THE WILSON QUATERLY WINTER 1976 A NATIONAL REVIEW OF IDEAS AND INFORMATION

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• Document Release Date: October 18, 2004
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• Publication Date: January 1, 1976
• Content Type: MAGAZINE

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A NATIONAL REVIEW
OF IDEAS AND INFORMATION
WOODROW WILSON INTERNATIONAL CENTER FOR SCHOLARS
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WOODROW WILSON INTERNATIONAL CENTER FOR SCHOLARS
Smithsonian Institution Building Washington, D.C. 20560
BOARD OF TRUSTEES
Mr. William J. Baroody, Chairman
Honorable Daniel P. Moynihan, Vice Chairman
Mr. William M. Batten
Dr. Ronald S. Berman
Honorable Robert H. Bork
Dr. Robert A. Goldwin
Mr. Bryce N. Harlow
Honorable Henry A. Kissinger
Honorable David Mathews
Dr. Paul W. McCracken
Honorable James B. Rhoads
Dr. S. Dillon Ripley
Honorable Dean Rusk
Mr. Rawleigh Warner, Jr.
STAFF
Director, James H. Billington
Deputy Director, Prosser Gifford
Editor, Peter Braestrup
Assistant Editor, Anna Marie Torres
Associate Editor, Lois Decker O'Neill
Business Manager, William M. Dunn
ADVISORY COUNCIL
Honorable David Packard, Chairman
Mr. Charles F. Barber
Honorable John Brademas
Honorable William E. Brock, III
Honorable Edward W. Brooke
Honorable Harry F. Byrd, Jr.
Mr. Edward W. Carter
Mr. Peter B. Clark
Mrs. James H. Clement
Honorable Barber B. Conable, Jr.
Mr. Joseph W. Donner
Mr. Hedley Donovan
Honorable Pierre S. du Pont
Mr. Robert Ellsworth
Mr. John D. Harper
Mr. Jerome H. Holland
Honorable Hubert H. Humphrey
Mr. Donald W. Kendall
Honorable Clarence D. Long
Honorable Joseph M. McDade
General Lauris Norstad, USAF (Ret.)
Honorable Sam Nunn
Mr. John B. Oakes
Mr. Dallin H. Oaks
Mr. John J. Powers, Jr.
Honorable John J. Rhodes
Honorable Ted Stevens
Mr. John Swearingen
Mr. Arthur R. Taylor
Honorable Al Ullman
Mr. Miller Upton
Mr. Lewis H. Van Dusen, Jr.
Mr. Richard A. Ware
Honorable Harrison A. Williams, Jr.
Honorable Sidney R. Yates
Published quarterly by the Woodrow Wilson International
Center for Scholars, Smithsonian Institution Bldg.,
Washington, D.C. 20560. Copyright 1975 by the Woodrow
Wilson International Center for Scholars. Subscription for
Smithsonian Associates: one year $10; two years $18; three
years $26. Non-member rates: one year $12; two years $22;
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WILSON
QUARTERLY
WINTER
1976
page 2 EDITOR'S COMMENT
3 READER'S GUIDE I PERIODICALS
33 ESSAYS
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION
33 Why Did The Rebellion Occur?
by Jack P. Greene
44 The Virginia Convention: First Debate Over a Bill of Rights
by A. E. Dick Howard
51 What the Founding Fathers Had in Mind
by Martin Diamond
LATIN AMERICA
59 Don Quixote's Role in Hispanic Culture
by Carlos Fuentes
69 Chile: Lessons from a School Lunch Program
by Radomiro R. Tomic
75 Brazil: The Big Adolescent
by Robert A. Packenham
ECONOMIC GROWTH
85 "Limits to Growth" Arguments: A Historical View
by Samuel Hays
94 The American Experience
by Henry Wallich
103 Technology, Environment, and Well-Being
by John P. Holdren
111 READER'S GUIDE II BACKGROUND BOOKS
111 The American Revolution
113 Latin America
115 Economic Growth
121 REPRINT: "Highbrow, Lowbrow, Middlebrow" (1949)
by Russell Lynes
127 Correspondence
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READER'S GUIDE I
PERIODICALS
POLITICS & GOVERNMENT 3
DEFENSE & FOREIGN POLICY 6
ECONOMICS, LABOR & BUSINESS 9
ENVIRONMENT 12
EDUCATION 14
HISTORY 16
THE LAW 18
THE ARTS 21
THE PRESS & TV 23
SCIENCE & TECHNOLOGY 26
OTHER NATIONS 28
MISCELLANY 31
How Important
Is TV?
"The Impact of Broadcast Campaign-
ing on Electoral Outcomes" by Gary C.
Jacobson, Trinity College, in The Jour-
nal of Politics, Aug. '75, ($10; Southern
Political Science Assn., 107 Peabody
Hall, Univ. of Fla., Gainesville, Fla.
32611).
According to Jacobson, the impact of campaign spending for political
"commercials" on radio and television varies; it seems least important
in Presidential elections where the candidates are already well-known
via regular news coverage. And in elections for U.S. Senators and Repre-
sentatives, "incumbency" is far more important than TV. But TV can be
important. Only 21 of the 752 incumbents in House races in 1970 .and
1972 lost; however, 14 of these losers were outspent on TV and radio by
their foes. Only 13 of 77 incumbent U.S. Senators lost in 1970 and 1972,
but of these, nine lost to challengers who spent more on broadcasting.
New Federal curbs on campaign spending, Jacobson concludes, work to
the benefit of politicians already in office.
Women and
Politics
"Working Women and Political Par-
ticipation, 1952-72" by Kristi Ander-
sen, Ohio State U., in American Journal
of Political Science, Aug. '75 ($4 an is-
sue; $15 a year; Wayne State U. Press,
5980 Cass Ave., Detroit, Mich. 48202).
Differences between American women and men in "political participa-
tion" (voting, working for a party, attending rallies, displaying bumper
stickers, contributing money to a candidate) have narrowed in the past
twenty years, Andersen finds. Indeed, Survey Research Center election
studies show that one growing group of women-those working full time
outside the home-now is as politically active as the menfolk. These
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The Arms Race "Optimal Ways to Confuse Ourselves"
by Albert Wohlstetter, University of
Chicago political scientist, in Foreign
Policy, Fall '75, ($12; 155 Allen Blvd.,
Farmingdale, N.Y. 11735).
Concluding a lengthy Foreign Policy debate-in-print on "the myths and
realities of the arms race," Wohistetter rebuts those who argue that
Soviet strength has been exaggerated, that "worst case" analysis and a
desire for fancier weaponry drive U.S. spending upward, which in turn
drives the Russians to react. In fact, he finds, the net effect of major U.S.
innovations in rockets, warheads, and guidance was to reduce their
costs, indiscriminate destructiveness, and vulnerability to attack. The
Pentagon's annual strategic program budgets, in real (constant dollar)
terms, have declined since the end of the 1950's from a level 350% greater
than at present. Moreover, since the early 1960's, far from exaggerating
the Soviet missile effort, successive Defense Secretaries have system-
atically predicted smaller Soviet missile deployments than have actu-
ally taken place; Moscow has steadily increased both its strategic
budgets and the number of its new-missile systems. By 1971, Moscow
had the lead in numbers of intercontinental ballistic missiles and was on
its way to getting 50% more. Wohlstetter does not offer any blueprint for
U.S, defense and arms control policy; his focus is on "dogmas" that now
afflict policy debate. "If we can't get our recent past straight," he says,
"we can hardly hope to discern alternative futures."
Nations And "The Urge to Compete: Rationales for
Arms Racing" by Colin S. Gray, Fellow
Weapons at King's College, London Univ., in
World Politics, Jan. '74, ($9; Princeton
U. Press, Princeton, N.J. 08540).
Too often, writes Gray, those who favor arms control tend to deny any
legitmacy to nations' rationales for weapons competition. Now, as in the
past, various states may compete for purposes of deterrence, defense,
gaining diplomatic power and international status, satisfying "vested
interests," or because technology offers no alternative (better an arms
race than a nuclear war). Gray argues that policy makers must under-
stand the positive as well as the more obvious negative consequences of
arms races for international stability.
Among possible "positive" results, Gray argues, an arms race may
"buv time" for peaceful settlements of disputes; it may discourage one
ambitious nation's quest for local or global hegemony; it may prevent
any individual country from exploiting a temporary advantage in
weaponry to the others' detriment. Technology has long been "unduly
regarded as the (sole) villain," when other "driving impulses" shape
armaments policy. In any case, arms races should not be analyzed as an
atypical feature of world politics.
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The American Revolution
With the Bicentennial, Americans have been bombarded with
popular history, ranging from 30-second vignettes on televi-
sion to Time's special Thomas Jefferson issue. Most of this has
focused on personalities and drama: the Boston Tea Party, the
Battle of Concord, the signing of the Declaration of Inde-
pendence, George Washington at Valley Forge, the framing of
the Constitution. In contrast, scholars have long been revising
their views of why the American Revolution began and evolved
as it did. They have drawn on a steadily widening range of
sources and analysis. Their interpretations vary. Here, in three
new essays by Woodrow Wilson Fellows, major aspects of the
Revolution are reexamined: the rebellion itself, the early de-
bate in Virginia over a Bill of Rights, and the ideas and inten-
tions of the men who made the Constitution.
WHY DID THE REBELLION
OCCUR?
by Jack P. Greene
Two hundred years after the event, historians still do not have
a clear answer to the great question of why, after a decade of
relatively tempered and largely peaceful protest against cer-
tain specific measures and policies of Great Britain, the
American colonists suddenly took up arms, and rejected any
further political association with the mother state. To put it
more specifically, what transformed the cautious defiance
exhibited by the First Continental Congress in 1774 into the
intense militancy of mid-1775 and the bitter revulsion against
Britain during the first half of 1776?
There is, of course, a simple and obvious answer: rebellion
came with the determination of the British government to use
force to secure colonial obedience and the consequent out-
break of hostilities at Lexington and Concord on April 19, 1775.
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But this answer only raises larger questions: Why did the
British reach a determination to use force? Why did the Ameri-
cans resist it? What gave the Americans any hope that their
resistance, against the Western World's strongest power,
might actually meet with success?
These questions, in turn, raise still others. But they are not
always asked. Great events such as the American Revolution,
after they have happened, tend to take on an aura of inevitabil-
ity. The "logic" of the event becomes so clear, in retrospect,
that it is difficult to entertain the possibility that it might not
have happened at all. Only by understanding under what con-
ditions the Revolution might not have occurred or the related
question of why it did not occur earlier can we ever hope to
understand how political protest escalated in 1775 into armed
rebellion and political revolution.
"Duty, Love, and Gratitude"
Any satisfactory examination of the great events of 1774-
76, must go back at least two decades to consider the nature of
the bond that had held Britain and the Colonies together for
more than 150 years. Four quotations illustrate the relation-
ship.
The first dates from 1757 and is from Governor Thomas
Pownall of Massachusetts Bay. Mocking the prediction made
increasingly by intellectuals in Britain during the mid-
eighteenth century, that "in some future time, the [American]
Provinces should become Independent of the Mother Coun-
try," Pownall observed:
"If by becoming Independent is meant a Revolt, nothing is
further from their Nature, their Interest, their Thoughts; Their
Liberty & Religion is incompatible with French Government,
and the only thing that the French could throw as a temptation
in their way, namely, a Free Port is no more than they do enjoy
now as their Trade is at present Circumstanced. They could
hope for no Protection under a Dutch Government, and a
Spanish could give them neither the one nor the Other."
If, on the other hand, Pownall continued, "a Defection
from the Alliance of the Mother Country be suggested., That
their Spirit abhorrs, Their Attachment to the Alliance of the
Mother Country is inviolable, Their Attachment to the Protes-
tant Succession in the House of Hanover will ever Stand un-
shaken, Nothing can eradicate these Attachments from their
The Wilson Quarterly Winter 1,97(L
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 THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION
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1748-1756 Beginnings of program of imperial regulation of the Col-
onies by British officials.
1756-1763 Britain's Seven Years' War against France and Spain
("French and Indian War" in North America); ended with fall of
Quebec.
1764-1766 Crisis over the Stamp Act and other measures of the
Granville Program to strengthen royal control over the Colonies.
1767-1770 Crisis over the Townshend Acts, which levied special
import taxes on the Colonies.
1770-1773 Townshend Acts partially repealed. Period of quiet.
1773-1775 Crisis over the Tea Act (1773) and the Coercive ("Intoler-
able") Acts (1774). First Continental Congress meets.
1775-1776 Outbreak of war at Concord and Lexington in April 1775
and the development of the movement for independence; culminating
in the Declaration of Independence in July, 1776.
Hearts." Besides, he added, on a practical note, "the Merchants
are and must ever be in great measure allied with those of G.
Britain; Their Very Support consists in this Alliance."
The second quotation is from Thomas Barnard, Pastor of
the First Congregational Church in Salem, Massachusetts. In a
sermon celebrating the conclusion of Britain's Seven Years'
War against France and Spain in 1763, Barnard declared:
"Now commences the Acra of our quiet Enjoyment of those
Liberties, which our Fathers Purchased with the Toil of their
whole Lives, their Treasure, their Blood. Safe from the Enemy of
the Wilderness [the Indians], safe from the griping Hand of
arbitrary Sway and cruel Superstition [the French]; Here shall
be the late founded Scat of Peace and Freedom. Here shall our
indulgent Mother [Britain], who has most generously rescued
and protected us, be served and honoured by growing Numbers,
with all Duty, Love and Gratitude, till Time shall be no
more...
The third quotation is from Daniel Leonard, the articulate
Massachusetts loyalist and lawyer. Writing on the very eve of
the outbreak of war in the Colonies in 1775, Leonard surveyed
the crisis.
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READER'S GUIDE II BACKGROUND BOOKS
THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION
A HISTORY OF THE
UNITED STATES, from
the Discovery of the Ameri-
can Continent. By George
Bancroft. 10 vols. Little,
Brown, 1834-75. L of C E-178.
B22 (Abridged edition,
edited by Russel B. Nye,
University of Chicago
Press, 1966, cloth and
paper)
ISBN 0-226-03645-6 and 46-4
DOCUMENTS OF
AMERICAN HISTORY.
By Henry Steele Com-
mager. 2 vols. Appleton-
Century-Crofts, 9th ed.,
1974. Cloth and paper.
LofCE.173C66
ISBN 0-13-217000-0 and 18-3
SEEDTIME OF THE RE-
PUBLIC. By Clinton Rossi-
ter. 558 pages. Harcourt,
Brace, 1953.
L of C 53-5674
ISBN 0-15-180111-8
AN ECONOMIC INTER-
PRETATION OF THE
CONSTITUTION OF THE
UNITED STATES. By
Charles A. Beard. 330
pages. Macmillan, 1913.
L of C 13-93-14
THE STAMP ACT
CRISIS: Prologue to Revo-
lution. By Edmund S. Mor-
gan and Helen Morgan. 310
pages. University of North
Carolina Press, 1953. (Col-
lier, paper, 1963)
L of C E.215.2.M58
The founding father of American history
traces the pre-Revolutionary years (Vol, I) and
what he saw as the four epochs of the Revolu-
tion from the changes in the colonial system
(1748-63), through "how Great Britain es-
tranged America," to "The Crisis" and the war
itself. Idealized and written, of course, with-
out benefit of many later sources and insights
but important and eminently readable.
Probably the next best thing to having your
own Archives. The original documents, with
Commager's commentary, may usefully be
read again in reading anything written by
anybody else on the Revolution.
A long but engrossing book covering the
growth of ideas of liberty in the American col-
onies, notable thinkers of the colonial period,
and political theories significant in 1765-66.
Called by the New Yorker "a brilliant example
of creative scholarship."
Regularly reprinted, the noted progressive
historian's persuasive, and long dominant,
view of the Constitution. A worthy book in
itself and necessary for understanding the
contrary arguments of a more recent group of
scholars, represented in this issue by Martin
Diamond's essay.
When this readable, narrowly focused book
was first published, reviewers hailed it as
having a "novel, imaginative approach," as
"pleasurable, not merely painless" history,
"memorable" for its portraits of "officials who
had to enforce acts they themselves opposed."
Two decades later, it still seems first-rate.
The Wilson Quarterly Winter 1976
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READER'S GUIDE III NEW BOOKS
FELLOWS' CHOICE
ETHNICITY: Theory and
Experience. Edited by
Nathan Glazer and Daniel
P. Moynihan, with the as-
sistance of Corrine Saposs
Schelling. 531 pages. Har-
vard University Press,
1975.$15
C of C 74-21230
ISBN 0-674-268 55-5
TRAINING THE
NIHILISTS: Education
and Radical Recruitment
in Tsarist Russia. By Daniel
P. Brower. 248 pages. Cor-
nell University Press, 1975.
$12.50
L of C 74-25371
ISBN 0-8014-0874-1
THE UNHINGED AL-
LIANCE: America and the
European Community. By
J. Robert Schaetzel. 184
pages.Harper& Row, 1975.
$8.95
L of C 74-21230
ISBN 0-674-26855-5
HARVARD BUSINESS
REVIEW: On Manage-
ment. By Harper & Row,
January, 1976. $15
Of this highly publicized work, now being read
by a WWICS group concerned with ethnicity,
Brian Weinstein writes: "This collection of
previously unpublished papers is the best of
the current outpouring of studies about grow-
ing religious, racial, regional, and linguistic
movements. Glazer and Moynihan establish
ethnicity as a modern social category as im-
portant as class and nation; outstanding social
scientists develop new theories of origin,
change, and conflict that set the agenda for
discussions by specialists and nonspecialists
from now on; and area scholars treat ethnic
influences in Western Europe and America,
the new states of the Third World, and the `old
empires' of Russia, China, and India."
"A detailed exposition," says WWICS Russian
Studies Institute's Frederick Starr, "of the
process by which certain Russian students,
most from upper-middle and upper class
homes, rejected their upbringing and family
heritage to become `populist' revolutionaries
in the late nineteenth century."
In the early 1970s, economic frictions, exacer-
bated by what Schaetzel describes as a new
American isolationism, became central to
U.S.-European relations. What this means for
world politics and "why we must act to correct
the emerging disaffection" are, according to
Harald B. Malmgren, the principal focus of
this relatively brief study.
Techniques for executives in business, indus-
try, and government, in the first book from the
pages of the Review.
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FELLOWS OF THE CENTER
William B. Bader, Director, CIA Task Force of the Senate Select Committee
Harold J. Barnett, Professor of Economics, Washington University
Erik Barnouw, Professor Emeritus, Columbia University School of Arts
Reinhard Bendtx, Professor of Political Science, University of California, Berkeley
John B. Cobb, Jr., Professor, Southern California School of Theology
Stanley Cohen, Professor of History, University of California, Los Angeles
Walker Connor, Professor of Political Science, State University of New York, Brockport
Thomas Cripps, Professor of History, Morgan State University
Zewde Gabre-Sellassie, former Foreign Minister and Deputy Prime Minister of Ethiopia
John J. Gilligan, former Governor of Ohio
General Andrew J. Goodpaster, USA (Ret.), former Supreme Allied Commander, Europe
Toru Haga, Associate Professor of Comparative Literature and Culture, University of Tokyo
Robert B. Hawkins, Jr., urban affairs consultant and Visiting Fellow, the Hoover Institution.
Gerald C. Hickey, Visiting Professor, Indochinese Studies, Cornell University
Ann L. Hollick, Executive Director of the Ocean Policy Project, Johns Hopkins University
J. Rogers Hollingsworth, Professor of History, University of Wisconsin, Madison
A. E. Dick Howard, Professor of Law, University of Virginia
Grace Stuart Ibingira, former Ambassador to the U.N., and Minister of Justice, Uganda
George F. Keenan, former Ambassador to the U.S.S.R. and Yugoslavia
Harald B. Malmgren, former Deputy Special Representative for Trade Negotiations, Executive
Office of the President
Leslie F. Manigat, Director, Institute of International Relations, University of the West Indies
John Mudd, former Director of the Office of Neighborhood Government, City of New York
Thomas E. Petri, State Senator, Wisconsin
Michla Pomerance, Assistant Professor of International Relations, Hebrew University of
Jerusalem
Brian W. Rapp, former City Manager, Flint, Michigan
Leslie B. Rout, Jr., Associate Professor of History, Michigan State University
Nell Sheehan, Reporter, New York Times, Washington Bureau
John A. Thompson, Lecturer in History, University of Cambridge
Heenan van der Wee, Professor of Economic History, University of Leuven, Brussels
Etienne van de Walle, Professor of Demography, University of Pennsylvania
Kel Wakaizumi, Director, Institute of World Affairs, Kyoto Sangyo University, Tokyo
Brian Weinstein, Professor of Political Science, Howard University
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Congress established the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in
1968 as ". . . a living institution expressing the ideals and concerns of Woodrow
Wilson ... symbolizing and strengthening the fruitful relation between the world
of learning and the world of public affairs."
The Center, which opened in October 1970, was placed in the Smithsonian
Institution under the administration of its own Presidentially-appointed board of
trustees. Financing is from both public and private sources.
The Center is located in the original Smithsonian Institution Building on the Mall
in Washington, D.C.
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