our Vietnam policy.
The distinguished commentator, Eric
Sevareid, himself a lifelong liberal, in a
recent article in Look magazine, has this
to say about the exaggerated actions and
dual standards of some of the liberal crit-
ics of our Vietnam policy.
The notion has taken hold of many that
the manner and content of their dissent are
sacred, whereas it is only the right of dis-
sent that is sacred. Reactions of many dis-
senters reveal a touch of paranoia. When
strong exception is taken to what they say
by the President or by a General Westmore-
land, the dissenters cry out immediately that
free speech is about to be suppressed, and
a reign of enforced silence is beginning.
What is more disturbing is that a consider-
able number of liberal Left activists, includ-
ing educated ones, are exhibiting exactly the
spirit of the right-wing McCarthyites 15
years ago, which the liberal Left fought so
passionately against in the name of our liber-
ties.
Those who defend administration poli-
cies have been accused of stifling free
speech when they say that the critics and
demonstrators encourage the Vietcong to
prolong the war, in the belief that they
can win politically what they cannot win
either on the battlefield or at the con-
ference table.
However, the accuracy of this estimate
can be supported to the hilt.
It is supported by the tremendous play
which the Hanoi press and radio accord
to every manifestation of opposition to
the war. And it is supported, as well, by
virtually every objective observer who
has had contacts with North Vietnamese
officials, or who has followed the North
Vietnamese press and radio.
Addressing the North Vietnamese na-
tional assembly as early as April 1965,
Premier Phan Van Dong, presented an
optimistic estimate on the growth of
antiwar sentiment in the United States.
He said:
What causes us to be moved and enthu-
siastic is that in recent months, in the United
States itself, a movement has been develop-
ing widely to oppose the U.S. imperialists who
are stepping up the war of aggression in
South. Vietnam and increasing their acts of
war against North Vietnam. This movement
includes a great number of American people
from all walks of life?workers, youth,
women, students, intellectuals, religious peo-
ple, Congressmen, and journalists. The strug-
gle forms have gradually become stronger
and more abundant.
Here, too, I call the attention of my
colleagues to an article, by Stefan R.
Rosenfeld, which appeared in the Wash-
ington Post on May 28, 1965.
Mr. Rosenfeld was reporting on a
meeting which he and Mr. Chalmers
Roberts and Mr. J. R. Williams of the
Post had with the Vietcong representa-
tive in Moscow. This is what he said:
Flourishing a batch of American cartoons,
signed advertisements, and speeches critical
of American policy in Vietnam, the front's
new representative in Moscow made clear his
reliance on American public opinion rather
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than on military victory or negotiations, to
compel American withdrawal.
In recent weeks there has been the
statement of North Vietnam Defense
Minister Giap, in which he said that he
considered the growing opposition to the
war in the United States "a valuable
mark of sympathy" for Hanoi. Backing
up Giap, the official organ of the North
Vietnamese Communist Party, Naha
Dan, wrote:
By coordinating actions on both fronts, in
Vietnam and the United States, and stepping
up the struggle against their common
enemy, the Vietnamese and American peo-
ples will unquestionably defeat the U.S.
Imperialist aggressors.
The campaign in the U.S. for an end to
Johnson's aggressive war in Vietnam has
entered a stage of active resistance.
And if anyone considers the several
statements I have quoted to be unrepre-
sentative of the North Vietnamese at-
titude, I could quote hundreds more
from the North Vietnamese press and
radio and from statements made by
North Vietnamese leaders to demonstrate
how much attention they pay to every
voice of dissent for the purpose of re-
assuring themselves of ultimate victory;
and how openly they gloat over this dis-
sent as the guarantor of this ultimate
victory.
It is the privilege of every American
who opposes our involvement in Vietnam
to speak out.
But it is also the privilege of those who
disagree with them to point out that
their opposition may be prolonging the
war instead of shortening it, and to ap-
peal to them, in the interest of an earlier
peace, to reconsider the wisdom of public
opposition.
There would be no point, of course, in
appealing to the Communists and Mao-
ists and Trotskyists and other extremists
who organized and gave leadership to
the recent Pentagon demonstration.
They are the sworn enemies of every-
thing we stand for.
But we should not write off the hun-
dreds of thousands of American citizens
who have been misled or who oppose the
war for reasons they consider valid.
One could have more respect for those
who talk about the stifling of dissent if
they faced up frankly to the fact that
their unrestrained criticism of our Viet-
nam commitment, and of the conduct of
the war, and of President Johnson per-
sonally, does serve to encourage Hanoi to
continue the war, and that it gnaws at
the hearts of the American servicemen
who are fighting under such difficult
conditions.
Conceivably, these critics consider the
dangers of silence or reticence to out-
weigh the dangers of public dissent.
But if this is the case, then they ought
to say so frankly, instead of pretending
that there is no danger in unrestrained
public dissent, and that it does not in
any way encourage Hanoi to prolong the
war, or that their criticism does not serve
to demoralize our fighting men.
Let them not pretend to ignorance of
the encouragement Hanoi derives from
every act of dissent in this country, for
this is a point on which it should be im-
possible for intelligent men to be hon-
estly ignorant.
THE LAW ON' DIMINISHING 'UNDERSTANDING
The divisions in domestic and world
opinion over the question of Vietnam
point to the conclusion that, in the field
of foreign affairs, human understanding
is governed only in part by the factors
of personal integrity and intellectual
acumen and good will, and that it is gov-
erned to a far larger degree by the fac-
tors of geographic and intellectual
proximity.
Indeed, the Vietnam experience
strongly suggests the existence of a "law
of diminishing understanding," a law
which preordains, in an almost inexor-
able manner, that, in matters of foreign
policy, and especially in crisis situations,
the degree of understanding varies in-
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versely to a person's geographic or in-
tellectual distance from the problem.
In short, the greater the distance, the
less the understanding. Conversely, the
less the distance, the more understand-
ing one finds.
Thousands of American academicians
have signed statements protesting our
Vietnam policy.
The number in itself is admittedly im-
pressive.
But when the lists of signers are broken
down according to their fields of profes-
sional competence, It develops that the
overwhelming majority of the critics are,
by professional training and personal ex-
perience, remote from the issues involved
in Vietnam.
Last year Dr. Roger Swearingen, pro-
fessor of international relations and di-
rector of the Research Institute on Com-
munist Strategy and Propaganda at
the University of Southern California,
made an analysis of the 6,000 academi-
cians listed as opposing the Vietnam war
in several newspaper advertisements.
He found that the great majority of the
signers were doctors of medicine and
dentists, psychologists and obstetricians,
philosophers and mathematicians, bac-
teriologists, biochemists, astronomers,
and so on.
The critics came, as Dr. Swearingen
stated, "from fields or specialties where
no training, experience, knowledge, or
perspective on foreign policy, commu-
nism, or Vietnam is either required or
assumed. Conversely, the recognized U.S.
scholars on foreign policy, the Soviet
Union, Communist China, Southeast
Asia, communism, and American security
problems at the major U.S. centers are
conspicuously absent from the roster of
the critics."
As a proof of this conclusion, Professor
Swearingen pointed out that among the
6,000 academicians and professionals
who gave their names to the anti-Viet-
nam statement published in the New
York Times for June 5, 1966, there were
only four specialists in the fled of Inter-
national relations, nine economists, and
15 historians.
In Europe there is widespread opposi-
tion to our Vietnam policy among con-
servatives as well as liberals and so-
cialists.
In the Par East, however, our com-
mitment to the defense of South Vietnam
has the strong support of the Govern-
ments of South Korea, Japan, National-
ist China, the Philippines, Thailand,
Laos, Malaysia, Singapore, Australia, and
New Zealand; and there is good reason
for believing that it has the tacit support
as well of the Governments of Indonesia,
India, and Burma.
In his speech of September 29, Presi-
dent Johnson called the roll of free
Asian governments that support our
effort in Vietnam.
Because those who understand the
Vietnam struggle best are the peoples
who live on its periphery, I want to call
this roll again, quoting from some of the
many other statements that have been
made by the leaders of these countries.
And the statements I shall quote are
representative of hundreds of other
statements made by the leaders of free
Asia.
MALAYSIA
Malaysia, which had its own experi-
ence with Communist insurgency at the
close of World War II, has supported our
Vietnam effort unequivocally. Its popular
and highly respected Prime Minister,
Tunku Abdul Rahman, told me when I
was in Malyasia, and has since said pub-
licly, that if the United States fails to
prevent a Communist takeover of Viet-
nam, "Malaysia is through and it will be
the end of us all."
THE PHILIPPINES
The Philippines, which also had to deal
with a Communist-led insurgency in the
postwar period, has contributed a con-
tingent to Vietnam despite the limited
size of its armed forces and despite re-
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newed Communist guerrilla activity. Ex-
plaining his stand, President Ferdinand
Marcos told the American columnist Carl
T. Rowan in June of this year:
Without the American presence we'd all be
in danger of wars of national liberation, if
not outright attack, Most Asian leaders, pri-
vately or publicly, express the same belief.
ISORE,A
From the very beginning President
Park, of Korea, and the other Korean
political leaders have had the clearest
understanding of the implications of the
Vietnam war f or their own security. This
was the one thing that emerged above all
other things in the course of the lengthy
conversations I had with President Park
and his lieutenants in early 1945. Since
then Korea has further underscored its
understanding and support by commit-
ting 45,000 combat troops, a larger com-
mitment, in terms of its population, than
the present American commitment in
Vietnam.
AUSTRALIA
Australia's Foreign Minister, Paul
Hasluck, at the SEATO Conference in
Bangkok in April 1967, had words of
warm praise for the U.S. effort in Viet-
nam, and he criticized Western European
nations for their general indifference to
Asian security.
Prime Minister Holt, of Australia, on
October 17, made an exceptionally elo-
quent statement to the Australian House
of Representatives on the increase of
Australian forces in Vietnam. Let me
quote a few sentences that will convey
the gist of the Australian Prime Minis-
ter's argument:
It is in Vietnam that aggressive communist
pressure?the greatest political danger in
Asia today?is most severe and direct, and it
is in this area that we must, for the time
being, concentrate much of our defense effort
and resources....
Let me repeat, in simple terms, why we
are in Vietnam:
We are there because we believe in the
right of people to be free.
We are there because we responded to an
appeal for aid against aggression.
We are there because security and sta-
bility in South East Asia are vital to our own
security and stability.
We are there because we want peace, not
war, and independence, not serfdom, to be
the lot of the peoples of Asia.
We are there because we do not believe
that our great Pacific partner, the United
States, should stand alone for freedom.
We will continue to be there while the ag-
gression persists because, as a free and in-
dependent nation, we cannot honourably do
otherwise.
NEW ZEALAND
The New Zealand Foreign Minister,
Keith Holyoke, said that?
Nothing is more essential to the main-
tenance of peace than a recognition that so-
called wars of national "liberation" must be
successfully challenged. . . . Vietnam is a
small nation, New Zealand is much smaller.
And we have a particular interest to protect
the right of all nations, however small, to
work out their future free from the threat of
aggression and conquest.
SINGAPORE
Lee Kuan Yew, the Socialist Prime
Minister of Singapore, was at first cau-
tious in his public statements, although
I found him firmly committed to the sup-
port of our Vietnam policy during the
course of an evening's discussion in Sing-
apore in early 1965. Since that time,
Prime Minister Lee has become more
outspoken. For example, at a seminar in
Tokyo in late March of this year, Lee
said:
The stakes in Vietnam are very-large. What
is happening in Vietnam cannot be repeated.
We cannot allow the same forces that have
emasculated South Vietnam to emasculate
the whole region.
He went on to say that, rather than
having to contend with the continuing
Communist threat to their national in-
tegrity, the former colonial countries of
Southeast Asia "may very well prefer a
permanent American military presence."
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THAILAND
Thailand has been as solid and united
in its support of the Vietnam. war as any
nation could possibly be. Their Foreign
Minister, Thanat Khoman, who is gen-
erally recognized as one of the great
statesmen of Asia, ardently defended our
Vietnam policy in a speech before the
U.N. General Assembly in early October.
I want to quote several paragraphs from
this altogether extraordinary speech:
Let us smaller and weaker nations candidly
face the facts and realize that the Imminent
dangers which may descend upon our na-
tions are less likely to come from nuclear
deployment?although that can never be
ruled out?than from combinations of mili-
tary and political ventures which their pro-
ponents euphemistically call "wars of na-
tional liberation," and which, for all intents
and purposes, are hardly different from the
one which Adolf Hitler launched against the
Sudetenland nearly thirty years ago. Such
undertakings nowadays may be more insidi-
ous but no Ices lethal to our free and healthy
existence....
North Vietnam and its supporters in the
communist world, as well as its Vietcong
agents in South Vietnam, wanted the outside
world to believe that the war of conquest
they have been waging for many years
against the small and independent country
of South Vietnam Is a genuine national up-
rising or, to nee their current terminology, a
"war of national liberation."
This travesty of the truth has convinced
neither the South Vietnamese people nor
those who live near the scene of the crime
and who are directly or otherwise suffering
from its nefarious consequences. Only those
who are farther away whose minds are less
perceptive of the existing realities, and those
who are always liberal with other people's
freedom or are prompted by less than altru-
istic reasons, allow themselves to fall victims
of this crude propaganda.
But if questions as to what they think
0 the conflict in Vietnam are directed to
those Asians who have their feet firmly on
the ground and whose vision has not been
clouded by the outlandish ideology of the
frustrated author of "Das Hapital," they
would reply in unison that it is in effect
an old-styled colonial conquest with only
a few renovated outward trimmings . . . .
LAOS
The small independent kingdom of
Laos is headed by a Prime Minister,
Souvanna Phouma, who not so many
years ago was completely committed to
collaboration with the Communists. Now,
with more than half of his country over-
run by the Communist Pathet Lao,
strongly supported by North Vietnamese
forces, Souvanna Phouma knows that
there can be no collaboration with the
Communists.
Souvanna Phouma is another Asian
leader who used to avoid public state-
ments of support for our Vietnam. com-
mitment, while in private conversations
with visitors he made it clear that his
support was unequivocal and total. This
was still his posture when I met him in
Laos in 1965. But now Souvanna Phou-
ma, too, has become outspoken. During
his recent visit to Washington he ex-
pressed his basic position in these terms,
in response to President Johnson's toast:
We have common Interests. We are grate-
ful that you have come, as you came to
France in 1917-18, as you came to Europe
in 1041.
We are gratefril that you came to Indo-
China to help us survive. If It were not for
your presence, Laos, indeed 01 of Southeast
Asia, would fall under Communist influ-
ence. . . .
/f tomorrow South Vietnam became Com-
munist, all that would be left for us to do
would be simply for us to pack up and go.
JAPAN
As for Japan, Prime Minister Sato
during his recent visit made it clear that
his government supports our policy in
Vietnam, and he also made it clear that
he considered it unreasonable to call for
a cessation of American bombing with-
out some reciprocal action by Hanoi.
INDONESIA
Indonesia was once considered the
most anti-American country in the Far
East, after Red China.
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But having saved themselves by a hair's
breadth from an attempted Communist
takeover, the Indonesian Government
and the Indonesian people today display
an increasing understanding of the stand
we have taken in Vietnam and of its im-
portance to their own security.
The influential Armed Forces Daily on
October 24, for example, carried an edi-
torial which called for a reevaluation of
Indonesian policy toward Vietnam.
It said that the war was part of a global
struggle against the international Com-
munist movement, which was being met
by the resistance of the Vietnamese
patriots, struggling to defend their newly
won independence against Communist
domination.
And it concluded that Indonesia's na-
tional interest obliged it to keep the Com-
munist danger as far as possible from its
shores.
Commenting on Walter Lippmann's
proposals that U.S. forces be withdrawn
to Australia, the organ of the Djakarta
area military command on November 1
said editorially:
Regardless of one's views on the war, it is
evident that U.S. forces in Vietnam are both
a deterrent to communist attack and a shield
against communist expansion in Southeast
Asia. If U.S. forces are withdrawn to Aus-
tralia, it would be very easy for the Chinese
communists to continue their aggression and
expansion to the south.
BTJRMA
Burma, too, after a period of courting
Red China and excluding Western in-
fluence, has now turned militantly
against Red China because of its continu-
ing intervention in her domestic affairs.
In the process, Burma has, not very sur-
prisingly, reopened its lines of communi-
cation with the West.
The Burmese Prime Minister, General
Ne Win, is another one of those former
Asian neutralists who, while they have
not publicly endorsed American policy in
Vietnam, have abandoned their opposi-
tion to it and have given discrete indica-
tions that they now understand and ap-
prove.
There is every reason why Ne Win
should understand. His government has
for years now been striving to control a
guerrilla-type Communist insurgency.
That this insurgency is not of the home-
grown variety was recently driven home
by a public message from Peiping to the
Burmese Communist leader, Thakin
Than Tun. Let me quote this message, be-
cause it has a vital bearing on the situa-
tion in Vietnam and all Southeast Asia:
The Chinese Communist Party and the
Chinese people firmly support the people's
revolutionary armed struggle led by the
Communist Party of Burma. We regard
such support as our proletarian interna-
tionalist duty.
INDIA
Even in India, where opposition to the
Vietnam war was once very strong, there
are increasing evidences of understand-
ing.
Our common friend, former Senator
Paul Douglas, in commenting on one of
my statements on Vietnam, told the story
of a conversation with an anti-American
Indian nationalist.
He asked his anti-American friend
how long India could maintain its free-
dom if the United States pulled out of
Vietnam. And his friend replied, as
though he had pondered the matter and
had the answer ready made: "6 months."
More recently, one of India's most re-
spected political scholars, Mr. K. K.
Sinha, director of Calcutta's Political
and Social Studies Institute, wrote an
article captioned "Vietnam Is My Name."
Addressing himself to the critics of the
war and to those who take no stand, Mr.
Sinha said:
You cannot help being involved; you are
Involved, whether you like it or not. Your
present indifference is a factor favoring one
side in the battle. So don't imagine that by
your silence you can escape.
I have gone through much of the literature
on Vietnam and more is coming out. One
thing I am already convinced of and that is
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that this struggle is local as well as universal.
Its final result will be crucial both for that
small country?flapping like a small side-
pocket for coins in the jacket of a conti-
nent?as well as for the continent and the
world. Vietnam is a world issue indeed.
CAMBODIA
In Cambodia, too, despite its anti-
American posture, there is strong reason
for believing that Prince Norodom Siha-
nouk, who serves as Chief of State, is not
really unhappy about the American pres-
ence in Southeast Asia. Having tried for
a long time to appease the Chinese Com-
munists, Sihanouk recently turned
against them because of their under-
ground activities in his country, and
closed down Communist newspapers and
arrested known Communist militants.
In his strangely twisted manner,
Prince Sihanouk has stated the matter
this way:
The fact Is that as long as the Americans
are there, China cannot yet swallow Cam-
bodia. And what prevents the Americans
from swallowing Cambodia is precisely the
fact that China Is there.
In order to remain unswallowed, in
short, Cambodia requires an American
presence in Southeast Asia to offset the
Inescapable Red Chinese geographic
presence.
THE CONFUSION IN THE WEST
The roll of Far Eastern nations which
approve of our commitment to the free-
dom of South Vietnam, explicitly or im-
plicitly, is therefore complete, with the
solitary and ambivalent exception of
Cambodia.
What all this adds up to is that isola-
tionism, whether of the American or the
European variety, is a disease bred by
distance.
There are few isolationists on the
front lines.
I believe that if, by some miracle, the
British people could be transplanted to
Australia and the Australian people take
their place in Britain, and if the French
with the people of New Zealand, the
chances are that the Britishers and the
Frenchmen in their new geographic en-
vironment would understand and sup-
port American policy in Vietnam in pre-
cisely the same manner that Australians
and New Zealanders are supporting it
today.
Conversely, it is probable that the
Australians and the New Zealanders,
once they were a third of a world re-
moved from Southeast Asia, would in
their turn be infected by the virus of
Isolationism and would display less sym-
pathy than they do today for our Viet-
nam policy.
And if the Socialist Foreign Minister
of Sweden, Torsten Nilsson, who has
castigated our Vietnam policy in lan-
guage so crude and abusive that it
would do credit to Radio Peiping, could
change positions with the Socialist
Prime Minister of Singapore, Lee Kuan
Yew, the chances are that the Swedish
Foreign Minister would begin to talk
like Lee Kuan Yew, while Lee Kuan Yew,
in his new Nordic environment, might
begin to talk like the Swedish Foreign
Minister.
But, perhaps this statement is un-
just to Lee Kuan Yew. From what I know
of the man, I am disposed to believe that
he is one of those rare individuals whose
Intelligence and understanding of world
affairs would enable him to rise above
the disadvantage of distance, so that
even if he were Swedish Foreign Minis-
ter, he would still support our Vietnam
policy.
The moral of all this is that the next
time Mr. Torsten Nilsson goes into an
anti-American temper tantrum, we
should avoid being annoyed and simply
put it down to the "law of diminishing
understanding."
And if the British students who re-
cently besieged Prime Minister Wilson
could change places with the students of
Indonesia, they would probably be dem-
onstrating, as the Indonesian students
are doing today, for more militant action
against Red Chinese expansionism.
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Similarly, I believe that If the thou-
sands of dentists and doctors and
anthropologists and astronomers and
baby doctors and assorted academicians
who have been signing protest state-
ments against our Vietnam policy, could
be exposed to 10 years of training in
political science, with a specialized course
on Southeast Asia thrown in, there
would be far fewer academic partic-
ipants in the anti-Vietnam agitation
than there are today.
And there would be fewer protest
demonstrations if the many decent young
people who have been caught up in the
anti-Vietnam agitation for misguided
idealistic reasons, could be transported
to Vietnam en masse and involved in the
rural development program there.
Not only would the experience provide
a constructive outlet for their pent-up
Idealism, but the firsthand contact with
the Vietnamese people would teach them
something about the enemy we are
fighting and would inspire in them, or at
least in the great majority of them, the
same affection and understanding and
dedication that it has in the many Amer-
icans who have had the advantage of
such experience.
All of these proposals are admittedly
outside the realm of possibility.
But I believe it is not asking too
much to suggest that those in this coun-
try and in Europe who oppose our com-
mitment in Vietnam should take time off
from their arguing and demonstrating to
ponder the implications of what I have
called "the law of diminishing under-
standing."
They might ask themselves why it is
that their attitude is not shared by any
of the political leaders of the free na-
tions of the western Pacific.
And they might ponder the signifi-
cance, too, of the fact that their position
is not accepted by the great majority of
those scholars who, by training and ex-
perience, qualify as experts on Asia, or on
Communism, or on political affairs in
general.
Once we accept the existence of the
"law of diminishing understanding," it
becomes easier to make allowance for
the many sincere critics of our Vietnam
policy, both in this country and abroad.
And there are other reasons why those
of us who support our Vietnam commit-
ment should make allowances for the
critics rather than abusing them.
On top of the law of diminishing un-
derstanding, which would be operative
in any case, public opinion in the free
world has been further confused as a re-
sult of the efforts of the mightiest, the
most diversified, and the most subtle
propaganda apparatus the world has ever
known.
How much this apparatus is spending
on its anti-Vietnam agitation, no one can
say for sure. From what is known about
the size and cost of this apparatus, and
from the fact that Vietnam is its main
theme, an estimate of $500 million per
year, worldwide, would probably not be
excessive. It stands to reason that such
an effort is bound to produce considera-
ble public confusion in the free world.
Public understanding of our Vietnam
position has been further discouraged by
our own official failure to clearly desig-
nate the enemy as communism, and by
the tendency that has been the intellec-
tual vogue for some years now to soft-
pedal criticism of Communist tyranny
out of a mistaken deference to a mythical
detente with the Soviet Union.
I shall have more to say on this latter
point in my next statement.
But, all things considered, I find it
nothing short of remarkable that there is
not more confusion and that so many
people do understand the nature and
justice of our Vietnam commitment.
THE COST OF A VIETNAM DEFEAT
The critics of our Vietnam policy have
made a major point of the cost of the
Vietnam war.
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No sensitive person could fail to lament
the tragic cost in human life and the
waste of resources which could, in a
peaceful world, be put to much better
use.
But there has been precious little
thought, unfortunately, about the cost of
defeat.
Let there be no mistake on this point:
if we are defeated in Vietnam, or if we
withdraw from Vietnam, or if the admin-
istration, under pressure from the oppo-
sition, were to negotiate a settlement
that paved the way for an early Com-
munist takeover, then it will mark the
total eclipse of America as a great nation
and the beginning of the end for the en-
tire free world.
If it were not for the reality of Ameri-
can power, Soviet and Chinese com-
munism would long ago have overrun all
of Europe and Asia and Africa.
For our power has, in fact, served to
guarantee the freedom of the neutralist
nations as well as of those nations allied
with us.
But freedom could not long survive if
the free nations, and the Communist na-
tions, should ever conclude that Ameri-
can power is meaningless because Ameri-
can commitments are meaningless.
And what other conclusion could the
free nations draw if, despite our repeated
commitments to the freedom and se-
curity of South Vietnam, we should now
abandon South Vietnam to a Communist
takeover?
If we withdraw from Vietnam, I can-
not conceive of a single Asian or Euro-
pean or any other country again ac-
cepting an assurance of protection from
the United States or entering into an
alliance with it.
Nor could they be blamed for this.
What I have said above is not idle
speculation.
More than one distinguished Asian has
warned us of precisely such consequences
if we fail in Vietnam.
The one-time neutralist leader in
Laos, Gen. Kong Le, who broke with the
Communists when he discovered, as so
many people did before him, that it was
impossible to work with them, issued this
warning not too long ago:
Should you Americans find yourselves tired
of the shooting, then I say don't just pull
out of Laos as you did two years ago, or out
of South Vietnam, as some of you want to
do. Better that you pull out of the whole
area at once?out of Thailand, out of Taiwan,
and, with your British friends, out of
Malaysia. Order the Seventh Fleet out of the
South China Sea. If you are going to quit
us, then the sooner the better. It will shorten
our agony.
Earlier this year, Premier Lee Kuan
Yew of Singapore warned us that the
"credit worthiness" of the United States
will be judged by Southeast Asians from
now on "in the proximity of promise and
performance," in other words, on wheth-
er we can make good on our commit-
ment in Vietnam.
The well-known Filipino political com-
mentator, Vincente Villamin, an elder
statesman of the press who came to see
me in Manila, wrote that the abandon-
ment of Vietnam "would be an indelible
blemish on America's honor. It would
reduce America in the estimation of man-
kind to a dismal third-rate power, de-
spite her wealth, her culture, and her nu-
clear arsenal. It would make every Amer-
lean ashamed of his Government and
would make every indivdual American
distrusted everywhere on earth."
Even Foreign Minister Thanat Kho-
man of Thailand, than whom we have
had no stauncher friend in the Far East,
has recently given expression to a gnaw-
ing fear that the United States may be
too divided and too lacking in staying
power to see the Vietnam war through
to an honorable conclusion.
If we were now to abandon Vietnam,
the ensuing eclipse of American prestige,
and the resulting decay of our alliances
and the impossibility of constructing new
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ones, would, in turn, encourage Peiping
and'Moscow to further step up the tempo
of subversion and aggression throughout
the world.
It would encourage the Communists to
launch more "wars of national libera-
tion" because of our manifest inability to
cope with this kind of aggression.
It might very well confront us with
the problem of a "hemispheric Vietnam,"
about which the Communist theoreti-
cians in Havana and Peiping and Moscow
have long been talking.
We might then be compelled to fight
under far more disadvantageous circum-
stances and at much greater cost. In-
deed, we would have to fight with our
backs to the wall.
Instead of reducing our problems and
saving the lives of American soldiers, the
abandonment of Vietnam would increase
our problems, would increase the possi-
bility of local involvements in many
parts of the world, and would increase
the danger of all-out war.
THE MORAL/TF OF OUR VIETNAM COMMITMENT
I have couched my argument in terms
of our national security because this is
what concerns most of our citizens, and
because, whether we like it or not, great
nations generally act only when they feel
their own national interest to be in-
volved.
As history demonstrates only too elo-
quently, the interests of great nations
have not always coincided with the rules
of morality or with the interests of other
nations.
It marks a significant advance in the
development of our moral attitudes that
we are prepared to face up to this fact
frankly and that we are no longer bound
by the absolutism of "my country, right
or wrong."
Today, all right-thinking people want
the assurance that their Government is
not only acting in the national self-
interest, but that it is acting morally as
well.
I believe that we may all derive satis-
faction from the fact that we now have
reached a point in history where our na-
tional self-interest happens to coincide
with moral law and with the interest of
mankind at large.
Western imperialism is now dead.
But its place has been taken by a new,
far more inhuman, far more ruthless
form of imperialism: Communist im-
perialism.
And if it is in our national interest to
help every nation, large or small, to pre-
serve its independence and to defend
Itself against this new imperialism, this
Is an objective which manifestly coin-
cides with right moral principles and
with the interests of free nations
throughout the world.
For those who like to found their opin-
ions, as I do, on moral law rather than
national self-interest, I say that, en-
tirely apart from the fact that our own
security is involved in Vietnam, there is
a moral imperative which should compel
men of good will to support our policy
rather than oppose it.
If morality has to do with anything, it
has to do with the defense of human life
and human rights and the dignity of
the individual.
And there is no regime in human his-
tory which has been more destructive of
human rights and the dignity of the in-
dividual or more destructive of human
life, than the Communist regimes in
every country where communism has
come to power.
Indeed, the Communist regimes in the
Soviet TJnion and Red China have ex-
acted a heavier toll in human life and
human dignity than all of the wars of
this century combined.
It has been calculated that the cost
of communism in human life exceeds
80 million.
The cost in human suffering defies
calculation.
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To those who believe with Jefferson
that it should be our duty to resist every
form of tyranny over the mind a man,
I say that it should be as much our duty
to resist the expansion of the evil and
murderous tyranny of communism as it
was to resist the expansion of nazism.
What puzzles me is that so many
people who understood the importance
of opposing the expansion of nazism are
completely blind to the parallel evils of
communism. If the Nazis were stage
managing a war of national liberation in
South Vietnam these critics would be
shouting for all-out war to stop them.
But since it is only the Communists and
not the Nazis, these critics take the stand
that it is none of our business.
WHERE SHALL WE DRAW THE LINE?
I come back to a point that I made in
my first statement on Vietnam in Febru-
ary of 1965.
I take it for granted that no one in
this Chamber and no loyal American
takes the position that we should stand
by passively while communism takes
over the rest of the world.
I take it for granted that every intel-
ligent person realizes that America could
not long survive as a free nation in a
world that was nearly or completely
Communist.
I take it for granted that whatever
position we have spoken for in the Viet-
nam debate, we are all agreed on the
essential point that somewhere, some-
how, we must draw the line against fur-
ther Communist expansion.
The question that separates us, there-
fore, is not whether such a line should
be drawn, but where such a line should
be drawn.
I believe we have been right in draw-
ing the line in Vietnam because, if this
line falls, let us have no illusions about
the difficulty of drawing a realistic line
of defense anywhere in the Western
Pacific.
And to those who say that we were
wrong in drawing the line in Vietnam, I
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say that they have the moral obligation
to tell the American people precisely
where they propose to draw the line, to
tell them precisely what countries they
propose to abandon and what countries
they propose to defend.
And they also have the obligation to
explain to the American people why any
nation should In the future accept our
assurance of support if we now follow
their advice and abandon the people in
South Vietnam to communism.
They have an obligation, also, to ex-
plain why they believe that acceptance of
defeat in Vietnam would make world
peace more secure, rather than encour-
aging the Communists to embark on
more wars of national liberation on the
Vietnam model.
In short, we have heard their position
in part.
I now propose that they present their
position in full so that we can know pre-
cisely where they stand.
The war in Vietnam has turned out to
be more difficult, more protracted, more
costly than most of us had imagined it
would be.
I believe that there are certain things
that we can do to hasten the conclusion
of the battle, and I intend to address my-
self to this subject in a subsequent state-
ment.
But however great the difficulties and
whatever the costs, we cannot permit our-
selves to falter, we cannot permit our-
selves to abandon the struggle to which
we are now committed.
To those who say that we cannot match
the staying power of the Communists, I
say that this is the worst kind of defeat-
ism, and that if free men are not more
than a match for Communists, then we
might as well throw in the sponge now.
And to those pessimists who say that
we cannot win the Vietnam war, I say
that we can win the war and must win
the war, and that our Armed Forces have
the power and the ability and the cour-
age to do so?if only we on the home
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front give them the support to which
they are entitled.
And to those who deplore the futility
of the Vietnam war, or speak about the
condition of "stalemate," I say that they
are looking at the Vietnam war too nar-
rowly; and that, if they view it in its
broader geographic and political context,
If they view it as the "Southeast Asia
war" rather than as the Vietnam war,
they will see that truly remarkable prog-
ress has been achieved over the past sev-
eral years.
Our resistance in Vietnam has frus-
trated the Communists and given heart
to the anti-Communists in every Asian
country.
Indonesia was saved from a Commu-
nist takeover by a hair's breadth. If the
Communists had been able to win the
support of another handful of senior
officers, Indonesia would today be theirs.
I do not think it is too much to claim
that our resistance in Vietnam played a
role in encouraging at least some of the
loyalist officers to stand up against the
Communist threat. And, in this sense, it
probably made the marginal difference
necessary to wrest victory from what
briefly appeared to be total defeat.
Frustrated and deprived of the easy
victories it had hoped for in Vietnam
and Indonesia, the Maoist regime in Red
China has been turned back upon itself,
so that for some 2 years now it has been
weakened and rent by internal conflict.
This, too, is all to the good from the
standpoint of the free world.
Perhaps most important, our firm
stand in Vietnam, as Prime Minister
Lee Kuan Yew of Singapore has pointed
out, has given all the nations of the area
the priceless gift of more time; more
time in which to strengthen their eco-
nomic and social and political structures
and more time in which to build a strong
and many-sided alliance of free nations.
In Vietnam itself, the progress may be
slow and sometimes difficult to measure.
But on the periphery of Vietnam, within
the broader context of Southeast Asia,
the successes already achieved by our
policy have been nothing short of spec-
tacular.
Let us not abandon this progress by
giving in to frustration and impatience.
Let us not succumb to the intrinsically
racist proposal that we abandon the Ori-
ental peoples of Southeast Asia to the
tender mercies of communism, and with-
draw our forces to white Australia.
Let us not abandon a right moral
cause simply because the cost of defend-
ing it runs high.
Let us face up to the hard, brutal fact
that we are locked in worldwide conflict
with forces that seek our total destruc-
tion as a nation and the destruction of
everything we stand for.
Let us not beguile ourselves by regard-
ing the war in Vietnam as a purely local
conflict, but let us rather accord it its
true stature and importance as a major
battle, in a worldwide war, between the
forces of freedom and the forces of
slavery.
Let us be diligent in the quest for
peace, but in this quest let us never lose
sight of the guidelines of freedom and
justice.
Let us not seek any easy way out, be-
cause there is no easy way out.
However great the difficulties, however
long we may have to persist, let us never
accept the humiliation of defeat and dis-
honor.
Let us rather bear ourselves like free
men should bear themselves. Let us seek
to emulate, at least in small degree, the
courage and perseverance that our fore-
bears displayed at Valley Forge, and
which they have displayed at so many
other critical periods in our history.
Let us never give in.
Mr. BYRD of West Virginia. Mr. Presi-
dent, I want to take a moment to com-
mend the distinguished Senator from
Connecticut on his very careful, rea-
soned, and logical speech. The statement
the Senator is making reflects a great
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deal of thought. I feel that the Senator
is rendering a valuable service to his
country in taking the floor at this time
to address the Senate on such an im-
portant subject.
I join him in cherishing and support-
ing the right of people to dissent. It is
a constitutional right, one that should
be taken for granted from the beginning,
and one which should need no restate-
ment. I do not think anyone questions
the right to dissent, if that dissent is
expressed in a reasonable and construc-
tive fashion, and does not obstruct the
functions of Government, or render dam-
age to the Republic.
I think that the Senator is correct
when he states that the manner and the
form of the dissent which has recently
appeared in some areas of the country
has damaged the efforts of our President
and our country to bring about a peace-
ful solution to the confrontation in South
Vietnam.
I join with the Senator from Connecti-
cut [Mr. Dom] in expressing the belief
that some of the demonstrations that
200-363-11258
have been conducted have given succor
and comfort to the Communists and have
encouraged them to prolong the war and
thus lengthen the list of casualties of
American boys.
I express appreciation again for the
time the Senator has taken to present
this very fine speech for the attention of
his colleagues and the country. Several
years ago, I served on the Committee on
Foreign Affairs in the House of Repre-
sentatives with the distinguished senior
Senator from Connecticut. I believe that
he has ample background and knowledge
of the subject and that he has given very
serious and prolonged study to this mat-
ter. Therefore, I consider that the judg-
ment reflected in his speech, as to the
effect of destructive dissent, is very
sound.
Mr. DODD. Mr. President, I am ex-
tremely grateful to the distinguished
Senator from West Virginia for his
words. I wish I deserved them, but I have
done my best. He is, of course, an out-
standing Member of this body, and hav-
ing his approval means a great deal to
me. I am deeply grateful to him.
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A?losievilRA
Nt34iy 001 -8
committee o correspondence founded Mi.; disseminate information in aid of World Freedom
National Headquarters ? U.I.U. r =MB, N. BROAD ST., PHILADELPHIA, PA. 19121
Chairman
MARX LEWIS
511-A So. 21st Avenue
Hollywood? Fla. 33020
IT:.; NO?121
MARCH...APRIL, 1968
01-4 V COL4.h
?411.1.74 Cs. S 4"" C.Ovs. ret LA /I 114+
e C C:2 Vi?
DESERTERS, POLITICAL AND OTHERWISE '
By MARX LEWIS
A SOLDIER WHO, WHILE UNDER FIRE, PANICS, AND DESERTS, MAY FACE A FIRING SQUAu, A POLOTICiAN
WHO HELPED SEND THAT SOLDIER INTO BATTLE, AND WHO, WHEN THE GOING GETS ROUGH, ALSO DESERTS
THE CAUSE, CAN BECOME A UNITED STATES SENATOR. AND EVEN ASPIRE TO THE PRESIDENCY OF THE
UNITED STATES. THAT IS THE CASE OF SENATOR ROBERT KENNEDY.
AS A MEMBER OF THE CABINET OF HIS BROTHER, THE LATE PRESIDENT KENNEDY, BOBBY KENNEDY AD?
MITTEDLY INFLUENCED HIS BROTHER'S FOREIGN POLICY. THAT POLICY, AS IT APPLIED TO SOUTHEAST
ASIA. WAS 'CONSISTENT AND UNEQUIVOCAL, IT WAS THAT THE "CAMPAIGN. OF FORCE AND TERROR" WAGED
AGAINST SOUTH VIETNAM AND ITS PEOPLE WAS "SUPPORTED AND DIRECTED FROM THE OUTSIDE SY THE
AUTHORITIES AT HANOI" AND THAT THEY THUS VIOLATED THE PROVISIONS OF THE GENEVA ACCORDS DE?
SIGNED TO ENSURE PEACE IN VIETNAM, TO WHICH PROVISIONS THEY BOUND THEMSELVES IN 1954,"
PRESIDENT KENNEDY'S POSITION WAS THAT "WE ARE PREPARED TO HELP THE REPUBLIC OF VIETNAM
TO PROTECT ITS PEOPLE AND PRESERVE ITS INDEPENDENCE."
BOBBY KENNEDY WAS EQUALLY, IF NOT MORE, EMPHATIC. ON FEBRUARY 19, 1962, BOBBY, THEN THE
ATTORNEY GENERAL, SAID: "WE ARE GOING TO WIN IN VIETNAM", AND "WE WILL REMAIN UNTIL WE DO."
"I THINK," HE ADDED, "THE UNITED STATES WILL DO wHAT IS NECESSARY TO HELP A COUNTRY THAT IS
TRYING TO REPEL AGGRESSION WITH ITS OWN BLOOD, TEARS AND SWEAT THE AMERICAN PEOPLE WILL
SEE VIETNAM THROUGH THESE TIMES OF TROUBLE TO A PERIOD WHEN THE VIETNAMESE PEOPLE WILL
FIND A LONG?SOUGHT OPPORTUNITY TO DEVELOP THEIR COUNTRY IN PEACE, .DIGNITY AND FREEDOM," AS
A MEMBER OF' THE NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL, HE ENDORSED THE FIRST MAJOR MILITARY COMMITMENT,
AND THE FIRST ESCALATION IN VIETNAM, AN INCREASE FROM 773 To 16,500 MEN. HE DIDN'T CONSIDER
IT IMMORAL THEN TO ESCALATE THE WAR. IT BECAME IMMORAL WHEN HE SCOUTED AROUND FOR AN ISSUE
WHICH HE THOUGHT WOULD GRATIFY HIS ALL?CONSUMING AMBITION TO BECOME PRESIDENT.
WHEN, RECENTLY, BOBBY WAS CONFRONTED WITH THIS 1962 STATEMENT AT A MEETING ON THE CAMPUS
OF VANDERBILT COLLEGE HE BECAME LIVID WITH RAGE, HE IS NOT ACCUSTOMED TO BEING CROSSED OR
QUESTIONED. 11 MADE A MISTAKE," HE SHOUTED AT THE HECKLER. "SO DID PRESIDENT JOHNSON," ONE
OF THE MANY DIFFERENCES BETWEEN THE MISTAKES THE TWO MADE IS THAT BOBBY WANTS TO BE REWARD?
ED WITH THE PRESIDENCY FOR HIS MISTAKES. WHILE HE SEEKS TO PUNISH THE PRESIDENT FOR THE MIS?
TAKES THAT THE LATTER HAS UNDOUBTEDLY MADE,
AND IT MIGHT BE WELL TO RECALL THAT IF THE PRESIDENT MADE MISTAKES THERE IS AT LEAST ONE
MISTAKE WHICH THE KENNEDIES MADE WHICH PRESIDENT JOHNSON, THEN VICE PRESIDENT, DIDN'T MAKE,
AND WHICH HE, AT THE TIME, WARNED THEM AGAINST, MAKING THAT MISTAKE CHANGED THE COURSE OF
THE WAR TO OUR DISADVANTAGE.
IN 1963, SOME OF THE PRESIDENT'S ADVISERS DECIDED THAT PRESIDENT NGO DINH DIEM MUST GO,
THEY BELIEVED THAT DIEM HAD CREATED A RELIGIOUS CRISIS I3Y PERSECUTING THE BUDDHISTS, WHOSE
SELF?IMMOLATIONS SHOCKED THE WORLD. THEY ALSO BELIEVED THAT THE BUDDHISTS WERE IN THE
MAJORITY IN SOUTH VIETNAM, AND COULD, THEREFORE, HINDER THE SUCCESSFUL PROSECUTION OF THE
WAR.
TH.ic SE DUMP?DIEM ADVOCATES WERE WRONG ON ALL COUNTS. IT WAS NOT A RELIGIOUS CRISIS, BUT A
? POUTI,0
AL CRISIS, liNatNEERED BY A FEW BUDDHIST LEADERS, ONE OF WHOM, THICH TRI QUANK, WAS
KNOWN TO HAVE CLOSE CONTACT WITH THE NORTH VIETNAMESE COMMUNISTS. IF THE BUDDHISTS WERE
.....
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PERSECUTED IT WAS FOR THEIR POLITICAL ACTIVITIES, NOT THEIR RELIGION. AND THE BUDDHISTS WERE
NOT IN A MAJORITY IN SOUTH VIETNAM. THE PRESS, INCLUDING THE NEw YORK TIMES, MIREfRESENTED
THE FACTS AND DISTORTED THE PICTL:RE. IT WAS THE STATE DEPARTMENT WHICH FELL FOR THESE
REPORTS, HOOK, LINE AND SINKER, ALTHOUGH RELIABLE REPORTERS ON THE SCENE COULD HAVE READILY
PROVIDED IT WITH THE TRUE FACTS.
VICE PRESIDENT JOHNSON Diu NOT SHARE THIS VIEW OF DIEM. DIEM HAD MADE SOME MISTAKES. HE
HAD TAKEN OVER A COUNTRY WHICH TNE FRENCH COLONIALISTS HAD LEFT IN SHAMBLES. THERE WERE
GROUPS WhICH, HEt.pEn BY THE FRENCH, WERE TRYING TO TEAR THE COUNTRY ASUNDER. FEW LEADERS
FACED IN MORE FORMIDABLE TASK THAN THE ONE HE FACED, HE GAVE A GOOD ACCOUNT OF HIMSELF, HIS
MI STAKEL:. NOT rANDING.
AFTER DIEM'S V;Rs C TWO YEARS IN OFFICE PRESIDENT KENNEDY PRAISED DIEM AND HIS ACCOMPLISH-
MENTS. E HAO REHABILITATED THREE-QUARTERS OF A MILLION REFUGEES FROM THE NORTH,. BUILT
45,000 HOUSES. DUG 2,500 WELLS, ADDED 100 SCHOOL S, ESTABLISHED DOZENS OF MEDICAL CENTERS
AND MATERNITY HOMES, INTRODUCED MANY SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC REFORMS, CULTIVATED THE WASTE-
LANDS, ENCOURAGED A WIDER OWNERSHIP OF THE LAID, PROVIDED FARMER COOPERATIVES AND FARM
LOANS TO MODERNIZE AN OUTMODED AGRICULTURAL ECONOMY, AND EENACTED LEGISLATION FOR BETTER
LABOR RELATIONS, IMPROVED HEALTH PROTECTION AND BETTER WORKING CONDITIONS AND WAGES, ALL
THIS, AND MORE, WAS DONE IN THE FIRST TWO YEARS OF DIEM'S REGIME, AND UNDER OBSTACLES WHICH
FEW LEADERS EVER FACED, WAS BUILDING A NEW NATION ON FOUNDATIONS AS DEMOCRATIC AS THEY
COULD BE IN A LAND SUBJECTED TO WAR,
PERSONALLY, DIEM WAS INCORRUPTIBLE, HE INSPIRED CONFIDENCE. ASSOCIATE SUPREME COURT
JUSTICE WILLIAM 0, DOUGLAS, NHOSE CREDENTIALS AS A LIBERAL HAVE BEEN DULY AUTHENTICATED,
REPORTED IN 1953, AFTEP A TOUR OF VIETNAM: "NGO DINH DIEM IS A HERO IN CENTRAL AND NORTH
VIETNAM WITH A CONSIDERABLE FOLLOWING IN THE SOUTH NGO DINH DIEM IS REVERED BY THE
VIETNAMESE BECAuSE NC IS H ,NEST AND INDEPENDENT AND STOOD FIRM AGAINST THE FRENCH INFLUENCE.
THERE ARE FEW OP rICIAL. IN .1" H E VIETNAMESE GOVERNMENT WHO HAVE THAT REPUTATION." YET THE
STATE DEPARTMENT AND OUR pREss PICTURED HIM AS A MONSTER, WITH OUR HELP, HE WAS DRIVEN
OUT OF OFFICE, AND IT MAY BE THAT WHEN THE FULL STORY 15 KNOWN IT WILL BE FOUND THAT WITH
OUR HELP HE WAS ASSASSINATED.
VICE PRESIDENT JOHNsON'S ?,'ARNING HAD BEEN IGNORED. FOR A LONG TIME AFTERWARDS CHAOS PRE-
VAILED IN SOUTH VIETNAM. THE ONE MAN WHO HAD SHOWN GREAT QUALITIES OF LEADERSHIP AND WHO
INSPIRED CONFIDENCE WAS Gr,NE, THE WHOLE STORY OF THE VIETNAM WAR MIGHT HAVE BEEN DIFFERENT
IF JOHNSON'S POSITION HAD PREVAILED.
AS PRESIDENT, JOHNSON IS MAKING HIS OWN MISTAKES, His BIGGEST MISTAKE IS TRYING TO APPEASE
THE GUERRILLA FIGHTER AT HOME, THE FULBRIGHTS, THE KENNEDY'S, AND THE MCCARTHy'S. THEY
WON'T LET HIM MAKE WAR IN THE WAY THAT WARS MUST BE FOUGHT IF THEY ARE TO SE WON, AND THE
COMMUNISTS WON'T LET HIM MAKE PEACE.
JOHNSON RECOGNIZES THAT THE WAR IS NOT BEING WAGED WITH THE EFFECTIVENESS OF WHICH WE ARE
CARABLE. IN A RECENT SPEECH IN MINNEAPOLIS, THE PRESIDENT SAID "WE ARE NOT DOiNG ZNOLJGH
\it,, ;ti 'ro THAT PS. TRUE. IS NO REASON WHYSA/CON SHOULD BE VIRTUALLY DESTROYED
AND HANOI SHOULD HE OFF-LIMITS, THOSE OF HIS CRITICS WHO DO NOT WANT TO "CUT AND RUN", AS
KENNEDY WOULD DO, HAVE LONG INSISTED THAT WE CANNOT FIGHT THIS WAR SUCCESSFULLY WITH ONE
HAND TI ED BEHIND OUR A.C.KS,
BY WAY OF JUSTIFICAT1cN FOR NOT GOING ALL-OUT TO WIN THE WAR THE PRESIDENT SAID HE WAS
BEING "PRUDENT?" THE tk+PLICATION WAS THAT WE WERE DOING NOTHING TO RISK RED CHINA AND
THE SOVIET UNION ENTERING THE WAR.
BUT RED 'CHINA AND THE SOVIET UNION ARE IN THE WAR, BOTH ARE SUPPLYING THOUSANDS OF ADVISERS
TO THE NORTH VIETNAMESE AND ABOUT 80 PER CENT OF THE WAR SUPPLIES. ALL OF THE COMMUNIST-
BLOC COUNTRIES IN EASTERN EUROPE ARE COOPERATING, wITH CHINA, IN FURNISHING THOSE SUPPLIES.
THEY HAVE NOT AS YET SENT "VOLUNTEERS" TO ENGAGE IN COMBAT, ALTHOUGH THERE ARE RELIABLE
REPORTS THAT THE CHINESE COMMUNISTS HAVE ORGANIZED A 50,000 MAN "ANTI-U.S. AND SUPPORT-
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VIETNAM VOLUNTEER CORPS" IN KWANGSI PROVINCE,
WHETHER EITHER RED CHINA AND THE SOVIET UNION, OR BOTH, WILL ENTER THE WAR WITH TROOPS
IS ANYONE S GUESS. NEITHER SEEM EAGER TO DO MORE THAN THEY ARE ALREADY DOING. BUT iF
AND WHEN THEY DECIDE TO DO SO THEY WILL ENTER IN THEIR OWN TIME AND IN THEIR OWN WAY. IF
THE COMMUNISTS CANNOT BE APPEASED, ANY MORE THAN CAN THE GUERILLA..FIGHTERS AT HOME,
NEITHER CAN THEY BE PROVOKED, THEY WILL MAKE THEIR DECISIONS AS AND WHEN IT SERVES THEIR
PURPOSES ? NO SOONER AND NO LATER,
THERE ARE, OF COURSE, RISKS. BUT WE CANNOT UNDERTAKE COMMITMENTS AROUND THE WORLD,
WHICH MAY HAVE TO BE KEPT BY MILITARY FORCE, WITHOUT INCURRING RISKS, IF WE ARE TO BE IN?
HIBITED BY OUR FEARS, AND INTIMIDATED BY COMMUNIST THREATS AND NUCLEAR BLACKMAIL, IT MIGHT
BE BETTER NOT TO UNDERTAKE THESE COMMITMENTS IN THE FIRST PLACE, OR TRY TO HONOR THEM IN
THE SECOND PLACE. IF PRUDENCE REQUIRES THAT WE SHOULD FIGHT A LIMITED WAR WHILE THE COM?
MUNISTS FIGHT AN UN?LIMITED WAR, THEN WE ARE SENDING TENS OF THOUSANDS OF OUR BEST MEN
TO THEIR DOOM FOR NOTHING.
BUT IF THE PR ES t DENT HAS FAILED TO DO WHAT MANY OF OUR BEST MILITARY MINDS HAVE SUGGESTED
TO BRING THE WAR TO AN EARLY CONCLUSION, HE HAS ALSO STOOD FOUR?SQUARE AGAINST THOSE WHO,
LIKE BOBBY KENNEDY, HAVE URGED THE ACCEPTANCE OF COMMUNIST TERMS WHICH AMOUNT TO AN
UNCONDITIONAL SURRENDER TO THE COMMUNISTS, HE HAS SEEN THE REAL ISSUES IN THIS STRUGGLE
AND HAS SOUGHT TO CREATE AN IMAGE OF AN AMERICA WHICH HONORS ITS COMMITMENTS, EVEN AT
GREAT SACRIFICE, AND WHICH REFUSES TO DESENT A NATION FIGHTING FOR ITS RIGHT TO LIVE FREE. AND
FOR TAKING THIS POSITION PRESIDENT JOHNSON WILL oEsEvc THE ACCLAIM OF FUTURE GENERATIONS.
BOBBY KENNEDY SAYS THAT HE WANTS A CHANCE. TO HEMAKE AMERICA. IF IT IS REMADE IN' HIS IMAGE
wILL NOT BE AN AMERICA WHICH HAS BEEN FAITHESL TO ITS TRADITIONS, BUT AN AMERICA WHICH
HAVE FORFEITED ITS CLAIM TO BE THE LEADER OF THE FREE WORLD. THE IMAGE WILL BE THE
?.RODUCT OF A COLE, RUTHLESS OPPORTUNIST WHOSE WEALTH IS SUFFICIENT TO WIN FOR HIM THE PRIZE
E SEEKS ABOVE EVERYTHING ELSE,
INDIA'S STAN7. ON VIETNAs, ,X?RAYED
By . P. GAUR
NEW DELHI ? INDIA'S STAND ON THE PROBLEM Os VIETNAM ISNs'n5T WIDELY MISUNDERSTOOD ABROAD
BECAUSE OF THE PRO?SOVIET VIEWS OF THE GOVEk -mENT OF IND,A AND THE TREMENDOUS ACTIVITIES?
OF THE COMMUNIST PARTIES AND THEIR NUMEROUS .---LONT ORGANIZATION IN IMPORTANT CITIES OF
INDIA WHICH MANIFESTS ITSELF IN VARIOUS FORMS ? RESOLUTIONS, PUBLIC MEETINGS, PUBLIC DEMON?
STRATIONS, PUBLIC RALLIES, ETC. THESE ARE SO 1..*:.;:a AND NUMEROUS THAT THE FEELINGS AND VIEW
POINTS OF OTHERS WHICH APPROVE AMERICA'S FIGH? ;0.1 SOUTH VIETNAM FOR THE DEFENCE OF FREE
WORLD AGAINST COMMUNIST AGGRESSION GET DROWNED OUT. USUAL COMMUNIST METHODS ARE USED
TO SUPPRESS THE VIEWS OF THE INDIAN PEOPLE IN ODER TO 'IMPRESS THE PUBLIC IN INDIA AND OUT?
SIDE THAT THE INDIAN PEOPLE, AS A WHOLE, SUPPORT TIE NORTH VIETNAMESE AND THE ACTIVITIES
OF THEIR NATIONAL LIBERATION FRONT.
BUT THOSE WHO CARE TO PROBE DEEPER ARE SURE TO FIND A COMPLETELY DIFFERENT PICTURE. To
ILLUSTRATE THIS POINT CONVINCINGLY THREE OUTSTAND:NG EVENTS OF THE LAST SEVEN WEEKS MAY BE
CITED: THREE ENGLISH NEWS FRS IN DELI-II REFUSE TO PUBLISH A PAID FOuR?SENTANCE ADVE:RTISE??
MENT WHICH 306 TEACHERS OF DELHI' UNIVERSITY WANTED TO INSERT CALLING UPON THE GOVERNMENT
OF INDIA, AS THE CHAIRMAN OF THE INTERNATIONAL CCesTR,OL COMMISSION, TO TAKE STEPS TOWARDS
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THE IMMEDIATE LIQUIDATION OF AMERICAN AGGRESSION IN VIETNAM AND DEMANDING IMMEDIATE AND
UNCONDITIONAL CESSATION OF BOMBING OF NORTH VIETNAM AND TOTAL WITHDRAWAL OF AMERICAN
TROOPS FROM SOUTH VIETNAM, (PATRIOT JANUARY 10, 1968),;
AT THE DECEMBER SESSION OF BHARTIYA JANSANGH, AT CALICUT,..IN THE STATE OF KERALA, THE
STRONGHOLD OF LEFT COMMUNIST PARTY, AN INDEPENDENT RESOLUTION WAS DISCUSSED SUPPORTING
AMERICA'S FIGHT AGAINST COMMUNISM IN SOUTH VIETNAM.
IN THE CURRENT SESSION OF THE PARLIAMENT ON FEBRUARY L4 N. G. RANGA, PRESIDENT OF SWATANTRA
PARTY, WHILE SPEAKING IN THE LOWER HOUSE (LOK SABHA) ON THE PRESIDENT'S SPEECH DISCUSSION
SAID, "THE PRIME MINISTER WAS ALIGNED COMPLETELY WITH THE SOVIET UNION ON THE VIETNAM
ISSUE: SHE IS A PRIME MINISTER IN NAME ONLY, THE FOREIGN POLICY OF' INDIA WAS REALLY BEING
SHAPED BY THE LEFT COMMUNISTS." FURTHER, HE SAID, IF IT WAS RIGHT FOR MR, NEHRU TO ASK FOR
FOREIGN HELP WHEN CHINA ATTACKED INDIA, "IT IS ALSO RIGHT FOR SOUTH VIETNAM TO ASK AMERICA
TO SAVE IT FROM COMMUNIST AGGRESSION FROM THE NORTH."
BOTH THESE PARTIES HAVE THEIR PARTY MEN AS MINISTERS IN SOME OF THE STATES OF INDIA WHICH
HAVE NON-CONGRESS GOVERNMENTS. ALMOST IN ALL ,OTHER STATE LEGISLATURES THEY HAVE THEIR
MEMBERS, IN THE INDIAN PARLIAMENT TOO THEY HAVE FAIRLY BIG GROUPS IN THE OPPOSITION. IN
FACT THE SWATANTRA PARTY GROUP IS THE LARGEST PARTY AMONG VARIOUS OPPOSITION PARTIES IN
THE LOWER HOUSE. THOUGH BOTH OF THEM ARE YOUNG THEY HAVE MADE REMARKABLE PROGRESS IN EN-
LISTING THE SUPPORT OF THE MASSES FROM ALL OVER THE COUNTRY. THEY ARE THE PARTIES V17HICH
ARE LIKELY TO PROVIDE ALTERNATIVE GOVERNMENT TO THE CONGRESS PARTY AFTER THE NEXT ELECT-.
IONS. FOREIGN OBSERVERS OF THE INDIAN SCENE USUALLY FORM THEIR OPINION ABOUT THE RESPONSE
AND ATTITUDES OF THE INDIAN PEOPLE BY READING ENGLISH PAPERS, MOSTLY OF NATIONAL IMPORTANCE,
WHICH ARE VERY MUCH SOPHISTICATED. ENGLISH PAPERS PUBLISHED IN OTHER PARTS OF THE C UNTRY
WILL GIVE THEM A SLIGHTLY DIFFERENT VIEW. r.
BUT IF THEY READ THE LANGUAGE PAPERS FROM DIFFERENT CORNERS IN INDIA, THEY WILL BE C MPLETELY
SURPRISED AT THE COMPLETELY DIFFERENT APPROACH TO THE SAME NATIONAL AND INTERNATIO AL PROB-
LEMS. FOR GAUGING CORRECTLY THE PULSE OF THE PEOPLE ON A PARTICULAR SUBJECT IN ANY F.ART OF
THE COUNTRY THE RIGHT THING TO DO IS TO READ THE LANGUAGE RAPERS OF THAT AREA. IN FA T, THEY
REFLECT FAIRLY CORRECTLY THE FEELINGS AND VIEWS OF' THE PEOPLE. A PERUSUAL OF THESE PAPERS
WILL REMOVE A GOOD DEAL OF MISUNDERSTANDING THAT EXISTS IN THE MIND OF THE FOREIGN 0 SERVERS
ON THE PROBLEM OF VIETNAM AND OTHER SUCH ALLIED QUESTIONS.
IN THE CONGRESS PARTY ITSELF ALL PEOPLE DO NOT AGREE WITH THE STAND GOVERNMENT OF INDIA
HAS TAKEN ON THIS ISSUE AND ON MANY OCCASSIONS SUCH DIFFERENCES HAVE COME TO LIGHT.
IN VIEW OF THIS ANALYSIS IT 15 WRONG TO THINK THAT ALL INDIANS FAVOR THE GOVERNMENT'S STAND
ON VIETNAM, AFTER CHINESE AGGRESSION OF INDIA, MORE AND MORE PEOPLE CONSIDER IT NECESSARY
TO CHECK CHINESE COMMUNISTS IN VIETNAM, AND TO GIVE THEIR SUPPORT TO AMERICA IN ELIMINATING
COMMUNIST AGGRESSION IN, SOUTH VIETNAM.
CACA ACTIVITIES
CHAIRMAN LEWIS VISITS NORTHEAST CHAPTERS:
A Two WEEKS' TOUR MADE BY CHAIRMAN LEWIS LATE FEBRUARY AND EARLY MARCH ENABLED HIM TO
REVIEW THE ACTIVITIES OF OUR CHAPTERS IN THE NORTHEAST. HE CAME BACK GRATIFIED BY WHAT HE
SAW AND HEARD AS TO THE PROGRESS WHICH THE COUNCIL IS MAKING IN THE PLACES WHICH HE VISITED.
TWO MEETINGS TOOK PLACE IN NEW YORK, ON MONDAY, FEBRUARY 26, AT THE WOMEN'S NATIONAL
PRESS CLUB. ONE OF THEM WAS A MEETING OF THE MEMBERS OF THE NATIONAL AND EXECUTIVE
COMMITTEES WHERE A NUMBER OF ROUTINE MATTERS AFFECTING THE NATIONAL ORGANIZATION WERE
CONSIDERED. IT WAS FOLLOWED BY A MEETING OF OUR NEW YORK CHAPTER. WHICH IS HEADED BY
COL. JAMES W. GERARD, WHO ARRANGED THE MEETING WITH THE ASSISTANCE OF BENJAMIN PROTTER,
EDITOR or TODAY IN FRANCE, COLONEL GERARD PRESIDED,
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THE AUDIENCE INCLUDED A NUMBER OF PEOPLE IN THE MASS-MEDIA FIELD WHO HAVE BEEN CARRYING
ON OUR FIGHT IN THOSE MEDIA. LEWIS DISCUSSED MAINLY THE VARIOUS ACTIVITIES IN WHICH THE
COUNCIL IS ENGAGED, AND WHAT IS BEING DONE TO EXPAND THEM, FOLLOWING HIS TALK MANY OF
THOSE PRESENT PARTICIPATED IN A DISCUSSION OF WHAT MIGHT BE DONE BY THE COUNCIL, AND OTHER
SIMILARLY-MINDED ORGANIZATIONS WITH WHICH IT IS COOPERATING MIGHT DO, TO CONTERACT DEFEATIST
AND APPEASEMENT ACTIVITIES IN THE MASS MEDIA.
PHILADELPHIA LUNCHEON-MEETING: ON THE FOLLOWING. DAY, LEWIS ATTENDED A LUNCHEON MEETING
IN PHILADELPHIA WHICH WAS ARRANGED ON SHORT NOTICE BY ROVERT HECKERT, A MEMBER OF OUR
NATIONAL COMMITTEE. THE ATTENDANCE WAS NOT LARGE, DUE TO SHORT NOTICE, BUT HECKERT
ARRANGED TO HAVE LEWIS INTERVIEWED BY A REPORTER OF THE EVENING BULLETIN, ONE OF THE
NATION'S MAJOR DA1 LI ES, WITH A CIRCULATION OF 750.000. THE INTERVIEW APPEARED THE FOLLOWING
DAY. IT RAN ALMOST A COLUMN. AS IN NEW YORK, LEWIS REVIEWED THE COUNCIL'S WORK DURING
THE PAST YEAR, AND PLANS FOR THE FUTURE.
WASHINGTON CHAPTER MARKS COUNCIL'S I7TH ANNIVERSARY:
ON MARCH 2, OUR ARTHUR G. MCDOWELL CHAPTER, OF WASHINGTON, D. C. CLIMAXED A LONG SERIES
OF WINTER ACTIVITIEG WITH A DINNER-.METING HELD AT THE AMERICAN LEGION HALL, IN ARLINGTON,
VA., To MARK THE I7TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE FOUNDING OF OUR NATIONAL ORGANIZATION. CLOSE TO
200 PEOPLE CAME FROM WASHINGTON AND ITS SUBURBS IN VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND TO TAKE PART IN
THE FESTIVITIES. THEY INCLUDED JOURNALISTS, CLERGYMEN, AND PERSONS OCCUPYING IMPORTANT
POSITIONS IN THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT. AMONG THOSE PRESENT WAS ARTHUR MCDOWELL'S WIDOW,
JANET, AND HIS BROTHER, CHARLES.
THE ATTENDANCE WAS THE LARGEST SINCE THE COUNCIL FIRST BEGAN TO HOLD ITS ANNIVERSARY CELEBRAT-
TIONS IN WASHINGTON. A CREW usLr., THE TELEPHONE EXTENSIVELY TO INVITE GUESTS. HEADING THE
ARRANGEMENTS COMMITTEE WAS REED J. IRVINE, WHO SPEARHEADS THE CHARTER'S ACTIVITIES. THE
COMMITTEE CONSISTED OF, AMONG 01-14.E. .GEORGE HoLcoms, BERNIE YOH AND EDWARD W. SLOAN.
CHAIRMAN LEWIS ACTED AS TOASTM ,'LR. THE GUEST SPEAKERS WERE HERBERT PHI LBR I CK, AUTHOR
OF "I LED 3 LI VESTI , WHO WAS INTRODUCED BY DAVID MARTi N ? OF THE SENATE INTERNAL SECURITY
COMMITTEE, AND JIM LUCAS, NOTED JOURNALIST, WHO WAS INTRODUCED BY IRVINE. LUCAS RECENTLY
RETURNED FROM VIETNAM. HE GAVE A VIVID, AND ENCOURAGING ACCOUNT OF THE STRUGGLE OUR TROOPS
ARE WAGING THERE, AND EXPOSED AS MISLEADING MANY OF THE ACCOUNTS WHICH HAVE APPEARED IN THE
PRESS CONCERNING THE PROGRESS OF THE WAR.
DURING THE EVENING A SERIES OF AwAFID WERE BESTOWED ON THOSE WHO DURING 1967 MADE A MAJOR
CONTRIBUTION TO THE STRUGGLE AGAINST COMMUNIST AGGRESSION, AND ONE AWARD, A "NULL" AWARD
A SILVER TROPY, TO THE ONE MAN IN TH.E UNITED STATES WHO DID MORE THAN ANY OTHER, IN 1967, TO
WEAKEN OUR RESOLUTION AND DIVIDE OUR COUNTRY.
THE AWARDS FOR CONSTRUCTIVE SERVICE TO OUR CAUSE WENT TO SAL B. HOFFMAN, PRESIDENT OF THE
UPHOLSTERERS INTERNATIONAL UNION; THOMAS W. GLEASON, PRESIDENT OF THE INTERNATIONAL LONG-
SHOREMEN'S ASSOCIATION; COL. JAMES W. GERARD, HEAD OF OUR NEW YORK ORGANIZATION; WILSON
C. Lucum, PRESIDENT OF THE U. S. ANTI-COMMUNIST CONGRESS; ZUEBLEN RATHBONE, AND JOHN
B. HIGHTOWER, JR. IRVINE, IN INTRODUCING LUCAS, PRESENTED HIM WITH AN AWARD FOR MERITOR-
IOUS PERFORMANCE AS A JOURNALIST WHO HAS HELPED EXPOSE THE COMMUNIST CONSPIRACY.
THE "NULL" AWARD, CONFERRED JOINTLY BY OUR COUNCIL AND FREEDOM COUNCIL, A KINDRED ORGAN-
IZATION, WENT TO SENATOR J. WILLIAM FULBR GHT, CHAIRMAN OF THE FOREIGN RELATIONS COM M I T-
TEE. THE PRESENTATION SPEECH WAS MADE BY F. ROGER DOWNEY, CHAIRMAN OF THE FREEDOM
COUNCIL. IT IS MADE ANNUALLY, DOWNEY DECLARED, TO THE MAN WHO IN THE PRECEDING YEAR, WHAT-
EVER HIS MOTIVATIONS, HAS RENDERED MOST CONSPICUOUS SERVICE TO THE ENEMIES OF FREEDOM.
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ON MONDAY, MARCH II, THE CHAPTER HELD ITS MONTHLY LUNCHEON?MEETING WITH SHIRLEY SCHEiBLA,
CORRESPONDENT FOR BARRONTS, AND AUTHOR OF A BRAND NEW BOOK, "POVERTY IS WHERE THE MONEY
15." SHE SPOKE ON THE RIOT COMMISSION REPORT.
AMONG THE MANY ACTIVITIES ON WHICH THE CHAPTER HAS ENGAGED IS A "LETTERS?TO?THE?EDITOR
CAM PAI GN" , IN WHICH OUR MEMBERS AND FRIENDS HAVE REPLIED TO PRO?COMMUNIST ARTICLES AND
CALLED ATTENTION TO THE MISREPRESENTATIONS IN WHICH SOME WRITERS HAVE ENGAGED TO DISCOURAGE
EFFORTS TO OPPOSE COMMUNIST AGGRESSION. SAMPLES OF SOME RECENT LETTERS ARE REPRODUCED
ELSEWHERE IN THIS ISSUE.
VICE CHAIRMAN' BREWER DIRECTS LOS ANGELES ACTIVITIES:
BEGINNING WITH A SERIES OF EVENTS DESIGNED TO COUNTERACT COMMUNIST PROPAGANDA IN CONNECTION
WITH THE 50TH ANNI VERSARy OF THE BOLSHEVIK REVOLUTION, OUR .LOS ANGELES CHAPTER, WHICH 15
HEADED BY VICE CHAIRMAN Roy BREWER, AND INCLUdES PROMINENT PEOPLE IN THE MOVIE AND OTHER
MASS?MEDIA Fl ELDS, HAS EXPANDED ITS ACTIVITIES IN A NUMBER OF Fl ELDS.
THE 50m ANNIVERSARY AFFAIR WAS HELD AT THE PALLADIUM, WITH 1,500 PEOPLE PRESENT, AND WITH
EUGENE LYONS, AUTHOR OF THE RECENTLY?PUBLISHED "WORKERS PARADISE LOST", AS THE GUEST
SPEAKER, HE WAS INTRODUCED By WILLIAM BUCKLEY, EDITOR OF THE "NATIONAL REVIEW." OTHER
DISTINGUISHED SPEAKERS INCLUDED MAYOR SAM YORTY, REPRESENTATIVES OF THE CAPTIVE NATIONS
GROUPS, A SPOKESMAN FOR THE YOUNG AMERICANS FOR FREEDOM, AND DON NEWCOMB, THE RETIRED
PITCHER FOR THE DODGERS. THERE WAS A TELEPHONIC READING OF A SPEECH BY GOVERNOR REAGAN,
-r HE AUDIENCE INCLUDED MANY PROMINENT PEOPLE, CONSERVATIVES AND LIBERALS, CARDINAL MCINTYRE
SENT AN OFFICIAL REPRESENTATIVE, ALTHOUGH PRESS COVERAGE WAS MEAGER? THE AFFAIR PROVED
TO BE ONE OF THE HIGHLIGHTS IN OUR ORGANIZATIONTS NATIONAL EFFORT TO COUNTER THE COMMUNIST
CELEBRATION,
MONTHLY MEETINGS ARE BEING HELD WITH WELL?KNOWN AUTHORITIES ON COMMUNISM, RECENTLY,
PROFESSOR WILLIAM THOMPSON, HEAD OF' THE HISTORY DEPARTMENT AT PIERCE COLLEGE, AND A
LEADER IN THE FIGHT AGAINST COMMUNISM ON THE COLLEGE CAMPUS, WAS THE GUEST SPEAKER, ON
MARCH 28, GERALDINE PITCH, A MEMBER OF' OUR NATIONAL COMMITTEE, AN AUTHORITY ON CHINA,
WHERE SHE LIVED .FOR MANY YEARS, AND AUTHOR OF A NUMBER OF BOOKS ON HOW THE REDS TOOK
OVER CHINA, SPOKE ON "THE FAR EAST IS NOT SO FAR."
ORGANIZATIONS BEING ENLISTED TO BRING FREEDOM ACADEMY BILL TO A VOTE:
IN ADDITION TO MEETING WITH AND ADDRESSING OUR VARIOUS CHAPTERS, CHAIRMAN LEWIS DEVOTED
A GOOD DEAL OF HIS TIME TO ENLISTING SUPPORT FOR OUR FREEDOM ACADEMY BILL, WHICH IS NOW
ON THE HOUSE CALENDAR, HAVING BEEN REPORTED FAVORABLY BY THE HOUSE COMMITTEE. IT CAN BE
BROUGHT TO A VOTE, IN WHICH CASE IT 15 BELIEVED IT WILL BE PASSED, IF THE RULES COMMITTEE
WILL GRANT A RULE ENABLING A House VOTE.
LEWIS MET BOTH IN WASHINGTON AND IN NEW YORK WITH THE CHI EF OFFICERS OF THE AMERICAN
LEGION, WHICH SUPPORTS THE BILL, TO URGE THEM TO HAVE THEIR POSTS IN THE DISTRICTS REPRE?
SENTED By MEMBERS OF THE RULES COMMITTEE APPEAL TO THEIR CONGRESSMEN ON THE COMMITTEE
TO GRAP, .' A RULE. SUCH A RULE, LEWIS POINTED OUT TO THEM, DOES NOT MEAN THAT THE RULES
COMMITTEE MEMBERS NECESSARILY ENDORSE THE BILL ?THAT A HOUSE COMMITTEE HAS ALREADY
DONE -- BUT THAT THEY ARE WILLING TO HAVE THE HOUSE VOTE ON IT. HE WAS ASSURED THE LEGION WILL
GO TO WORK ON THE BILL. HE HAS ALSO APPEALED TO THE VETERANS OF FOREIGN WARS TO TAKE SIMILAR
ACTION.
THE COUNCIL HAS ALSO REQUESTED ITS COMMITTEES ON CORRESPONDENCE, AND INDIVIDUAL COUNCIL
MEMBERS, TO CONTACT RULES COMMITTEE MEMBERS. COPIES OF THE HOUSE COMMiTTEETS REPORT.
IN WHICH THE BILLIS PURPOSES AND PROVISIONS ARE DISCUSSED AT LENGTH AND IN DETAIL. HAVE BEEN
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SENT TO 500 STRATEGICALLY PLACED MEMBERS. IT IS SUGGESTED THAT IN WRITING EITHER TO
MEMBERS OF THE RULES COMMITTEE, WHO ARE TO BE ASKED FOR THE RULE, OR TO OTHER MEMBERS
WHO ARE.TO BE ASKED TO URGE THE RULES COMMITTEE MEMBERS TO ACT, THAT EMPHASIS BE MADE
OF THE POINT THAT ALL THAT IS BEING SOUGHT IS AN OPPORTUNITY FOR THE HOUSE TO VOTE ON THE
BILL. PERSONS RECEIVING REPLIES TO ANY OF THEIR COMMUNICATIONS ARE ASKED TO SEND COPIES
OF IT TO THE CHAIRMAN.
COUNCIL URGES PRESIDENT TO STRENGTHEN OUR MILITARY POSITION:
ON FEBRUARY 12, IN THE WAKE OF THE COMMUNISTS' TET OFFENSIVE, CHAIRMAN LEWIS SENT THE
FOLLOWING TELEGRAM TO PRESIDENT JOHNSON URGING THAT HE INTENSIFY OUR MILITARY EFFORT TO
WIN THE WAR IN VIETNAM. THE TEXT OF THE TELEGRAM FOLLOWS:
"ON BEHALF OF OUR -ORGANIZATION, COMPOSED OF LIBERAL, LABOR AND CONSERVA-
TIVE MEMBERS DRAWN FROM ALL WALKS OF LIFE, RESPECTFULLY APPEALS TO YOU
TO INTENSIFY OUR WAR EFFORT IN VIETNAM AND TO SEND ADDITIONAL TROOPS THERE
IF NECESSARY TO INSURE THE DEFEAT OF THE COMMUNISTS. FAILURE TO BRING THE
COMMUNISTS TO THE CONFERENCE TABLE UNDER CONDITIONS WHICH WILL ESTABLISH
BEYOND DOUBT THAT AGGRESSION CANNOT SUCCEED WILL HAVE THE MOST CATASTROPH-
IC CONSEQUENCES NOT ONLY FOR VIETNAM WHICH IS NOW THE FOCAL POINT IN THE
STRUGGLE TO PRESERVE THE RIGHT OF SMALL NATIONS TO CHOOSE THEIR FORM OF
GOVERNMENT AND THEIR OWN SOCIAL SYSTEM BUT FOR ALL THE FREE WORLD. OUR
INABILITY TO HONOR OUR COMMITMENTS AND TO DEFEND SUCCESSFULLY THE TERRI-
TORIAL INTEGRITY OF NATIONS LYING IN THE PATH OF COMMUNIST AGGRESSION WILL
MARK THE BEGINNING OF THE END OF AMERICA'S INFLUENCE FOR GOOD THROUGHOUT
THE WORLD, AND THE MEN WHO HAVE DIED THERE ALREADY AND THE THOUSANDS WHO
MAY YET DIE WILL HAVE PERISHED IN VAIN, WE HOPE THAT YOU WI LL TAKE ALL
NECESSARY MEASURES TO PREVENT THIS CATASTROPHE."
ON MARCH 13, HE ADDRESSED LETTERS TO THE PRESIDENT, SECRETARY RUSK AND SECRETARY
CLIFFORD RENEWING THE PLEA FOR IMMEDIATE ACTION TO INSURE VICTORY IN VIETNAM AND A
PEACE THAT WILL HELP END THE THREAT OF COMMUNIST AGGRESSION IN THAT PART OF THE WORLD.
IN ADDITION TO URGING A STRONGER EFFORT ON THE MILITARY FRONT, HE POINTS OUT THAT WE HAVE
NEGLECTED TO GIVE ADEQUATE WEIGHT TO THE ROLE THAT PROPAGANDA IS PLAYING IN DECIDING THE
FUTURE OF VIETNAM.
"WE HAVE BEEN PERPLEXED AT THE UNWILLINGNESS OF THE PENTAGON TO REACT POSITIVELY TO THE
PROPAGANDA ASSAULTS WHICH HAVE SO CONFUSED AND BEWILDERED PEOPLE HERE ON THE HOME FRONT ,11
HE WROTE TO SECRETARY CLIFFORD. "THERE IS LITTLE REASON TO BE SURPRISED AT THE SUCCESS
OF THE ENEMY PROPAGANDISTS HAVE HAD, FOR THEY HAVE HAD THE FIELD ALL TO THEMSELVES. MORE-
OVER SAD TO RELATE, THEY HAVE HAD THE EAGER COOPERATION, WITTING AND UNWITTING, OF MANY
OF OUR OWN COUNTRYMEN. INCLUDING MANY IN OUR COMMUNICATION MEDIA." HE ASKED THAT FAVOR-
ABLE CONSIDERATION BE GIVEN TO THE FREEDOM ACADEMY BILL TO TRAIN PEOPLE IN THE ART OF
POLITICAL WARFARE, AN ART WHICH THE COMMUNISTS HAVE DEVELOPED TO A HIGH DEGREE
IT IS HOPED THAT MANY OF OUR FRIENDS WI LL SEND SIMILAR LETTERS TO OUR FOREIGN POLICY MAKERS,
AND PERHAPS USE THESE LETTERS AS A BASIS FOR LETTERS TO THE EDITORS OF THE LOCAL PAPERS. THE
COUNCIL WI LL BE GLAD TO SUPPLY COPIES OF THEM ON REQUEST, EVEN IF THESE LETTERS ARE NOT PR INTEL
THE EFFORT IS NOT WASTED -- THEY OFTEN HELP PERSUADE EDITORS TO PUBLISH SIMILAR LETTERS BY
OTHERS.
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DETENTE: THE ENEMY OF FREEDOM?
D. G. STEWART?SMITH, OUR BRITISH CORRESPONDENT, AND EDITOR OF EAST WEST DIGEST, IN AN
EDITORIAL IN THE FEBRUARY ISSUE OF THAT PUBLICATION, DISCUSSES THE POSSIBLITY OF A DETENTE
WITH THE COMMUNIST BLOC AND WHAT TI-GE OBJECTIVES OF SUCH DETENTE MUST SE IF IT IS NOT TO SERVE
THE COMMUNIST WORLD IN ITS ATTEMPT TO BURY THE FREE WORLD. HE EXPRESSES SUPPORT FOR A
DETE= PROVIDED IT IS REGARDED ONLY AS A MEANS TO AN END AND NOT AN END IN ITSELF, A TEM?
PORARY DETENTE, HE WRITES, COULD BE USED TO ENSURE A GREATER COMMUNICATION BETWEEN THE
PEOPLES OF THE TWO BLOCS WITH THE ULTIMATE. AIM OF CHANGING THE POLITICAL ADMINISTRATIONS
IN THE COMMUNIST COUNTRIES,
THE DANGER, HE POINTS OUT, IS THAT A DETENTE. WILL BE SEEN AS AN END IN ITSELF. IT WOULD
EVOLVE THROUGH A REALEFERATTATTEDCHE RAMIE OR THE BEGINNING OF HARMONIOUS RELATIONS INTO ACTUAL
FRIENDSHIP WITH THE SOVIET UNION, POSSIBLY AGAINST A CHINESE "YELLOW PERIL" TYPE OF
THREAT IN ASIA, THERE IS SOME EVIDENCE THAT OUR OWN FOREIGN?POLICY MAKERS ARE FALLING
FOR THAT LINE. D. G. STEWARD-SMITH MENT1ONS FIVE DANGERS WE FACE IF SUCH AN UNCONTROL?
LED OR MISUNDERSTOOD POLICY, PROCEDING FROM A POSITION OF WEAKNESS, IS ADOPTED, OR CON?
TINUED.
TT FIRSTLY," HE WRITES. "A GENUINE AND LASTING DETENTE PRESUPPOSES A WILL TO REACH A RELAXA?
TION OF TENSION EQUALLY BY BOTH PARTIES COMBINED WITH A MUTUAL PREPAREDNESS NOT TO INTER?
FERE IN EACH OTHER'S INTERNAL ^FF.-AIRS. THE WHOLE 50 YEAR RECORD OF INTERNATIONAL COMIVIUN?
SIM'S IMPERIALIST EXPANSION MAKES US BELIEVE THAT WE CANNOT RELY ON THIS HAPPENING AS A
MATTER OF INEVITABILITY IN THE FLri-URE. FOR EXAMPLE, THE ESCALATION OF THE WAR IN VIETNAM
INTO SURROUNDING COUNTRIES UN ART LEAD TO A HEIGHTENING OF TENSION IN EUROPE AS THE SOVIET
UNION IS COMPELLED TO PROVE ( 11.,DWEVER RELUCTANTLY ) ITS TR UE REVOLUTIONARY ENTHUSIASM ON
THE WORLD COMMUNIST? See'AGE IN FACE OF' CHINA'S CHARGES OF BETRAYAL. FURTHERMORE UN?
FORESEEN PRESSURES MAY ARISE 7f,-ROM NEW MILITARY DEVELOPMENTS, SUCH AS THE SOVIET NAVAL
INFLUENCE IN THE MED;TERFAAREAN OR THE ACQUISITION OF ADVANCED NUCLEAR WEAPONS INCLUDING
NEW ABM AND ORBITAL BOiVID SYS?EMS."
SECONDLY, STEWART?SNIITH SUGGESTS, THAT A POLICY OF DETENTE COULD APPEAR TO IMPLY THAT
THE WEST APPROVES OF THE MAINTENANCE OF THE POLITICAL STATUS QUO IN CENTRAL AND EASTERN
EUROPE. INCLUDING THE PERMANEVT DIVISION OF GERMANY. THE SOVIET UNION WOULD LI KE THAT
IMPLICATION, BUT IT IS NOT ONLY OPPOSED TO HE NATIONAL INTER EST OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE BUT
ALSO, BY ITS DISREGARD OF THE ippli PLE OF SELF?DETERMINATION, COULD PLAY INTO THE HANDS OF
EXTREME NATIONALISM.
:RE PROCEEDS TO ENUMERATE THE OTHER THREE DANCERS: "THIRDLY, A POLICY OF DETENTE COULD
APPEAR TO IMPLY THAT THE WEST CONNIVES AT THE DEPRIVATION OF HUMAN FREEDOM AND WESTERN
VALUES ( THE RULE OF LAW, CIVIL LIBERTIES AND DEMOCRATIC GOVERNMENT) BY ALL THE PEOPLES
LIVING UNDER COMMUNIST REGIMES. THIS WILL. HAVE A CATASTROPHIC EFFECT ON THE MORALE OF
THE CAPTIVE PEOPLES WHO, FEELING BETRAYED BY THE WEST, WI LL BE COMPELLED AGAINST THEIR
El: TER JUDGMENT AND REAL WISHES TO COME TO TER MS WITH THEIR B1ELECTEO AND TYRANNICAL
EACIERS FOR REASONS OF SHEER SURVIVAL, THE RESULTING CONSOLIDATION OF THE COMMUNIST
GRIP WI LL NOT RESULT IN AN EFFECTIVE "LIBERALISATION" IN THE LONG RUN AND, THEREFORE, SUCH
A POLICY WI LL OPERATE AGAINST WESTERN INTERESTS..
MOR' ," HE ADDS, 'THIS YEAR INTERNATIONAL PUBLIC OPINION WI LL BE CONCERNED WITH MAKING
TH'= .23TH ANNIVERSARY OF THsE. UNITED NATION'S UNIVERSAL DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS. FOR THIS
REASON IT IS NO TIME FOR THE WEST TO ADOPT A POLICY WHICH COULD POSSIBLY BE CONSTRUED AS
A DELIBERATE BETRAYAL OF THE INHERENT DIGNITY OF MAN AND OF HIS INALIENABLE RIGHTS AS LISTED
IN THE DECLARATION'S 30 ARTICLES, HOWEVER MUCH OTHER MEMBERS OF THE UNITED NATIONS MAY
? HONOUR THE DECLARATION MORE IN THE BREACH THAN IN THE OBSERVANCE, THIS IS NO REASON FOR
THE WESTERN POWERS TO DO LIKEWISE. IF THE WEST APPEARS TO HAVE NO COMMITMENT TO ITS
STATED IDEALS, WHY SHOULD THOSE WHO SEEK TO ATTAIN THEM IN THE COMMUNIST BLOC RISK LIFE
AND LIMB KNOWING THAT THEY CAN EXPECT NO HELP FROM THE NATO POWERS IN THE EVENT OF A
CRISIS?
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"FOURTHLY, A POLICY OF DETENTE COULD APPEAR TO OVERLOOK THE FACT THAT THERE IS OPPOSITION
TO THE UNELECTED COMMUNIST REGIMES IN THE WARSAW PACT COUNTRIES. THE WHOLE HISTORY OF
HUMAN EMANCIPATION SHOWS THAT MANS ASPIRATIONS TO LIBERTY AND THE ABSENCE OF ARBITRARY
RULE ARE SELF?GENERATING, WHETHER ENCOURAGED CR IGNORED BY EXTERNAL FORCES. THE WEST
KNOWS FULL WELL THAT THERE HA', E EEEN FOR FIVE DECADES AND ARE TODAY INCREASING MANIFESTA?
TIONS OF DISAFFECTION INSIDE THE BLOC, WHAT IS MORE, THESE OCCASIONALLY EXPLODE SPONTANE-
OUSLY DURING PERIODS OF CRISIS INTO ARMED REVOLUTION, AS FOR EXAMPLE IN EAST GERMANY IN
1953, IN HUNGARY IN 1956 AND IN TIBET IN 959. THE DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS SPECIFICAL?
LY SAYS TIT IS ESSENTIAL, /F MAN IS NOT TO BE COMPELLED TO HAVE RECOURSE, AS A LAST RESORT,
TO REBELLION AGAINST TYRANNY AND OPPRESSION, TEIAT HUMAN RIGHTS SHOULD BE PROTECTED BY THE
RULE OF LAW. T IT IS OUR CONTENTION THAT HUMAN RIGHTS IN THE COMMUNIST BLOC ARE MANIFESTLY
NOT PROTECTED BY THE ULE OF LAW, AND THAT THE PEOPLES OF THOSE NATIONS HAVE AN ABSOLUTELY
JUSTIFIABLE CASE IN RESORTING TO ARMS IF THEY FEEL IT WILL ACHIEVE LIBERTY. THIS COMPLICAT-?
ING FACTOR MUST BE TAKEN IN CONSIDERATION BY THOSE WHO PROPOUND DETENTE AT ANY PRICE,
"FIFTHLY, A POLICY OF DETENTE COULD ALMOST INEVITABLY APPEAR TO WESTERN PUBLIC OPINION AS
SETTING THE SEAL OF APPROVAL ON COMMUNISM. FOR IT MIGHT WELL SUGGEST THAT THOSE REGIMES
ARE NO LONGER OUR ENEMIES OR AGGRESSIVE BUT HAVE INDEED BECOME IDEMOCRATISEDT, r RESPECTERS
OF THE RULE OF LAW!, 'RESPONS ISLE' AND EVEN TRUSTED MEMBERS OF THE COMMUNITY OF NATIONS.
THEY COULD GIVE THE COMMUNISTS UNDESERVED RESPECTABILITY AND THEREBY INCREASE THEIR ROWER
TO INFLUENCE EVENTS IN THEIR FAVOUR THROUGHOUT THE WORLD. IT WOULD FPOSASLY LEAD TO AN
UNDERMINING.OF THE WILL TO RES!ST INFILTRATION, PARTICULARLY IN ASIA, AFRICA AND LATIN
AMERICA AND ALSO TO A SERIOUS LACK OF RESOLVE IN DEFENDING VITAL WESTERN INTERESTS (BRITISH
DEFENCE CUTS)."
HE CONCLUDES: "IN VIEW OF THESE DANGERS FOR A POLICY OF UNCONTROLLED. DETENTE, WE RECOMMEND
THAT THE WEST MUST REMAIN Vi Si LANT IN DEFENDING ITSELF FROM BOTH A GLOBAL MILITARY AND NON-
MILITARY ATTACK: THAT WESTERN PUBLIC OPINION MUST BE KEPT FULLY INFORMED ABOUT THE NEED FOR.
THESE MEASURES: THAT THE WEST MUST NOT PUT ALL. ITS EGGS IN ONE BASKET WHICH ACCEPTS THE
MAINTENANCE OF 7:NE ,STATUSEE.00 AND, FINALLY, THAT ALTERNATIVE AND ANTI CI PA-;,:ThY POLIC:i ES MUST
BE FORMULATED NOW ---- r'..A.HJED ON THE PREMISES THAT NOTHING IN THE AFFAIRS Of- PAT.JN GOES ACCORDING
iI
TO ANY PLAN OR EC0I:.CAT..''
ETORIC AS PRACTICED IN THE U. N.
ON MARCH 6, AMBASF?A,.DOR ARTH4IR J.
GOLDBERG ROSE AT A MEETING OF THE U, N. COMMISSION
ON HUMAN RIGHTS TO F4ROTEDT AGA1NS THE SUPPRESSION OF FREE SPEECH IN THE SCEIET UNION
THROUGH THE IMPRISONMENT OF DISSENTING WRITERS. PLATON D. MOROZOV, THE CHi EF SOVIET
DELEGATE. IN AN IMPASSIONED REPLY, SAID THAT THE SOVIET UNION WAS NOT AC.'C"r':ABLL O THE
UNITED STATES FOR ACTIONS IT WAS ENTITLED TO CARRY OUT WITHIN THE FRAME v..CRK OF. T CONSTI?
TUTION AND OTHER "NORMS". AND THAT GOLDBERG'S SPEECH REPRESENTED A "GROSS INTERVENTION" IN
THE INTERNAL AFFAIRS OF ANOTHER STATE.
GOLDBERG DID NOT REPLY. SEVERAL DAYS LATER A MOTION BY A COMMUNIST DELEGATE TO THE COM-
MISSION TO EXPUNGE GOLDBE-RG'S SPEECH FROM THE RECORD WAS APPROVED BY A VOTE OF 10 TO 8.
MoRozovTs SPEECH REMAINED IN THE RECORD. IT NEVER OCCURRED TO THE AMERICAN DELEGATION TO
MOVE THAT HIS SPEECH BE EIZLETED, OR PERHAPS IT WAS FELT THAT THE MOTION WOULD BC DEFEATED,
WHETHER GOLDBFRG'S SPEECH, OR MOZOROVTS SPEECH, STAYED IN THE RECORD, OR WENT OUT ;S OF
MINOR IMPORTANCE, EXCEPT AS IT AMOUNTED TO A FALSIFICATION OF THE RECORD, WHICH IS NOT
SERIOUS EITHER ,GOLDBERG' ,3 EECH WAS MI LD AND APOLOGETIC IT WAS NOT, HE SAID INTENDED
"TO MAKE COLD WAR PROPAGANDA." HE ONLY MENTIONED THESE TRANSGRESSIONS BY THE SOVIET
UNION BECAUSE, HE SAID. HE FELT AN OBLIGATION TO THE COMMISSION TO DO SO,
IT WASNTT THAT GOLDBERG COULDN'T CO BETTER. Bin' NOW HE WAS FOLLOWING A POLICY WHICH
PRESIDENT JOHNSON F.ITATEL IS TO cVOI D "THE ACTS AND RHETORIC OF THE COLD WAR." OTH LR WI SE.
IT M;GI-ri" DELAY OUR POLICY OF "Si:II?DING BRIDGES TO EAST," BUT THE COMMUNISTS ARE NOT
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INHIBITED, EITHER AS TO ACTS OR RHETORIC, IN CONDUCTING COLD WARS, OR HOT.
ORDINARILY.. RBETORIC IS NOT OF MAJOR IMPORTANCE IN DETERMINING THE OUTCOME OF WORLD ISSUES.
BUT WE ARE ENGAGED IN MONUMENTAL STRUGGLE FOR THE MINDS AND HEARTS OF MEN ALL OVER THE
WORLD. ? IN THAT STRUGGLE WORDS ARE WEAPONS. IT IS AN IMPORTANT, IF NOT A DECISIVE, BATTLE-
FRONT, THE COMMUNISTS RECOGNIZE 1T AND USE PROPAGANDA EFFECTIVELY. " WE PROFESS TO RECOG-
NIZE IT IN THEORY, BUT OUR EFFORTS ALONG THESE LINES ARE FEEBLE AND INEFFECTIVE.
THE U. N. IS, IF ANYTHING, AN IMPORTANT FORUM FOR THE CONDUCT OF THAT PROPAGANDA. THE COM-
MUNISTS KNOW THAT, AND MAKE EVIL USE OF IT, SINCE WE PAY MOST OF THE COSTS OF MAINTAINING
THE U., N. WE OUGHT TO MAKE BETTER USE OF IT, WE SHOULD AT LEAST GET OUR MONEY'S WORTH.
WE DON'T.
ONE OF THE QUESTIONS WHICH AMBASSADOR GOLDBERG MIGHT HAVE RAISED, IF HE WERE NOT AFRAID OF
IRRITATING THE COMMUNIST DELEGATES, IS WHY THE SOVIET UNION AND HER SATELLITES ARE. IN THE
COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS AT ALL. THERE ARE 30 ARTICLES IN THE U. N. 'S UNIVERSAL DEC-
LARATION OF HUMAN R GHTS. THEY ARE ALL PREDICATED ON THE ASSUMPTION THAT THERE IS AN
INHERENT DIGN/TY OF MAN WHICH GOVERNMENTS WHICH SUBSCRIBE TO THE DECLARATION MUST RESPECT.
YET NOWHERE IS THE CGNTV OF MAN HELD IN SUCH UTTER CONTEMPT AS IN THE COMMUNIST-DOMINATED
COUNTRIES, OR MORE REAGRA.NTLY AND BRUTALLY VIOLATED. THE REPRESSION OF WRITERS, AND THEIR
IMPRISONMENT, NOT ONLY IN THE SOVIET UNION, BUT IN ALL COMMUNIST COUNTRIES, COULD HAVE BEEN
CITED AS ONE OF MANY COMMUNIST VIOLATIONS OF HUMAN RIGHTS. BUT THAT WASN'T DONE IN THE U. N.
IT MIGHT IRRITATE THE COMIVIUNSTS.
THERE WERE TWO OTHER QUESTIONS THAT GOLDB'ERG MIGHT HAVE DISCUSSED IN A REPLY TO MOROZOV'S
STATEMENTS, ONE OF THEM WAS THE COMMUNIST'S STATEMENT THAT THE SOVIET UNION MAY NOT BE
ACCOUNTABLE TO THE UNITED STATES FOR SOVIET ACTIONS IN RUSSIA. SHE MAY NOT BE ACCOUNTABLE
TO THE UNITED STATES BUT SHE IS ACCOUNTABLE TO THE U. N. WHOSE DECLARATION OF' HUMAN RIGHTS
SHE SIGNED, PRETENDS TO SUPPORT, AND FOR A VIOLATION OF WHICH SHE CONSISTENTLY WANTS OTHER
NATIONS CONDEMNED,
BUT THE FULL MEASURE OF THE GALL OF THE SOVIET UNION WAS REVEALED WHEN MOROZOV STATED
THAT GOLDBERG'S SPEECH REPRESENTED A "GROSS INTERVENTION" IN THE INTERNAL AFFAIRS OF ANOTHER
STATE. Fr WAS NOT ONLY COMMUNIST GALL THAT WAS REVEALED, BUT ALSO CONTEMPT FOR THE INTEL-
LIGENCE OF OUR REPRESENTATIVES IN THE U. N. AND THE INTELLIGENCE OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE.
EVER SINCE THE SEIZURE OF POWER IN RUSSIA, THE SOVIET UNION HAS INTERVENED IN THE AFFAIRS OF
EVERY NATION. IT HAS CAPTURED OTHER NATIONS BY SUCH INTERVENTION, MILITARY AND OTHERWISE,
AND IS ENGAGED ALL OVER THE WORLD IN TRYING TO CAPTURE NATIONS STILL FREE. WHAT BETTER
EXAMPLE COULD BE CITED THAN HUNGARY. OR THE SOVIET'S INTERVENTION IN OTHER EAST EUROPEAN
COUNTRIES PRESENTLY TRYING TO BREAK LOOSE FROM SOVIET AND COMMUNIST DOMINATiON7
AS A FORMER UNITED STATES SUPREME COURT JUSTICE WHO RENDERED SOME SPLENDIDLY-FORMULATED
DECISIONS, GOLDBERG COULD HAVE HAD A FIELD DAY REPLYING TO MOROZOV'S STATEMENTS. IT WOULDN'T
CHANGE THE COURSE OF THE COLD WAS. BUT IT WOULD HAVE TAKEN THE PROPAGANDA BALL AWAY FROM
THE COMMUNISTS, AND, PERHAPS, NI I LLIONS OF PEOPLE IN THE CAPTIVE NATIONS, TO THE EXTENT THAT
THEY COULD BE REACHED, WOULD HAVE KNOWN THAT THEIR PLIGHT HAS NOT BEEN FORGOTTEN, FROM WHICH
FACT THEY COULD TAKE HOPE AND ti EA.RT AND NOW, WHEN MANY OF THEM ARE RISKING LIFE AND LIMB
TO REGAIN THEIR FREEDOMS, IT WOULD HAVE BEEN THE IDEAL TIME TO SET THE RECORD STRAIGHT FOR THE
WOR LD TO READ. THE COMMUNIST EMPIRE., BUILT AND MAINTAINED BY FORCE, IS IN DISARRAY, THE YEARN-
ING FOR FREEDOM. WHICH CAN NEVER BE' COMPLETELY EXTiNGUISHED, IS REFLECTED IN CHANGES IN
DEMANDS FOR HUMAN RIGHTS. THE COMINUNIST EMPIRE IS VULNERABLE, MORE SO NOW THAN EVER.
THIS WAS THE TIME. TO HIT NARD, FT IvAR, THE MOMENT FOR TRUTH. AGAIN, IT WAS PASSED BY.
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--- IN 71-:E L.D OF LABOR
WI-LET COMMUNISM OFFERS THE WORKERS:
RECENTLY, ALEXANDER SHELEPIN, PRESIDENT OF THE ALL jNION CENTRAL COUNCIL OF TRADE UNIONS.
THE SOCALLED TRADE MOVEMENT OF RUSSIA, ADDRESSED Th E FOURTEENTH CONGRESS OF THE ORGANI-
ZATION. BESIDES BEING PRESIDENT OF THE RUSSIAN "TRADE UNIONS" SHELEPIN IS ALSO A VICE-
PRESIDENT OF THE JONLD FEDERATION OF TRADE UNIONS, THE COMMUNIST TRADE UNION INTER ...NATI ON....
AL. HE DEFINED THE OBJECT! VES AND FUNCTIONS OF TRADE UNIONS IN COMMUNIST COUNTRIES.
WHAT HE SAID TAKES ON ADDED SIGNIFICANCE WHEN IT IS RECALLED THAT PRIOR TO HIS ELEVATION AS
HEAD OF THE RUSSIAN "TRADE UNIONS" SHELEPIN HEADED THE SOVIET UNION'S COMMITTEE FOR STATE
SECURITY ( KGB ), Russia's SECRET POLITICAL POLICE, THE SUCCESSOR 70F CHEKA, GPU, AND
NKVD, THE MOST DREADED AND BRUTAL INSTRUMENTS OF TERRORISM, TORTURE AND TYRANNY IN
RUSSIA.
THE BASIC PURPOSE OF TRADE UNIONS IN COMMUNIST?CONTROLLED COUNTRIES, SHELEPIN DECLARED,
WAS THE FURTHERING OF PRODUCTION. HE CALLED IT "SOCIALIST EMULATION." THAT IS THE COMMUN-
IST TERM FOR COMPETITION AT WORK, IN WHICH WHOLE FACTORIES, WORK SHOPS, AND EVEN INDIVIDUAL
WORKERS ARE PITTED AGAINST EACH OTHER TO FILL AND OVERFULFI LL PRODUCTION TARGETS. IN OUR
COUNTRY IT IS CALLED THE SPEED?UP SYSTEM.
IN EAST GER MANY A MORE AP PRO eR IATE TERM IS USED TO DESCRIBE THIS SPEED?UP SYSTEM, AT A SERIES
OF REGIONAL TRADE UNION CONFERENCES HELD IN SEVEN EAST GER MAN CITIES ON MARCH 17 THE MAIN
tHjBjECT DISCUSSED WAS HOW THE WORKERS COULD BEST MARK THE OCCASION OF THE 20TH ANNIVERSARY
OF THE FOUNDING OF THE SOCALLED GER MAN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC. IT WAS DECIDED TO LAUNCH A
SPECIAL CAMPAIGN OF "COM PET i ON AT WORK," IN WHICH WOR KERS WILL. TRY TO OUTDO EACH OTHER IN
MEETING PRODUCTION DEMANDS.
-r HAT SYSTEM HAS BEEN FOUGHT BY FREE TRADE UNION MOVEMENTS WHEREVER EMPLOYERS HAVE RESORTED
TO IT, BECAUSE IT DESTROYS THE PHYSICAL AND MENTAL HEALTH OF THE WORKERS, IT MAKES OF THEM
NERVOUS WRECKS, THE SOVIET UNION USUALLY BOASTS ABOUT THE SANATORIUMS AND HEALTH INSTITU-
TIONS THEY HAVE CREATED AND WHICH ARE USED NOT ONLY TO R EFIAB I LITATE THE WORKERS SUFFERING
FROM THE EFFECTS OF A SPEED?UP SYSTEM. BUT ALSO AS SHOW PLACES FOR VI SITING DELEGATIONS,
ALTHOUGH IN MOST INDUSTRIAL COUNTRIES THE HEALTH INSTITUTIONS ARE SUPERIOR.
BUT WHAT IS EVEN MORE SIGNIFICANT IS THE METHOD BY WHICH THE COMMUNISTS INTEND TO MAKE
THEIR SPEED?UP SYSTEM, WORK. SHELEPIN STATED THAT IT REQUIRES "DISCI PLINE" TO MAKE IT WORK.
VARIOUS PENALTIES ARE IMPOSED FOR THOSE WHO CANNOT FI LL OR OVER?FULFILL PRODUCTION
SCHEDULES. HE COMPLAINED THAT SOME "TRADE UNION" ORGANIZATIONS HAVE LAX IN ENFORCING
THAT DISCIPLINE. APPARENTLY, SOME WORKERS CANNOT BE DRIVEN THAT HARD, IN SPITE OF THE PEN-
ALTIES IMPOSED, SO THEY MUST BE MADE TO TOE THE MARK. WHO COULD DO THAT JOB BETTER THAN
THE FORMER HEAD OF THE RUSSIAN SECRET POLITICAL POLICE? THE PRES 101 UM , WHICH NAMED HIM
HEAD OF THE "TRADE UNION" MOVEMENT, FELT THAT HE WAS EMINENTLY QUALIFIED FOR THE JOB, BY
HIS EXPERIENCE AS HEAD OF THE KGB.
WHAT SHELEPIN PROPOSES TO DO IS TO MAKE SOME FEATURES OF THE FORCED LABOR CAMPS WHICH
HAVE SHOCKED THE WORLD IN THE PAST, AND WHICH STI LL EXIST IN RUSSIA, AND OTHER COMMUNIST
COUNTRIES, NATION?WIDE. THE RUSSIAN PEOPLE AS A WHOLE MAY NO LONGER EXPERIENCE THE HORRORS
OF THE FORCED LABOR CAMPS -- HORRORS WHICH RIVALLED THOSE OF HIT LER IS CONCENTRATION CAMPS --
BUT THEY WI LL BE SUBJECTED TO AT LEAST SOME OF ITS TRAGIC EFFECTS.
HUNGARIAN WORKERS' CONDITIONS WORSEN:
ON JANUARY I, HL'NGARY'S NEW LABOR CODE WENT INTO EFFECT, WILLIAM SO LYOIVIR.K EK ET E, WHO AS
AN ATTORNEY IN HIS NATIVE HUNGARY SPECIALIZED IN LABOR LAW, HAS ANALYZED THAT CODE IN THE
MARCH ISSUE OF EUROPE. HE FINDS THAT INSTEAD OF LESSENING THE BURDENS OF THE WORKERS,
AS NEW CODES WHICH SUPERSEDE OLD ONES IN THE WEST DO, HUNGARY'S NEW CODE INCLUDES NEW
HARDSHIPS FOR THE WORKERS, AND EVEN DEPRIVES THEM OF SOME OF THE GUARANTEES THEY HAD IN
THE STALINIST ERA. HE CITES SEVERAL EXAMPLES.
THE NEW CODE EMPOWERS ENTERPRISE MANAGERS TO FIR E "SURPLUS" LABOR. FR EE TRADE UNIONS
HAVE CONTRACTUAL PROVISIONS WHICH REGULATE FIRING PRACTICES AND PROVIDE FOR MEASURES THAT
wow...0 REDUCE THE HARDSHIPS OF DISMISSALS. SOM ET! MIES THE WORK IS DIVIDED UN ER A SHARE?WORK
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ARRANGEMENT. SOME UNIONS HAVE REDUCER- THE WORK-WEEK IN THEIR INDUSTRIES. WE CALL IT
"JOB SECURITY." HUNGARY'S 1951 LABOR CODE DID PROVIDE FOR A CERTAIN TYPE OF SECURITY. IN FACT,
SOLYOM-KEKETE POINTS OUT, THE WORKERS WERE SO SECURE IN THEIR JOBS THAT THEY COULDN?T
QUIT, EVEN IF THEY WANTED TO. BUT THE OLD CODE DID PROVIDE THAT ENTERPRISES COULD NOT FIRE
EMPLOYEES WITHOUT CAUSE, AND PRESCRIBED THE TERMS UUDER WHICH TERMINATION OF EMPLOYMENT
WAS PERMISSIBLE, THESE REGULATIONS WERE NOT ALWAYS OBSERVED IN PRACTICE, BUT SOME MEASURE
OF JOB SECURITY EXISTED, IF THE WORKER DID NOT CAUSE TROUBLE ( BY CRITICIZING MANAGEMENT, OR
SOLDIERING ) AND PERFORMED HIS DUTIES MORE OR LESS ADEQUATELY, HIS JOB WAS RELATIVELY SECURE.
"THE NEW CODE," SOLYOM-KEKETE WRITES, "ABOLISHES ALL RESTRICTIONS ON THE TERMINATION OF
EIVIPLOYM ENT."
IN THE WEST, MANAGERS MAY ALSO DISMISS OWRKERS, BUT THIS IS SUBJECT TO TRADE UNION CONTRACTS.
BUT EVEN WHERE THE RIGHT TO DISMISS IS NOT RESTRICTED BY CONTRACT, THERE ARE CERTAIN ADVAN-
TAGES WORKERS IN THE WEST STILL ENJOY. IF A WESTERN WORKER LOSES HIS JOB FOR ANY REASON HE
15 FREE TO SEEK EMPLOYMENT ELSEWHERE OR START HIS OWN BUSINESS. IN HUNGARY, THERE IS BUT
ONE EMPLOYER, THE STATE, AND A WORKER FIRED By ONE GOVERNMENT ENTERPRISE USUALLY DOES NOT
FIND. HIMSELF WELCOME IN ANOTHER.
FURTHERMORE, THERE ARE SIGNS THAT THE FREEDOM TO FIRE WORKERS NOW BEING GIVEN TO ENTERPRIZE
MANAGERS WILL CONSTITUTE A MEANS OF PUTTING POLITICAL PRESSURE ON THE WORKERS. FOR INSTANCE,
THE PARTY SECRETARY OF THE GANZ ELECTRICAL -WORKS WARNED MANAGERS THAT IN "SELECTING CADRES,
ACTING ON PROMOTIONS AND DISMISSALS, AND IN PREPARING PERFORMANCE RATING (THEY) MUST ASK
FOR THE OPINION OF THE PARTY ORGANIZATION AND THE TRADE UNION.; AND THAT THESE OPINIONS MUST
ALSO BE HEEDED." THE TRADE UNION AND THE PARTY ARE ONE AND THE SAME.
FRINGE BENEFITS HAVE ALSO BEEN DRASTICALLY CUT/.I LED UN ER THE NEW CODE, UNDER THE OLD CODE
SUCH BENEFITS WERE OBLIGATORY. THE NEW CODE REMOVES THAT PROTECTION. THERE IS A PROVISION
IN TriD NEW CODE THAT THE ENTERPRISE MAY CONTRIBUTE TO THE WORKERS' LIVING STANDARDS, BUT
THERE IS NO OBLIGATION TO DO SO, A CERTAIN PART OF THE PROFITS OF AN ENTERPRISE MAY BE SET
1DE FOR DISTRIBUTION AMONG THE WORKERS ACCORDING TO A PROFIT-SHARING PLAN, BUT THE FINANCING
OF FRINGE BENEFITS MAY COME ONLY FROM THIS PART OF THE PROFITS. CONSEQUENTLY, EITHER THE
Ir'ROFIT SHARE WILL BE LOWERED, OR THE WORKERS WILL HAVE TO MAKE A HIGHER CONTRIBUTION CORRE-
SPONDING TO THE ACTUAL COST - EOR SERVICES THEY HAVE UNTIL NOW ENJOYED AT LOW COST. AND
WHAT ABOUT THE MANY INDUSTRIES VVHICH DO NOT SHOW A PROFIT? THE NEW CODE DOES NOT ANSWER
THAT QUESTION, BUT SOLYOEVI-KEKLITE SAYS THE ANSWER IS OBVIOUS: FRINGE BENEFITS WI LL SIMPLY
SE CURTAILED.
? ;1E* MENTIONS OTHER DEPRIVATIONS THE WORKERS WILL SUFFER UNDER THE NEW CODE, INCLUDING THE
METHODS BY WHICH WAGES: WILL NOW BE FIXED. t HE CODE SPEAKS GENERALLY OF UNION RIGHTS, BUT
IT S HARD TO FIND THEM IN THE CODE.
-HE CONCLUDES; "THESE UNIONS REMAIN AS THEY WERE, AR MS OP THE COMMUNIST LEADERSHIP: THEY
REPRESENT MANAGEMENT, NOT LABOR, THE HEAD OF THE CENTRAL COUNCIL OF TRADE UNIONS, THE
HIGHEST UNION ORGAN, IS SANDER GAZPAR, WHO IS ALSO A POLITBURO MEMBER. SIMILARLY, FOUR
OUT OF THE FIVE MEMBERS OF THE CENTR.,./... COUNCI LIS SECRETARIAT, AND ONE OF THE THREE VI CE
PRESIDENTS ARE MEMBERS OF THE PARTY'S CENTRAL COMIVIITTSE, THE UNIONS CHI EF PURPOSE IS TO
SERVE THE PARTY AND NOT THE MEMBERSHIP IT PRESUMABLY PROTECTS...."
EAST GERMAN WORKERS LOSE RIGHT TO STRIKE - EVEN IN CONSTITUTION:
THE RIGHT TO STRIKE, THE ULTIMATE MEANS BY WHICH WORKERS CAN IMPROVE THEIR ECONOMIC CONDI...
TIONS, WHEN ALL OTHER METHODS FAIL, IS ONE OF THE WORKERS MOST PRECIOUS RIGHTS. IN COMMUN-.
1ST COUNTRIES THIS RIGHT WAS SOMETIMES MENTIONED IN CONSTITUTIONS, ALTHOUGH INVARIABLY
DENIED IN FAcTicE. ill EAST GER MANY,RTHE SOC.ALLED GERMAN DEMOCRATtC REPUBLIC, THE CONSTI-
TUTION DID coRTAilw AN ARTICLE WHICH, THEORETICALLY AT LEAST, PERMITTED STRIKES, ALTHOUGH
THE RIGHT TO STRIKE IN THE PART OF GERMANY HAS BEEN NON-EXISTENT BOTH DURING THE NAZI
REGIME AND THE SOVIET OCCUPATION BY THE PRESENT .4)A.NKOW REGIME.
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THE DRAFT OF THE HEW CONSTITUTION OF I.1T GERMAI si PRESENTED ON JANURARY 31, 1968, LEAVES
OUT BASIC RIGHTS, INCLUDING THE RIGHT TC sTa:KE. Ts...ASIC DEMOCRATIC RIGHTS WHICH NOW
FALL BY THE. WAYSIDE, ALTHOUGH THEY EXISTED IN THEORY ONLY, INCLUDE PROVISIONS AGAINST CENSOR-
SHIP, THE RIGHT OF' YOUNG PEOPLE TO CHOOSE THEIR OWN PROFESSION, AND THE POSSIBILITY TO EMI-
GRATE.
THE TRADE UNION NEWS OF THE INTERNATIONAL CONFEDERATION OF FREE TRADE UNIONS WRITES:
"THUS EVEN THE ILLUSIONS OF DEM.,:,CRATIC RULE HAVE NOW BEEN REMOVED FROM THE WORDING O.-
THE CONSTITUTION. THE SPIRIT OF THOSE WHO CONSTRUCTED THE ILL-FAMED BERLIN WALL IN AUGUST,
1961, AND WHO CAUSED THE BLOODY REPRESSION OF THE WORKERST STRIKES AND UPRISING IN JUNE,
1953, IS EVIDENT IN THE NEW CONSTITUTION, IN ALL ITS NAKEDNESS. NO ONE, ON READING IT, WILL,
BE ABLE TO ACCEPT THE CONTENTION THAT THE STATE-RUN TRADE UNION CENTER, THE FDGB, IS
IINDEPF.NDENTT. AS BEFORE, IT REMAINS A TOOL IN THE HANDS OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY FOR THE
POLITICAL CONTROL OF THE WORKERS AND TO ENFORCE 1....-,30R DISCIPLINE."
COLD WAR DIGEST
RUSS.A'S PROBLEMS IN LATIN AMERICA:
ONE OF THE THINGS THAT SEEMS TO CONFUSE ENTIRELY TOO MANY PEOPLE, INCLUDING THOSE WHO
SHOULD KNOW BETTER, IS THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN FIDEL CASTRO'S CUBA AND RUSSIA.
THERE IS A SORT OF FOUR-WAY SPLIT IN THE COMMUNIST WORLD, WITH MOSCOW HEADING ONE FACTION,
PEKING A SECOND, EASTERN EUROPE A THIRD, AND CASTRO A LONELY FOURTH. THE ARGUMENT IS N-Yr
ABOUT WHETHER THE COMMUNISTS PLAN TO CUT THE FREE WORLD'S THROAT. IT IS ABOUT HOW THE
THROAT SHOULD BE CUT AND WHO SHOULD WIELD THE KNIFE.
CASTRO, ALTHOUGH CLOSER IN IDEOLOGY TO PEKING THAN ANY OTHER COMMUNIST FACTION, IS STILL
VERY MUCH A MAVERICK. HE HAS DEMONSTRATED AND CONTINUES TO DEMONSTRATE IDEOLOGICAL IN-
DEPENDENCE, AND HAS SO FAR BEEN PREPARED TO PAY THE PENALTY. WITH RUSSIA CUTTING CUBA'S
OIL SUPPLIES, A COUNTRY WITHOUT LARGE OIL DEPOSITS, NO COAL OR HYDROELECTRIC POWER TO
SPEAK OF', AND NO OTHER ENERGY SOURCE, CASTRO HAS CHOSEN THIS TIME TO MOUNT A SHOW TRIAL
DESIGNED TO DEMONSTRATE CASTRO'S ABSOLUTE CONTROL WHILE TAKING A VICIOUS SWIPE AT HIS
RUSSIAN BENEFACTOR.
THE RUSSIANS ARE STUCK WITH CASTRO, WHETHER THEY LIKE IT OR NOT. FIDEL DOES NOT CONSIDER
HIMSELF STUCK WITH ANYBODY.
FORMER ARGENTINE PRESIDENT ARTURO FRONDIZI PUT THE MATTER PLAINLY IN ROME RECENTLY
RUSSIA IS NOT PUSHING CASTRO'S GUERRILLA WARFARE SCHEME IN L.-TIN AMERICA BECAUSE, IF
SUCCESSFUL, THE RESULT WOULD PROBABLY BE TO LEAVE OTHER NATIONS AS ECONOMICALLY DEPEN-
DENT ON RUSSIA AS IS CUBA.
IF THE LOCAL COMMUNIST PARTIES ACQUIRE CONTROL WITHOUT THE OPEN CLASH OF ARMS, THEY ARE
SO LIKELY TO RUIN THE ECONOMY SO QUICKLY. THE JUVENILE IDEAS OF FIDEL CASTRO AND CHEDDI
-)AGAN CARRY A BUILT-IN PENALTY: DESTROYING THE EXISTING ECONOMY BEFORE BUILDING ANYTHING
TO REPLACE IT MEANS SOMEONE HAS TO PICK UP THE PIECES.
"COMMUNISTS IN MOST LATIN AMERICAN NATIONS ARE NOT SO ANXIOUS TO, ACHIEVE POWER THRU REVOLU-
TION," FRONDIZ I SAID. "THEY WANT OBTAIN THEIR GOALS THROUGH OTHER MEANS." THE POINT TO
REMEMBER IS THAT THEY DO WANT TO OBTAIN THE SAME GOALS, AND THEY MAY WELL BE MORE SUC-
CESSFUL THAN CASTRO HAS SHOWN HIMSELF OUTSIDE CUBA SO FAR.
GUATEMALA EXTREMISTS ENDANGER THE'COUNTRY'S DEMOCRACY:
HEAL BATTLE IS BEING FOUGHT IN GUATEMALA CITY, AND ITS OuTcoNIE IS LIKELY TO DETERMINE
THE" ...-..*UCCEDS OR FAILURE OF THE DEMOCRATICALLY-ELECTED ADMINISTRATION OF JULIO CESAR MON -
TENDGRO . AGAIN A FORMER PRESIDENT HAS PUT THE MATTER CLEAR LY: MI GUEL VDI GORAS FUENTES
SAID A FEW DAYS AGO THAT THE WAVE OF' TERRORISM, BEING WAGED MOSTLY IN THE STREETS OF
GUATEMALA CITY, HAS PUT THE COUNTRY "IN AN EXTREMELY DANGEROUS POSITION AND CAN DEVELOP
INTO A SITUATION REPUDIATED BY ALL DEMOCRATS."
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CALLING TERROR ISM EQUALLY CONTRARY TO THE NATION'S INTERESTS, WHETHER IT CAME, FROM THE
EXTREME R GHT OR THE EXTREME LEFT, YDIGORAS WARNED A MILITARY TAKEOVER BECOMES ,NCREAS INGLY
LIKELY AS THE TERRORISM CONTINUES.
.T
WI LL BE IRONIC INDEED IF R GHT..?WING EXTEM:STS PROVIDE THE EXTRA MUSCLE THE COMMUNISTS
NEED TO BRING RENEWEE CHAOS GUATEMALA, ANOTHER MILITARY GOVERNMENT IS ALMOST CERTAIN
GIVETO THE COMM UN I STS STRENGTH THEY NEED TO TAKE CONTROL AT A LATER DATE.
SYMPTOMATIC OF THE DEEP DIVISIONS IN THE COUNTRY IS THE RECENT DEFECTION OF THEE CATHOLIC
MAR YKNO LL MISSIONARIES, WHO, INSTEAD OF CONVERTING THE GUATEMALANS TO CHRISTIANITY; WERE
THEMSELVES CONVERTED BY THE COMMUNISTS TO THAT CAUSE, THEIR HEADQUARTERS I IsIOSS IN ING ,
NEW YORK, SAID THAT SO FAR AS IT KNOWS, THE THREE ARE ON THE MEXICO?GUATEMALA BORDER,
PRESUMABLY WORKING WITH GUATEMALAN GUERRI LLAS.
CZ ECHOS LOVAKIA "DISCOVERS" THE CULPR IT:
WHEN, FOLLOWING THE REVOLT OF THE WRITERS AT THE CZECHOSLOVAKIAN WRITERS' CONGRESS LAST
JUNE, A "MANIFESTO" CALLING ON THE INTELLECTUALS OF THE WEST TO HE LP THE CZECHOSLOVAKIAN
WR ITERS AND ARTISTS WIN THEIR BATTLE FOR HUMAN RIGHTS FOR THEMSELVES AND THEIR PEOPLE FOUND
ITS WAY INTO THE SUNDAY TI MES OF LONDON, THE STALINIST RULERS OF CZECHOSLOVAKIA, AFTER DE?
CLARING THE "MANIFESTO" TO BE A FORGERY FABRICATED ABROAD, CONCENTRATED THEIR ATTENTION ON
FINDING THE AUTHORS AND SPONSORS OF THE DOCUMENT.
T HE IDEA THAT PUNISHING AN AUTHOR WOULD DISPOSE OF THE PROBLEMS WITH WHICH HE DEALT IS IN
ACCORD WITH COMMUNIST TRADITION. :T IS LIKE BLAMING THE PATIENT'S FEVER ON THE THERMOMETER
AND NOT ON THE INFECTION, THE FEVER WHICH HAS RESULTED IN THE RECENT POLITICAL UPHEAVAL IN
CZECHOSLOVAKIA REFUSED TO DISAPPEAR, EVEN THOUGH THE ALLEGED AUTHOR. IVAN PFAFF , WAS FOUND
AND IMPRISONED. WHILE IN PRISON THE SECRET POLICE OBTAINED HIS "CONFESS:ON" HE, AND HE
ALONE, WAS RESPONSIBLE, HE "CONFESSED", FOR THE DOCUMENT, WHICH IS KNOWN TO HAVE BEEN SIGNED
SY r83 WRITERS, 69 ARTISTS. 21 FI LM PERSONALITIES, 56 SCI ENTISTS, 89 ACTORS, AND 39 TELEVISION
ARTISTS. THE "MANIFESTO" ONLY REFLECTED THE WIDESPREAD DISGUST WITH THE STALINIST REG! ME
:TS LEADERS, WHO FAI LED TO PERCEIVE THAT, AND WHO THOUGHT THAT BY ARRESTING AND PERSECUTING
THOSE WHO GAVE EXPRESSION TO THE DISCONTENT, THEY WOULD SOLVE THE NATION'S ECONOMIC AND
POLITICAL PROBLEMS, ARE EITHER OUT OF POWER , OR ON THE WAY OUT.
THE TROUBLE HAD BEEN BREWING FOR A LONG TIME. THE INTELLECTUALS WERE THE FIRST TO SOUND
THE ALARM. IT SOON SPREAD TO OTHER GROUPS, WHO TOOK HEART FROM THE PROTEST WHICH CAME FROM
THE INTELLECTUALS. THE PRESSURE MOUNTED AS THE COUNTRY'S ECONOMY, ONCE THE MOST ADVANCED
AND PROSPEROUS IN EUROPE, WAS LIPPING FROM BAD TO WORSE. THE BATT LEBETWEEN COMMUNIST
PROGRESSIVES, WHO SAW THAT A MEASURE OF FREE ENTERPRISE WOULD CURE THE NATION'S ECONOMIC
1:.L_S, AND THE CONSERVATIVES, WHO WERE DETER MINED TO CONTINUE ON THE ROAD WHICH WAS LEADING
"Cr,iE COUNTRY FURTHER ALONG TOWARD RUINATION, HAD BEEN GOING ON FOR SEVERAL YEARS, BEHIND
EOSED DOORS, OF COURSE. IT REACHED NEW HEIGHTS LAST NOVEMBER, WHEN NOVOTNY, THE STALINIST
:?UP,-,ET, SIGNED AN AGREEMENT WITH THE SOVIET UNION, WHICH REQUIRED CZECHOSLOVAKIA TO STEP UP
EXPORTS TO THE SOVIET UNION, AND WHICH WOULD BE A FURTHER DRAIN ON HER ECONOMY, LEAVING
IZ.=1Y LITTLE FOR PROFITABLE TRADE WITH THE WEST.
THE ECONOMIES OF HER SATELLITES FOR HER ON BENEFIT HAS BEEN STANDARD SOVIET PROCEDURE
ALSO HAD COMPLAINED ABOUT IT, BETWEEN 1955 AND LAST YEAR, THE SOVIET SHARE OF
UENIATS TRADE DROPPED FROM 54 P/C TO 34 , WH I LE RUMANIA'S TRADE WITH THE WEST HAD IN?
CREASES FROM 18 P/C TO 40 PA OVER THE SAME SPAN. THE SOVIET UNION, LIKE COMMUNISTS ELSE?
WHERE, HAVE ALWAYS CHARGED THAT CAPITALISTIC COUNTRIES HOLDING COLONIES, USE THESE COLONIES
FOR THEIR OWN ENRICHMENT. THE SOVIET UNION, THE LARGEST, AND NOW, VIRTUALLY THE ONLY, COLONIAL
EMPIRE IN EXISTANCE, HAS BEEN BLEEDING HER SATELLITES MUCH TO THE SAME EXTENT. THE DIFFERENCE
IS THAT FORMER CAPITALISTIC COLONIES, SO?CALLED, ARE NOW, IN THE MAIN, INDEPENDENT AND FREE,
WHILE THE SATELLITES ARE STI LL PAY!NG TRIBUTE TO HER CAPTORS.
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THE DISCONTENT IN CZECHOSLOVAK:A WAS NOT DUE EXCLUSIVELY TO THE WAY THE SOV:ET UNION
EXPLOITS HER. ALSO, IN FOREIGN , THL ECHOS LOVAKS WERE AT. ODDS WITH THEIR RULERS.
THE PEOPLE DID NOT FEEL THEY COULD, OR SHOULD, DEPRIVE THEMSELVES OF THINGS TO SUPPORT ,
INDEFINITELY,"WARR. OF LUSE-RATION" IN ALL PARTS OF THE WORLD. NOR DID THE PEOPLE FAVOR THE
GOVERNMENT POLICY OF SUPPORT .ES ',RAS S AGAINST ISRAEL, WHILE NOVOTNY INS; STED ON FOLLOWING
THE LIN L-."
BUT, IF THERE 15 SOME REASON TO HOPE THAT THE POLITICAL CHANGES WHICH ARE TAKING PLACE IN
CZ ECHOS LOVAHIA Wl LL MARK THE NEW ERA IN THAT COUNTRY'S LIFE, AND EVENTUALLY LINE HER UP ON
THE SIDE OF FREEDOM, THERE ALSO SOME REASON TO FEAR THAT THESE CHANGES WI LL FALL FAR SHORT
OF THE GOAL THE PROGRESSIVES SEEK. THERE HAVE BEEN EVIDENCE OF HOPEFUL CHANGES IN THE PAST,
BUT IN THE END THE COMMUNIST DI E-HARDS EMERGED _,N1 TOP. :N RUMANIA, FOR EXAMPLE , WHERE THE
CHANGES APPEAR TO BE MORE FAR-REACHING, IT IS FOUND THAT WHILE THERE HAS ..IEEN SOME DE-
CENTRALIZATION ECONOMICALLY, POLITICAL POWER HAS SEEN FURTHER CONCENTRATED WITHIN THE HANDS
OF THE PARTY. -A-HE MORE THINGS CHANGE, THE MORE THEY REMAIN THE SAME.
THECZECHOSLOVAKS, AS WELL AS THE RUMANIANS., MUST CONTI NUE TO WALK A TIGHT ROPE, PROM( SING
THEIR PEOPLE REFORMS WHICH GO DEYOND ANYTHING THE SOVIET UNION IS PREPARED TO ALLOW. EVERY
STATEMENT BY ADVOCATES OF REFORM MUST BE ACCOMPANIED BY A PLEDGE THAT TIES WITH THE SOVIET
UNION ARE UNBREAKABLE. CZECHOSLOVAK CHANGES ARE NOTED VERY MEAGER LY IN THE SOVIET PRESS,
AND WHEN EXCERPTS FROM SPEECHES OF THE NEW LEADERS A.-IE USED THEY RELATE ONLY TO THE PLEDGES
OF THAT RETREAT FROM COMMUNISM IS CONTEMPLATED. THE MINDS OF THE REFORMERS ARE HAUNTED
BY WHAT HAPPENED TO FIUNGAR Y. THEY DON'T WANT TO SUFFER THE SAME FATE. THERE ARE REPORTS,
AS YET UNVERIFIED, THAT THE SOVIETS HAVE MASSED 50,000 TROOPS CLOSE TO THE CZECHOSLOVAKIAN
BORDER. -THIS MAY SERVE TO REM IND THE CZECHOSLOVAKS THAT THE SOVIET UNION WI LL CRUSH THEIR
REVOLT , AS SHE CRUSHED THE HUNGARIAN REVOLT.
NOR DOES IT MEAN THAT EVEN IF DOMESTIC ECONOMIC REFORMS IN THE SATELLITE COUNTRIES REMAIN,
THERE WILL SEA CORRESPONDING CHANGE IN INTERNATIONAL POLICIES.
YUGOSLAVIA IS A CASE IN POINT. SHE BROKE AWAY FROM THE SOVIET UNION SO FAR AS ACTING INCE P-
ENDANTLY IN DOMESTIC MATTER IS CONCERNED, BUT SHE FOLLOWS FAITHFULLY THE SOVIET UNION' S LINE
ON INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS THE FREE WOR LD MUST CONTINUE TO DEPEND ON ITS ON OWN STRENGTH TO
RESIST AGRESSION RATHER THAN ON A BREAK-UP OF THE COMMUNIST MONOLITHIC STRUCTURE AND ITS
APPARATUS.
Approved For Release 2004/11/01 : CIA-RDP88-01315R000200340001-8
Approved For Release 2004/11/01 : CIA-RDP88-01315R000200340001-8
-
T3 r,i?
Nathaniel Weye, in Ills letter ei.11- Co ---uniste bottle fomenting !"wars
ing attention to the fact that the o: netionai hese: salon" to preparation
takeover by she military junta in to: .. "dictatorship oi :he proletari-
Greece uses, have prevented a Corn- ..t," they '...:GVOKO, a reaction on the
munist takeover, is of interest not part of those who leel that if there is
only because of Greece, but also to be a dictatorship they would rath-
because ? of other countries which or be the dictators themselves.
would have gone Communist if mili- The history of the last 50 years,
taey juntas had not taken over.first. since the Communists seized power
The Reds, where they do not take in Russia, is replete with' evidence
over power; create the reason and that where they do not seize power
the conditions for the success of themselves they. create the conditions
military juntas, or dictatorships of a propitious for the victory of military
celor ozner man their own. When the ? iLITILD.S. Ivlussolini came to power
With Sunday Mofning r:dition
Te`alE.EVENING STAR NEWSPAPER CO., Washington, D. C.
-- - - - _ .
et.
kita' 6
I
IPublished letter.; are collect to condensation, and those not 50-
looted tor publication will bo returned only when accompanied
by'stamped, self-addressed envelopes. The use of pen names is
ii ..,kimited to correspondents whose ideniity is known to The Star.
i
t
tt
i
3.5.-U.S.S.R. Euphoria
SIR: The Star's Moscow correspondent, Edmund
Stevens, presents a curious view of the role of the Soviet
Union in the Israeli-Arab war last June. 7.1a ineicate;;
that the Soviets strewed great restraint and as a -.testi!:
the Glassboro conference was held. Largely because of
Glassboro, he says, "the U.S. and the U.S.S.R. have so
far managed to avoid another direct confrontation in
Vietnam despite continued escalation on both sides."
, Mr. Stestens must think readers of The S.ar have
both short memories and no clipping tiles. William 11..
Frye wrote in The Star on May 25, 15.57, when the
Mideast crisis was approaching the boiling point:
"U. S. delegate Arthur J. Goldberg offered to join
with Russia, Britain and France in a four-power 'effort
to 'restore and maintain peace in the Ndetr
Russia showed no sign of interest in the proposel ... the
Soviet Union, on the contrary, emphasized its solidarity
with Nasser. . . The Kremlin seemed esge: to exploit
an opportunity to inflame the Arab woted against the
West."
Or. the' some day, the London Express reaeeted that
Soviet Foreign Minister Gromyko told the British that
the Soviets would not use their iaftuence to prevent way
in Mideic East "because of the Vietnam war." The
iteepfess said: "All ties indications point to Moscow's
deeerminotion to exploit the current crisis to the hilt.,
s: it for a further Soviet entrenchment in the Micidk:
E:;91, curl :Is a means of diplomatic pressure on Ameri-
'i,!tenans policy."
euna 17, Israel's foreign Minister pointed out
...eecow bore much of the responsibility for the
Lraeti-Arab war aeel "now was working against any
tenheacy toward peace in the Arab capitals." The New
York hisses pointed out on tune 15 that Soviet shipments
.3f ,z?ri' 3 Cu the U.A.R. and Syria to replace the huge:
supplies of Soviet arms lost in the fighting got under
war aineas,: as soon as the fighting stopped. It west
raccealy chtimated that the rearming of the CAR. . was
p-rcent 'completed: These arms included the missiles
-tread 15 sink the Israeli destroyer art incident which now.
M
eeronis the world with the possibility of another war in -
the Middle Nast.
S.evens' claims can best he described by these
smear Richard Wileon wrote in The St.:I' art August 25th:
his is part of no political f-:3:,Loo,.,;5/ that does not
- :lava much substance in view ot the 'eoviet Union's
contioued evert actions to extend the Communist revolu-
tion vary.ag fortas to the Far East, the faidule Rae;,
and Latin America. This is what Johnson, Or arty Presi-
dent, has to look et with wariness."
it may be comforting to some to recall that the
f United States received aid and comfort from Catherine
the Great, as Stevens does, hut the rulers of the
Zreemiln .e.s the bad habit of canting up with a nasty
sore:wise such as one Cubans missile crisis, the Middle
East war, and Vietnam with such regularity that it is
to scree with Mr. Stevens that they really want to
esssein friends.
Reed 3. Irvine.
-
in his ariide "Without 'Advice and Con-
" (NC, August 28), Reinhold Niehul',t-
h
Tere is always a clamor !among ;
repeats, by implication ta least, what has re-
liberals that we should refuse to give
peatedly been SSI,SliSkI by the intellectuals who
aid and recognition so the Military -j
t>ppose our involventent in Vietnam, that we
juntas w h o have restricted demo-
is nghting there to euitiain Communism. Any
cratic rights, on which the Commu-
resen1 this s t..imn an
nists always insist where they ae,
truth IS purely coincidetital. not in power, hut deny .their Own
President Johnson has repeatculy stated tine
eeoples, and that we should be toter-
our objective is to stop aggression. He hr..,
ant of the C.ommunist regimes'. which
made it equally clear that if,
airer the war, ant
much more than jabs supress dem-
. a free and fair election is held in South Viet-
ocratic rights. They won't have us
narn and the Communists win that election?
recognize the military junta in
something which has never happened tiny- .
where?the people could ha .. Greece, but they insist that we recog-
ve a Communist
nice Communist China, and, also,
regime. Does that support the claim that we
that we "build bridges to the East" so
ere fighting to contain Communism?
Failure to stop aggression in die p40 eU that we can enable Communist c,oun-
us iml) 'N.Volti War Il. had we stopped she tries, which are pledged to our de- -
Japanese wlten they invt-?deci Manchuria, Mu, " struction, to extricate thentselves
solini when Sc invaded Etitioraa, and Hitler froi\nve trusttheir de
economicolore anydifficulties. violation f
when he was picking od- his neighbors one by
one, we might have avoided that war. It was democratic whoever the per-
to avoid a similar catastrophe, World War pesratorisant
reirybuimtintasseavreeralel srsesopbejecots.
that the United Nations was created, so shot at least lij
aggression might meet collective resistance. Losable than the Communist tyrants.
For one thing, the mass executions
which follow a Communist takeover
are absent when the juntas take over. '
-eai.lowing Castro's takeover in Cub.:
taousands of people who failed n.
support him were for weeks the:real-
ter executed before firing squads. The
...erne procedure was followed in oth-
r countries seized by the Commu-
hists. It did not happen in Greece,. or
mere are no reports so that effect.
V,fes
4./castfe
?
Who-ti Communists negan seizing
factories and provoking the riots and
diserder which they feel is a pre-
remtisire for their own seizure of
power. It also happened in Germany,
where the Communists and' iaraz
worked in harmony to discredit th
democratic republic. The. Gonsmunis-
have also shown that when it fur-
thers the national interest of Russia
they will work with the juntas they .
h..e. bring to p0--ear.
What is particularly disconeettle
to those of us who abhor dictates -
ships, whether they be of the right o:
left, is that the .sass-media show a
tolerance for Communist
dicretorshiPs ;:ed so little tolerance
ior those who seize power to proven:
Communist takeovers.
When the demonstrated its incapacity to
act effectively regional alliance, were created.
These alliances were directed :nit against Com-
munisin as such but against aggression.
The Coymnunists. in pursuit of their oh
jective of world conquest, are the only remain-
ing, aggressors. Obnoxious as their philosoph!
is, distu,,trous as their economic system is th?
the peoples they have subjugated, if they
let oilier peoples alone arid not try to brin.
Mem into their colonial empire by free, on,.
reentry would not undertake to contain them. .,:re Greek govermnce,nnImis
tfurenedt cA(naindretar;
dot they hese chosen, ;n.itead, to take over the Papandreou; in a c
rest of the world by force. That is what we its watild have faced a firing squad.
are il?gluing in Vietnam, not Conrimo,tcisrir s In another respect, the
regret
Si
-Cie fa m
fact of the atter is that we have done ICSs objectionable, h a w
more to help Communism than contain it. I:heir restriction cit dernocratic rig,hts.
Yugoslavia, a Communist country, Iths re- : l'hey do not, unlike the Communists,
calved billions of dollars-worth of :rid from threaten their neighbors and 'the oth-
us, even 1.1: in its foregn poliey it is allied t; cr peoples of the warted Batista was
the international Communist conspiracy. dictator, but he did not train guerril-
em mete:eats occasions we littve helne
-d Its and send arms to c,verthro'N other e,
extrieme themselves front the e regimes, as Castro is doing, and other
ecenoinie din:lanes imo which they hive Communist countries are doMg. Fail-
p.ungee :eeti cotmtrie.i. It has seemed to in tiny
I are to note this distinction distorts'
of ns tred this is a mistayl;endoes policy, but, mis- ?
the picture and in the end serves t
teken Lot, it eectentl not add up to
ran
Communist purposes.
atteMpi. to comets Communism..:
MARX LEWIS
-DI.. Nis:I'll:11r runt his associates, in urging.:
that we pill{ out of Vielnarn, are the direct Hollywood
descendarns of a en-iner generaticm of isola-
tiGnistt. M the '30s Mere were the America
Firsters, who were wiing to let Hitler con- '
linue his aggressions. Now there are the
Cl he,,to Fissters, derna.r-ating that we abandon
Siam, Viemarn to its fate and pour the money
it c,-,sts 1.. !egitt the war into a renabilitation
,mi' the If is, al Dr. Niebuhr suggests. This
throws cnnak of social respeettibility over
what is essentially an isolationist position. In
the '405, Thur isolaLionists advocated Fortress
America. which, by implication at least, meant
that we should look after America First; that
would include the ghettos, bat soils not ex-
pretely orient timed because it :ttcl:ed the pops-
larity the idea has now,
4 There is much that might be ;:one about the ,
.ehetto, and pouring billions or dollars into it
is not the complete answer, hit, whatever the
I 11,WSI. is it does not involve our permitting ?
nrc aorta,,etc IS take over the world, piece by
piece, --;i our uwn natuourrni security is
etude m,.e:
Mmtx LEWIS
Af iami, 2-73.
Approved For Release 2004/11/01 : CIA-RDP88-01315R000200340001-8
Approved For Release 2004/11/01 : CIA-RDP88-01315R000200340001-8
-
T3 r,i?
Nathaniel Weye, in Ills letter ei.11- Co ---uniste bottle fomenting !"wars
ing attention to the fact that the o: netionai hese: salon" to preparation
takeover by she military junta in to: .. "dictatorship oi :he proletari-
Greece uses, have prevented a Corn- ..t," they '...:GVOKO, a reaction on the
munist takeover, is of interest not part of those who leel that if there is
only because of Greece, but also to be a dictatorship they would rath-
because ? of other countries which or be the dictators themselves.
would have gone Communist if mili- The history of the last 50 years,
taey juntas had not taken over.first. since the Communists seized power
The Reds, where they do not take in Russia, is replete with' evidence
over power; create the reason and that where they do not seize power
the conditions for the success of themselves they. create the conditions
military juntas, or dictatorships of a propitious for the victory of military
celor ozner man their own. When the ? iLITILD.S. Ivlussolini came to power
With Sunday Mofning r:dition
Te`alE.EVENING STAR NEWSPAPER CO., Washington, D. C.
-- - - - _ .
et.
kita' 6
I
IPublished letter.; are collect to condensation, and those not 50-
looted tor publication will bo returned only when accompanied
by'stamped, self-addressed envelopes. The use of pen names is
ii ..,kimited to correspondents whose ideniity is known to The Star.
i
t
tt
i
3.5.-U.S.S.R. Euphoria
SIR: The Star's Moscow correspondent, Edmund
Stevens, presents a curious view of the role of the Soviet
Union in the Israeli-Arab war last June. 7.1a ineicate;;
that the Soviets strewed great restraint and as a -.testi!:
the Glassboro conference was held. Largely because of
Glassboro, he says, "the U.S. and the U.S.S.R. have so
far managed to avoid another direct confrontation in
Vietnam despite continued escalation on both sides."
, Mr. Stestens must think readers of The S.ar have
both short memories and no clipping tiles. William 11..
Frye wrote in The Star on May 25, 15.57, when the
Mideast crisis was approaching the boiling point:
"U. S. delegate Arthur J. Goldberg offered to join
with Russia, Britain and France in a four-power 'effort
to 'restore and maintain peace in the Ndetr
Russia showed no sign of interest in the proposel ... the
Soviet Union, on the contrary, emphasized its solidarity
with Nasser. . . The Kremlin seemed esge: to exploit
an opportunity to inflame the Arab woted against the
West."
Or. the' some day, the London Express reaeeted that
Soviet Foreign Minister Gromyko told the British that
the Soviets would not use their iaftuence to prevent way
in Mideic East "because of the Vietnam war." The
iteepfess said: "All ties indications point to Moscow's
deeerminotion to exploit the current crisis to the hilt.,
s: it for a further Soviet entrenchment in the Micidk:
E:;91, curl :Is a means of diplomatic pressure on Ameri-
'i,!tenans policy."
euna 17, Israel's foreign Minister pointed out
...eecow bore much of the responsibility for the
Lraeti-Arab war aeel "now was working against any
tenheacy toward peace in the Arab capitals." The New
York hisses pointed out on tune 15 that Soviet shipments
.3f ,z?ri' 3 Cu the U.A.R. and Syria to replace the huge:
supplies of Soviet arms lost in the fighting got under
war aineas,: as soon as the fighting stopped. It west
raccealy chtimated that the rearming of the CAR. . was
p-rcent 'completed: These arms included the missiles
-tread 15 sink the Israeli destroyer art incident which now.
M
eeronis the world with the possibility of another war in -
the Middle Nast.
S.evens' claims can best he described by these
smear Richard Wileon wrote in The St.:I' art August 25th:
his is part of no political f-:3:,Loo,.,;5/ that does not
- :lava much substance in view ot the 'eoviet Union's
contioued evert actions to extend the Communist revolu-
tion vary.ag fortas to the Far East, the faidule Rae;,
and Latin America. This is what Johnson, Or arty Presi-
dent, has to look et with wariness."
it may be comforting to some to recall that the
f United States received aid and comfort from Catherine
the Great, as Stevens does, hut the rulers of the
Zreemiln .e.s the bad habit of canting up with a nasty
sore:wise such as one Cubans missile crisis, the Middle
East war, and Vietnam with such regularity that it is
to scree with Mr. Stevens that they really want to
esssein friends.
Reed 3. Irvine.
-
in his ariide "Without 'Advice and Con-
" (NC, August 28), Reinhold Niehul',t-
h
Tere is always a clamor !among ;
repeats, by implication ta least, what has re-
liberals that we should refuse to give
peatedly been SSI,SliSkI by the intellectuals who
aid and recognition so the Military -j
t>ppose our involventent in Vietnam, that we
juntas w h o have restricted demo-
is nghting there to euitiain Communism. Any
cratic rights, on which the Commu-
resen1 this s t..imn an
nists always insist where they ae,
truth IS purely coincidetital. not in power, hut deny .their Own
President Johnson has repeatculy stated tine
eeoples, and that we should be toter-
our objective is to stop aggression. He hr..,
ant of the C.ommunist regimes'. which
made it equally clear that if,
airer the war, ant
much more than jabs supress dem-
. a free and fair election is held in South Viet-
ocratic rights. They won't have us
narn and the Communists win that election?
recognize the military junta in
something which has never happened tiny- .
where?the people could ha .. Greece, but they insist that we recog-
ve a Communist
nice Communist China, and, also,
regime. Does that support the claim that we
that we "build bridges to the East" so
ere fighting to contain Communism?
Failure to stop aggression in die p40 eU that we can enable Communist c,oun-
us iml) 'N.Volti War Il. had we stopped she tries, which are pledged to our de- -
Japanese wlten they invt-?deci Manchuria, Mu, " struction, to extricate thentselves
solini when Sc invaded Etitioraa, and Hitler froi\nve trusttheir de
economicolore anydifficulties. violation f
when he was picking od- his neighbors one by
one, we might have avoided that war. It was democratic whoever the per-
to avoid a similar catastrophe, World War pesratorisant
reirybuimtintasseavreeralel srsesopbejecots.
that the United Nations was created, so shot at least lij
aggression might meet collective resistance. Losable than the Communist tyrants.
For one thing, the mass executions
which follow a Communist takeover
are absent when the juntas take over. '
-eai.lowing Castro's takeover in Cub.:
taousands of people who failed n.
support him were for weeks the:real-
ter executed before firing squads. The
...erne procedure was followed in oth-
r countries seized by the Commu-
hists. It did not happen in Greece,. or
mere are no reports so that effect.
V,fes
4./castfe
?
Who-ti Communists negan seizing
factories and provoking the riots and
diserder which they feel is a pre-
remtisire for their own seizure of
power. It also happened in Germany,
where the Communists and' iaraz
worked in harmony to discredit th
democratic republic. The. Gonsmunis-
have also shown that when it fur-
thers the national interest of Russia
they will work with the juntas they .
h..e. bring to p0--ear.
What is particularly disconeettle
to those of us who abhor dictates -
ships, whether they be of the right o:
left, is that the .sass-media show a
tolerance for Communist
dicretorshiPs ;:ed so little tolerance
ior those who seize power to proven:
Communist takeovers.
When the demonstrated its incapacity to
act effectively regional alliance, were created.
These alliances were directed :nit against Com-
munisin as such but against aggression.
The Coymnunists. in pursuit of their oh
jective of world conquest, are the only remain-
ing, aggressors. Obnoxious as their philosoph!
is, distu,,trous as their economic system is th?
the peoples they have subjugated, if they
let oilier peoples alone arid not try to brin.
Mem into their colonial empire by free, on,.
reentry would not undertake to contain them. .,:re Greek govermnce,nnImis
tfurenedt cA(naindretar;
dot they hese chosen, ;n.itead, to take over the Papandreou; in a c
rest of the world by force. That is what we its watild have faced a firing squad.
are il?gluing in Vietnam, not Conrimo,tcisrir s In another respect, the
regret
Si
-Cie fa m
fact of the atter is that we have done ICSs objectionable, h a w
more to help Communism than contain it. I:heir restriction cit dernocratic rig,hts.
Yugoslavia, a Communist country, Iths re- : l'hey do not, unlike the Communists,
calved billions of dollars-worth of :rid from threaten their neighbors and 'the oth-
us, even 1.1: in its foregn poliey it is allied t; cr peoples of the warted Batista was
the international Communist conspiracy. dictator, but he did not train guerril-
em mete:eats occasions we littve helne
-d Its and send arms to c,verthro'N other e,
extrieme themselves front the e regimes, as Castro is doing, and other
ecenoinie din:lanes imo which they hive Communist countries are doMg. Fail-
p.ungee :eeti cotmtrie.i. It has seemed to in tiny
I are to note this distinction distorts'
of ns tred this is a mistayl;endoes policy, but, mis- ?
the picture and in the end serves t
teken Lot, it eectentl not add up to
ran
Communist purposes.
atteMpi. to comets Communism..:
MARX LEWIS
-DI.. Nis:I'll:11r runt his associates, in urging.:
that we pill{ out of Vielnarn, are the direct Hollywood
descendarns of a en-iner generaticm of isola-
tiGnistt. M the '30s Mere were the America
Firsters, who were wiing to let Hitler con- '
linue his aggressions. Now there are the
Cl he,,to Fissters, derna.r-ating that we abandon
Siam, Viemarn to its fate and pour the money
it c,-,sts 1.. !egitt the war into a renabilitation
,mi' the If is, al Dr. Niebuhr suggests. This
throws cnnak of social respeettibility over
what is essentially an isolationist position. In
the '405, Thur isolaLionists advocated Fortress
America. which, by implication at least, meant
that we should look after America First; that
would include the ghettos, bat soils not ex-
pretely orient timed because it :ttcl:ed the pops-
larity the idea has now,
4 There is much that might be ;:one about the ,
.ehetto, and pouring billions or dollars into it
is not the complete answer, hit, whatever the
I 11,WSI. is it does not involve our permitting ?
nrc aorta,,etc IS take over the world, piece by
piece, --;i our uwn natuourrni security is
etude m,.e:
Mmtx LEWIS
Af iami, 2-73.
Approved For Release 2004/11/01 : CIA-RDP88-01315R000200340001-8
Approved For Release 2004/11/01 : CIA-RDP88-01315R000200340001-8
Council Against Communist Aggression
A committee of correspondence founded 1951 to disseminate information in aid of World Freedom
National Headquarters ? U.I.U. OFFICES, 1500 N. BROAD ST., PHILADELPHIA, PA. 19121
Chairman
Marx Lewis
7939 Harrison Street
Hollywood, Florida 33020
Tel. [phone]
Vice-Chairmen
Roy Brewer
Rev. Dennis Comey, S.J.
Mrs. Geraldine Fitch
Gerald Gidwitz
Sal B. Hoffmann
Victor Lasky
Benjamin McLaurin
Herbert Philbrick
Treasurer
Marshall Peck
Capitol Correspondent
George Holcomb
Arlington, Va. 22207
Foreign Correspondents
V. L. Bonin
Central Europe
Geoffrey Fairbairn
Canberra, Australia
H. W. Henderson
Glasgow, Scotland
Suzanne Labin
Paris, France
Andy McKeown
London, England
Jose Roberto W. Penteado
Sao Pau/o, Brazil
0. Rosenbes
Melbourne, Australia
D. G. Stewart-Smith
England
Ram Swarup
New Delhi, India
Keilchi Ariyama
Osaka, Japan
Executive"?National Committee
N. F. Allman
Frank R. Barnett
Earl Copeland, Jr.
Bishop Fred Corson
F. Roger Downey
Edward R. Easton*
Dr. Wm. W. Edel
Earl A. Emerson
Dr. S. Andil Fineberg*
Col. Hamilton Fish
Robert Fitch
Dr. Ben A. Garside
James W. Gerard, II
Harry D. Gideonse
Thomas W. Gleason
Alan G. Grant, Jr.
Montgomery M. Green*
Robert Heckert
Reed Irvine
William Kaufman
Irene Kuhn
Marvin Liebman
Sarah Limbach
Paul A. Maroney
Dr. Charles W. Lowry
Archbishop Robert E. Lucey
Eugene Lyons
David Martin
James R. McIlroy
F. J. McNamara
Thomas J. McNeil"
Edgar A. Mowrer"
Lt. Gen. John N. O'Daniel (Ret.)
Bonaro W. Overstreet
Dr. Dan Poling
Henry Carter Patterson
Jerome Paulson
Merlyn S. Pitzele
Benjamin Protter
Bernard Rabkin"
Serafino Romualdi
Philippa Duke Schuyler
Dr. Fred C. Schwarz
Mark Seiko
Peter Steele
Sol Stein
Theodore Streibert
Judge Matthew J. Troy
Dr. Richard L. Walker
Watson Washburn"
Peter Weimer
C. Dickerman Williams"
Dr. Karl Wittfogel
Bertram D. Wolfe
Bernie Yoh
and Officers
0
March, 1967
Dear Correspondent:
After a lapse of four months, we are resuming the publication
of the documents which Arthur G. McDowell issued, but in a
modified form. The enclosed is the first of the new series.
We hope to improve on it as time goes on. Because of the for-
mat, we are not using much of the material we receive daily
from our foreign correspondents. It has to be omitted. The
information they make available is invaluable, and nowhere else
available. This would be included under the heading of Cold
War Digest. If and when funds become available we will issue
the material in printed form. It would give us more extended
coverage and also make it more readable.
The monthly bulletin is only one of several activities in which
we plan to do our part in the struggle against Communist aggres
sion. In the legislative field we are working to secure the
passage in this Congress of our Freedom Academy Bill. Committees
in both Houses of Congress have at one time or another, following
extensive hearings, recommended that the bill be passed. At one
time it passed the Senate, but too late in the session to bring
it up in the House. These bills have recently been introduced,
and we are trying to arrange for their consideration. We will
keep you informed as to their progress and also advise you as to
how you can help mobilize Congressional support.
We are also devoting our attention to organizing new chapters in
localities where they do not now exist. Recently, two chapters
have been added, and contacts are being made in other cities.
We are entering a critical phase in the struggle to defeat Commu-
nist aggression. Our people are being deluded into believing
that the Cold War is over, that by building "bridges to the East"
the Communists will be deflected from their objective of world
conquest, and even that it is better to be "Red than dead." We
must resist, more than ever, this process of mental disarmament.
We hope to have your support. The security of our nation depends
upon what we all do to alert our people to the mortal danger we
face. Everyone has a part to play in the struggle to preserve
freedom. We are confident that you will do what you can to
help.
Sincerely yours,
MARX LEWIS, Chairman
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ITEM #116 DOCUMENTS OF THE COUNCIL AGAINST COMMUNIST AGGRESSION
Lest We Forget:
MARCH 1967
Will Rogers once said that "The United States never lost a war or won a peace
conference". It was more than just a quip; it was an historic truth. He
might have added, with equal truth, that each peace conference planted the
seeds from which grew the next war.
There is now a clear and present danger that in our eagerness to end the war
in Vietnam, we will lose at the peace conference what our fighting men are
winning on the battlefields of Vietnam.
The war there has not been won as yet. But it is agreed by all military
experts, and reluctantly conceded by some politicians and commentators
who have denounced our refusal to surrender, that the tide of battle has
turned. A year ago the Communists were sure that they were winning. The
evidence now is that they have abandoned the hope they had of achieving
a military victory. But they have not abandoned the idea that because
of the pressures to which the Administration is being subjected at home
and abroad, they can achieve a political victory at a peace conference.
If they are right, we shall have again won a war and lost a peace
conference.
The Communists are proposing that we stop bombing North Vietnam. They will
not make any commitment as to whether or when they will cease their fighting
against us and our allies there. One of their government spokesmen
specifically rejected the idea that they would stop infiltrating the South
in return for our unilateral cease-fire; he declared that they could not
betray their friends in South Vietnam. But we are expected to betray our
friends. What they are really proposing is that they enjoy, as the North
Koreans and the Red Chinese enjoyed during the Korean War, a privileged
sanctuary, from which they can come down and bomb us, but which we dare not
enter to pursue and bomb them. We fought the Korean War with one hand tied
behind our backs, and as a result all we had to show for the terrific losses
we sustained there was a stalemate settlement and a situation which is still
precarious for us. What they are proposing now is that only one-half of the
war be abandoned - our half.
The Communist plan is supported here by the leftists, the pseudo-liberals,
pacifists and defeatists who claim that the Communist proposal is only a
face-saving device which we ought not to deny them if it will end the war,
even if it means as it undoubtedly would, our unconditional surrender. If
it were merely a face-saving device it might be considered, in return for
the lives we save. But if we have to save their face by losing the lives
of our men, who would just be sitting ducks for Communist attacks, it is
something else again.
In return for our unconditional surrender, the Communists say they will
consider the four conditions they had previously insisted on only as a
"basis" for peace negotiations. Even many here who reject the idea that
we should surrender unconditionally are inclined to believe that this
could be an entering wedge for peace negotiations. Before we take this
leap into the dark we ought to draw from our previous experience in
negotiating with the Communists and to profit from that experience. There
is a proverb which says: "If a man deceives me once, shame on him; if he
deceives me twice, shame on me". In dealing with men whom J. Edgar Hoover
characterized as "Masters of Deceit", it would be well to remember that.
The most recent, and the most illuminating experience to which we can turn
for guidance occurred when we negotiated with the Communists following the
armistice in Korea. It is described by Admiral C. Turner Joy, who was our
Senior Delegate and Chief of the United Nations Command Delegation to the
Korean Armistice Conference. He found in months of negotiation with the
Communists that "The measure of expansion achieved by Communism through
negotiations is impossible to disassociate from what they have achieved
by force, for the Communists never completely separate the two methods*.
He cites the victories the Communists achieved by negotiations at Yalta,
and at Geneva, where almost half of Indochina was delivered to Communism.
"Communists", he declares in his book "How Communists Negotiate", "neither
blunder into conferences nor rush pell-mell into negotiations. First,
they carefully set the stage".
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In Korea the stage was set in June 1951, when the Soviet Ambassador to the
United Nations remarked publicly that it might be well if the opposing sides
in Korea arranged a truce, based on the 38th Parallel as a truce line.
Acting on this remark, General Ridgeway, our Commander in Chief, broadcast
by radio a message to the Communist military commanders in Korea, inquiring
whether truce talks were desired, and suggesting that if such is the case,
the talks be held on a Danish hospital ship, internationally recognized as
a non-belligerent facility, a ship provided by Denmark, a neutral country.
This neutral, non-combative ship would be in waters controlled by Communist
guns and mine fields. It didn't seem that there could be any legitimate
objection to such an arrangement.
The reply which came from the Communists read, in effect, "If you desire a
truce, come to Kaesong and we'll talk". Kaesong is a city almost precisely
on the 38th Parallel, It was controlled by the Red Chinese. The Communist
idea was to create the impression that the request for the truce came from
our side, although it was initially suggested by the Soviet Ambassador, who
really spoke for them. By suggesting that the negotiations be held in a
city they controlled rather than on a neutral country's ship, they made it
appear that the United Nations' representatives were, in effect, coming,
hat in hand as it were, to them to seek peace.
General Ridgeway, considering this only a face-saving device for the
Communists, agreed. He would not permit that to stand in the way of
negotiations if it would end the war. Our representatives did insist,
however, on the Communists agreeing to a demilitarized neutral zone around
Kaesong. This the Communists rejected.
Throughout the initial meeting our representatives, though completely with-
out arms, were surrounded by troops of armed Communist soldiers brandishing
hand machine guns threateningly. Communist photographers and press repre-
sentatives made the most of the situation, to show that it was the United
Nations command, not the Communists, who needed and sought a truce.
As further evidence of their desire to create the impression that the United
Nations was surrendering to the Communists, the Communists argued that the
U N delegation remain overnight at Kaesong during the negotiations. This
would make it appear that the U N delegation was a captive of the Communists.
It could have no other reason. This the U N delegation rejected,
Even the table around which the negotiators sat was arranged to make it
appear that the U N representatives were the vanquished, the Communists the
victors. For example, the chairs were arranged so that the Communist dele-
gates would be looking down upon the U N delegation. Photographs of this
were taken before a change could be made. Heavily armed sentinels were
everywhere, governing each step taken by the U N representatives. One of
the sentinels posted conspicuously beside the access doorway to the con-
ference room wore a gaudy medal which he proudly related to the chief of our
delegation was for "killing forty Americans". The U N representatives
decided that somewhere a line must be drawn to prevent their suffering
further indignities. They announced that Western newsmen would attend the
subsequent meetings of the delegations.
At first, the head of the Communist delegation agreed, but then quickly
recanted. He said that the matter must be held in abeyance, and, in any
event, that presence of Western newsmen "is not the principal problem for
our discussion". Our delegation declared that their presence was essential,
and that until such time as they were admitted the conference would be in
recess. When our delegation failed to show up the next day, the Communists
backed down.
The Communists took advantage of the truce talks to improve their situation
on the battlefield, When they thought that they had redressed the dangerous
situation in which they had stood in June, when they had agreed to truce
talks, they staged two incidents, one of which was used as a pretext to
launch an attack on our lines. They were temporarily successful. But when
they were finally thrown back they suddenly decided to resume talks, Our
military advantage proved decisive.
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But the real problem came when the agenda was to be drawn up. Westerners
consider an agenda a list of items enumerated as a "basis" for negotiation
and subject to negotiation. Communists consider the items of the agenda
"conclusions" that are not negotiable, except as to details. For them the
items are a starting point. Thus, the U N delegation proposed as an item
for discussion a cessation of hostilities and acts of armed force under
conditions which would assure against a resumption of hostilities. That
is the purpose of an armistice conference. The Communists started with a
proposal that all armed forces of foreign countries be withdrawn from Korea.
This was an issue that could properly be discussed at a peace conference, not
a conference to arrange for a truce.
After ten plenary sessions an agenda was agreed upon. The U N delegation
discovered later that in spite of all the caution they had exercised, they
had nevertheless been trapped. Fortunately, our military position in the
field was good, and when General Ridgeway announced a suspension of
negotiations unless certain conditions were met, the Communists backed
down. It was not our skill as negotiators -- our representatives had the
necessary skills -- but it was our military position on the battlefield
that determined the outcome.
In dealing with the North Vietnamese now, if and when we get to it, as
sooner or later we will -- it will be important to bear in mind that the
conditions under which a truce is discussed must be precise in terms, and
that even with the utmost precision our position militarily must be such
that we do not lose at the conference table what we achieved on the
battlefield.
No one wants the war to last a day longer than is necessary. To prolong it
unnecessarily for one day would be a crime against our fighting men there.
But to settle it a day sooner than is necessary to achieve our objective
would be a betrayal of the more than 7,000 of our men who have already died
there and the tens of thousands who have been wounded.
"Those who will not learn from history shall be condemned to repeat it,"
a great Frenchman once said. It has happened often in the past. Let us
not repeat in Viet Nam the mistake we made in Korea.
COLD WAR DIGEST
Japan and Okinawa
The recent national elections in Japan were an important test for the free
world. It had been freely predicted that the government party, the
Liberal-Democrats would lose seats, perhaps enough to endanger their continued
control of the lower house of the Diet. Had this happened, the chances of
obtaining a renewal of the U. S. Japan Security Agreement, which expires in
1970, would have been slim. The termination of this agreement, which
permits U. S. troops to be stationed in Japan, has been a prime aim of the
communists. The election results were very gratifying from this point of
view. The Liberal-Democrats suffered a reduction of only one seat and will
remain firmly in control during the crucial years ahead. The Socialist
party, which has been rabidly pro-Peking, won 140 seats, a loss of 4. The
Democratic Socialists, a moderate leftist party, won 30 seats for a gain of
7. The Communists won 5 seats, a gain of 1. The Japanese Communist party
follows the Moscow line. It has probably picked up strength from the
Socialists, whose pro-Peking stance has been a liability since the
development of turmoil in China.
However, electoral gains or losses, were never a true test of Communist
strength, or a barometer of their influence. Official reports show that
Communist party membership in Japan rose from 190,000 to 280,000 last year.
Their party organ has a daily circulation of 326,000 and a Sunday circula-
tion of 1,180,000. Needless to say, they are concentrating on trying to
influence the students, and they are well infiltrated in the communications
media. Even in the Ryukyu Islands, which are under U. S. military administra-
tion, being the site of one of our most important bases in the Pacific,
leftists have won significant influence among the students and teachers.
They dominate the influential teachers' association, and it is said that
about 70% of the students at the University of the Ryukus, which the U. S.
founded, are leftist. The percentage in the University faculty is said to
be even higher.
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The communist strategy in the Ryukyus is to strive to bring about reversion
of control of the islands to Japan. They believe that once this is achieved,
the same restrictions will be applied to the military base that now apply to
our bases in Japan, including the prohibition on nuclear weapons. This will
greatly reduce the value of the base to the U. S. Reversion to Japan is
highly popular in the Ryukus, partly because relatively few people fully
appreciate the tremendous economic value of the U. S. base, not to mention
its importance in the defense of the Free World. The Ryukus provide one
of the best proofs of the fallaciousness of the Marxist theory that people
are governed by their economic interests. The military base has made the
people prosperous as they have never been before. The population is nearly
double the maximum that could be supported in great poverty before the war.
The removal of the base would be an economic disaster, but clever playing
on irrational and emotional themes has obscured all this in the minds of a
great many Ryukyuans, and those who have an understanding of economic reality
must be very cautious in what they say to educate the public.
There is no question but that Japan and Okinawa are prime targets of
political and ideological warfare of the communists. It is a mistake on our
part to assume that the growing prosperity of these areas somehow makes them
immune to the communist efforts to sow intellectual confusion and weaken
their will to resist. The confusion that has hit China presents a wonderful
opportunity to discredit Communism in the Orient. But to exploit this
properly, we need a greatly stepped up effort to influence the intellectual
climate in these countries through articles, lectures and films. This is
the type of thing that could come out of the Freedom Academy, if we only had
it operating,
The Red Trail in Rhodesia:
In the discussions that have taken place so far as to whether the U N was
justified in intervening in the dispute between England and Rhodesia, and
whether the United States is justified in carrying out a U N decision to
apply economic sanctions to bring down the Ian D. Smith government, the
role that the Communists are playing in the Rhodesian issue has been over-
looked. The Communists have succeeded in mobilizing world opinion against
Rhodesia and the South African countries, and they stand to be the principal
beneficiaries of the situation.
Nathaniel Weyl, formerly a labor attorney, and a dedicated anti-Communist,
recently visited the South African countries, where he had an opportunity
to investigate conditions and interview influential and knowledgeable people
in and out of the governments. He found that in addition to hoping to gain
eventual control over this important land mass, the Communists are exploiting
the issue of apartheid to acquire the rich resources of that part of the
world. If by imposing these sanctions, the United States scores a victory,
it will lead to the extension of Communist influence or control over the
wealthiest and most strategic portion of Africa. In the meantime, the
Communists, by exploiting the issue of apartheid, in which they have no real
interest, have succeeded in dividing the free world.
Mr. Weyl writes:
"The Communist orientation of thecampaigns against Rhodesia, South Africa
and the Portuguese possessions should be abundantly clear to the American
public, but it evidently isn't.
"These three targets can be separated in terms of presentation to a public
hostile to South Africa, but they cannot be separated in reality. The
fundamental Communist target in Africa is the Republic, for a variety of
reasons. It is the only modern industrial complex anywhere in the world
south of the Rio Grande; it produces 72% of Free World gold, 40% of the
industrial output of Africa (with only 6% of Africa's people and 4% of her
land); is a formidable military power, has vitality important reserves of
maganese chrome, uranium and copper; produces the world's cheapest coal
in abundance, and is one of the most rapidly expanding economies on earth.
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"She is a primary Red target as the only bastion of Western civilization
(together with Rhodesia and Portuguese Africa) on the Continent, and because
of her strategic control of the sea lanes from Europe and North America to
the Orient. (Today's big tankers cannot go through Suez and consequently
round the Cape.)
"Captured documents of the illegalized South African Communist Party stress
the key role of the conquest of South Africa in Soviet strategy. These
documents date from Operation Mayabuyi (1963) and from the Brawn Fischer
arrest (1965). They stress a combined operation. South Africa is considered
particularly vulnerable to outside pressure since virtually the entire U N
opposes her: the USSR for reasons of fundamental strategy; the Afroasian
states because of racism, resentment of apartheid and the fact that the
political, social and economic success of South Africa and Rhodesia is a
reproach to black Africa for the hunger and chaos it has created; the U.S. and
the West, as the Red documents point out, because they can be counted on to
play the Soviet game wherever an issue of 'racial injustice' is involved.
The Rhodesian, Portuguese African and Southwest Africa controversies are
flanking and preliminary operations preparatory to a decisive attack on
South Africa itself".
The ties between the so-called nationalist organizations in Rhodesia and
the Communists, Mr. Weyl points out, are real, and apparently effective,
even though the Communist party in Rhodesia is outlawed. He cites chapter
and verse.
"In Rhodesia," he writes, "the so-called nationalist organizations are the
National Democratic party and the Zimbabwe African People's Union: NDP and
ZAPU. The headquarters of ZAPU in London are 374 Gray's Inn Road, the same
address as that of the movement for Colonial Freedom and the African
Communist. ZAPU has been successful in getting the Defense and Aid Fund of
Christian Action to step into the limelight in terms of British public
relations and fund raising".
In England, as elsewhere, this group has enlisted the support of some
well-meaning people who have become aroused by Communist claims of suppression
and racial injustice. A large group of distinguished Englishmen, including
Prime Minister Wilsemp signed an appeal issued by this Fund for "fair trial
in Southern Rhodesia" in which the "Southern Rhodesian Government" was
accused of "persisting in banning all legitimate opposition to its racialist
policies". In "ads" run in British papers, the case of a "George", an
African detainee, who was a sick man unable to get medical treatment in
prison and refused permission to seek it elsewhere, whose family of seven
were living in the African reserve in conditions of great poverty and distress,
was cited as evidence of Rhodesian imhumanity. None of this was true, as
the Rhodesian Federal High Commissioner subsequently proved. Thirty sig-
natories of the appeal apologized to the then High Commissioner for the many
lies the "ads" contained.
When Rhodesia ousted and expelled some professors and instructors from the
University in Salisbury, the Government was castigated by the usual chorus
of liberals for an alleged infringement of academic freedom. When the trial
of the associates of these teachers comes up, the Government will show that
at least one of these teachers had been engaged in caching Chinese small
arms, grenades and land mines for future insurrectionary activity.
The American Security Council, in its December Washin9ton Report, sums up
the African question well when it declares:
"The Western policy towards Africa has been a record of one tragic error
compounded by another. The problem seems to be that many of the men chiefly
responsible for United States policy toward Africa have little or no
experience with the continent itself. Their thinking is dominated by
ideological cliches which may be relevant to Western democracies but violently
contradict the every day facts of life in Africa."
"Experience has already shownthat while African 'friendship' can be tempo-
rarily rented, it can never be permanently bought. In this kind of game,
Communist cynicism is likely to prove more effective in the long run than
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Western idealism. Africans can comprehend the former more easily than the
latter . . . . What guarantee do we have that, in the smoking aftermath,
African hostility would not be simply transferred to all Whites
in general in order to provide the emotionally necessary foreign enemy?"
A Half Century of Failure:
Before this year is over, the Soviet Union will celebrate the fiftieth anni-
versary of the Communist seizure of power in Russia. It will use its vast
apparatus around the world to tell of the "wonders" of its achievements, the
paradise it created on earth. The truth it will not tell is that Communism
as an economic system has been a ghastly failure, and that to the extent that
the Communist tyranny has survived at all, it can be attributed to the abandon-
ment of its economic practices and the introduction of some of the features of
the free enterprise system which it persists in denouncing.
Last October, the Institute for the Study of USSR convened an international
conference in Munich on "The October Revolution: Promise and Realization".
Over 150 specialists from 20 countries -- including some who had taken part
in the revolutions of 1917 -- met to examine the expectations of yesterday's
revolutionary leaders in terms of the actual achievements of the Soviet Union
over the past fifty years.
Robert Farrell, in his report of the conference, appearing in this January's
issue of East West Digest, the Journal of the British Foreign Affairs Circle,
mentions several very relevant facts which leftists ought to know before they
get into an ecstacy on the Soviet Union's achievements.
Dr. Stanley H. Cohn, of the State University of New York, and Dr. John P.
Hardt, of the Research Analysis Corporation of Virginia, submitted a joint
paper which traced the development of the Soviet Economy since 1917. They
observed:
"Spurred by new requirements as perceived by the Soviet leadership, the
pressure to attain higher performance mounts year by year. This steep
demand in desired performance coupled with a very modest increase in actual
performance leads to an expanding gap creating an increasingly unstable
situation'!.
Prof. Cyril Black of Princeton University remarked that the USSR today ranks
twentieth among the world's economies in terms of per capita gross national
products, or approximately on the same relative level as in 1913, before the
Communist paradise was created.
Prof. Warren Nutter of the University of Virginia pointed out that if the
basic promises of the October Revolution are taken to be those proclaimed
in the slogans of the time -- "Land to the Feasants", "Bread to the Workers",
and "Freedom to All", then economic developments during the period of Soviet
rule must be viewed as having run sharply counter to them.
The Soviet agricultural failures were described by Carl Zoerb, Soviet
affairs analyst of Radio Free Europe. Soviet agriculture has failed to
live up to Soviet expectations, he said, "because of persistently low yields
and exorbitant production costs..."
In a report on "Collectivization: New and Old Myths and the Future",
Prof. Roy D. Laird, of the University of Kansas, told the conference that
the changing myths of Soviet collectivization are rooted both in Marxist-
Leninist doctrines and the lessons of experience. Noting that the collective
farms constitute an emotional as well as economic and political investment of
more than a quarter of a century, Professor Laird said that abandonment of
the system now would amount to an unprecedented admission of grave error on
the part of the Party. "For good or ill", he said, "nothing short of another
revolution or a series of production failures far more serious than those yet
experienced can be expected to result in a serious challenge to the basic
myth of Soviet collectivization".
Many other phases of Communist practice and theory in the USSR were discussed
and analyzed. It has proven its failure in every sphere but one, Soviet
foreign policy. The leaders of the October Revolution had guessed right
about the weaknesses in the foreign policies of non-Communist countries, and
have been successful in fooling the rest of the world as to their intentions
and objectives. They had won in many cases by default. The democracies
contributed to their foreign policy successes.
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NEAR EAST REPORT:
Senator Jacob K. Javits, of New York, recently announced that he had informa-
tion that the Soviet Union "is ready to do business with the United States in
every area." One of the areas in which he was sure the Communists are ready
to do business is in the Middle East or Near East. The New York Times, in
reporting Javits' optimistic opinion, stated that "he did not say on what he
based his statement."
It turned out, as one read Javits's statement, that he had no such information,
and was merely proposing that "the United States put a cessation of Soviet arms
shipments to the Middle East at the top of the agenda in any conversations with
Moscow." He said that his confidence was based on "the new spirit of relaxa-
tion" between the Soviet Union and the United States, brought about because the
Soviet Union has decisively prevailed over Communist China "for the leadership
of the Communist world". "A titanic effort, he added, "must be made to solve
outstanding difficulties and especially the relationship between Israel and the
Arab states, because the situation there "was more threatening to world peace
than Vietnam."
Who is to make this "titanic effort"? The United States, of course. In the
Security Council of the UN, the Soviet Union, to which Israel had appealed for
help to stop a series of outrages committed by Syria's military junta, vetoed
a mild resolution our country introduced which merely asked Syria to "strengthen
its measures of preventing incidents that constitute a violation of the general
armistice agreement." Does this sound as if the Soviet Union "is ready to do
business with the United States, in the Middle East, any more than in Vietnam?
Javits, long the darling of the liberals, an old hand at "building bridges to
the East", is thinking of the next election, when he hopes to be the Republi-
can Vice Presidential nominee, rather than of the next generation. He has
over the years shown a remarkable ability "to run with the hare and hold with
the hound". In the current debate on our Vietnam policy, he has played both
sides of the street, with the "hawks" and the "doves". To satisfy the "doves"
he calls for an immediate cessation of the bombing; to satisfy the "hawks" he
says that we should do so only if our pause is not used as a cover for contin-
ued infiltration of men and supplies into the South. We can easily cease the
bombing, but how do you get the Communists to agree to stop their infiltration
of the South? That he fails to say, hoping that the question may not be asked.
RECOMMENDED READING
PEACE OR PEACEFUL COEXISTENCE, by Richard V. Allen, with a foreword by Bertram
D. Wolfe, Published by the American Bar Association's Standing Committee on
Education Against Communism. Mr. Allen, formerly a Research Principal of the
Center for Strategic Studies, Georgetown University, and now on the staff of
the Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace, bases this valuable study
on an examination of more than 3,000 articles, books, speeches and documents
from 35 Communist Parties. More than 90 percent of the material used in the
study was issued since the Cuban missile crisis of October 1962. It is up-to-
date, thorough, well-documented, and as complete a study of present Communist
problems as can be found anywhere. No student of the subject should be with-
out a copy. It sets at rest many of the claims now being made that the time
for cooperation with the Communists has arrived. As Bertram Wolfe, a member
of our National Committee writes in his foreword, it "is calculated to give
pause to complacent and careless optimism about the present and ultimate in-
tentions of the Sovet rulers and ideologists." (Paperback). Price 75 cents
per copy.
NO VISION HERE: NON-MILITARY WARFARE IN BRITAIN, by D. G. Stewart-Smith,
Published by Foreign Affairs, Petersham, Surrey, England. Stewart-Smith is
a life-long student of Communist affairs and has written extensively in an
effort to alert Great Britain, its government and people, to the need of
taking affirmative action to assist the peoples living in Communist countries
to create political administrations responsible to their wishes. An absolute
opponent of maintaining what he considers to be a dishonorable status quo, he
calls for an entirely new approach to international affairs, and he feels that
the very nature of the Communist challenge has made many traditional diplo-
matic attitudes irrelevant. He maintains, unless this is done, that the West
is in fact betraying its own values, whether they are religious, moral or
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political. While theoretically the philosophy of the three major political
parties in Britain is Christian idealism, in practice the parties' respective
lines degenerate intopaganmaterialism, he maintains. He includes in his
150 page, well-documented and concise compilation, which carries a foreword
by the Rt. Hon. Julian Amery, and a most valuable chapter summarizing the
aims and activities of some 45 private groups in Britain concerned with
foreign affairs. As the editor of the monthly journal, East West Digest, he
makes available invaluable material on Communist activities around the world.
Price is $4 per copy.
COMMUNIST METHODOLOGY OF CONQUEST by Luis V. Manrara, President of "The Truth
About Cuba Committee", has succeeded in presenting in a brochure of less
than 50 pages a statement of Communist tactics, strategy and objectives which
others have written a large volume to describe. It can be a valuable educa-
tional tool both to those who have read extensively on the subject, since
they have here a concise statement, fully documented, and to those who are
introduced to the subject for the first time. We have a limited supply of
copies on hand which we will be glad to mail free of charge while they last.
DEDICATION AND LEADERSHIP TECHNIQUES, by Douglas Hyde, and published by
Mission Secretariat. It contains several talks by Mr. Hyde at a Leadership
Training Seminar devoted to an understanding of the development of Marxist
doctrine, particularly as it affects the Catholic Church, and it is recom-
mended for use in the missions and among the intellectuals and students in
the missions. It is a unique contribution to Communist literature in that
Mr. Hyde was for 20 years a leading British Communist, and he tells the
story of Communist dedication and practices as only one who has been on the
inside of the Communist conspiracy can tell it. It also tells how we can
develop among anti-Communists the kind of leadership and dedication needed
to win the world-wide battle for the minds of men. Price, $1 per copy.
WHY VIETNAM, by Prof. Frank N. Trager. A Professor of International Affairs
at New York University, Dr. Trager was formerly the Director of the Point
Four Program in Burma. He is the author of numerous books and articles on
the Asian world, and is the editor of Marxism in Southeast Asia. In this
work, Dr. Tr ger describes the Indochinese peninsula before and after the
arrival of the French, the problems they created, and the mistakes we have
made since, and the prospects for the future. For those who want an in-
depth knowledge of how we got into the situation we face in Vietnam now,
and a clear analysis of the shortcomings of the Geneva agreements, and who
was responsible for those agreements, this book will be a valuable source
for material needed to counteract Communist claims. Published by Frederick
A. Praeger, Inc. Price, $4.95 per copy.
(Orders for the books listed above may be placed by addressing the Council
Against Communist Agression, 1939 Harrison Street, Hollywood, Florida 33020)
CACA ACTIVITIES
RESUMPTION OF LEGISLATIVE ACTIVITIES:
The bill to establish a Freedom Commission and to create a Freedom Academy
which will train people in the government and private sectors of our country
to serve in the field of political and psychological warfare -- a field
which the Communists have preempted, and one which has enabled them to
achieve their major successes thus far -- will be pushed with renewed vigor
by our Council in this session of Congress. The bill once passed the Senate,
but too late in the session to receive House consideration. In the last
Congress the Committee on Un-American Activites reported it favorably bat
it could not reach the House floor for final action because the House Rules
Committee, under the chairmanship of Representative Howard W. Smith, its
chairman, refused to grant the rule which would enable House consideration.
Rep. Smith has since been defeated, and Rep. William M. Colmer is the new
chairman. We are hopeful that the change will improve the chances of having
the bill enacted by this Congress. We are now concentrating our efforts in
this direction.
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COMMITTEES ON CORRESPONDENCE:
Our Local Committees on Correspondence:
New York: Under the Chairmanship of Col. James W. Gerard, our New York
Committee has held a number of successful luncheon meetings at which dis-
tinguished specialists on various aspects of Communism presented views and
material on current problems. Each of these meetings was well-attended, and
as the series continued, the attendance grew.
At one of the first luncheon meetings held shortly after Arthur G. McDowell
passed away, William Kaufman was elected Executive Secretary of the New York
organization. Benjamin Frotter, Editor of Today in France, a monthly publica-
tion dedicated to working for a better understanding between Americans and
Frenchman, is closely associated with Colonel Gerard in the conduct of our
New York organization's activities, a more complete account of which will
appear in next month's issue of this Bulletin.
WashiNton, D. C.
Shortly after Arthur G. McDowell's death, our Washington circle met and
decided to rename the group the Arthur G. McDowell Washington Circle in
tribute to his memory. A committee of seven was elected to direct the
Circle's affairs. They include George Holcomb, our Capitol correspondent,
Earl Copeland, Lee Edwards, David Lichtenstein, David Martin and Serafino
Romualdi, who for many years directed the activities of the AFL-CIO in
Latin America. Consideration was given at that meeting to the opening of
a Washington office for our legislative work.
Luncheon meetings have been held monthly ever since. One of the speakers
was Don Miller, who had recently returned from Korea where he participated
in the formation of the World Anti-Communist League in cooperation with the
Asian People's Anti-Communist League.
Among the speakers at subsequent luncheon meetings was David Martin, who
discussed the need of our developing, if the USSR persists in its present
plans, an anti-missle defense system, regardless of cost, and other phases
of our national security system. Other speakers at these meetings included
Prof. Richard Walker, of the University of South Carolina, an expert on
China, whose recent book on China has been published by the American Bar
Association's Standing Committee on Education Against Communism.
Los Angeles, California:
National Vice Chairman, Roy D. Brewer, one of the Council's founders, who
recently moved from New York to Los Angeles, has organized a Committee on
Correspondence in Los Angeles. At a well-attended meeting, journalists,
educators, labor leaders, lawyers, businessmen and actors decided to form a
permanent organization, and to pay an annual membership fee to finance the
Council's activities nationally.
On February 21, Reed Irvine, a member of our National Committee, addressed
the Los Angeles Chapter and met with our friends and members there. He
reports that he had a good visit with Roy Brewer and our friends.
Vice Chairman reports: "Enthusiasm ran very high, and I think we are going
to have a very substantial group."
Miami, Florida: The first of what is expected to be a monthly luncheon meeting
of the Council in Miami was held on Monday, February 27. Nathaniel Weyl was
the guest speaker. Weyl is the author of numerous books and a lecturer of
international repute. He has recently returned from Rhodesia where he had an
opportunity to get first-hand information as to the part which the Communists
are playing there. His subject was "The Role of the Communists in the Rhodesian
Crisis". The luncheon meeting was well attended and it is expected that those
present, and many others whom they will contact, will attend the next luncheon
meeting in March, arrangements for which are now being made by Chairman Lewis.
Among those present were representatives of various groups who are now in a
better position to work in cooperation for a common goal".
ARTHUR G. McDOWELL MEMORIAL BROCHURE: A 32-page brochure describing the labors,
dedication and accomplishments of Arthur G. McDowell, whose life was devoted to
the advancement of freedom wherever it is challenged, has just been published
by the Upholsterers' International Union, and has been mailed to our corres-
pondents, the local officials of the Union throughout the country, and to trade
union officials of other international unions, all of which he served with the
zeal of a ciE13ra?cifeil.F"Il?"61Rta21394/Itlinige-REPPagrO13151M(12.0240P0$431. B. Hoffmann,
-.9-
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under Whose direction it was compiled, and Chairman Lewis, the speeches
delivered, at the Memorial Meeting held in Philadelphia on October 15th, the
remarks of Senator Thomas J. Dodd of Connecticut, when news of Arthur McDowell's
death was brought to him, and excerpts from some of the hundreds of condolences
which were received by President Hoffmann and Mrs. McDowell, The Upholsterers'
International Union, at whose inspiration and with whose help the Council's
work has been carried on during the 16 years the Council has been in existence,
financed the printing of the brochure.
It is hoped that our Committees of Correspondence, where they have
already been formed, and that our correspondents elsewhere, will
take advantage of every opportunity that presents itself to
counteract pro-Communist propaganda wherever it appears.
Editorials, sometimes written by those of left-wing persuasion,
and sometimes by editors who are influenced by the Liberal
Establishment, and letters to editors which follow the Communist
party line on current issues, should be met by letters to the
editor presenting our views. It is one of the ways we have of
countering the work of leftists, Where such letters or
editorials appear, they should be sent to the Chairman who may
be in a position to supply from special sources an effective
and factual reply.
IN MEMORIAM -
Our cause lnst recently two distinguished fighters who served the cause of
liberty long and well.
Dr. Stanley K. Hornbeck, a member of our National Committee ever since our
Council was formed in 1951, passed away at the age of 83, on Saturday,
December 10, 1966. He had a long and distinguished career as a United States
Ambassador to the Netherlands and as a top official in our State Department.
In all the years of his serviee, 1,e used his vast experience and his abundant
talents to help the United States steer a course that would make our country
a tower of strength in the promotion of freedom throughout the world. He
was particularly qualified to deal with ragettersinvolving questions of inter-
national law as they related to diplomatic recognition of governments, such
as the Red Chinese government, which had attained power by force. He argued
that in international law it is a breach of international law for "outside
States to administer to the de jure government the coup de grace by trans-
ferring full sovereignty to the victorious opponent."
Dr. Hornbeck, respected by all who came in contact with him, for his service
in the struggle to combat totalitarianism, spoke at most of the annual
gatherings of the CACA in Washington, and at numerous gatherings where his
specialized knowledge made him a valuable contributor to our cause. In the
history of the struggle for liberty, he will occupy an eminent place.
Dr. Bela Fabian died on Sunday: December 25, 1966, at the age of 77. He
began his fight against Communism when the Bolsheviks seized power in Russia.
He received a law degree from the University of Budapest and served as an
officer in the Austro-Hungarian Army in World War I, and was captured by the
Russians in 1916. When the Bolshevik Revolution occurred, he wrote articles
for the paper of the prisoner-of-war camp, warning the prisoners against the
Bolsheviks. Later he escaped and returned to Hungary in 1918. From 1922 to
the late middle thirties, he was a member of the Hungarian Parliament.
In the fifty years that followed, he kept up a relentless struggle against
Communism, writing books to expose its horrors, arranging and participating
in demonstrations against the atrocities the Communists committed in every
country they subjugated, forming committees to conduct anti-Communist
activities. When Krushchev visited the United States in 1959, he travelled
across the country to distribute literature in the cities Krushchev visited,
denouncing the butcher of Hungary, and carrying placards urging "Don't have a
crush on Khrushchev".
Few men have fought longer, harder, with greater zeal and determination against
Communist oppression than Dr. Fabian, His activities inspired countless others
to join in the crusade in which he played a glorious part, No story of the
fight to keep the world free or to bring hope to the enslaved will be complete
without an account of the life-iaeg battle he waged for humanity's cause.
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A committee of correspondence founded at Philadelphia, February 1051 for dissemination of democracy's information
P 21J., / 90.4-
He who seeks in liberty anything other than liberty itself is destined to ude.?De Tocgueville 1885 4`
in aid of World Freedom?Demin form
National Headquarters - U.I.U. Offices
1500 NO, BROAD ST. ? PHILADELPHIA, PA. 19121
Area Code 215 POplar (Night) PO 5-3458
MARX LEWIS
Chairman
1008 N. 13TH TERRACE
HOLLYWOOD, FLORIDA
TEL. [phone]
GEORGE HOLCOMB
3617 S. 19TH ST.
ARLINGTON, VA. 22204
Capitol Correspondent A shortage of staff, of time and the_extraordinary speed of
Vice-Chairmen international events have delayed these two documents en-
ROY BREWER closed, our #113 from Fairbairn on the appeal to reason of
165 W. 46TH ST. Australian churchment, which could go as well to American,
NEW YORK 36, N. Y.
PLAZA 7-3070 British and even Roman, and #114 from India, Ram Swarup's
REV. DENNIS COMEY,, "urgency on Americans of humility when they ask others to join
PHILADELPHIA, PA.
MRS. GERALDINE FITCH in the struggle of freedom loving men and women everywhere
cLAREmONT, CALIF. against aggression of tyrants. While they were ready in March,
GERALD GIDWITZ
CHICAGO, ILL. a rereading finds them as fresh and curr.ent as ever, six weeks
ART . MCDOWELL,
ELPHIA AND
Home A ess - 574 W. Clap
Te ne - Area Code 21
Dear Correspondent:
cretarg
TON
Phi 9144
7
kelre?
19tt'4"--,
ad-e-/-77
SAL B. HOFFMANN
PHILADELPHIA
VICTOR LASKY
NEW YORK
HENRY MAYERS
Los ANGELES
BENJAMIN MCLAURIN
NEW YORK
HERBERT PHILBRICK
NORTHAMPTON, N. H.
Treasurer
MARSHALL PECK
ELMWOOD ROAD
NEW CANAAN, CONN.
Fraternal
Foreign
Correspondents
V. L. BORIN
CENTRAL EUROPE
DONG HA CHO
SEOUL, KOREA
GEOFFREY FAIRBAIRN
CANBERRA, AUSTRALIA
H. W. HENDERSON
GLASGOW, SCOTLAND
SUZANNE LABIN
PARIS, FRANCE
VACLAV LASKA
MEXICO, D. F.
ANDY MCKEOWN
later.
For those of you on the Eastern Seaboard close enough to New
York there is a real treat available on Wednesday, May 25, when
we join with the New York Freedom Council and the Citizens for
Freedom in a testimonial award lunchenn at noon at the Overseas
Press Club ballroom at 54 West 40th Street, New York, in honor
of diplomatist and collmnistHenry J. Taylor ang:.Jc,),412 M. Fisher,
President of the rns
'E.-;Vie4aarroFiderny4 the a 'fbature Will be atr'
aPrecedenta?NIAI-AWat',d-; in absentia, to the carefully re-
searched quotations of twenty-four years of a certain U.
Senator
?
Against your Secretary's advice, the managers took the relative-
ly small ballroom of the Overseas Presn Club, so get your
reservation for May 25 in early, at 0.50 per place, to Roy
Brewer, c/o Allied Artists, 165 West 46th Street, New York
10036. Your Secretary cannot handle your reservation because
his Union, the Upholsterers, will be in convention in Palm Beach
for the intervening weeks and only routine matters can b!Fi
LONDON, ENGLAND handled in Philadelphia.
Jos i ROBERTO W. PENTEADO
SAO PAULO, BRAZIL
0. RoSENBES Thanks are due to all our pri
MELBOURNE, AUSTRALIA ,
D. G. STEWART-SMITH wrIO contributed dues for 1966
PETERSHAM, SURREY, a Vice Chairman's six hundred
ENGLAND
RAM SWARUP things such as turning back,
NEW DELHI, INDIA Kravchenko course of self des
KEIICHI ARIYAMA
OSAKA, JAPAN correspondents in a most dang
vate citizen member correspondentc
from the standard ten dollars to
, which enabled us to do special
for the time being from the
truction, one of our foreign
erous location and most desperate
Executive* and National Committee of Correspondence
N. F. ALLMANI_FRANK R. BARNETT, LEO CHERNE, EARL COPELAND, JR., BISHOP FRED CORSON, SYDNEY L. DEVIN, EDWARD R.
EASTON*, DR. WM. W. EDEL, DR. BELA FABIAN, DR. S. ANDIL FINEBERG*, COL. HAMILTON FISH, ROBERT FITCH, DR. BEN A.
GARSIDE, ALAN G. GRANT, JR., MONTGOMERY M. GREEN*, ROBERT HECKERT, DR. STANLEY HORNBECK, WILLIAM KAuFmAN, WALTER
KIRSCHENBAUM, IRENE KUHN, MARVIN LiEsmAN, SARAH LIMBACH, PAUL A. MARONEY, DR. CHARLES W. LOWRY, HON. WINGATE
LUCAS*, ARCHBISHOP ROBERT E. LUCEY, EUGENE LYONS, DAVID MARTIN, JAMES R. MCILROY, F. J. McNAmARA, THOMAS J.
MCNEIL*, EDGAR A. MOWRER*, LT. GEN. JOHN N. O'DANIEL (RET.), BONARO W. OVERETREET, DR. DAN POLING, HENRY CARTER
cTTERSON, JEROM_E iglinogifa.,WHOM
D ICOAQ*
E SCHUYLER, R. .074114giPat
Ji PMATTHEW J. TRoy,
, RICHARD L. WAVER, WATSON WAStiBURN*, PETER WEIMER, C. ifICKERMAN WILLIAMS*, DR. KARL WITTFOGEL, BERTRAM D.
OLFE, BERNIE YOH, AND OFFICERS.
CCAVincil F 041412AL/1Q TIMInig31
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A committee of correspondence founded at Philadelphia, February 1951 for dissemination of democracy's information
in aid of World Freedom---Deminform
He who seeks in liberty anything other than liberty itself is destined to servitude.?De Tocqueville, 1835
National Headquarters - U.I.U. Offices
1500 NO. BROAD ST. ? PHILADELPHIA, PA. 19121
Area Code 215 POplar 5-7671 (Night) PO 5-5458
MARX LEWIS
Chairman
97-15 HORACE HARDING
EXPRESSWAY
LAFRAK STATION
FLUSHING, N.Y Y. 11368
GEORGE HOLCOMB
3617s.19msm., Ever since mid-November, when I was compelled to survey events
ARLINGTON, VA. 22204 from a hospital bed and in December from the luxury but remote-
Washington Bureau
Capitol Correspondent ness of the Upholsterers' Union Convalescent Center in Florida,
with only the outlet of a fury of abbreviated personal cor-
Vice-Chairmen
ROY BREWER respondence in longhand and occasional dictation over the
165 W. 46TH ST. telephone, the trend of events has been driving through my
NEW YORK 36, N. Y. mind those twenty-four-hundred-year-old words of warning of
PLAZA 7-3070
REV. DENNIS ComEY, S.J. Demosthenes to self-doomed Athens.
PHILADELPHIA, PA.
MRS. GERALDINE FITCH
CLAREMONT, CALIF. He was trying in vain to convince the Athenians of the ad-
GERALD GIDWITZ
CHICAGO, ILL, vantage of fighting far from home, and pleaded:
SAL B. HOFFMANN
PHILADELPHIA "Do not forget that you can today choose whether
VICTOR LASKY
NEW YORK you must fight there or Philip must fight here.
HENRY MAYERS If Olynthus holds out, you will fight there, to
Los ANGELES
BENJAMIN MCLAURIN the detriment of his territory, while you enjoy
NEW YORK in security the land that is your home. But if
HERBERT PHILBRICK
NORTHAMPTON, N. H. he takes Olynthus, who is to prevent his march-
ing hither?" 'But, my friend,' cries someone,
Treasurer 'he will not wish to attack us.' "Nay, it would
MARSHALL PECK
ELMWOOD ROAD be a crowning absurdity if, having the power, he
NEW CANAAN, CONN. should lack the will to carry out the threat
Fraternal which today he utters at the risk of his reputation
Foreign
Correspondents for sanity. It is the duty of all of you to grasp
V. L. BORIN the significance of these facts, and to send out
CENTRAL EUROPE
GEOFFREY FAIRBAIRN an expedition that shall thrust back the war into
CANBERRA, AUSTRALIA Macedon. It is the duty of the well-to-do that
PER-ERIC JANGVERT
LUND, SWEDEN spending but a fraction of the wealth they so
SUZANNE LABIN happily possess, that they enjoy the residue in
PARIS, FRANCE
ANDY MCKEOWN security; of our fighters, that gaining experience
LONDON, ENGLAND of war on Philip's soil, they may prove the formid-
Jost ROBERTO W. PENTEADO able guardians of an inviolate fatherland."
SAO PAULO, BRAZIL
D. G. STEWART?SMITH
PETERSHAM, SURREY, Nevertheless, as the weeks of my first partial return to work
ENGLAND
RAM SWARUP in January went by, I felt the chill of the certain defeat
NEW DELHI, INDIA which comes so inevitably from an only defensive reaction to
KEHCHI ARIYAMA
OSAKA, JAPAN a persistent aggression. We blundered inexcusably in the case
VACLAV LASKA of friends in Malaysia and seemed to threaten to resume doing
MEXICO, D. F.
Dear Correspondent:
ARTHUR G. McDovvELL, Exec. Secretary
PHILADELPHIA AND WASHINGTON
Home Address - 574 W. Clapier St., Phila. 19144
Telephone - Area Code 215 VIctor 8-9887
March 1965
APR
1965
Executive* and National Committee of Correspondence
N. F. ALLMAN, FRANK R. BARNETT, LEO CHERNE, EARL COPEL AND, JR., BISHOP FRED CORSON, SYDNEY L. DEVIN, EDWARD R.
EASTON*, DR. W M. W. EDEL, DR. BELA FABIAN, DR. S. ANDIL FINEBERG*, COL. HAMILTON FISH, ROBERT FITCH, DR. BEN A.
GARSIDE, ARTHUR J. GOLDSMITH*, ALAN G. GRANT, JR., MONTGOMERY M. GREEN*, ROBERT HECKERT DR. STANLEY HORNBECK,
WILLIAM KAUFIVIAN, JOHN G. KEENAN, WALTER KIRSCHENBAUM , IRENE KUHN, MARVIN LIEBMAN, SARAH LIMBACH, ISAAC DON
LEVINE, PAUL A. MARONEY, DR. CHARLES W. LOWRY, HON. WI NGATE LUCAS*' ARCHBISHOP ROBERT E. LUCEY, EUGENE LYONS,
DAVID MARTIN, JAMES R. MCILROY, F. J. MCNAMARA, THOMAS J. MGNEIL*, EDGAR A. MOWRER*, LT. GEN. JOHN N. OTANIEL
RET.) BONARO W. 1?
os 1
110TTEIII, BERNARD RtIRMIkiNtfr1147461140 :Zi'&4150P fiktiTillied iallitiita S. PITZME, BENJAMIN
SOL STEIN, THEODORE
STREIBERT, JUDGE MATTHEW' J. TROY, DR. RICHARD L. *WALKER, WATSON w ASHBURN*, 1../OL. JOHN 0. WEAVER, PETER WEIMER,
C. DICKERMAN WILLIAMS*, DR. KARL WITTFOGEL, BERTRAM D. WOLFE, AND OFFICERS.
Approved For Release 2004/11/01 : CIA-RDP88-01315R000200340001-8
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so in the Congo. The Communists from both the Moscow and Peking centers
continued, of course, as for all past years, to recruit the students in all
categories, from all nations for training and redispatch on mischief bent,
while the Freedom Academy bills languish in the Congress, although the
rationale of their necessity, to meet the new kind of warfare, was raised
in an ad, addressed to other students, in the Harvard Crimson, by then
nineteen-year-old Alan Grant, as far back as June 1942.
Guerilla training had started in the Congo, opposite Leopoldville, for the
subversion of that economic heart of black Africa, even before Tshombe
returned to Leopoldville last year, or turned, in desperation, to the mili-
tary services of the so-called white mercenaries, quickly used in their own
emergencies by the immature new countries of Uganda and Tanzania, without
apology, but reprobated in Tshombe's case by the usual foul double standard
which U Thant practices so instinctively at the U.N. on Vietnam, or what
have you.
Ever persistent and unceasing in their efforts, the Communist vanguard began
casing the joint" in the hills of Puerto Rico, as they had in South Vietnam
in the years 1955 to 1958, before ordering the first stage of the guerilla
aggressive military operations.
It seemed clear to me, on the basis of all experience, that in a very strict
sense we in the United States had overthrown Khrushchev and his accommodation
policy based on urgent Russian internal economic interest, if not yet military
or strategic concern over a basically weak Communist China, by the simple
device of only halfhearted and politically ineffective resistance to Mao's
c,.Dr?Detitive policy in South Vietnam, triumphantly and openly announced in
early '65, as soon to be openly expanded to Thailand, etc., etc.
The Chqnberlain argument for temporary peace by the appeasement which leads
all too soon to real world war, was now being openly advanced by that wide-
or': ld alliance of the egomaniac Senator whose words could be quoted without
editing by the Communist organ in the United States, for relay abroad, that
"f2ightful regiment of self-deluded pacifists," the Women's Strike for Peace;
thJ "concentration of the innocents" in SANE; and finally, once again, as in
1951, with the early capitulation of their few tough minded dissidents, the
on',,ire force of Americans for Democratic Action; the various "ad hoc" cora-
lintees on the Triple Revolution, or on Vietnam, all following the same
technique of public advocacy of one course for actually unavowed purposes
of another and further one. All these joined in a fearful and horrendous
easement chorus, whose immediate result could only be capitulation arid
di3honorable betrayal of allies, breaking the moral back of the West more
completely than Munich ever did, and all too soon escalation into real war
or degeneration into complete capitulation to worldwide tyranny.
Finding myself, to my great indignation, back in the hospital for the third
time in twelve months, I composed my bitter protest, in the name of the
Council, and addressed it to the President and Members of the Senate and
House leadership on February 23. However, on that day Senator Dodd, of
Connecticut, completed his preparations and thundered out that splendid, two
and a half hour speech, which was to be followed, a week later, by the State
1:)._partment White Paper, long overdue, as citizen groups like our own had
boon long left to our own resources in accumulating the evidence of the
obvious.
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We are enclosing herewith, as an historic item as well as spiritual landmark
for the free world, even to those who, like the Congress, have had earlier
access to it, the combined Dodd address of February 23 and the White Paper,
including Senator Doddls passionate appeal for the fundamental and sensible
action of action on the long delayed common sense measure of the Freedom
Academy Bill.
Action and stand on those bills become more and more clearly the litmus test
between those who wish to win the cold war and the peace and those who would
buy the peace at a cut-rate figure, and actually ensure war, as their advice,
that of the appeasers, did in the late 1930s. The same blind mice tried to
do the same thing at several stages of the Korean War, one such attempt bring-
ing our Council to birth at Philadelphia in February 1951, and in the Cuban
confrontation of 1962 and at any interval that has brought even the most
temporary news of defeat or difficulty of our allies and our own forces in
the new-old guerilla war of subversion, which is the last alternative of the
Communist forces against the real but largely unused strength of the West
and the free world, which has stopped their other devices from squeeze in
Berlin, to open military aggression in Korea.
Six different versions of the Freedom Academy Bill have, so far, been intro-
duced in the House, the leading bills, most up to date, being H.R. 2215 by
Congressman Ichord of Missouri and H.R. 2379 by Boggs of Louisiana. Windup
hearings and report of an actual bill are a live possibility in the future,
come April and May. In the Senate, on February 19, a little after the House
moves of this year, twelve Senators introduced the final current version of
the Freedom Academy as S. 1232, the sponsors being Case, Dodd, Douglas, Fong,
Hickenlooper, Miller, Mundt, Lausche, Prouty, Proxmire, Scott and Smathers.
Our need for study is evident. The consultation with the perpetually stupid
and the congenitally cowardly, as if they were men of wisdom rather than
proven folly, goes on in defiance of all reason and hope. Walter Lippmann,
who in 1933 predicted that Hitler would settle down and become responsible
with success of the election; who in 1938 said that the militarized Japanese
Empire was the wave of the future for all Asia, and that not only the colonial
powers in Asia, but the United States in the Philippines should fall back
to at least Hawaii, in the face of "the inevitable;" this Lippmann who in
1945 said that Stalin and the Soviet would become increasingly democratic, and,
therefore, peaceful, this pundit is the sole source of authority for im-
mature U. S. Senators with loud voices, and is interviewed on a national
network for an hour for the pearls of wisdom that might drop from these
surely discredited lips, if news reporting was rational and had a memory.
However, action alters the course of the most inevitable events of history
when it is leadership action and courageous action based on the understanding
and use of history and on courage. A George Kennan, way back in 1947, begged
his superior in the State Department, with tears in his eyes, not to make him
prepare a paper calling for aid for Turkey. He would go along with the Greek
half, but said that this eminent container we did not dare, we did not have
the resources to go further. The counsels of cowardice and of alleged weak-
ness, like the counsels of appeasement, learn nothing from history and we would
be compelled, if they prevailed, to repeat it in its most terrible and final-
ly destructive phase. But time has changed, I truly believe, and the en-
closed document is the charter of that change.
After a brief convalescence in late March your Secretary and his wife have
hocked the family jewels and are off on a three-week flight to western Europe.
We will meet labor friends in courageous Copenhagen, April 6; Bonn in
Vienna, April 7; old friends in Rome, April 9; Suzanne Labin and others in
Paris, April 14; and Rebecca West, Andy McKeown (of IRIS), Douglas Stewart-
Smith of the Foreign Affairs Circle in London; and kinfolk in Edinburgh,
April 24. This is a personally financed, 35th wedding anniversary gawk, but
we will see people of the great fraternity of the free an'ifl rcaporT on our
return. Send anysuggestions for tourist attractions you may have before
April 5.
Regards.
AGMcD:mb
oeiu-14
Encl.
429-P
Sincerely yours,
Arthur G.
Executive
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I F: Council Against Communist Aggression
A committee of correspondence for dissemination of ocracy"s
National Headquarters Headquarters - U.I.U. Offices
1500 NO. BROAD ST. ? PHILADELPHIA 21, PA.
POPLAR 5-7671
MARX LEWIS
Chairman
1028 CONNECTICUT AVENUE
WASHINGTON 6, D. C.
METROPOLITAN 8-5638
Vice-Chairmen
Roy BREWER
165 W. 46T6 ST.
NEW YORE 36, N.Y.
PLAZA 7-3070
REV. DENNIS COMEY, S.J.
PHILADELPHIA, PA.
CHRISTOPHER EMMET
NEw YoEx, N. Y.
MRS. GEORGE A. FITCH
TAIPBH, TAIWAN
(Free China)
SAL B. HOFFMANN
PHILADELPHIA
...,"'"VICTOIk LASKY
'NEW YORK, N. 'Y.
FREDERICK C. MCKEE
PITTSBURGH, PA.
BENJAMIN MCLAURIN
NEW YORK
HERBERT PHILBRICK
RYE, N. H.
ROSCOE POUND
CAMBRIDGE, MASS.
Fraternal
Foreign
Correspondents
FRED BOWEN
SYDNEY, AUSTRALIA
0. ROZENBES
MELBOURNE, AUSTRALIA
ANDY MCKEOWN
LONDON, ENGLAND
HUGH MYDDELTON, ESQ.
LONDON, ENGLAND
HON. KU CHENG-KANG
TAIPEH, FREE CHINA
DR. H. E. JAHN
BAD GODESBERG, GERMANY
DAME REBECCA WEST
BUCKS, ENGLAND
VACLAV LASKA
MEXICO, D. F.
-
Washington Office - Address of Chairman
ARTHUR G. McDowna,, Exec. Secy-Treas.
PHILADELPHIA AND WASHINGTON
June 5, 1961
Dear Friend and Fellow Correspondent:
I am enclosing our documents 87 and 88, taken from the same
page of the Herald-Tribune on the same day and representing
not only Higgins and Alsop at their best, but the most
brilliant-TaTitted newspape'r sefIrce being furnished
the English speaking section of the free world by any
great city newspaper, in fact, almost the only such in-
cisive service in any mass media. These recent contri-
butions even make tolerable the contemporary graceful,
but repetitious, preaching of appeasement and defeatism by
the pundit of Pundits,J4,PAMW4 who first told us and our
ancient allies of our'nevitabie and eternally predestined
necessity to s,urrender world leadership to the demands of
new and more vital imperial forces, back in 1938, in the
fact of Tojo's Japan, and has sung the same song to an
infinite Variety of woiqis and tunes and places ever since,
substituting the names of new certain victors over us, as
the Russian and Chinese actors replaced the Japanese, etc.,
etc. The brilliance of the intellectual gifts of men such
as Lippmann and Kennan illuminates their strange and melan-
choly lack of most elementary stamina and courage.
Item 89 is an arresting reminder that the communist camp of
the new slavery goes on evolving new adaptations of the
political warfare tactics and engineering and sapping science
of subversion which the evil genius of Lenin began for
Russia as early as 1891. Lenin adapted the exclusive pro-
letarian insurrectionary role theory of Marx to allow the
use of the peasant based army to crush the flower of the
original revolutionary armed forces at Kronstadt and then
to suppress the legality of any independent trade union
organization, an element he hated and feared from the
beginning, as he later did the emergence of anti-communist
guerilla forces. Stalin, with the aid of some borrowing
from Ivan, the Terrible, developed the machinery of the
massive party police state and unlimited terror and mass
murder to destroy the power of resistance of the peasantry
as well as the industrial working class. Mao in China,
lacking any city industrial base, developed the use of the
peasantry alone with an alliance with deluded intellectuals
Executive* and National Committee of Correspondence
N. F. ALLMAN, RANK BARNE ,rTT ? ARNOLD BEICHMAN, ROY BREWER*, GEORGE BUCHER, LEO CHERNE, BISHOP FRED CORSON, NICHOLAS
DE ROCHEFORT, flY` "LVIDEviN, EDWARD R. EASTON*2_ DR. WM. W. EDEL, GENERAL ROBERT L. EICHELBERGER, DR. S. ANDIL
FINEBERG, ROBERT FITCH, CLIFFORD FORSTER, ESQ,_ DR. BEN A. GARSIDE, ARTHUR J. GOLDSMITH, DR. LESTER B. GRANGER, ALAN
G. GRANT, JR., MONTGOMERY M. GREEN, ROBERT HECKERT, GEORGE HOLCOMB, DR. STANLEY HORNBECK, WALTER KIRSCHENBAUM,
IRENE KUHN, MARVIN LIEBMAN*, SARAH LIMBACH*, ISAAC DON LEVINE, JAY LOVESTONE, DR. CHARLES W. LOWRY, ARCHBISHOP
ROBERT E. LUCEY, EUGENE LYONS, DAVID MARTIN, JAMES L. MCDEVITT, JAMES R. McILE0y, F. J. MCNAMARA, THOMAS J. McNEIL*,
E AR A. Mownsa_ BQNARO_W. QURSTREET, DR. DAN POLING, HENRY CARTER PATTERSON, MERLYN S. PITZELE, REV. CHAS. OWEN
Arzert-RitrkEtIPPIMOsakarfiliteleasei200i141140*; UITALROFF8gprimpsextemp?0198TT, ADMIRAL WILLIAM
H. STANDLEY, DR. RICHARD L. WALKER, C. DICKERMAN WILLIAMS, DR. KARL WITVOG A
AUL 1-
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and students to secure the power to utterly atomize the peasantry who were his
first power base. "Che" Guevara improved on Mao's technique of guerilla war-
fare, using the landless peasant with Castro's amazing use of the middle
class and student groups to get the power to utterly destroy the middle class
and straight-jacket the unions and the relatively well oft' industrial workers
of Havana, in Cuba with their own assistance, in a country which had the
largest middle class and smallest percentage of peasantry of any populous
Latin American country.
The free world and its indispensable leader, the United States, meanwhile has
not even as yet recognized the necessity, let alone started upon the develop-
ment of a doctrine and the training of forces for the waging of the political
warfare. The first step, the Freedom Commission and Academy Bill, which
passed the Senate without opposition in August 1960 on recommendation of a
unanimous Judiciary Committee, is now lodged in Senate Foreign Relations under
a chairman normally inclined to shudder in chorus with permanent State Depart-
ment staff at any unconventional measures. This State Department super
bureaucracy, therefore, finds itself not even consulted when White House
improvisors launch Peace Corps and Tractors for Castro programs, the latter
of which on forty-eight hours or less consideration abandons a principle of
American State policy unbroken since the Tripolitanian Pirates Action and
the XYZ Papers scandal and insolence of Revolutionary France in the 1790s.
It is not impossible that the Tractors deal may do more harm to Castro than
to the U. S., but if so it will be a happy accident and those who have under-
taken it have set out without counting the cost, to raise from strictly
private sources to rescue a thousand out of possibly fifty times that number
of political prisoners in Cuba, two and a half times all the money raised in
two or more years to care for 37,000 Hungarian refugee victims of the Soviet
here and more thousands abroad.
Meanwhile, the enemy marches on to new bloodless victories among American
intellectuals, as Castro proves he can bamboozle the professors here after
the event of his open proclamation of his selling his soul to the slavery
of the Soviet, even more easily than he bamboozled the Cuban professors before
he revealed himself. One hundred and eighty-one historians in history
departments in forty-one colleges and universities open fire on President
Kennedy from Berkeley, California, in strangely, almost militarily precise
coordination with seventy educators and authors, including forty-one from
Harvard University, who on the same day in an ad in The New York Times, as
pointed out by Arthur Krock the next day, completely flunk their history
course in Castro and Communism. It is not only their history that they flunk,
but their test as lovers of liberty, for, as seventy-seven even more eminent
Cuban professors, now exiles, point out only too gently in their answer:
"It is rather distressing to see that the internal use of force
by Castro as executor of the armed fist of international Com-
munism, has not deserved the condemnation of the distinguished
American professors, who have written neither an open or closed
letter to Mr. Castro asking of him a minimum of respect for the
rights and dignity of man."
Thanks be given that Oskar Morgenstern and the forty-three Princeton University
faculty members have redeemed the great fraternity by their straightforward
counterutteranco of May 29, which finally reached The New York Times on June 1.
No axi,?91.3Aina d Dr. Philip Mosley, Director of Studies of Council of
ore isn ,R9.1at ions meanwhile 'blithe /y set off yith?a 'gratis-Of-up- Mate American
citiZen'eXpressing only their own views," for a conference in Soviet Crimea,
which they artlessly and beamingly report is considered so important by the
Soviet Union that three members of the central committee of the one and only
official party, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, will be included in
the "matching' Soviet delegation. Meanwhile, the openly Soviet decorated
American millionaire stooge for Khrushchev, Cyrus Eaton, latest in a pathetic,
if not dishonorable succession of such soft headed millionairus,dating back
to 1919 in the U. S. and to the 1890s in Russia, pushes his pugwash conference
of deluded American and tightly controlled Soviet scientists.
I have just torn up a letter of reproof to a friend, a good anti-communist
trade union p/esident, who went to a Latin American labor conference and
mentioned "the stirring example of what has happened in just forty years
(in which) "the Russian masses have leaped from the oxcart to the cyclotron."
Of course, he has no background of Russian history to know that Whistler's
father was engaging in building railroads, not oxcarts, for the Russian Czar,
generations before Lenin highjacked the Russian Revolution from what he
correctly called "the most democratic government in the world." But how can
I criticize hilipphwedTcorRedeas6 201114141/01-z CMODP8i3gr1315ROM2430340001,43 ignorance of
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the last three years' history of Cuba, only ninety miles away.
I enclose a replata of our old Document #40, because the recent progress
toward education in the nature of the communist operation and enemy for high
school students is the only optimistic, though belated, note in free world
prospects in the last four years.
The Freed mission and Academy Bill is stalled while the tragically dis-
p,x?eAttecT,,,C.L.A.:, which opposed it, has thrown discredit on such open free
world greparations of the countryls political warfare by the alleged bungling
of its secret ones.
4%.,A4,A,.$4,20,v,iwammqv
I am writing this letter to you now primarily because I will be participating
in the Seventh National Strategy Seminar at the Army War College at Carlisle
Barracks later in the week, and, while I can keep security conscious as well
as most, I want to put this down before things said there under security
just might unconsciously creep into my observations later. To avoid any
remote possibility of this I am going to refrain from any personal observa-
tions from now until September when I finish a concentrated piece of writing
on the History of the Upholsterers' International Union, which will keep me
remote enough and my tongue tied.
We are losing the battle to the communist enemy steadily every week that
goes by, because they are waging the decisive nonmilitary political warfare
in a consistent disciplined military fashion and we are either not waging
it at all or on a skirmishing desultory fashion under an untrained civilian
type of Administration, which, if it persists, will go down in history along
with Charles, the First, of England, of whom it was said "He never said a
foolish thing and never did a wise one." When Lincoln want with Seward to
Fortress Monroe to meat with Confederate commissioners the question arose of
treating with commissioners of a side that was still under arms and in the
field for the purpose of subverting the Union. When the Confederate com-
missioners claimed that there was a precedent in English Civil War of such
action of Charles I in agreement with Cromwell, Lincoln replied that such
abstruse matters would have to be discussed with Mr. Seward who was finely
educated, as he, Lincoln, was not, and the only thing he could remember
about Charles, the First, was that he had lost his head.
Karl Marx, by count, made either 152 or 153 predictions in his Das Kapital,
only two or three unimportant items of which came true. Alex do Tocqueville,
a predecessor and near contemporary of Marx and an analyst and friend of
American democracy, predicted the rise of America and Russia as the two
leading nations and leaders of nations of the world and inevitable opponents,
foresaw the inadequacy of American democracy in waging foreign policy, pre-
dicted the German acceptance of phony race doctrines a hundred years before
Pearl Harbor, and indicated the rise of the Labor Party in British politics
and the complication of American politics by the residue of Negro slavery
oven long after its abolition.
It takes no such insight to predict that until the U.S.A. takes the resolve
involved in adopting the Freedom Commission and Academy Bill, which is to
prepave, wage and win the political war with aggressive world Communism, we
will MOVJ closer and closer not only to defeat but to surrender. All the
arms, missiles, disarmament conferences, Peace Departments, Peace Corps,
billions for the Moon, etc., etc., etc., fine and noble as they and their
sponsors are, are and will remain meaningless, ineffective and irrelevant
'til the decision to wage political war to victory is made. President
Kennedy at Vienna and the Nation and our Allies everywhere will move at
greater or lesser speed to new surrenders and appeasements in Berlin, in
nuclear bomb testing, etc., just as we did before in case of Baltic countries,
Poland, Rumania, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, North Korea, North Viet Nam, Cuba
and Laos.
During the first World War as a very young boy my family moved back on a
farm near where the family had settled on old frontier on a soldier's land
grant after the Revolutionary War. Two generations of town dwelling had
intervened and we lacked much precise knowledge, but we did love maple
syrup. When early spring came we found the boring bits and taps of the
previous owner and went out and tapped every maple tree in sight and brought
in bucket upon bucket of sap and started the boil. All we ever got was a
faint odor and much steam after days of hard work, because, as our neighbor
explained when he recovered from his near hysteria of laughter, we had
tapped any maple, when the only thing that produced any sugar was the sap
of the sugar maple.
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All our foreign aid, loans, development, general education, development in
new countries of a middle class (Cuba had a larger one than we can hope to
see develop in any other major Latin American country in our lifetime and
long after it is decided whether the free world will expand or communist
slavery and war triumph) industrialization, Disarmament Departments and
Peace Corps abroad and civic virtue and civil rights at home will be so
much scented sap, without solid results until they are hitched to a decision
to make answer to the political warfare waged against us from vast national
and now multinational political base and bases.
We can get cheers for tractors for Cuba from our friends at home and abroad
and the communists will cheer it along, as their "Fair Play for Cuba Commit-
tee" front has already done. When a Wall Street Journal (May 16) story tells
of our preparing paramilitary warfare by guerilla, political planning, etc.,
the communist organ in the U.S.A., The Worker, screams in pain, as of their
May 28 front-page issue. Edward R. Murrow can conscientiously tell all the
detail zif eur MaaltgAmery, Alabama, and Jackson, Mississippi, warts and
tlemishes on the face of our Declaration of Independence and world imago and
only our friends will be deeply affected. Nehru, whose opinion is deferred
to by the superficial who mistake it for reality of power, is not even
slightly concerned about the Soviet's million times worse crimes, but clasps
them to his bosom because he hopes their rival power may be used to offset
their Red China ally's power of aggression. He probably is deluded in this
respect, as in so many others. His hard won and easily lost words of approval
moan little or nothing to us, but the fact that the only foreigners who
fight beside the Hungarian Freedom Fighters against Soviet tanks were ideal-
istic Russian deserters means a very great deal if we arm ourselves politic-
ally.
The Voice of America could cut its self-flagellation about Alabama to a foot-
note, which it is, to the history of the fact that Soviet arms are murdering
500 to 600 or more colored Viet Namese each month, that for the third
harvest the Chinese Communists are again going to add tens of millions by
:starvation to the mere several millions mowed down by their execution squads
after they won their civil war.
1
The scars and pimples on the cheek of democracy should be admitted - some of
our most respected spokesmen in journalism reminded that the Declaration of
Independence speaks of rights from the Creator, not by permission of white
folks - but the smallpox on the communist face of farm production per
capita in most satellite lands - East Germany, yes, their showplace in
Czechoslovakia (which has just obliterated the last memorial to Thomas
Mazaryk in his native village birthplace while the public held weeping
villagers at bay and American doesn't even mention it), and in Hungary,
Rumania, Bulgaria, Albania, North Korea and North Viet Nam - all hanging
well below pro-World War II levels as result of consistent agricultural
failure of communist system - should be shouted from the house tops.
Instead, it isn't even mentioned in the back pages very often, while
Khrushchev's latest lying speeches about his devotion to peace get headlines
in the free world press as Kennedy approaches his Vienna.
Communist China, looking forward to a third year of starvation, self-induced,
if not planned, along with Czechoslovakia, the show piece, buying desperately
immense quantities of wheat in the capitalistic free world, because oven
with good weather Soviet production is down and cannot help - these are
political war weapons of immense power and usefulness - and they are in very
good shape, because neither the Voice of America, the State Department, the
Defense Department or the Free Press, nor even President Kennedy has yet
used them practically at all.
Sincerely yours,
Irthur . McDowell, xecutive
Secretary-Treasurer
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P. S. As if this record of insanity and inanity by the best minds was not
enough to bear, we have to be burdened by a public Tom Fool by the name of
Robert Welch, who lived and prospered in the U. S. for fifty years before
he discovered the communists were at war with our society, sometime around
1957. With himself as a self-appointed Messiah, prophet and political
virgin all in one, he sets out without the benefit of experience or politi-
cal education to redeem the virtuous remnant of the Nation, which he defines so
narrowly that it looks suspiciously like it is just a highly select section
of his old National Association of Manufacturers. The amazing result of
Mr. Welch's and the John Birch Society's program, which seem to be insepar-
able under his authoritarian procedure, is that in his own certainty of his
divine inspiration and knowledge he has put forth a program in practical
terms which parallels exactly all eight points of the immediate program
and tactical objectives of the Communist Party as it operates in the U.S.A.
for its master in Moscow.
Communist Program
1. Weaken NATO so that it would be
unable to check any possible Soviet
advance into Western Europe.
2. Weaken or wreck the United
Nations by insisting on Soviet
veto power in the administration of
the United Nations, as well as in
the Security Council.
3. Urge under-developed nations to
refuse American economic or military
aid on grounds that it would make
those countries puppets of America.
L. Try to convince Americans that
the Communists pose no military
external threat to America and world
peace, and concentrate attention on
every domestic issue which will keep
Americans from noting or combatting
communist advance across other borders
5. Try to persuade the American
people to cut the defense budget
as not necessary to meet the
Communist threat.
6. Convince Africans and Asians
that America does not merit their
support because of growing racism,
and that Supreme Court and other
federal government stands against
survivals from slavery are phony and
unsupported in America.
7. Give protective coloration to
real Communists by charging that all
who stand for social reform are
inevitably attacked as Communists.
8. Use front groups, to promote
the party's objectives; infiltrate
union, civic and political groups;
attack and smear as "Fascist" all
opponents; insist that the end
justifies the means.
AGMcD:mb
oeiu-14
-
John Birch Society ProFram
1. Take U. S. troops out of NATO.
This would enable the USSR to march
into Western Europe without real
opposition and most of it would fall
to the Soviet without fight.
2. Take the United States out of
the United Nations. This would
leave the Communists in full control
of it, adding the full weight of
uncommitted world and many present
allies to the Soviet bloc.
3. Withdraw American economic and
military aid from foreign nations,
thus allowing Communist nations to
fill the vacuum.
4. "Although our danger remains al-
most entirely internal, from Com-
munist influences right in our midst,
and treason right in our government,
the American people are being per-
suaded that our danger is from the
.outside, is from Russian military
superiority." Blue Book
5. Abolish the income tax, which
provides the irreplaceable where-
withal to pay for defense needs.
6. Impeach Chief Justice Earl
Warren because of Supreme Court
decisions on civil liberties and
desegregation, argue for states'
rights against the Court.
7. Attack all who stand for social
reform?even very moderate--as
Communists. Deny that there is any
rational or intelligent way to
identify communists or Communism
except mystical powers of an
authoritarian leader who divines it.
8. Use front groups to promote the
John Birch Society's objectives;
infiltrate unions, civic and political
groups: attack and smear as "Com-
munist6 all opponents; insist that
the end justifies the means.
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ITEM #87 DOCUMENTS OF THE COUNCIL AGAINST COMMUNIST AGGRESSION MAY 1961
THE WILL TO FAIL
B7 Marguerite Higgins
Washington
The swift undoing in Laos of the independence to which the United States has
long been publicly committed is due neither to the fighting qualities of the
Royal Laotian Army nor to the presence of too many Cadillacs in Vientiane.
It is due fundamentally - and inescapably - to the fact that Americars will
to defend Laos by force if necessary rather than let it go down the drain
appears in doubt before the world. The Communist bloc no longer finds the
only real deterrent in its way - the possibility of American counteraction -
to be completely credible.
And, Kennedy historians please note, it is this possibility of help to Laos
from the outside and this alone that kept the Communist Viet Minh neighbors
of Laos in Hanoi from sending some of their 300,000-man army to seize the
strategic prize that is the mountain kingdom. Alone, Laos could have fallen
at any time, irrespective of what particular mode of pressure the Reds de-
cided to bring.
It doesn't matter whether the Viet Minh soldiers came into Laos in organized
battalion strength or, as in fact happened, as officers and technicians to
command and supply so-called Pathet Lao forces. If the Communist world with
all its vast resources of guns and ruses could be sure that its sole opponent
on the ground would be the 20,000 men of the Royal Laotian Army, then Laos
was in due course theirs for the taking.
As to the Cadillacs, since when did honor, integrity and popularity with the
masses save an unwilling victim from communism?
Jan Masaryk, Eduard Benes, free Czechoslovakia - where are they now?
it
And if/is going to be argued that they are where they are because Russian
troops were on Czechoslovakia's borders, the answer must be made that so
were American troops on Czechoslovakia's borders. (U.S. occupation troops
in Germany.) And the fact that people remember the former but forget the
latter provides an insight - not just to Communist estimates but to world-
wide estimates of America's will to help those on its side at a time when
something far more precious than a Cadillac is required.
If corruption in Laos were really an issue, the time for the Communists to
have struck was between 1954 and 1958. But not August 1960. For the fact
is that the government of that time, led by Premier Tiao Samsonith, whose
overthrow last August by Capt. Kong Le began the present tragedy, was by far
the most progressive Laos ever had. If John Cool, the American director of
the village help program and the one American who has really been to the
grass roots in Laos, is to be believed, there is an excellent case for assert-
ing that the Pathet Lao went back to war last year because their hopes of
winning by political means were going glimmering.
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There is, indeed, in Laos itself a province that aptly demonstrates the irony
and tragedy of the belief that having the support of the people is a shield
against communism. This is Xiang Thouang Province, peopled by the Meo
tribesmen who fought the Communist Pathet Lao so firecely both before and
after their invasion that the tribe is being hunted down with a ruthlessness
that indicates genocide. And yet fiercely anti-Communist Xieng Thouang
Province was the first to be seized in this latest Red offensive.
"Thank God there was a Korea," an American diplomat said the other day,
"For there the Communists found out that, even if every outward sign showed
that America would not fight, they couldn't count on these signs because
at the last minute America could change her mind."
And the crucial necessity of maintaining the deterrent of doubt explains
why professional diplomats around town raised their eyebrows when Sen.
Fulbright, chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, engaged in
what Washington has dubbed "the wrong words at the wrong time at the wrong
place." (A televised declaration opposing American intervention in Laos
under virtually any conditions, made when critical negotiations with the
Communists depended on their being faced with this possibility as a
deterrent to their aggression.) Said a veteran diplomat: "If Sen. Fulbright's
words had been taken by the Communists as serious American policy, it could
have had tragic results on the battlefield by removing the last real
incentive for the Communists to stop the fighting."
In Southeast Asia the United States dared to tempt the Communists with
weakness - not of arms but of will. And however well meant, public
declarations of a will to let freedom fail in Laos rather than intervene
cannot but help to undermine the West's negotiating position, not only on
the battlefield but in the crucial conference on Laos at Geneva.
#989-L
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ITEM #88 DOC=NTS OF TIE COUNCIL AGAINST COMMUNIST AGGRESSION MAY 1961
"GOVERNMENT WAS TOO HARSH"
By Joseph Alsop
Some weeks ago, after studying the underground war
in South Viet Nam, this reporter passed a week in Hong
Kong collecting the best available evidence - the
evidence of recent refugees - about the mysterious
evolution of Communist China. The resulting reports
from Hong Kong were pushed aside, however, by the
pressure of events in Cuba and Algeria.
Yet the Hong Kong evidence is not merely sensationally
horrible. Mora significantly, this evidence indicates
the clear possibility of an internal explosion which
could destroy 02 radically alter the Chinese Communist
government. Hence the Hong Kong series seems worthy
of belated publication, This is the first in the
series.
HONG KONG.
The article: which begin herewith mainly concern a crime almost past imagin-
ing, which is being perpetrated upon the Chinese masses by their Communist
r,astes. In the sinplest moral terms, the Chinese people are now being
offered as a blood sacrifice on the altar of the new mammon of our times,
inc:ustrial power.
E-2t, in hard political te- the chief interest of this crime lies in the
eno-ilmous political risks which it involves. For the sake of forced industrial-
ization, the Colz.-zaniot masters of China are now gambling their regime's
future, Althcagh this view will seem wildly eccentric to the more fashion-
able analysts, it is quite possible that the Communists will lose their
Oddly enough the best proof that this view is not eccentric is to
be found in the following passaes from the official Communist "Outline
fli.3tor-j- of China."
"In the year 209 Br C. a group of 900 conscripts on their way to the
frontier for guard duties . . killed the officer in command and revolted.
"In less than a month tber army had grown to more than 1,000 cavalry and
several tens of thousand:3 of infantry and owned some 700 war chariots.
Inspired by their uprioing, peasants all over the country took up arms."
The history goes on to describe how the power of the Chin empire effectively
collapsed, almost within a r.atter of weeks, after this sudden, desperate
strike in a chain gang of wretched peasant conscripts. As explanation for
this astonishing collapse, the official history also approvingly quotas an
ancient author, as follows
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"The more powerful the armies of Chin grew, the more its enemies multiplied.
The government was too harsh towards the people and punishment was too severe."
The lessons of the past are supposed to be utterly outmoded nowadays. Yet
anyone who reflects upon the real meaning of the foregoing quotations
will understand why the crime the Chinese Communists are now perpetrating is
also a perilous gamble. It is a gamble in their own terms, moreover. The
harshness of the Chin government towards the people was as nothing - it was
the merest milk and water stuff - compared with the present harshness of the
Chinese Communists.
Assuming the harshness as a fact for the moment, what are the other reasons
why the foregoing quotations have so much current meaning? The first and
simplest reason is the inherent proof that even the most awe-inspiring
facade of monolithic authority can be remarkably deceptive.
The Chin government was founded by a ruthlessly totalitarian power originally
based in Northwestern China. This state of Chin owed its strength to the iron
program of the world's first Stalinist, Shang Wei-yang. The Chin empire was
Stalinist in character over two millennia before Stalin.
The Chin conquest of the rest of China, completed only twelve years before
Chin's sudden downfall, not merely produced the first phase of the historic,
long enduring Chinese empire. It also produced the most powerful single
government ever founded in any part of the world, in the whole long period
since the first man-ape had first used a rock as an offensive weapon. Such
was the state which came to an end because of a strike in a chain gang.
This gigantic police state of the past built the first Great Wall of China
to guard against external enemies. But the remedy was probably worse than
the disease, because of the internal enemies created by the remorseless
conscription of countless labor gangs to build the wall. The enemies who
"multiplied" were certainly internal. They were the Chinese people. And
Chin really fell because of the first of those sudden, unpredictable, over-
whelming general strikes, for which the Chinese people have a curious knack
as their later history also proves.
The key to the success of the rising against Chin is also to be found in the
quotations from the official Communist "Outline History." The Chinese peasan-
try in 209 B. C. could not muster the cavalry and war chariotry mentioned
above, any more than the toiling masses in the Communists' peasant communes
possess armored cars and tanks today. In fact the Chin armies, being peasant
armies, joined the peasant rising. Without this, the rising would have been
quickly crushed. With this, the rising was irresistible, and so will a
modern rising be irresistible, if it occurs and rallies the armed forces.
The real question, in sum, is not whether the Chinese Communist government
can be brought down by the people. The real question is whether the con-
ditions exist in which the people may be driven to bring down the government.
#990-L
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ITEM #89 DOCUMENTS OF THE COUNCIL AGAINST COMMUNIST AGGRESSION ,
CASTROISM AND THE CUBA INVASION FIASCO
(Analysis by Joseph Z. Kornfeder - Detroit 5/5/61)
Now that Castro has let the Iron Curtain down officially with a May Day bang,
it would be time to single out the specifics of the Cuba pattern as it
evolved out of the events.
Most noticeable is the fact that in many respects it did not follow the
classic Lenin pattern as practiced in Russia.
1. It was not even assertedly based on the Factory Workers as Lenin's
pattern -- based on Marx -- was.
2. The C.P. instead of playing the role of a vanguard, publicly remained
very much in the background until after the seizure of power.
3. Lenin's preconditions for a successful Revolution, namely, an economic
and political crisis plus a strong and experienced C.P., did not exist. A
political crisis however was in the making which -- unlike the Russia of
1917 -- could have been avoided.
L. The role of the vanguard and force element was played by the guerillas
not the Party -- which so far as the public was aware of played the role
of a mere auxiliary.
5. The C.P. became the key instrument -- political organizer and technician
only gradually after the seizure of power. Its prior absence from the
scene played a big role in the deception of the many.
6. The old government apparatus was completely destroyed gradually -- in less
than 2 years -- but no classic united front form of Soviet government or
committee and assembly system took its place. Instead, the Fascist system
of autocracy operating through controlled mass organization took its place.
This apparently represents the new system of Communist control as evolved
under Stalin; it liquidates even the sham form of democracy formerly played
with and should particularly be taken notice of.
7. In Castro's Cuba there is very little pretense of ruling in the name of
the workers and the peasants. The Communists establishing themselves as the
state bureaucracy become the master class, and, creating a police system in
their image, bolster propaganda by an abundant use of force. They act with
the assurance of men who have come to rule, not to serve.
8. The Cuba pattern is closest to that of the Chinese, but is operating as
more of a departure from Lenin than the Chinese, both as to the committee
system, the role of the Party, and other ?particulars.
9. It is these departures from the classic Leninist pattern, plus the fact
that Castro's Cuban Revolution in its first stage followed the Democratic
Revolution pattern prescribed for backward countries, which made it possible
to deceive the great majority in and out of Cuba as to the true nature of
it, and as to who is behind it.
10. The Cuba pattern with but slight variations is likely to be repeated in
other South American countries and hence it is necessary to identify its
characteristics as compared to standard Communist patterns in order to
forewarn against it.
The Cuban anti-Castro invasion of April 15 was an imitation -- in reverse --
of Castro's own example and if conditions had been as favorable might have
succeeded where Castro failed. In both cases the landings failed. There is
however this difference -- Castro's landing was based on skimpy resources,
while the anti-Castro landing was just the opposite.
The question as to when to start an uprising has nearly always been a knotty
one and the early blunders of the Communists in this respect had been studied
at the Lenin School. In each case, Riga 1921, Hamburg 1923 and Canton,
China, 1928, the situation was deemed propitious, but the resources to
carry off such action successfully were inadequate; there were of course
also some other failings and errors, but most of the "putsches" of the
Communists in those years were the result of inadequate resources. Soviet
keTemai ?asibai,J in those years.
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The "Cochines" landing in Cuba, however, is the first one I know of with
the characteristics of a "putsch" sponsored and equipped by a groat power
and carried out with an ineptness extraordinary. To the extent that I
know of the details, the art of insurrection and its prerequisites are a
stranger to those who organized the "Cochinos" affair. In fact, whether
it is merely ignorance or also sabotage and treason combined, is difficult
to tell. Certainly even if the landing had succeeded, the participants
without major reenforcements would have had no chance.
If all of the Cuba blundering will teach us however that political warfare
is a primary problem and not just a sideline for an agency like the CIA,
then all of this will not have been in vain. The Communists too in the
early days of the "Comintern" started combining political warfare with
intelligence, but not for long. The two, although of aid to each other if
properly interlinked, just do not go together. The organization of social
strife is obviously an entirely different preoccupation as compared with the
gathering of specialized information. The Communists however never con-
sidered intelligence operations as the "overlord" over their political
combat operation as a whole. Just the contrary. Considering their range
of experience in this matter, we could learn from them.
Laos: Giving the devil his duo, Nikita and Mao surely made the right and
best possible selection in Laos to flagrantly breach our "containment"
policy. Arming and organizing their partisans by airlift or using the
"freedom of the seas" for that purpose as in Cuba, while keeping us on the
"straight and narrow" by cynically protesting our "Invasion' of Cuba is
part of their nuclear age methodology. Nikita may yet succeed to make us
give up some of our obsolete concepts and learn a few things from him. Thus
Nikita plus Castro -- extroverts maxim? -- may yet be worth something to
the free world.
Franca and Algeria: Now that de Gaulle has alienated the "Rights" in
Algeria and Franco, the political situation will be something to watch --
in a country in which Moscow has a mass Communist Party. In a comparable
situation in Germany under Hindenburg Hitler took over, but there being
no Hitler in France, could it be a new version of the "popular front"with
du Gaulle as a transitory figurehead?
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ITEM #90 DOCUMENTS OF THE COUNCIL AGAINST COMMUNIST AGGRESSION
Editor's Note:- In the mid-1930s important conservative Lutheran
clergymen defended Hitler's regime after visits to Germany, the
now refurbished hero Niemoeller kept quiet until Hitler meddled
with his own institution, the saintly Quaker Rufus Jones led
Society of Friends delegations to confer with Goering, which
even in remonstrance gave world impression that these totalitarian
political gangsters were people who could be reasoned and nego-
tiated into doing justice and seeking peace. Dr. Buchman of
M.R.A. saw Hitler as a great hope for humanity when he could
convert him.
Today, having learned nothing and forgotten everything they and
the world learned in the tragic 1930s about aggressive totali-
tarians, many Christian churchmen from the ever optimistic
Friends, whose meddling in U. S. difficulties with French
Revolutionary bureaucrats led Washington to get the Logan Act
of the 1790s passed, to prominent theologians such as John C.
Bennett (J.C.B.) of Union Seminary are clouding their own and
their countrymen's conience and reason with wishful nonsense,
defying history and experience. Here is a letter of remonstrance
to one such. (A.G.M.)
The Editor
Christianity and Crisis
537 West 121st Street
New York 27, N. Y.
Dear Sir:
In your June 12, 1961, issue J.C.B. writes an article entitled "A
Conservative Nation In a Revolution22y World," in which among other sweeping
statements clearly flying in the face of recorded, established and undeniable
facts of current history, as in his references to Castro's Cuban actions,
he sets forth a view with which we must remonstrate most solemnly, viz.,
his extraordinary assertion that ". . . we would take a wiser view of the
Communist threat if we realized that communism is not in intention a
criminal assault on humanity but rather one way in which economically under-
developed nations can find a short cut to a social, industrial, technolog-
ical revolution."
The authority on Communism and its intention is undeniably not J.C.B.
or any converts to his "wiser view," but those who created, and then and
now, administer it, namely, Lenin, Stalin and Khrushchev.
Said Lenin - "As soon as we are strong enough to defeat
Capitalism," (which he defined as all societies which are not
ruled by the Communist Party, whether reactionary or extreme
social democratic as was the Russian provisional government
he overthrew, which he himself defined at the time as most
democratic government in he world), "as a whole, we shall
immediately take it by the scruff of the neck." Speech to
Moscow Party Nuclei Secretaries
Said Stalin - "The object of the party is to exploit all and
any conflicting interests among surrounding capitalist groups
and governments with a viea to the disintegration of Capitalism."
(And advanced socialistic, liberal Czechoslovakia was "disintegrated"
like any other by a "criminal assault" on it and its leaders, such as
Benes and Masaryk, just the same as was tried on the backward,
new and weakly independent Congo). Pravda No. 190 - "The Party
Before and After the Seizure of Power."
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Said Khrushchev - "We will bury you." (and he has made his
meaning abudantly clear in East Berlin, Hungary, Laos, etc., as
has mass murderer Mao in China and Castro with his hundreds of
open executions and mass imprisonments and exile of his own
early and most liberal associates, not the conservatives who
are the only elements J.C.B.'s myopia sees in his opposition.)
As to Communism being a "short cut to social, industrial, technological
revolution," the fact is that individualistic, underdeveloped Malaya,
Singapore and Taiwan have advanced the standard of living of their people
farther in a shorter time, without mass murder or destruction of all indivi-
dual freedom, than any province or city of Communist China, Soviet Russia or
any of their satellites. Communism has indeed been a "short cut," but to
the grave for 18,000,000 Russian peasants, deliberately starved to death at
home or deported to death by weather and slavery in Siberia, to create an
agriculture that has not yet in over forty years reached the per capita
production of food and fiber equal to the be3'5 days of the Czars. It was
a "short cut" to the grave for three million executed Chinese (our authority:
Premier Nehru to Chester Bowles) in a period less than the years of communist-
led civil war with its total casualty list of a million, at most, and the
Chinese communes will easily account for "short -.17_t" starvation of many more
million Chinese peasants than the Soviet record of eighteen.
J.C.B.'s attempt to rise above the massive facts of history as to what
Communism and its "short cuts" in recent past in Soviet Russia and in present
week in China really is, is beyond our intellectual comprehension. His
proposal to submerge all moral judgment on regimes built on deliterate mass
homicide and to suppress all human compassion for the victims of "short cuts"
in history surpasses our stomach's tolerance for articles in a "Christian"
magazine. Even his pragmatism for which he would trade moral judgment and
human compassion turns out to be less thansa of pottage. The Chinese
Communist regime has just announced a five year postponement of communiza-
tion of feudal or individualistic Tibetan agriculture, because its surpluses
are needed to feed the starving in "short cutting" conquering China.
Sincerely yours,
(Sgd) Arthur G. McDowell
Philadela
(Sgd) Roy Brewer
New York City
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