USSR-EASTERN EUROPE: TRADE IN MANUFACTURED CONSUMER GOODS AND LIGHT INDUSTRIAL EQUIPMENT

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CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5
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RIPPUB
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C
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40
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December 22, 2016
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March 17, 2011
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1
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August 1, 1986
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REPORT
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Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Iq Next 1 Page(s) In Document Denied Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Directorate of Confidential Intelligence ?3 "T13 L bpd ry , f Gi ~: iJi~ t'4S tic! j" ?~ U14 L. USSR-Eastern Europe: Trade in Manufactured Consumer Goods and Light Industrial Equipment PROJDC.'r NUMBER ~-r - 03 / 9 - ?1 I W M &K PAGE NUMBERS TOTAL NUMBER OF COPIES 6,(0 0 DISSEM Dl TE &o L6 t f ,if , V/ EXTRA COPIES 502/1 - SG n n /t \ i RECORD CENTER -S(, - / 0 JOB NUMBER Y -LE - & c_7 Confidential SOV 86-10036 EUR 86-10026 August 1986 Copy 5 2 7 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 25X1 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 USSR-Eastern Europe: Trade in Manufactured Consumer Goods and Light Industrial Equipment CEMA Task Force, Office of Soviet Analysis and Office of European Anaysis. Comments and queries are welcome and may be addressed to the Chief, CEMA Task Force Confidential SOV 86-10036 EUR 86-10026 August 1986 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Confidential Summary Information available as of 25 June 1986 was used in this report. USSR-Eastern Europe: Trade in Manufactured Consumer Goods and Light Industrial Equipment ment before the end of the decade. In 1983 the USSR demanded that Eastern Europe play an increased role in its effort to improve the lot of the Soviet consumer. Beset with mounting economic problems, Moscow intensified pressure on its allies to supply more and better quality consumer products for Soviet workers and to expand exports of light industrial equipment for its long-term moderniza- tion drive. Soviet threats to reduce critical energy exports spurred East European compliance in 1984-85. The Kremlin, despite tough talk, appears to have backed off from this strategy for 1986-90, apparently because it is reluctant to threaten political stability and economic growth in the region with high trade targets. Inability to purchase Western consumer products and machinery because of hard currency shortfalls or to achieve hoped-for productivity gains at home, however, may force the Soviets to reapply pressure on Eastern Europe to provide more consumer goods and equip- European imports from the USSR. Imports of manufactured consumer goods from Eastern Europe-some 4.7 billion rubles' worth in 1984-currently account for 15 percent of total Soviet purchases from the region. Moscow allocates only 3 percent of its to- tal imports from outside Eastern Europe to such goods. Because they are reluctant to spend scarce hard currency on Western consumer goods and have little interest in products from less developed countries, the Soviets have relied upon their Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CEMA) partners for more than half of their imports of consumer goods, with the bulk coming from East Germany, Czechoslovakia, and Poland. Clothing and shoes represent the largest commodity category. Purchases of pharma- ceuticals and cosmetic items, however, have assumed greater importance in recent years. Moscow sells far fewer consumer goods to Eastern Europe than it buys; such products account for only 1 percent of total East smaller and more varied processing lines. The USSR imported 735 million rubles' worth of East European light industrial equipment in 1984. The purchases were almost double their 1980 level, reflecting the Soviets' commitment to modernizing their domestic plant and equipment. CEMA partners-primarily Czechoslovakia and East Germany-provide 90 percent of Soviet imports of textile equipment. In response to Soviet plans to expand product assortment, these suppliers have dramatically changed the composition of their deliveries to include Confidential SOV 86-10036 EUR 86-10026 August 1986 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Confidential Political considerations have been an important influence on the level of East European goods demanded by the Soviet Union and on Moscow's deliveries to Eastern Europe: ? Increasing supplies of Soviet household appliances appeared in Polish stores throughout the 1980s to aid the Polish leadership in pacifying restless workers. ? Because of its worsening economic conditions, Bulgaria was protected from much of the cutback in Moscow's exports of consumer goods to Eastern Europe in recent years. Although Sofia imported fewer passen- ger cars-which went instead to Moscow's hard currency customers-it received compensation in more appliances and automobile spare parts. ? Their political stability and relatively healthy economic performance have made East Germany, Czechoslovakia, and Hungary victims of even greater reductions. Exports rebounded somewhat in 1983 and 1984, but were still lower than a decade earlier. ? East Germany and Czechoslovakia, with the brightest prospects for increased output, are slated to remain the Soviets' leading suppliers of consumer goods in 1986-90. ? Poland and Romania, who are courting Moscow for increased aid to their ailing economies, have agreed to boost exports of consumer products in the next five years dramatically over current levels. Moscow has relaxed-at least for the near term-its demands on Eastern Europe for rapid increases in deliveries of consumer goods. Soviet pur- chases for 1986-90 are targeted for the slowest increases in 15 years. Gorbachev also has shifted the focus of Soviet buying to machinery and technology, banking on the long-term payoff of higher Soviet production of consumer goods and decreased reliance on East European finished products. This pragmatic approach reflects Moscow's awareness of the risks in squeezing its allies too hard. An aging stock of plant and equipment and tight investment funds will probably hold down growth in East European production of consumer goods. To meet increased Soviet demands, regimes 25X1 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Confidential in the region would face the unpalatable choice of losing hard currency earnings from sales to the West or cutting supplies to their own popula- tions. By shifting its demands, Moscow apparently has chosen to avoid the hazards of greater political instability in Eastern Europe, additional debt service problems, and reduced access to Western materials and technology. Current trends may compel the Soviets to reaccelerate their requirements before the end of the decade. A drop in Soviet hard currency revenues-the product of falling oil prices and faltering production-may press Moscow to delay or curtail consumer goods purchases from Western suppliers, filling the void with CEMA products. Additional purchases from Eastern Europe could also result from: ? Production shortfalls in Soviet light industry. ? Stagnating labor productivity and/or failure of worker incentive programs. ? Increased health problems from the Chernobyl' accident. If Moscow raises the ante, we would expect to see increased bickering over the volume and composition of such trade and some foot-dragging by the East Europeans in fulfilling agreements. The loudest complaints probably would come from Hungary, East Germany, and possibly Czechoslovakia- the regimes with the most consumer-oriented domestic policies and the greatest reliance on consumer goods for hard currency revenues. Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Confidential The Composition of Soviet Imports 4 Moscow's Imports of Light Industrial Equipment 9 CEMA Cooperation Agreements: Pressure for Integration 10 Prospects: Tough Talk, Modest Pressure 13 B. Reconciling Soviet and East European Trade Data: A Methodological Note Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01 CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 USSR-Eastern Europe: Trade in Manufactured Consumer Goods and Light Industrial Equipment Introduction At the CEMA Council Meeting in East Berlin in October 1983, Moscow notified its allies that it would no longer tolerate the large trade imbalances and subsidies that characterized Soviet economic ties to Eastern Europe during the late 1970s and early 1980s.' Beset by mounting economic problems at home, Premier Tikhonov stated in blunt language that future deliveries of fuel and raw materials-upon which the East Europeans are critically dependent- would be tied to increased exports of high-quality intermediate goods and equipment from the CEMA partners. In particular, the Soviets demanded a great- er share of the manufactured consumer products that contribute to the higher standard of living enjoyed by the East European populace. They also called for more light industrial machinery. As the new General Secretary, Gorbachev embraced and intensified the campaign for more consumer goods and light industrial equipment from Eastern Europe as part of his overall strategy to revitalize the Soviet economy. The Soviet leader knows that, if his plans to modernize the Soviet industrial base are to work, he must move quickly to improve worker perfor- mance. A key element of his strategy to spark greater labor effort in the short term focuses on stocking shelves with sought-after East European clothing, shoes, and associated goods. For the longer term, Moscow is seeking East European machinery to retool and expand production capacity in the USSR's ne- glected light industry. Trade in Manufactured Consumer Goods Trade Trends, 1970-84. Manufactured consumer goods-which include such items as fabrics, clothing, shoes, housewares, pharmaceuticals, cosmetics, appli- ances, and automobiles-are the third-largest com- modity group, after machinery and food and raw materials, of Soviet imports from Eastern Europe. In 1984, they accounted for 15 percent of Soviet pur- chases from the region. The USSR, reluctant to spend scarce hard currency on Western goods and little interested in low-quality products from less developed countries, has relied upon its CEMA partners for more than half of its consumer goods imports. In spite of the brisk growth in these imports-from roughly 1.4 billion rubles' worth in 1970 to nearly 4.7 billion rubles' worth in 1984-they grew at three-fourths the rate of total purchases from the CEMA countries, reflecting Moscow's higher priority for machinery and equipment imports from its allies. Measured in real terms, the Soviets roughly doubled imports of con- sumer goods from Eastern Europe between 1970 and 1984 (see figure 1).2 They sustained their most rapid real growth in 1975-78, only to level off in 1979-81. Faced with the traumas of the second global oil shock and the Solidarity uprisings in Poland, Eastern Eu- rope, with Soviet approval, put consumer goods trade with the USSR on hold. Soviet efforts to reduce large trade surpluses with the region in recent years have produced brisk growth in East European exports of consumer goods to the USSR. During 1981-84: ? Consumer goods accounted for some 40 percent of the rise in volume of East European exports to the Soviets. ? Eastern Europe's nominal trade deficit with the USSR would have been roughly twice as large 25X1 without the 13-billion-ruble increase in net exports of these goods. 2 Official Soviet data published in Vneshnyaya Torgovlya SSSR (Foreign Trade USSR) are cited, except where specified. Trade in constant prices is derived from Hungarian indexes. See appendix A for a more detailed accounting of consumer goods exports and imports. Appendix B explains our methodology for estimating trade ' CEMA-the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance-is made up of the USSR, Poland, East Germany, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Bulgaria, Romania, Mongolia, Cuba, and Vietnam. In this paper, however, our discussion of CEMA excludes the three non-European nations. The terms Eastern Europe and CEMA partners are used Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Confidential Figure 1 Eastern Europe: Exports of Manufactured Consumer Goods to the USSR, 1970-84 111111111111111 0 1970 75 80 84 a Imports in constant prices are derived from Hungarian foreign trade price indexes for consumer goods. Data for 1984 are preliminary. Source: Foreign Trade USSR and Hungarian Foreign Trade Statistical Yearbook. Table 1 Eastern Europe: Shares of Selected Exports of Consumer Goods to the Developed West, by Country 3.9 9.9 20.6 55.0 25.8 35.4 14.2 30.9 Declines in Polish and Hungarian exports-a result of trade adjustments with the West necessitated by the worst of the debt crisis in 1982-caused a slight drop in real East European exports to the Soviet consumer market during 1983. In response to continued Soviet arm twisting, however, sales in 1984 jumped almost 10 percent in real terms, and preliminary data indi- cate similar growth in 1985. The East Europeans, however, expanded sales to hard currency markets at an even higher rate, as the region directed exports to the West to pay debt service to Western banks.' Moscow's allies, which could offer few other goods that US and Western European buyers wanted, shipped their top-of-the-line consumer products to the West and delivered generally shoddy merchandise to the Soviet market. Hard currency exports grew so rapidly that by 1983 over one-half of Hungarian clothing exports went to Western buyers, compared with one-fifth in 1970 (see table 1). Poland ' Czechoslovakia proved the exception. Conservative borrowing in the West during the 1980s spared the Czechs from the regional and Romania sold nearly 70 percent of their leather footwear exports to the West in 1983-more than double the shares in 1970. Even the surge in deliveries of consumer goods to the USSR in 1984-85 did not dampen comparable East European sales to hard currency buyers, undermining Moscow's implicit goal of reorienting its allies' trade away from the West. In contrast, manufactured consumer goods play a minor role in Soviet exports to Eastern Europe.' They currently comprise only 1 percent of total Soviet sales by value to the CEMA partners. Real growth in Soviet exports of consumer goods surged during 1970- 78, but plunged sharply in 1979-81, reflecting Mos- cow's own domestic production woes in light industry (see figure 2). Although exports rebounded slightly in 1982-84 from their 1981 nadir, in real terms they were lower in 1984 than a decade earlier. Although the standard Soviet trade classification of manufactured consumer goods does not include passenger cars, motorcycles, and associated spare parts, we have incorporated such data into our discussion of Soviet exports because of their large volume and importance to the East European consumer. Automobile purchases, in comparison, constitute less than 1 percent of total Soviet imports 25X1 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Figure 2 Eastern Europe: Imports of Manufactured Consumer Goods From the USSR, 1970-848 800 600 Constant 1970 prices b I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 0 1970 75 80 84 it Includes passenger cars, motorcycles, and associated spare parts, which are not listed in the Soviet classification of manufactured consumer goods. b Imports in constant prices are derived from Hungarian foreign trade indexes for consumer goods. Data for 1984 are preliminary. Source: Foreign Trade USSR and Hungarian Foreign Trade Statistical Yearbook. Trade Partners. A strong record of consumer goods production and high overall economic performance have underpinned Moscow's choice of consumer goods suppliers within Eastern Europe. East Germany- renowned for stylish products and large selection- took over as the Soviets' major CEMA supplier in 1982 (see figure 3). Western press sources have noted that the East Germans have moved vigorously to restructure production and alter specifications to meet Soviet requirements. Czechoslovakia follows closely as the second-leading exporter, its position boosted by average annual increases in exports of some 18 per- cent during 1981-84.5 Rapid growth in Czechoslovak exports to the Soviet market has been buttressed by Prague's staunch commitment to CEMA integration and by output gains in consumer goods production- an area where Czechoslovakia is trying to capitalize on its historical advantage. 'Czechoslovakia actually became the leading supplier of Soviet consumer goods in 1984 by a very slim margin, but preliminary Figure 3 Eastern Europe: Exports of Manufactured Consumer Goods to the USSR, by Country, 1970-84 Million rubles I I I I I I I I I I I I I I Once Moscow's prime source of consumer goods in Eastern Europe, Poland was unable to maintain its deliveries in the early 1980s. Consumer goods output dropped sharply because of economic and political upheaval, leaving less for both consumption and ex- port. The Polish leadership won relief from some of its export commitments to Moscow after the declaration of martial law in December 1981. With Moscow's approval, Warsaw redirected some consumer goods earmarked for delivery to the Soviet Union to the Polish domestic market to placate workers. In the second tier of CEMA suppliers, Hungary and Bulgaria raised their annual volumes of consumer goods exports by 11.7 and 15.5 percent, respectively, in 1981-84, although hard currency trade pressures led Hungary to reduce its exports slightly in 1983. Romania, with the weakest economic links to the USSR and mounting financial and production diffi- culties, allowed its deliveries of consumer goods to stagnate during the early 1980s. 25X1 25X1 25X1 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Confidential Figure 4 Eastern Europe: Imports of Manufactured Consumer Goods From the USSR, by Country, 1970-848 Million rubles Bulgaria Hungary I I I I I I I I I I I I a Includes passenger cars, motorcycles, and associated spare parts, which are not listed in the Soviet classification of manufactured consumer goods. Political considerations have been an important influ- ence in determining the level of Soviet consumer goods exports to Eastern Europe (see figure 4). Mos- cow stepped up its support for Warsaw-currently the leading recipient of Soviet consumer goods in CEMA-to aid the Polish leadership in limiting political fallout from severe domestic shortages. Po- land enjoyed Moscow's favor in two ways-with a boost in deliveries of consumer goods and an even greater reduction in its export commitments. Al- though Bulgaria retained its position as the USSR's second major purchaser of consumer goods in CEMA, the Soviets trimmed average annual deliveries of these goods to Sofia slightly in 1981-84 to reduce their trade surplus. Political stability and relatively healthy economic performance made Czechoslovakia and East Germany targets for even deeper cuts during 1979-83, although exports rebounded in 1984. Hungary, too, felt the pinch of Soviet adjustments in consumer goods exports during the early 1980s, but managed to obtain increases in deliveries in 1982-85. Sales to Romania remained at low levels. Figure 5 Eastern Europe: Exports of Manufactured Consumer Goods to the USSR, by Commodity, 1970-84 Billion rubles Appliances/ other- Household goodsr Wearing apparel d 0 1970 75 80 84 a Household appliances, bicycles, watches, TV sets, cameras, and other miscellaneous consumer items. b Includes pharmaceuticals, cosmetics, and soaps. c Includes household utensils, tableware, and furniture. d Includes clothing, shoes, and miscellaneous haberdashery goods. Source: Foreign Trade USSR. The Composition of Soviet Imports. As a counter- point to the USSR's comparative advantage in the production of durable consumer goods, Soviet imports from Eastern Europe are weighted heavily in favor of "soft" commodities (see figure 5).6 Soft goods at present comprise some 80 percent of Soviet purchases of consumer goods from the region-about the same as in 1970. Within this category, clothing imports dominate, with Moscow tailoring its purchases to match specific domestic needs (see figure 6): ? Shoe imports-which reached almost 40 million pairs in 1984-offset Soviet production shortfalls and offered greater size, quality, and style selections to Soviet consumers. 6 As used in the strictest sense in both Soviet and US economic nomenclature, the term "soft goods" refers to fabrics, clothing, shoes, and other wearing apparel. We have expanded our definition of soft goods to include other "nondurable" items, 'such as dishes, glassware, pharmaceuticals, cosmetics, and soaps. Appliances, oth- er household machinery, furniture, and miscellaneous consumer Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01 CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Figure 6 Eastern Europe: Who Clothes Ivan?a Source: East European and Soviet foreign trade handbooks and journals. a Data are for 1983. ? Changing Soviet lifestyles and tastes have spurred increased imports of sportswear and leisure-time clothing. Soviet consumers demand jogging suits in particular. ? Children's clothing and blue jeans account for a growing share of imports, supporting increased So- viet attention to the needs of young people. ? Imports of men's and women's outerwear, still the mainstay of Soviet buying, include more synthetic fabrics and clothing with greater color and variety to satisfy the increasingly sophisticated tastes of consumers. Rapid growth in imports of pharmaceuticals reflects Soviet concern over growing health problems and severe domestic drug shortages. To reduce heart disease-a major cause of climbing Soviet mortality rates-Moscow has stepped up purchases of East European cardiac, circulatory, and blood pressure medicines. The CEMA countries also fill Moscow's Jewelry Hats Stockings Undergarments high-priority prescriptions for analgesics, antibiotics, and drugs for stomach disorders. The lack of re- sources and incentives for Soviet enterprises to pro- duce small-ticket goods has contributed to equally large jumps in Soviet purchases of cosmetics and soap. Moscow shops almost exclusively in Eastern Europe for several other consumer goods. The Soviets pur- chase more than 75 percent of their total imports of linen fabric, jewelry, dishes, furniture, toothpaste, household sewing machines, baby carriages, lamps, and stationery in the region. Over half the Soviet imports of carpets, hosiery, toys, glassware, books, musical instruments, outerwear, undergarments, and sports, hunting, and camping gear come from CEMA suppliers. Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Confidential Figure 7 Eastern Europe: Exports of Manufactured Consumer Goods to the USSR, by Country and Commodity, 1984 Poland Total: 894.9 million rubles Haberdashery 1.7%- Furniture 4.9% Recreational items 5.1% Cosmetics 5.6% Shoes 7.2% Clothing 22.9% Bulgaria Total: 629.7 million rubles Shoes 2.6% Furniture 8.9% Pharmaceuticals 28% East Germany Total: 1026.9 million rubles Shoes 2.1% Housewares 2.4% Haberdashery 6.2% Textiles 10.1% Furniture 14.4% u Includes recreational items. Source: Foreign Trade USSR. Hungary Total: 684.2 million rubles Textiles 6.1% Clothing 23% Czechoslovakia Total: 1031.2 million rubles Shoes 31.9% Housewares 3.2%- Pharmaceuticals 6.3% Textiles 10% Romania Total: 396.2 million rubles Pharmaceuticals 0.7% Haberdashery 2.6%- Textiles 4.3% Appliances 4.6%- Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Confidential Soviet purchases exhibit broad areas of differentiation among East European trade partners (see figure 7): ? East Germany provides the widest range of consum- er products and changes one-third of its product selection annually-high by Soviet standards, but far below Western trade practices. Moscow turns to East Berlin in particular for hosiery, carpets, toys, blankets, china, soaps, and baby carriages. ? A large portion of Czechoslovakia's deliveries come from its comparatively sophisticated shoe and cloth- ing industries. Prague's other bestsellers on the Soviet market include jewelry, hats, glassware, pianos, and wool fabric. ? Polish exports in the early 1980s shifted to pharma- ceuticals and appliances-despite severe domestic shortages-because of a decision to retain more clothes for personal consumption. The Poles, howev- er, remained the Soviets' major source for table linens, cooking ranges, stamps, silk fabric, and sports, hunting, and camping gear. ? Hungary continues to send the Soviets mostly shoes and clothing. Budapest is not a preeminent supplier in any consumer goods category, but increased its share of pharmaceutical deliveries during 1981-84. ? Bulgaria, known for its high-quality perfumes, raised its proportion of cosmetic, pharmaceutical, and toothpaste exports over 1975 shares. Sofia's traditional mainstays of fur coats and clothing expanded at a much slower rate. ? Offering fewer types of commodities for export than its East European neighbors, Romania has focused on sales of clothing, furniture, and shoes. The Soviet Export Picture. Soviet exports are concen- trated in "heavy" consumer products (see figures 8 and 9). To meet their own domestic needs, however, the Soviets altered the mix of these durable goods and cut real deliveries to the East European market throughout the 1970-84 period. Moscow's priority program to develop its fledgling automotive industry in the early 1970s generated a surge in exports of passenger cars to Eastern Europe, from 84,000 units Figure 8 Eastern Europe: Imports of Manufactured Consumer Goods From the USSR, by Commodity, 1970-84a Million rubles 1,200 0 1970 75 80 84 u Negligible trade in household goods, textiles, motorcycles, and motorcycle spare parts are not included in totals. n Includes household appliances, bicycles, watches, TV sets, cameras, and other miscellaneous consumer items. ~ Includes pharmaceuticals, cosmetics, and soaps. a Data omitted for 1970 because of change in trade classification. Source: Foreign Trade USSR. in 1970 to a peak of 388,000 units in 1978. By 1975, auto sales overtook appliances and other household machines as the leading category of exports. When Moscow abandoned plans to expand automo- bile production capacity during 1976-80, the Soviets curtailed car exports to Eastern Europe in favor of the domestic market and exports for hard currency. Sovi- et auto exports probably have appeared generous to Soviet consumers because Soviet car ownership still has not reached the level in Eastern Europe during the early 1970s. The quantity of automobiles exported to Eastern Europe, however, was slashed some 60 per- cent from 1980 to 1983, as deliveries to the developed West rose by almost 40 percent. Eastern Europe received partial compensation in the form of more automobile spare parts, which stemmed demand for cars somewhat by enabling current owners to prolong the service lives of their vehicles. Increased exports of appliances also helped offset the drop in automobile Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Confidential Figure 9 Eastern Europe: Imports of Manufactured Consumer Goods From the USSR, by Country and Commodity, 1984a Poland Total: 258.5 million rubles Passenger cars 4.2% Pharmaceuticals 7.6% Hungary Total: 180.3 million rubles Otherb 1.5% Housewares 1.1% Pharmaceuticals 5.5% Bulgaria Total: 186 million rubles Other C08% Czechoslovakia Total: 146.9 million rubles Pharmaceuticals 6.2% Passenger cars 18.1% Appliances 41% East Germany Total: 122.1 million rubles Romania Total: 50.3 million rubles Motorcycles 1.3% Pharmaceuticals 4.9% Car spare parts 16.5% 0Includes passenger cars, motorcycles, and associated spare parts, which are not listed in the Soviet classification of manufactured consumer goods. bTextiles and motorcycles. c Motorcycles, motorcycle spare parts, and miscellaneous consumer items. Source: Foreign Trade USSR. 25X1 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Confidential deliveries to Poland, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, and Hungary. By 1984, household machines once again represented the largest group of Soviet consumer commodities exported to the region. The composition of consumer durables exported to Eastern Europe varies widely by country: ? Poland, with the most critical requirements for household goods, receives refrigerators, televisions, radios, cameras, movie projectors, and watches. ? Household sewing machines, washing machines, lamps, televisions, and automobiles top Bulgaria's shopping list. ? The lion's share of vacuum cleaners, furniture, and enamelware goes to Hungary. Directed by CEMA agreement to specialize in bus production-at the expense of automobiles-Budapest lays claim to almost half of the Soviet passenger cars exported to the region. ? Czechoslovakia's leading purchases include radios, televisions, toys, and sports, hunting, and camping equipment. ? East Germany is weaning itself from most of its Soviet consumer durable imports and instead is expanding its own appliance industry. East Berlin, however, has increased purchases of car spare parts. ? Romania concentrates its buying on bicycles and motorcycles. Moscow's Imports of Light Industrial Equipment The USSR spent 735 million rubles for East Europe- an light industrial equipment in 1984-about 4 per- cent of its imports of all types of machinery and equipment from the region.' Measured in real terms, imports of light industrial machinery grew at an average annual rate of 14 percent in 1976-79 and, after a lull in 1980, climbed back to some 11 percent per year during 1981-84. Purchases of such equip- ment have risen dramatically since 1975, indicating ' Soviet and East European sources only report trade in equipment used to manufacture wearing apparel and do not provide data on modernize light industry's aged capital base. Because of hard currency constraints, the Soviets have increasingly called on their CEMA partners for these goods. Eastern Europe supplied 87 percent of Moscow's imports of light industrial equipment dur- ing 1981-84, up from 73 percent in the late 1970s. Czechoslovakia-acknowledged as a world leader in textile technology-is by far the major supplier in CEMA.' East Germany, the next leading exporter, sells mostly textile dyeing and finishing equipment.' Data in the CEMA Statistical Handbook show that the other East European partners were unable to boost deliveries to the USSR because they allowed their own spinning and weaving machine-building industries to atrophy. Instead, they imported technol- ogy and equipment from the West to upgrade domes- tic fabric output. Textile equipment currently accounts for about 90 percent of Soviet imports of all light industrial ma- chinery from Eastern Europe.10 The emphasis on textile equipment implies that Moscow has targeted fabric production for special attention-probably a reflection of consumer interest in new textiles and the advanced age of the sector's capital stock. In 1984 the region provided over 90 percent of all Soviet imports of textile machinery. The imports from Eastern Eu- rope were double their 1975 level, while imports from the West were virtually unchanged, accounting for less than 100 million rubles. In addition, East Europe- an manufacturers-mostly Czechoslovakia, East Ger- many, and Poland-dramatically changed the compo- sition of their deliveries to include smaller and more varied processing lines in response to Soviet plans to expand product assortment. ' See section on "Textile Machinery: Intertextilmash" for details on Prague's capabilities Once removed from the loom, c of is run through several chemical baths. This "finishing" process can be altered to meet consumer preferences for such features as fabric brightness, soft- ness, and easier care. 10 The remainder is in the form of industrial sewing equipment, mainly from Hungary, and leather, footwear, and fur-processing Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Confidential CEMA Cooperation Agreements: Pressure for Integration The Soviet leadership has held up specialization and cooperation as a major goal in Soviet-East European relations. In economic terms, Moscow promotes such ties for the payoff from economies of scale, standard- ization, and efficient use of each partner's resource, labor, and capital endowments. Equally important, this strategy meshes with the USSR's campaign for sets ambitious production targets for a wide range of consumer durables, soft goods, and consumer services, with the goal of raising the Soviet citizen's material standard of living over the next 15 years. It also promises improvements in the quality, variety, and style of consumer items. The Soviet document assigns a key role to Eastern Europe, but gives few specifics. Bloc independence from the West. While CEMA has seen some results from its coopera- tion initiatives in the consumer sector, the program has fallen far short of Moscow's expectations. F__~ mains one of the lowest in all industry. The Raw Materials Base: Interkhimvolkon. CEMA's program of cooperation in the consumer sector begins with textile raw materials. The main goal is develop- ment of new and stronger chemical fibers-a need created by higher textile machinery speeds, changes in fabric-processing methods, and heightened consum- er demand for easy-care materials. any progress in specialization of CEMA established Interkhimvolkon, with headquar- CEMA consumer goods production and trade has ters in Bucharest, in 1974 to oversee research in fiber been a natural outgrowth of East European economic technology and promote increased production and development and owes little to the CEMA cooperation trade in synthetic materials." Each member is as- program. signed a work agenda that reflects its industrial and few of the program's measures have actually been implemented. Reliance on voluntary participation, failure to impose penalties for noncompliance, the absence of an oversight committee to coordinate efforts, and poor ties between production enterprises and research institutes have contributed to the pro- gram's dismal performance. Soviet irritation grew to such heights in 1980, =that Moscow made unprecedented moves to disband the program's administrative bodies but in the end only cut back some staff. Discussions in CEMA publications indicate that, in 1983, Soviet officials demanded closer East European adherence to cooperation agreements at the same time they announced their get-tough policy on trade. Tired of East European foot-dragging, Moscow ordered its allies to devote more attention to long-established specialization assignments in the consumer sector. Inclusion of measures on CEMA cooperation in the high-profile Soviet Long-Term Consumer Goods and Services Program indicates Moscow's pressure is con- tinuing." This program, approved in September 1985, research capabilities. According to a CEMA publica- tion, participating countries specialize in the following areas: ? Hungary-acrylic fibers. ? Poland-polyester fabrics. ? Bulgaria-viscose-base fibers. ? Czechoslovakia-polypropylene materials. ? USSR-blended cotton fibers. Eastern Europe also is responsible for the creation of a wide variety of new artificial leathers. According to discussions in CEMA publications, this strategy yielded poor returns during the early 1980s. Eastern Europe shared few of its advances in textile fiber technology with Interkhimvolkon, and those discoveries for which the organization was responsible remained in the laboratory. Moscow met its export commitments to its CEMA partners-despite a '2 Synthetic fabrics comprise less than 5 percent of total Soviet and East European textile output, and in 1984 Eastern Europe supplied about 3,000 tons of chemical fibers to support Soviet production. Moscow, in turn, exported some 408,000 tons of ginned cotton in 1984 to its allies. Cotton fabrics at present account for roughly 70 25X1 25X1 25X1 25X1 25X1 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Confidential steady decline in its cotton production during 1980- 84-by turning to international cotton markets. East Euro- Table 2 CEMA: Specialization in Intertextilmash, 1981-85 25X1 25X1 pean countries angered Moscow by reexporting the cotton to the West to earn hard currency. Concomi- tant shortfalls in chemical fiber deliveries from its allies added to Moscow's irritation. Textile Machinery: Intertextilmash. CEMA has de- voted more attention and resources to light industrial machine building, the second tier of its cooperation program. Soviet prodding reflected high-level concern about insufficient production capacity and technologi- cal backwardness in Moscow's own stock of plant and equipment. CEMA commissioned Intertextilmash in 1973 to co- ordinate the efforts of CEMA textile machine-build- ing enterprises, associated scientific research insti- tutes, and planning and design organizations in the production of equipment to manufacture wearing apparel." Its members-who meet regularly in Mos- cow-include Bulgaria's Association for Heavy Ma- chinery, Czechoslovakia's Elitex, Poland's Polmatex, East Germany's Textima, Romania's Imatex, the Hungarian Association for Production in Light Indus- try, and Soviet textile machinery enterprises in Kli- movsk and Cheboksary. Because of a long tradition in textile engineering, Czechoslovakia and East Germa- ny shoulder most of Intertextilmash's research pro- gram (see table 2 for specific projects during the period 1981-85). while Inter- textilmash fell far short of its announced goal of efficient CEMA production of modern textile equip- ment, it could claim several technological advances. progress resulted not from Intertextilmash's management, but rather from Czechoslovakia's use of the organization's re- search centers and production enterprises as testing grounds to improve its products for hard currency customers. state- of-the-art Western processing methods are still based heavily on Czechoslovak technology of the 1960s and Czechoslovakia, East Equipment for ready-to-wear clothing Germany, Hungary, and and shoes Romania East Germany, Poland, Conventional spinning frames and Romania Bulgaria, Poland, and Conventional weaving looms Romania Czechoslovakia and East Specialized and shuttleless weaving Germany looms Czechoslovakia, East Textile dyeing and finishing equipment Germany, and Romania Czechoslovakia and East Knitting machines Germany a Sulzer-type looms-used extensively in the West during the 1950s but less frequently today because of relatively slow processing speeds-weave fabric by "throwing" threads through a series of metal needles. 1970s. Widely used know-how developed by Czecho- slovak engineers includes: ? Open-end spinning. This process eliminates two stages of yarn preparation-twisting and winding. Its advantages are faster processing speeds, savings of labor and energy, ability to use shorter fibers, and improvements in weaving and dyeing. These fea- tures have the potential to relieve critical bottle- necks in Soviet fabric production. ? Airjet and waterjet weaving. Pulses of air or water carry horizontal threads across the loom, which allows large increases in weaving rates. CEMA textile enterprises, however, have been slow in ac- cepting this machinery because of shortages of chemical fibers. Natural textile fibers cannot with- stand the equipment's high speed and extreme friction. 25X1 25X1 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Confidential Czechoslovakia currently is putting another textile technology through its paces in Intertextilmash-a technology that has the potential for a major breakthrough in the world market. Known as multished weaving, this process makes even greater strides in speed by weaving several threads at one time. Problems in weaving the finer threads that Western consumers prefer remain the only technical stumblingblock. Western experts also believe that Prague will be strapped to bring this equipment into serial production because of insuffi- cient investment and a deteriorating machine-building base. Finished Goods: The Long-Term Target Program. The third leg of CEMA's specialization program addresses Moscow's most pressing need-improve- ment in the quality and variety of consumer goods supplied. Under Soviet pressure, the CEMA partners made this the centerpiece of their plans for coopera- tion in the consumer area during the 1981-85 period. Moscow hoped that the focus on finished goods would yield a quick and direct payoff in contrast to the long gestation periods required by CEMA programs on textile raw materials and machinery. To stimulate and guide this effort, CEMA launched in 1979 the ambitious and detailed Long-Term Target Program for Industrial Consumer Goods (see table 3).14 More modest programs adopted in the late 1960s and 1970s fizzled after only a few years. The Target Program initially singled out five broad areas for special emphasis: fabrics, clothing and foot- wear, furniture, electronic consumer products, and household appliances. To carry out this work plan, CEMA concluded some 56 bilateral agreements, the largest number dealing with production of clothing. Both Soviet and East European representatives, how- ever, felt the need to narrow their focus, and at the CEMA Summit in June 1984 they amended the "Alternately referred to as The Long-Term Special Purpose Program for Industrial Consumer Goods, the Target Program was accompanied by four similar long-range decrees for CEMA cooper- ation in transportation, agriculture and the food industry, machine building, and energy and raw materials. These long-term programs took the lead from CEMA's 1971 Comprehensive Program, the organization's much heralded blueprint for Soviet-East European economic relations. Table 3 USSR-Eastern Europe: The Tasks of CEMA's Long-Term Target Program Passenger cars, household appliances (radios, TV sets, refrigerators, washing machines, clocks, cameras) Hungary, Poland, Leather footwear Czechoslovakia, and Ro- mania Hungary and Poland Pharmaceuticals East Germany Textiles Bulgaria, Romania, and Furniture Czechoslovakia Hungary, East Germa- Knitwear ny, Poland, and Roma- nia Czechoslovakia Jewelry Czechoslovakia and East Dishware, glassware Germany East Germany Small household appliances, lamps/lighting Czechoslovakia, Roma- Clothing, linens nia, Poland, and Bulgaria Sources: L. S. Kosikova and S. P. Petukhova, Promyshlenniy Tovari Narodnogo Potrebleniya (Manufactured Consumer Goods for National Consumption) (Moscow: Nauka, 1985) and Soviet press articles. Target Program to concentrate on specific trouble spots, including nonwoven fabrics, artificial leather and fur products, toys, sporting goods, color televi- sions, refrigerators, and washing machines. The pro- gram's main goals remained the introduction of new products and increased quality and consumer appeal of existing models. From Moscow's perspective the Target Program foun- dered badly. 25X1 25X1 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Confidential than 5 percent of total Soviet-East European consum- er goods trade during the early 1980s. Western observers place the blame for the program's failure on East European preoccupation with development of new consumer product lines for Western customers and poor Soviet enforcement of negotiated agree- ments. Prospects: Tough Talk, Modest Pressure Moscow has kept up its rhetoric about the need for more East European exports as CEMA enters its new five-year plan period. Nonetheless, the Soviets have actually relaxed-at least for the near term-de- mands on Eastern Europe for rapid increases in the value of Soviet imports from Eastern Europe will rise roughly 6 percent per year during the period 1986-90, the slowest pace of growth in both planned and actual Soviet purchases during the past 15 years. Because price increases probably comprise a portion of this trade target, we believe Soviet goals in volume terms are even more modest. Bilateral trade protocols affirm.this slowdown. Con- sumer deliveries from East Germany-on whom the Soviets will continue to rely as their major supplier- are slated to rise 7 percent annually in 1986-90, slightly less than half the average rate of increase in East Berlin's exports during 1981-84. Soviet and East European trade journals, although lean on specifics, also note less ambitious trade plans for other CEMA partners. Exceptions are Poland and Romania, who have agreed to boost deliveries of consumer goods dramatically over depressed 1981-84 levels to secure more Soviet imports for their ailing economies. = We believe Moscow will continue to buy mostly clothing, shoes, and medical supplies from Eastern Europe to cover shortfalls in domestic production. According to a Western chemical industry journal, pharmaceutical deliveries from Warsaw could in- crease as much as threefold by the end of the decade if the Tarchemin antibiotics plant comes on stream as expected. A barter arrangement already on the books calls for much of the factory's output to be shipped to the USSR, and Moscow may push for the plant's speedy completion. Textile imports will probably de- cline in importance as the Soviets introduce newly acquired fabric-processing equipment into production. Additional changes in Soviet import strategy bear Gorbachev's stamp. The Soviet leader has shifted Moscow's buying focus to machinery and technology, banking on the long-term payoff in higher Soviet consumer goods production and decreased reliance on East European finished items. He appears to have assigned to his allies a larger role in modernizing Soviet light industry, calling for the CEMA countries to: ? Provide engineering and technical advice to redesign and upgrade Soviet consumer goods factories. ? Accelerate exports of light industrial equipment and machinery. ? Assist in the construction of three major light industrial complexes in Yerevan, Zhodino, and Vo- roshilovgrad (see figure 10 and tables 4 and 5). Another hallmark of Gorbachev's influence is the high priority on improvements in the quality and variety of the allies' consumer exports. To promote the Soviet leader's aims, recent bilateral and CEMA agreements urge Eastern Europe to: ? Impose stricter sanctions on suppliers who deliver poor-quality goods. ? Reduce prices for less desirable products. ? Develop closer trade links to the Soviet retail net- work. Gorbachev's pragmatic approach reflects the USSR's awareness of the limits of East European industrial capabilities. Moscow's acceptance of modest trade goals was probably influenced by conclusions in a confidential Soviet study that aging capital stock and tight investment funds would hold down growth in the East European output of consumer goods during the next 15 years. Moscow's demands for more of its allies' machinery and equipment, however, may make it harder for them to modernize their consumer goods industries. The Kremlin is probably gambling that the region will be able to cope with this longer term conflict. On balance, we believe the region can meet current Soviet trade targets without dramatic strains 25X1 25X1 25X1 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Confidential Figure 10 What Moscow Wants To Buy From Eastern Europe Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Confidential Table 4 USSR-Eastern Europe: Selected Joint Projects in the Manufactured Consumer Goods Sector, 1986-90 East Germany, USSR Nine clothing mills, three shoe factories, and three furniture plants Hungary, USSR Sewing factory Krakow, Poland Soviets finance plant's modernization in return for share of output. Yerevan, USSR Czechoslovakia builds turnkey facility for Soviets and receives payment in kind. Voroshilovgrad, USSR Coconstruction of new plant; partners divide re- sulting output. Zhodino, USSR Czechoslovakia builds turnkey facility for Soviets and receives payment in kind. Moscow, Leningrad, L'vov, Enterprise-to-enterprise links. East German tech- Tbilisi, and various other lo- nicians advise Soviet sister plants on how to cations in the USSR modernize and reequip current facilities. L'vov, Tshchenets (Georgia), Hungarian firms reequip and upgrade technology USSR in existing Soviet factories in return for sewn goods. Moscow Budapest gives technical assistance in expanding assortment of shoe output in return for shoes. Sources: L. S. Kosikova and S. P. Petukhova, Promyshlenniy Tovari Narodnogo Potrebleniya (Manufactured Consumer Goods for National Consumption) (Moscow: Nauka, 1985) and Soviet open-press articles. on living standards and economic performance. Ex- cept for Hungary, which, according to Hungarian foreign trade officials, is operating at almost full capacity, the CEMA partners can generate moderate increases in output through higher utilization rates in light industry. Difficult economic conditions, however, may undermine consumer goods production in Poland and Romania and hold down their export commit- ments to the USSR. We believe Moscow would probably turn to East Germany and Czechoslovakia to make up the difference. The Soviet leadership is keenly aware that insistence on a dramatic jump in exports of East European consumer goods could pose serious problems for its allies. Attempts to satisfy such demands could force reductions in living standards in the Bloc. This, in turn, raises the specter of consumer unrest, which both Soviet and East European leaders appear deter- mined to avoid. Moscow's actions signal that the Kremlin has decided for now to continue giving greater weight to political stability in Eastern Europe than to improvements in living standards for Soviet consumers. Cutbacks in hard currency sales of consumer products would be the second-and equally unpalatable- result of even higher Soviet demands. Although the region largely has recovered from the financial crisis of the early 1980s, exports to Western markets re- main a high priority for the long term. Eastern Europe continues to require hard currency to pay debt Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Confidential Table 5 The Soviet Agenda for Light Industrial Machinery Purchases, 1986-90 Embassy sources, a Soviet foreign trade representa- tive told a Swedish official in recent meetings that Soviet imports of such goods from OECD (Organiza- tion for Economic Cooperation and Development) countries "would be practically eliminated" because of revenue shortfalls. In 1984, hard currency suppliers provided 723 million rubles' worth-some 10 per- Czechoslovakia, Poland Air-jet weaving looms and open-ended cent-of total Soviet consumer goods purchases. spinning frames Trade volumes, however, understate the importance of case vermany i nreaa-texturizmg equipment, cotton combing machines, and ring-spinning technology Open-ended spinning machines and such high-quality Western goods to Soviet consumers automated spinning/drawing frames who have shown increasingly sophisticated tastes Bulgaria, Romania Standard knitting machines with greater speed and capacity Industrial ironing machines and laser cutting and sewing equpiment East Germany Flat-bed knitting machines and contin- uous weaving looms Poland, Romania New finishing technology East Germany, Poland, Open-ended spinning equipment Czechoslovakia Bulgaria, Romania Dyeing and laundering machines Czechoslovakia New knitting technology Bulgaria Yarn-twisting equipment Poland Poland Wool-carding machinery Research on ways to use textile-pro- cessing waste and byproducts Hosiery manufacturing equipment service and to import Western materials and ad- vanced technology. Soviet pressure to reduce East European access to the West would almost certainly backfire, leading to an eventual decline in the quanti- ty and quality of the consumer goods Moscow wants. Current trends, however, may eventually compel the Soviets to raise their requirements for East European consumer goods above trade protocol targets. A drop in Soviet hard currency revenues-the product of falling oil prices and faltering oil production-could cause Moscow to delay or curtail purchases from Western suppliers and turn to Eastern Europe to fill the void. Because planners traditionally have been reluctant to spend hard currency on consumer goods, these items may well be cut first. According to Less likely events may also spur increased Soviet purchases from the CEMA partners, including: ? Production shortfalls in Soviet light industry caused by investment and resource constraints. ? Stagnating labor productivity and/or failure of worker incentive programs, which would undercut Gorbachev's industrial modernization drive. ? Health problems in the population resulting from the Chernobyl' nuclear accident. Soviet demands for East European exports above levels projected in the trade protocols would probably extend beyond light industry. But increased require- ments for consumer goods could generate particularly sharp tensions between Moscow and its allies because of the possible impact on hard currency trade and living standards. If Moscow raises the ante, we would expect to see increased bickering over the volume and composition of consumer goods trade and some foot- dragging by the East Europeans in fulfillment of trade agreements. The loudest complaints probably would come from Hungary, East Germany, and possi- bly Czechoslovakia-the regimes with the most con- sumer-oriented domestic policies and the greatest reliance on consumer goods for hard currency exports. In the final analysis, however, the East Europeans would be forced to comply with most of Moscow's requirements. 25X1 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Confidential Appendix A Statistical Tables of Trade in Manufactured Consumer Goods Table A-1 Eastern Europe: Exports of Manufactured Consumer Goods to the USSR 1978 2,837.6 414.7 343.8 809.3 526.0 432.4 311.4 1979 2,958.6 416.0 333.8 858.1 550.1 481.3 319.3 1980 3,184.4 439.5 390.0 866.9 594.3 539.8 353.9 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Confidential Table A-2 Eastern Europe: Average Annual Growth in Exports of Manufactured Consumer Goods to the USSR 9.7 8.0 10.0 9.2 13.6 5.2 11.7 10.0 7.3 10.5 0.4 6.4 Poland 14.6 9.2 0.8 8.6 East Germany 5.6 6.9 14.6 8.6 Czechoslovakia 11.4 7.8 17.6 11.8 Bulgaria 3.6 8.6 15.5 8.7 Table A-4 Eastern Europe: Imports of Manufactured Consumer Goods From the USSR a Table A-3 Eastern Europe: Shares of Exports of Manufactured Consumer Goods to the USSR Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 Hungary 15.0 14.6 15.0 Romania 11.6 11.7 9.5 Poland 23.5 27.6 20.4 East Germany 22.3 18.9 22.0 Czechoslovakia 16.3 16.3 20.4 Bulgaria 11.3 10.9 12.7 Total b Hungary Romania Poland East Germany Czechoslovakia Bulgaria 1970 186.6 31.3 13.1 33.5 38.8 27.5 42.5 1971 306.1 51.6 12.9 39.7 70.3 62.2 69.4 1972 354.9 65.7 15.9 43.6 76.0 67.5 86.1 1973 428.3 73.6 17.3 55.0 94.6 92.9 94.9 1974 544.1 83.8 18.0 95.7 113.3 114.5 118.8 1975 626.8 94.0 15.1 130.6 149.7 112.0 125.4 1976 736.6 109.1 21.5 154.4 175.2 130.3 146.2 1977 793.7 114.6 25.7 174.8 175.1 138.2 165.4 1978 899.2 143.0 37.9 190.5 192.7 155.5 179.6 1979 831.8 146.8 39.8 164.4 144.3 155.0 181.5 1980 886.2 158.4 55.9 190.3 145.8 142.5 193.2 1981 734.3 139.4 44.9 208.4 100.3 98.0 143.4 1982 817.5 156.9 55.9 197.1 117.6 100.9 189.1 1983 837.6 171.9 51.1 216.4 94.6 131.4 172.2 1984 c 944.2 180.3 50.3 258.5 122.1 146.9 186.0 a Includes passenger cars, motorcycles, and associated spare parts, which are not listed in the Soviet classification of manufactured consumer goods. b Because of rounding, components may not add to the totals shown. c Preliminary. Source: Vneshnyaya Torgoviya SSSR (Foreign Trade USSR). Confidential 18 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 25X1 25X1 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Confidential Table A-5 Percent Table A-7 Eastern Europe: Average Annual USSR-Eastern Europe: Trade in Growth in Imports of Manufactured Manufactured Consumer Goods Consumer Goods From the USSR a in Constant Prices 1971-75 1976-80 1981-84 Eastern Europe 27.4 7.2 1.6 Hungary 24.6 10.8 3.3 Romania 3.0 29.8 -2.6 Poland 31.3 7.8 8.0 East Germany 31.0 -0.5 -4.4 Czechoslovakia 32.5 4.9 0.8 Bulgaria 24.2 9.0 -1.0 a Includes passenger cars, motorcycles, and associated spare parts, which are not listed in the Soviet classification of manufactured consumer goods. Source: Vneshnyaya Torgovlya SSSR (Foreign Trade USSR). Table A-6 Eastern Europe: Shares of Imports of Manufactured Consumer Goods From the USSR Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 Hungary 16.3 16.2 19.5 Romania 3.5 4.4 6.1 East Germany 22.3 20.1 13.0 Czechoslovakia 19.9 17.4 14.3 Bulgaria 21.9 20.9 20.7 Soviet Exports a Soviet Imports Soviet Net Imports 1970 186.6 1,364.6 1,178.0 1971 301.0 1,643.8 1,342.8 1972 342.7 1,773.7 1,431.0 1973 412.5 1,746.4 1,333.9 1974 512.9 1,757.8 1,244.9 1975 551.4 1,896.4 1,345.0 1976 569.6 2,010.2 1,440.6 1977 586.9 2,231.9 1,645.0 1978 643.6 2,372.4 1,728.8 1979 576.5 2,386.4 1,809.9 1980 567.2 2,397.3 1,830.1 1981 436.3 2,336.3 1,900.0 1982 477.8 2,692.2 2,214.4 1983 463.2 2,596.5 2,133.3 198A h 499 7 1451 0 1 354 7 a Includes passenger cars, motorcycles, and associated spare parts, which are not listed in the Soviet classification of manufactured consumer goods. Estimates were derived from Hungarian foreign trade price indexes for consumer goods. b Preliminary. Source: Vneshnyaya Torgovlya SSSR (Foreign Trade USSR) and Kulkereskedelmi Statisztikai Evkonyv (Hungarian Foreign Trade Statistical Handbook). Table A-8 Eastern Europe: Exports of Manufactured Consumer Goods Percent (except where noted) Source: Vneshnyaya Torgovlya SSSR (Foreign Trade USSR). to the USSR, by Commodity Total (million current rubles) 1,364.6 2,166.0 3,184.4 4,663.2 Wearing apparel 55.1 53.8 50.0 43.8 Household goods 13.2 14.0 12.3 11.9 Medical goods 16.2 16.6 20.7 27.2 Appliances /other 9.7 7.9 8.9 10.3 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Confidential Table A-9 Eastern Europe: Exports of Selected Manufactured Consumer Goods to the USSR, 1983 Total Eastern Europe a Bulgaria Hungary Poland East Germany Romania Czechoslo- vakia Shoes 468.6 15.1 102.2 55.7 20.1 66.2 209.2 Stockings 50.7 2.6 2.3 38.6 7.2 Hats 12.9 1.3 5.0 6.7 Leather handbags, belts, gloves, wallets 179.6 31.5 39.8 19.5 32.9 12.1 44.0 Household sewing machines 5.6 5.6 Small appliances (irons, coffee pots) 4.7 4.7 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Confidential Table A-9 (continued) Total Bulgaria Hungary Poland East Romania Czechoslo- Eastern Germany vakia Europe Other musical instruments and 16.4 0.8 15.6 records Sports, hunting, and camping 21.2 7.4 9.7 4.1 equipment n Because of rounding, components may not add to totals shown. b Estimate. See appendix B on methodology for derivation of estimates. Includes other plastic haberdashery items. d Represents goods made from tulle, a woven net-like fabric. Tulle also is used for scarves and other fashion accessories. Sources: East European and Soviet foreign trade handbooks and journals. Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Confdential Table A-10 Eastern Europe's Share of Soviet Imports of Manufactured Consumer Goods, by Sector Total 67.0 65.5 58.0 Medical goods 81.5 78.2 70.3 Textiles 38.4 42.6 37.4 Pharmaceuticals 86.8 85.7 80.6 Cotton 53.3 52.0 38.5 Toothpaste 97.9 94.4 86.4 Wool 53.0 59.2 44.0 Cosmetics 11.1 16.2 23.6 Silk 13.6 24.6 16.3 Washing detergents 15.8 8.1 - Linen 86.4 93.6 87.2 Appliances/other 82.8 76.2 70.7 Clothing 65.4 64.6 52.2 Large appliances 71.4 47.4 34.2 Undergarments/outerwear a 77.4 73.2 61.2 Household sewing machines 100.0 100.0 99.2 Fur coats 65.0 55.4 35.7 Other small appliances 96.5 89.0 80.0 Knitwear 46.7 56.8 48.9 Baby carriages 89.1 98.2 94.0 Hosiery 92.7 71.0 68.2 Lamps/light bulbs 95.2 93.6 88.9 Hats 53.5 42.6 30.7 Cooking ranges 77.2 75.8 71.0 Haberdashery items 74.9 71.2 71.7 Paper goods 71.3 66.7 66.5 100.0 100.0 100.0 56.1 53.1 45.6 Stamps 45.8 71.8 71.8 Stationery and 46.9 74.6 90.5 86.3 72.1 59.8 Carpets 44.9 49.3 56.4 Sports, hunting, and 80.3 71.1 60.1 Furniture 92.9 90.5 85.2 camping equipment Source: Vneshnyaya Torgovlya SSSR (Foreign Trade USSR). Confdential 22 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Confidential Table A-11 Percent Eastern Europe: Imports of (except where noted) Manufactured Consumer Goods From the USSR, by Commodity Total (million current rubles) 186.6 626.8 886.2 944.2 Textiles 3.7 0.8 0.4 0.3 Medical goods 9.3 6.6 5.6 6.2 Furniture 0.9 1.1 0.3 Passenger car spare parts a 2.4 13.6 17.4 24.8 Recreational goods/other 9.2 4.5 5.9 6.6 a Includes negligible trade in motorcycles and motorcycle spare parts. Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87TOO787ROO0300350001-5 Confidential Table A-12 Eastern Europe: Imports of Selected Manufactured Consumer Goods From the USSR, 1983 Total Bulgaria Hungary Poland East Romania Czechoslo- Eastern Germany vakia Europe a Total a 837.6 172.2 171.9 216.4 94.6 51.1 131.4 Of which: Refrigerators 51.6 1.4 9.1 31.3 1.4 3.6 4.9 Bicycles 23.8 1.8 6.8 6.3 6.5 2.4 Washing machines 5.6 3.9 1.7 Radios 15.1 1.5 3.5 4.5 1.0 Light bulbs 0.3 0.3 Sports, hunting, and camping equipment 8.1 1.6 2.4 Motion pictures 3.0 0.7 0.3 0.4 0.5 0.3 0.7 Motor vehicles Passenger cars 145.2 36.0 66.0 13.3 12.2 NEGL 17.7 Sources: East European and Soviet foreign trade handbooks and journals. Confidential 24 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87TOO787ROO0300350001-5 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Confidential Table A-13 Table A-14 USSR: Imports of Light Industrial USSR: Average Annual Imports Equipment From Eastern Europe a of Light Industrial Machinery and Equipment, by Supplier a (million current rubles) (1970=100) (million 1970 rubles) 1975 168.8 118.6 142.3 1980 387.1 159.9 242.1 1981 441.5 172.9 255.3 1982 559.7 179.7 311.5 ,, Soviet and East European sources only report trade in equipment used to manufacture wearing apparel and do not provide data on other consumer goods machinery. b Hungarian foreign trade price indexes for machinery. Preliminary. Source: Vneshnyaya Torgovlya SSSR (Foreign Trade USSR) and Kulkereskedelni Statisztikai Evkonyv (Hungarian Foreign Trade Statistical Yearbook). Million Percent Million Percent rubles rubles a Soviet sources only report trade in equipment used to manufacture wearing apparel and do not provide data on other consumer goods machinery. Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Confidential Appendix B Reconciling Soviet and East European Trade Data: A Methodological Note Official Soviet trade statistics provide a broad and consistent accounting of trade in manufactured con- sumer goods with Eastern Europe. Soviet data encom- pass the whole range of consumer goods commodities, listing merchandise flows for clothing, shoes, house- wares, pharmaceuticals, cosmetics, soaps, appliances, and miscellaneous goods (CEMA Trade Nomencla- ture code 9) and for cars, motorcycles, and associated spare parts (code 195). Moreover, consumer goods trade has not suffered the erosion in reporting evident in other economic statistics since 1970, and on aver- age Moscow draws a more comprehensive picture of imports and exports of such goods than its East European allies as a group. Substantial gaps in Soviet statistics, however, limit their usefulness. The Soviet ledgers omit price data and a disaggregated breakdown of trade beyond the three-digit level for many important commodities. Noticeable in their absence are details on clothing, pharmaceuticals, and furniture. Reporting is also poor regarding the volume of consumer goods trade. We surveyed East European statistical yearbooks, foreign trade journals, industrial periodicals, and CEMA publications to determine whether East Euro- pean sources publish more detailed trade statistics that could fill in the missing pieces in Soviet account- ing. With data from these sources, we ran a series of statistical comparisons from 1970-83 at the two-, three-, and four-digit level-where possible-to test for compatability with the Soviet data.15 Reconcilia- tion of Soviet and East European data at these levels was the necessary first step in determining whether more disaggregated East European data could fit into Soviet reporting. For example, Soviet statistics on textile imports were matched to each East European partner's detailed accounting of textile exports. Comparisons made for aggregate textile trade and fabric types-such as cotton, wool, and silk-indicate a high degree of commonality. Because Soviet reporting ended at this point, we compiled East European data on finer commodity categories, such as cotton fabric grades and types. Corresponding statistics from Hungary-in this case the only reporter--were set aside, because they did not meet our threshold of representing 50 percent of total Soviet cotton fabric purchases. Final- ly, we identified residuals by magnitude and commod- ity category. The procedure was repeated for all trade in consumer goods. Clothing-an area of keen importance to consumers and the largest category of Soviet consumer goods imports-was the only category to benefit from this systematic pairing of data sets. Hungary, with the most detailed ledgers in the region, publishes Soviet purchases of men's suits, shirts, and pants; women's dresses and slips; sportswear; children's clothing; coats; undershirts; and other clothing. Because we did not strike such a rich lode in other East European data, we totaled Hungarian statistics into the coarser categories of outerwear and underwear. Applying the resulting ratio to Soviet reporting of clothing imports, we estimated that Budapest delivered 128 millions of rubles' worth of outerwear and 14 million rubles' worth of undergarments in 1983. Czechoslovak and Bulgarian statistics, although not as complete, did list exports of various clothing types. Again, compilations of outerwear and undergarment purchases were made and the shares converted into millions of rubles. Our findings indicate Prague's shipments of undergar- ments-40 million rubles' worth-are nearly three times those from Budapest. Bulgarian and Czechoslo- vak exports of outerwear, however, are comparable at 124 million and 134 million rubles' worth, respective- ly. Normally stingy with its statistics, East Germany reports the value of outerwear exports to the Soviet market. Converted to 96 million rubles at the official rate of exchange, this amount was subtracted from Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Confidential Soviet reporting of total clothing purchases. We as- sumed undergarments accounted for the remaining 93 million rubles. But Poland and Romania were not as forthcoming, and a CEMA ranking of clothing ex- porters by commodity type allowed us to estimate their deliveries of outerwear and undergarments. Ac- cording to open press reporting, these two countries are the Soviets' leading suppliers of men's suits and shirts, women's dresses, and other types of outerwear. We estimated Soviet outerwear purchases from Ro- mania to be worth 142 million rubles and from Poland, 150 million rubles to reflect this hierarchy, and we assumed undergarments accounted for other Soviet clothing imports We also used Hungarian foreign trade price indexes to remove the effects of inflation present in Soviet trade data. These deflators were applied only to aggregate merchandise flows. To avoid the statistical bias caused by differences in trade composition, Hun- garian indexes were not used to convert trade by country or commodity. Such trade remains in current rubles. Confidential 28 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5 Confidential Confidential Declassified in Part - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/12/01: CIA-RDP87T00787R000300350001-5