BIOGRAPIES ON HOUSE PERMANENT SELECT COMMITTEE ON INTELLIGENCE AND SENATE SELECT COMMITTEE ON INTELLIGENCE MEMBERS

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• Collection: General CIA Records
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• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 73
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: November 20, 2009
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: February 1, 1985
• Content Type: BIO

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,Q r
BIOGRAPHIES
ON
,HOUSE PERMANENT SELECT COMMITTEE ON INTELLIGENCE
AND
SENATE SELECT COMMITTEE ON INTELLIGENCE
MEMBERS
99th Congress
February 1985
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?
MEMBERSHIP FOR
HOUSE PERMANENT SELECT COMMITTEE ON INTELLIGENCE
DEMOCRATS REPUBLICANS
Chairman Ranking Minority Member
Lee H. Hamilton (D., IN) Bob Stump (R., AZ)
Louis Stokes (D., OH) Andy Ireland (R., FL)
Dave McCurdy (D., OK) 8S Henry J. Hyde (R., IL)
Anthony C. Beilenson (D., CA)5po, Dick Cheney (R., WY)
? *Robert W. Kastenmeier (D., WI) Bob Livingston (R., LA)
Dan Daniel (D., VA) Bob McEwen (R., OH)
Robert A. Roe (D., NJ)
George E. Brown, Jr. (D., CA)
Matthew F. McHugh (D., NY)
Bernard J. Dwyer (D., NJ)
EX OFFICIO: James C. Wright, Jr. (D., TX)
Robert H. Michel (R., IL)
is
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Lee H. Hamilton (D)
Of Nashville - Elected 1964
Barn: April 20, 1931, Daytona Beach, Fla.
Education: DePauw U., B.A. 1952; Ind. U., J.D. 1956.
Occupation Lawyer.
Family: Wife, Nancy Nelson; three children.
Religion Methodist.
political Career. No previous office.
Capitol Office: 2187 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-5315.
In Washington: A man who chooses his
issues carefully and times his few speeches for
maximum impact, Hamilton has a reservoir of
respect few members can match. But he has
been reluctant to take advantage of it, and he
has never sought a broker's role in House
politics.
Scornful of self-promotion, Hamilton ap-
proaches his fob with unwavering earnestness.
Every week he mails his constituents a newslet-
ter notable because it lacks the traditional self-
serving photos and features about the incum-
bent. Hamilton simply explains one issue each
week and sets out the major arguments on each
side. Sometimes he does not even express his
own opinion.
This low-key style has evolved over nearly
20 years on Foreign Affairs, which Hamilton
joined as a freshman in 1965, and on the
Europe and Middle East Subcommittee, which
he chairs. He is one of a handful of members
who have made the once-passive Foreign Af-
fairs Committee closer in stature to its tradi-
tionally dominant Senate counterpart. Now
third in line on Foreign Affairs behind two
Democrats who are both more than a decade
older, Hamilton seems almost certain to inherit
the committee at some point in the 1980s.
In 1972 Hamilton sponsored the first end-
the-Vietnam-War measure ever adopted by the
Foreign Affairs Committee. His amendment to
a foreign aid bill called for withdrawal of U.S.
forces from Vietnam, contingent on release of
all prisoners of war and agreement with North
Vietnam on a cease-fire plan. The amendment
was killed on the House floor in August 1972,
but it helped set the stage for later congres-
sional actions to end the war.
Hamilton frequently writes e pre to top
administration officials demanding explana-
t pD-S. of..po ) ecisIons_ and publishes their
responses in the Congressional Record. He
forces the State Department to brief him regu-
larly on developments in the Middle East.
When the peace treaty between Egypt. and
Israel in 1979 forced Congress to approve a new
$4.8 billion American aid package, Hamilton
managed it on the House floor and won its
approval, calling it "a bargain for the United
States."
As subcommittee chairman, he has sought
to steer a middle course between the panel's
militant pro,Israel faction and those who want
to pay serious attention to Arab and Palestin-
ian demands. In the 97th Congress, Hamilton
sharply criticized Israeli handling of the raids
on Palestinian camps in Lebanon. But he also
was one of the more skeptical members in his
approach toward Reagan administration plans
for new arms sales to Jordan.
In his subcommittee's sensitive debates
over aid to Greece and Turkey, Hamilton
played what amounted to a referee's role. He
was willing to back increased arms sales to
Turkey, but insisted on imposing conditions
and considering arms for Greece at the same
time.
Hamilton began to build his favorable
reputation early in his House career, winning
election in 1965 as president of the freshman
Democratic class in the 89th Congress. Later
the same year, Hamilton received widespread
press attention with a letter to President John-
son saying it was "time to pause" in action on
Great Society social programs.
That strain of domestic conservatism has
shown up in his budget voting of the last few
years. Skeptical of the deficit levels the House
Budget Committee has endorsed, he has some-
times voted against the committee's resolutions
on final passage, taking most of the Indiana
Democratic delegation with him. In 1981 he
backed the Democratic leadership in voting
against President Reagan's budget.
Much of Hamilton's time in recent years
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Indiana 9
This is the largest and least urbanized
district in the state. The hilly forest-; and
farm lands are more akin to Kentucky and
parts of southern Ohio and Illinois than to
the flat Hoosier farm lands farther north.
Many of those who settled here came from
the South and brought with them their
Democratic allegiances.
Poultry and cattle are the major agri-
cultural commodities of the area, which is
also the center of some of the nation's finest
and most abundant limestone quarries.
Stone cutters, like those portrayed in the
movie "Breaking Away," regularly excavate
rock that is used for building material
throughout the country.
The Indiana suburbs of Louisville, Ky.,
along the Ohio River, make up the district's
largest concentration of voters. Centered on
New Albany, the district's largest city with
just 37,000 people, this area is experiencing
a minor population boom. With the counties
along the Ohio River leading the way, the
9th grew faster in the 1970s than all but one
district in the state.
as been spent on ethics issues as a member of
e mmittee on Standards of Official on-
uct. In 1977 he chaired a task-force that
recommended new rules limiting members' out-
side earned income and honoraria. Most of the
recommendations were adopted by the House,
although in 1981 the outside income limit was
doubled, to 30 percent of a member's salary.
In the 96th Congress, Hamilton was the
dominant Democrat on the ethics committee,
performing many of the behind-the-scenes
chores for its mercurial chairman, Charles E.
Bennett, D-Fla.
Hamilton persuaded the panel to revise
the ethics rules to clarify the differences among
various punishments meted out in ethics cases.
He worked on the committee's recommenda-
tion of censure for Michigan Democrat Charles
C. Diggs Jr., convicted in a kickback scheme,
and on the Abscam bribery investigations.
On Abscam, however, Hamilton broke with
Bennett and most of the committee. The panel
recommended that Rep. Michael "Ozzie" My-
ers, D-Pa., be expelled following his conviction
in federal court for accepting bribes. The ex-
pulsion came to the floor on the day the House
Southeast
Bloomington; New Albany
In the days of the steamboats, when
Indiana's economy depended upon the car.
goes that came up the Ohio River, New
Albany was the state's largest city. Although
the river's contribution to the local liveli.
hood has dropped off considerably in the
last hundred years, the 9th District still
depends upon river traffic and industries
located along the river bank for many of its
jobs.
In its northwest corner, the 9th takes in
most of Bloomington, the home of Indiana
University. The district boundary rune
along 3rd Street in Bloomington, placing
the northern two-thirds of the city's 52,006
residents in the 9th. Included in that area is
all of Indiana University's campus as well a:
most of the off-campus housing and faculty
neighborhoods.
Population: 544,873. White 530,291
(97%), Black 10,205 (2%). Spanish origin
3,180 0%). 18 and over 383,018 (70%). 65
and over 56,470 (10%). Median age: 28.
was scheduled to recess for the 1980 election.
and Hamilton said the rushed atmosphere was
denying Myers due process. But the majority
was on the other side, and Myers was expelled
Hamilton left the panel at the end of 1980.
At Home: The son and brother of minis.
tars, Hamilton has a devotion to work that
comes out of his traditional Methodist family.
From his days to Evansv a rg c loo u
1948, when he helped propel the basketbdl
team to the state finals, to his race for Congress
in 1964, he displayed a quiet, consistent deter.
mination.
When he graduated from DePauw Univer
sity in 1952, he received an award as the
outstanding senior. He accepted a scholarship
to Goethe University in G
Hamilton practiced law for a while-in Chi-
cago, but soon decided to settle in Columbus.
Indiana, where his interest in politics led him
into the local Democratic Party. In 1960 he was
chairman of the Bartholomew County (Colum-
bus) Citizens for Kennedy. Two years later be
managed Birch Bayh's Senate campaign is
Columbus.
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He was the consensus choice of the local
Democratic organization for the 9th District
House nomination in 1964, and won the pri-
mary with 46 percent of the vote in a field of
five candidates. He went on to defeat longtime
Republican Rep. Earl Wilson, a crusty fiscal
watchdog who had represented the district for
almost a quarter of a century.
With his widespread personal respect,
Hamilton has been re-elected easily ever since.
After a few years, Republicans gave up on
defeating him and added Democrats to his
district to give GOP candidates a better chance
Indiana - 9th District
elsewhere in the state. In 1976, for the first
time in the history of the district, the Republi-
cans put up no candidate at all. In 1980, as
Democrats were having trouble all over Indi-
ana, Hamilton was drawing his usual percent-
age - nearly 65 percent of the vote.
Conceding that Hamilton was unbeatable,
the Republican Legislature made no effort to
weaken him in the 1981 redistricting, although
they removed Hamilton's hometown of Colum-
bus from the district. He switched his residence
to the next county and was re-elected with 67
percent of the vote.
Committees
Foreign Affairs (3rd o124 Democrats)
Europe and the Middle East (chairman); International Security
and Scientific Affairs.
lal.ct Intelligence (6th of 9 Democrats)
Oversight and Evaluation.
Joint Economic (vice chairman)
Economic Goals and Intergovernmental Policy (chairman); Mon-
etary and Fiscal Policy.
1182 General
Lee H. Hamilton (D) 121,094 (67%)
Floyd Coates (R) 58,532 (32%)
1180 General
lee H. Hamilton (D) 136,574 (64%)
George Meyers Jr. (R) 75,601 (36%)
Previous Winning Percentages: 1978 (66%) 1978 (100%)
1174 (71%) 1972 (63%) 1970 (63%) 1969 (54%)
1181 (54%) 1984 (54%)
District Vote For President
1990 1971
D 92,931 (43%) D 109,023 (52%)
R 112,568 (52%) R 98,908 (47%)
1 8.747 ( 4Y.)
Campaign Finance
- - Receipts Expend-
Receipts from PACs itures
Hamilton(D) $159,150 $58,065.(36%) $177,607
Coates (R) $233,458 $550 (.2?/.) $147,881
1110
Mam,lton(0) $113.260 $33.532 (25%) $122,674
Voting Studies
Presidential Party Conservative
Support Unity Coalition
S 0 S 0 S 0
47 52 66 33 58 42
47 51 71 27 56 44
1980 74 25 67 31 48 47
1979 76 23 71 .29 44 56
1978 86 14 74 26 33 67
1977 72 23 80 18 32 65
1976 33 67 72 27 43 55
1975 51 48 69 29 45 54
1974 (Ford) 65 35
1974 70 26 65 32 39 55
1973 41 58 82 18 . 30 70
1972 68 30 71 28 "35 63
1971 42 54 85 12 .17 78
1970 68 23 74 21 23 73
1969 68 32 85 15 22 78
1968 82 15 77 18 27 65
1967 85 12 79 19 44 52
1966 82 10 75 15 32 51
1965 84 11 82 13 24 75
S = Support 0 = Opposition
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981) N
Legal services reauthorization (1981) Y
Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y
Index income taxes (1981) N
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) ' Y
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) N
Delete MX funding (1982) Y
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) Y
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) Y
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS
1982 70 30 80 45
1981 65 33 67 28
1980 44 46 47 76
1979 53 27 70 50
1978 35 31 50 35
1977 60 15 64 50
1978 50 11 52 32
1975 68 43 74 29
1974 65 7 70 50
1973 80 4 73 36
1972 50 26 82 10
1971 89 7 75 -
1970 80 13 67 22
1969 53 13 90 -
1968 58 22 75 -
1967 53 11 83 30
1966 47 33 85
1965 58 15 - 10
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Anthony C.
Beilenson (D)
Of Los Angeles - Elected 1976
Born: Oct. 26, 1932, New Rochelle, N.Y.
Education: Harvard U., B.A. 1954; Harvard Law
School, LL.B. 1957.
Occupation: Lawyer.
Family: Wife, Dolores Martin; three children.
Religion: Jewish.
Political Career. Calif. Assembly, 1963-67; Calif. Sen-
ate, 1967-77; sought Democratic nomination for U.S.
Senate, 1968.
In Washington: An in llectual with the
soft, resonant voice of an FM radio announcer,
Beilenson has maintained - rib ral v 1Qg
record while demonstrating a pronounced skep-
tct'Tam about much of what government does.
He is a man who likes to think for himself on
any major issue - once he makes up his mind
he does not seem to care whether there are four
people on his side or 400.
In 1980 he cast the only vote in the House
against a resolution reassuring Social Security
recipients that Congress would not tax benefits.
He said all ideas for helping out Social Security
deserved consideration. The next year he was
on the losing side as the House voted 394-2 to
make it easier for former prisoners of war to
receive veterans' benefits. Beilenson did not see
why former POWs deserved priority over other
veterans. Feu? House memhersof either party
-are ected as Beilenson for their willing-
ss out of conviction regardless of
political interest. Sometimes, -however, his con-
victions run up against the demands of partisan
politics.
Toward the end of the 97th Congress,
Beilenson was picked to chair a task force
studying possible changes in the budget pro-
cess. Former Rules Chairman Richard Bolling
began the task force because he was concerned
that too much power was in the hands of the
Budget Committee.
Beilenson shared his view, but insisted
that the panel should be totally non-partisan,
with an aim toward making the process "less
onerous and less time-consuming." In early
1983, he was ready to present his recommenda-
tions to the Rules Committee. His plan would
give the Rules and Appropriations committees
more say in the way the budget is put together.
But even if his ideas had been acceptable
to the Democratic leadership, his timing was
off. Moments before Beilenson was to present
his plan, Speaker O'Neill asked the Rules Com-
mittee to postpone a vote, worried that a dis-
pute over changing the process might have
jeopardized Democratic unity on the 1983 bud-
get itself, due to come to a decision shortly.
Beilenson brought two special legislative
interests with him from the California Assem-
bly - f,~ri l}_ plai ing n^~ elephants Con-
cerned over world population problems, he has
worked to increase federal funds for family
planning clinics. And he has tried to ban trade
in elephant tusk ivory to protect the endan-
gered African elephant. His 1979 anti-ivory bill
passed the House but died in the Senate.
Beilenson also has directed his attention to
the issue of automobile safety. His strong pro-
safety views have receive little hearing,
though, in a deregulatory-minded Congress. He
has sponsored one bill requiring car manufac-
turers to post crash test results on all new cars
and another requiring automakers to install a
"high-mounted" brake light in the rear center
of all new cars.
At Home: Beilenson was a 14-year veteran
of_lbg state Legislature when Democratic
Thorn announce his retirement
from Congress in 1976. The district was ideal
territory for Beilenson; his record suited him
well to voters in some of the most liberal and
heavily Jewish parts of Los Angeles.
Beilenson's one major obstacle was cleared
away when Howard Berman, then the Assem-
bly's majority leader, chose to remain in the
Legislature in 1976. Berman had been seen as
Rees' likely successor, and he would have had
access to an organization difficult for Beilenson
to match. But running against five other candi-
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Anthony C. Bei/enson, D-Colif.
California 23
The 23rd District is divided geographi-
cally and culturally by the Santa Monica
Mountains.
On the southern slope of one of the
world's few urban mountain ranges are the
lush, well-tended neighborhoods of Bel Air
and Westwood, the home of the sprawling
U.C.L.A. campus. To the east, at the foot of
the mountains is Beverly Hills, and to the
south, Century City, Rancho Park and West
Los Angeles. These are, for the most part,
the provinces of wealthy, liberal families,
many of them Jewish. Older residents and
young people living in small two-story
apartment buildings are scattered through
some of the area. They also vote Demo-
cratic.
On the other side of the Santa Monicas,
where the ocean breezes seldom blow, is a
different world. Here are the middle-class
San Fernando Valley commu o e-
se a arzana. an ar an
~- uburbs lin ed
together by shoppingogacenters an commer-
cial strips. Although many of the voters in
this area register as Democrats, most of
them vote Republican.
dates, none of whom held public office, Beilen-
son was the clear front-runner. ?
Wallace Albertson, who headed the state's
leading liberal organization, the California
Democratic Council, criticized Beilenson for
not being active enough in his support for
Proposition 15, which would have restricted the
development of nuclear power plants in the
state. But Proposition 15 fared almost as poorly
in the district as it did statewide, drawing 38
percent, and Albertson did even worse, finish-
ing second in the primary with 21 percent to
Beilenson's 58 percent.
Beilenson's first worrisome general elec-
tion came in 1982, and it proved less difficult
than had been expected. In order to draw a
favorable district for Berman, who now wanted
to run for Congress, map makers had removed
part of the area near Beverly Hills from the
23rd and added conservative voters in the
western San Fernando Valley; Beilenson com-
plained that the change had hurt him badly.
Democrats who drew the district insisted
Beilenson was panicking for no reason. "It's a
good district for Tony," said the late Rep.
Beverly Hills; Part
of San Fernando Valley
To create a new, solidly Democratic
district to the east - the 26th - eilen-
lons23rd-was pushed fa*+t. =we tin the
aan_fernando Valley into territory that for
the last decade voted overwhe mtng y for
Republican Rep. Barry Goldwater Jr. The
changes pushed the Democratic registration
down from 63 to 57 percent, and a majority
of the voters now live on the valley side.
Under the plan drawn up by Democrats
for the 1984 elections, the 23rd will move
even farther afield from its Beverly Hills
base of the 1970s. Beverly Hills will con-
tinue to anchor the +s ,
Ut t a .i+~r.G+ .,. 1 et.a+~ti, westward to tha
coast, picking up territory, around Mali u.
T'he nnew communities alongg t have
Democratic registration advantages, but
like other similar areas, they are not averse
to voting Republican.
Population: 526,007. White 466,648
(89%), Black 14,044 (3%), Asian and Pa-
cific Islander 21,112 (4%). Spanish origin
48,853 (9%). 18 and over 426,336 (81%), 65
and over 66,676 (13%). Median age: 34.
Phillip Burton, main architect of California's
new congressional map. "He just doesn't know
it. He's not a numbers guy." As it turned out,
Burton was right.
Beilenson's Republican opponent was Da-
vid Armor, a former analyst with the Rand
Corporation. Armor had prepared a series of
studies on the effects of school busing to
achieve integration, and the studies had been
used by anti-busing forces during Los Angeles'
bitter struggle over the issue at the end of the
1970s. Republicans hoped Armor would do par-
ticularly well in the San Fernando section of
the district, where anti-busing sentiment had
been especially fierce.
With his Beverly Hills base relatively se-
cure, however, Beilenson was able to put most
of his effort into the communities new to him.
Substantially. outspending Armor, he took al-
most 60 percent of the vote, only a slight
decline from his previous tallies.
Since he moved to the West Coast to
practice law at age 25, Beilenson has metlvith
only one political defeat. He was in the middle-'
of his first state Senate term in 1968 when he
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decided to run for the U.S. Senate as a peace
candidate, criticizing former state Controller
Alan Cranston for what he said was a lukewarm
Committees
Rules (5th of 9 Democrats)
Rules of the House.
1982 General
Anthony C. Beilenson (D)
David Armor (R)
1980 General
120,788 (60'h)
82.031 (40%)
Anthony C. Beilenson (D) 126.020 (63%)
Robert Winckler (R) 62.742 (32%)
Jeffrey Lieb (LIB) 10.623 ( 5%)
Previous Winning Percentages: 1978 (66%) 1976 (60%)
District Vote For President
1980 1978
D 83,686 (38%) D 114,406 (50'/.)
R 107,985 (49'/.) R 111,766 (49%)
I 21,880 (10'/.)
1982
Campaign Finance
Receipts Expend-
Receipts from PACs itures
Beilenson (D) $248,250 $5,500 ( 2%) $274,303
Armor (R) $261,557 $69,907 (27%) $228,222
1980
Beilenson (D) $75,659 $2,000 ( 3%) $861,192
Winckler (R) $9,726 $4,575 (47%) $9,865
anti-war position. Beilenson was second among
five primary candidates, but more than a mil-
lion votes behind Cranston.
Voting Studies
Presidential Party Conservative
support Unity coalition
Year s 0 8 0 s 0
1962 38 53 81 5 11 82
1981 30 64 79 8 8 80
1980 80 15 86 8 7 88
1979 77 21 88 6 5 90
1978 76 12 81 9 5 80
1977 66 22 83 7 '4 90
S- Support 0 = Opposition
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981) N
Legal services reauthorization (1981) Y
Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y
Index income taxes (1981) N
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) N
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) N
Delete MX funding (1982) Y
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) 7
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) Y
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS
1982 95 17 84 19
1981 90 4 80 6
1960 94 21 68 39
1979 100 8 83 12
1978 80 8 79 31
1977 90 11 78 24
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Robert W.
Kastenmeier (D)
Of Sun Prairie - Elected 1958
Born: Jan. 24, 1924, Beaver Dam, Wis.
Education: U. of Wis., LL.B. 1952.
J1ilitary Career. Army, 1943-46.
Occupation: Lawyer.
Family: Wife, Dorothy Chambers; three children.
Religion: Unspecified.
Political Career. Democratic nominee for U.S. House,
1956.
Capitol Office: 2232 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-2906.
In Washington Isast_nrnai r d not
attract the attention he did e o as&
militant House i era , but his scialties re
still the same - equal rights and civil liberties,.
These days, much of his energy is devoted
to maintaining the status quo. As chairman of
the Courts and Civil Liberties Subcommittee at
Judiciary, he fights any proposed legislation to
strip federal courts of jurisdiction over busing,
school prayer and other controversial social
issues. Kastenmeier has held hearings on some
of these bills at various times in recent years,
but he has never come close to scheduling any
action on them. "These bills are merely a form
of chastisement," he said while sitting on sev-
eral of them in the 97th Congress.
During the early months of the Reagan
administration, however, Kastenmeier found
himself focusing on a different role, defending
the Legal Services Corporation against White
ouse efforts to replace it with a block grant
system. The block grants could have been used
for any law enforcement purpose, not just for
the original Legal Services commitment to pro-
viding legal aid to the poor. Kastenmeier was
militantly opposed to the change.
To get the program reauthorized by the
House, Kastenmeier had to accept several new
rules restricting Legal Services lawyers, such as
one barring them from filing class action suits,
and a reduction in the corporation's budget.
But the House voted to reauthorize the pro-
gram in June of 1981, one of the few tangible
victories up to that point for the liberal House
critics of the Reagan administration. .
In the end, no reauthorization passed the
Senate, but Legal Services survived through
the 97th Congress on stopgap funding from the
Appropriations Committee.
Kastenmeier came to Congress as one of
the small cadre of 1950s peace activists. He
complained about the anti-communist "witch
hunts" of his state's former Republican sena-
tor, Joseph R. McCarthy, and said the "mili-
tary-industrial complex" was out of control.
With two former campaign aides, Marcus
kin an as ow, now we - nown
lefti writers. he se r uce a manifesto
ei n o is in e
1 0s.
They began the Liberal Project and at-
tracted 17 other congressmen who wanted to
publish position papers on liberal issues. The
1960 election was not kind to them; 16 of the 18
were defeated. But Kastenmeier continued as
head of the redrawn "Liberal Group" and a few
years later,eublished the Liberal Papers, call-
ing for disarmamen~misssior ma- in and
China to the United Nations and an end to the
draft. Republicans labeled them "apostles of
appeasement" and most Democrats ignored
them. Since then, Kastenmeier has kept a lower
profile both inside the House and out. But
many of the ideas were accepted eventually.
Kastenmeier is as cnncervatrye in his per-
sonal style as he is liberal in ideology. A dull
speaker TNT; a distaste for flamboyance, he is
often overshadowed on Judiciary by members
who express their views more militantly.
His timing has been unusual. His opposi-
tion to the Vietnam War was so far ahead of
public opinion that by the time the anti-war
fervor reached its peak, Kastenmeier had been
through it already. He was consistent in his
support for the anti-war movement, but he was
never a national leader in it.
Early in his career, Kastenmeier and his
allies in the Liberal Group - Don Edwards
and Phillip Burton of California - worked on
efforts to democratize House procedure. But
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STAT
Wisconsin 2
Republicans have most of the land in
the 2nd, and Democrats have most of the
voters. While the district covers a sizable
portion of southern Wisconsin's Republi-
can-voting rural areas, its centerpiece is the
traditionally Democratic city of Madison in
Dane County.
The 1980 election serves as an example
of the GOP's frustration. Even though Kas-
tenmeier lost every county except Dane, his
3-to-2 edge there was sufficient to lift him
to victory.
Madison, the state capital and second
largest city in Wisconsin, has its share of
industry; meat processor Oscar Mayer, for
example, employs more than 3,500 in its
Madison plant. But the city's personality is
dominated by its white-collar sector - the
bureaucrats who work in local and state
government, the 2,300 educators and 40,000
students at the University of Wisconsin,
and the large number of insurance company
home offices, so many that Madison calls
itself a midwestern Hartford.
Madison boasts a tradition of political
liberalism. Since 1924, when Robert M. La
Follette carried Dane County as the Pro-
gressive Party's presidential candidate,
Democrats nearly always have won there. In
1972, George McGovern won 58 percent in
Dane County, and eight years later Demo-
cratic Sen. Gaylord Nelson took two-thirds
here too, Kastenmeier did not play a leading
role when the changes were actually made a
decade later. By then, he had turned his atten-
tion to legal work on Judiciary. He supported
the procedural reforms but was not publicly
associated with them by most members.
In part, that reflects Kastenmeier's reluc-
tance to involve himself in confrontations. In
recent veers at leas e
more aggressive or liberal Demo-
crats in t e ouse. 'ke many civil libertarians,
Kastenmeier was distnr tactics in
the 1980 Abscam bribe scandal. But while he
was pondering t e issue, Edwards went ahead
and held hearings that drew national attention
to the issue of FBI entrapment.
While his friends plunged themselves into
controversy during the 1970s, Kastenmeier
worked on the technicalities of copyright law,
producing the first comprehensive revision in
South -
Madison
of the vote there while losing statewide.
Outside the Madison area, agriculture
and tourism sustain the district's economy.
Dairying is important, and there is some
beef production, although many livestock
farmers have switched in recent years to
raising corn as a cash crop.
In New Glarus (Green County), which
was founded by the Swiss, the downtown
area has been redone to resemble a village in
the mother country. Wisconsin Dells (Co-
lumbia County) lures big-city tourists to
view the steep ridges and high plateaus
along the Wisconsin River.
The majority of farmers and townsfolk
in the district are conservative, and they
chafe at Madison's dominance of district
politics. Ronald Reagan's conservatism
found many followers in the rural areas of
the district. In 1980 Reagan won six of the
eight counties partly or wholly within the
2nd, leaving only Dane and its western
neighbor, Iowa County, in Jimmy Carter's
column. But the wide Democratic margin in
Dane enabled Carter to carry the district.
Population: 523,011. White 509,003
(97%), Black 6,051 (1%), Asian and Pacific
Islander 3,670 (1%). Spanish origin 4,233
0%). 18 and over 383,086 (73%), 65 and
over 55,870 (11% ). Median age: 29.
that field in more than 60 years and guiding it
through nearly a decade of debate.
In the 97th Congress, Kastenmeier again
s nt most of his time on some c nice an
little notice - although potentially important
- pieces of legislation. He managed to move
them through Judiciary, only to find the road
to enactment strewn with obstacles.
The committee easily approved a bill
establishing longer patent protection for drug
manufacturers, who often have to spend years
waiting for federal approval before they can
market their products. Because Kastenmeier
feared weakening amendments, he brought the
bill to the floor under amendment-proof "sus-
pension" procedures that required two-thirds
approval for passage. Heavy lobbying by ge-
neric drug producers denied it the two-thirds,
and it died.
Kastenmeier's bill to clarify copyright Ii-
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ability for cable tV stations did pass the
House, supported by the cable industry as well
as the National Assocation of Broadcasters, but
the Senate never took it up. One Kastenmeier
product that did become law in the 97th Con-
gress was a bill making piracy of phonograph
records,a federal crime, punishable by impris-
onment.
Kastenmeier also has served most of his
career on the Interior Committee, but devoted
considerably less time to its work. For years he
was a willing environmentalist vote to back up
Burton and Chairman Morris K. Udall on is-
sues such as strip mining, creating wilderness
areas in Alaska, and expansion of the California
redwoods park. He left Interior at the start of
1983.
Kastenmeier admits that he and other
House liberals have modified the approach of
years a o. "We are less pretentious," he as
sai . "We don't presume to accomplish as
much. We, in the context of the House of
Representatives, ought to try to be reasonably
effective. We feel we ought to be the cutting
edge of American liberalism in the body politic,
yet there is even a limitation to that."
At Home: It s no longer ssible for
.Kastenme-ierto'win re-election Basil on the
mere strength of his opposition to the ietnam
War or Ii-isupport impeachment of
President Nixon. He has to take camnaianing
aim s seriously as he did in the early years
of his career. But is seat seems s
After dropping to 54 percent of the vote in
1980 and losing every county in the district
except Dane, home of the University of Wis-
consin, he bounced back with a solid 61 percent
in 1982.
Although Kastenmeier never has seemed
very comfortable campaigning, he now does the
things that endangered Democrats have been
doing for years. In 1980 he hired a professional
campaign manager for the first time.
The son of an elected minor -official from
Dodge County, Kastenmeier took only a lim-
ited interest in politics until he was nearly 30
years old. Then he became the Democratic
chairman of the second-smallest 'county in the
district, and three years later, in 1956, decided
to run for the seat left open by Republican
Glenn R. Davis, who ran for the Senate. Kas-
tenmeier lost to GOP nominee Donald E.
Tewes by a 55-45 margin. But in 1958, with two
of Wisconsin's most popular Democrats -Wil-
liam Proxmire and Gaylord Nelson - running
on the statewide ticket, many Republicans in
the 2nd District stayed home and Kastenmeier
won.
Kastenmeier's first three elections were
hotly contested affairs that included accusa-
tions that the Democrat was sympathetic to
communists. In his first successful campaign, in
1958, he was helped by farm discontent with
the policies of the Eisenhower administration.
After 1964 redistricting removed Milwau-
kee's suburban Waukesha County from the
district, Kastenmeier's percentages shot up. In
1970, when the old charges were updated to
include criticism that Kastenmeier was "soft on
radical students," the incumbent won by his
highest percentage ever.
Kastenmeier had few problems for a full
decade after that. But in 1980, his refusal to
back away from any of his liberal views opened
him to Republican assault as being out of step
with the new fiscal conservatism. Those at-
tacks, made by his challenger, former yo-yo
manufacturer James A. Wright, had particular
appeal in the farming communities that sur-
round Madison. Only Kastenmeier's strong
support in the Madison university community
allowed him to survive the 1980 contest, in
which Nelson went down to defeat at the
statewide level.
In 1982 Republicans nominated a more
moderate candidate, tax consultant Jim John-
son, who tried to appeal to Madison and
avoided the Reagan-style rhetoric that Wright
had used. But the issues were moving back in
Kastenmeier's direction. Much of the anti-gov-
ernment feeling of the previous election had
subsided, and the issue with the strongest emo-
tional appeal was the nuclear freeze. Wisconsin
voted overwhelmingly for the freeze, and
Kastenmeier was one of its most vocal support-
ers.
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Robert W. Kastenmeier, D-Wis. .
Committees
Judiciary (3rd of 20 Democrats;
Courts. Civil Liberties and Administration of Justice (chairman):
Civil and Constitutional Rights.
1982 General
Robert Kastenmeier (D)
Jim Johnson (R)
1980 General
Robert Kastenmeier (D)
James Wright (R)
112.677 (61%)
71,989 (39%1
142.037 (54%)
119.514 (45%)
Previous Winning Percentages: 1978 (58%) 1976 (661/4
1974 (65%) 1972 (68 70) 1970 (69%) 1968 (60%)
1966 (58%) 1964 (64%) 1962 (53%) 1960 (53%)
1958 (52%)
District Vote For President
1980 1976
D 124.236 (47%) 0 124.106 (51%)
R 106.003 (40%) R 109.405 (459%)
25,513 (106)
Campaign Finance
Receipts Expand-
Receipts from PACs (turn
1982
Kastenmeier(D) $319.055 $152,359 (48%) $326,450
Johnson(R) $268,092 $47,484 (18%) $270,602
1990
Kastenmeier (D) $243,465 $97,381 (40%) $225.706
Wright (R) $294,214 $117,624 (40%) $292,348
Voting studies
Presidential
Support
Party
Unity
Conservative
Coalition
Year
S
0
a
0
S
0
1982
26
74
89
10
12
88
1981
22
75
89
lit
5
95
1980
71
26
89
10
9
87
1979
79
20
88
9t
6
92
1978 '
86
14
91
9
7
93
1977
76
23
87
12
14
85
1976
33
67
89
10
18
81
1975
31
65
86
11
15
82
1974 (Ford)
41
57
1974
42
58
84
13
7
89
1973
26
73
87
12
11
87
1972
49
51
83
12
10
87
1971
26
72
Be
9
2
94
1970
55
43
85
11
7
86
1969
45
51
82
15
7
89
1968
83
14
91
5
4
92
1967
80
16
87
9
2
96
1966
75
12
75
15
5
86
1965
86
7
90
8
2
98
1964
92
8
84
16
8
92
1963
84
13
at
15
7
93
1962
85
15
84
11
12
88
1961
94
6
93
5
9
87
S = Support 0 a Opposition
I Not eligible for all recorded votes. .
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981) N
Legal services reauthorization (1981) Y
Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y
Index income taxes (1981) N
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) N
Delete MX funding (1982) Y
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) N
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) Y
Interest Group Rating
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS
1982 90 9 100 20
1981 95 13 80 5
1980 100 13 79 58
1979 95 4 95 0
1978 95 4 95 22
1977 100 15 74. 24
1976 90 11 83 0
1975 100 18 91 6
1974 91 0 89 10
1973 100 20 82 9
1972 100 9 91 ? 0
1971 95 11 82
1970 92 11 100 10
1969 93 19 . 100
1968 100 0 75
1967 93 11 100 10
1966 94 20 100
1965 100 0 10
1964 100 16 100 -
1963 - 6 -
1962 86 4 91
1961 100 -
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?
California - 36th District
George E.
Brown Jr. (D)
Of Riverside - Elected 1962
Did not serve 1971-73.
Born: March 6, 1920, Holtville, Calif.
Education: U. of Calif., Los Angeles, B.A. 1946.
Military Career. Army, 1942-46.
Occupation: Physicist.
Family: Wife, Rowena Somerindyke; four children.
Religion: Methodist.
Political Career. Monterey Park mayor, 1954-58; Calif.
Assembly, 1959-63; sought Democratic U.S. Senate
nomination, 1970.
Capitol Office: 2256 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-6161.
In Washington: Brown has pursued his
liberal principles through two very different
careers in the House, punctuated by a one-term
absence following his defeat for the Senate in
1970.
Watching Brown in action today, as he
listens patiently to testimony on the budget for
science research or ponders amendments to a
farm bill, it is easy to forget the militant anti-
war crusader of the 1960s. At first glance, he
seems to be a different man. But he is simply a
mellower version of the same man.
Never a radical on domestic issues, Brown
became a peace advocate during his days as a
scientist, and argued his cause from the start of
his first term, in 1963, when he opposed exten-
sion of the draft as it passed the House 388-3.
He voted 'against money for civil defense,
charging that it "created a climate in which
nuclear war becomes more credible" and in
1966 cast the only vote in the House against a
$58 billion defense funding bill.
He was already speaking out against the
Vietnam War in the spring of 1965, when he
accused President Lyndon B. Johnson of pre-
tending "that the peace of mankind can be won
by the slaughter of peasants in Vietnam." He
continued to talk that way through the next
five years in the House, both on the floor and at
outside rallies. He refused to vote for any
military appropriations bill while the war con-
tinued and once boasted that he had opposed
more federal spending than any member in
history.
Brown's anti-war work gave him a national
reputation during those years, but much of his
legislative time was devoted to environmental
issues. He introduced a bill in 1969 to ban
offshore oil drilling along the California coast,
and he backed federal land use planning. He
proposed outlawing the production of internal
combustion engines after a three-year period.
Environmentalism is the link between
Brown's two House careers. When he returned
as a freshman in 1973, U.S. participation in the
war was ending. He settled quietly into the
Agriculture and Science committees and fol-
lowed his issues without seeking much public
attention. Since 1973, he has not been one of
the more visible members of the House.
But he has been busy. Much of his work
has been in defense of the Environmental Pro-
tection Agency (EPA), whose programs are
authorized through the Science Committee.
Brown has continually fought against cuts in
the EPA budget; he has regularly introduced
floor amendments adding extra money to fight
air or water pollution. In 1981, when the House
passed a bill cutting funds for pollution re-
search by 18 percent, Brown was a dissenting
voice, calling the reduction "irresponsible." He
favors creation of a National Technology Foun-
dation to parallel the National Science Founda-
tion in commercial research.
Browm's suspicion of the military still
comes out in his attitude toward the U.S. space
program. He is a strong believer in exploration,
but not in the military uses of space. In 1982 he
complained that 20 percent of the budget of the
National Aeronautics and Space Administra-
tion was going to defense-related work. "This
blatant and unabashed use of the civilian space
agency for Defense Department purposes," " he
said, "is a shocking departure from the past."
Brown also has been a vehement opponent
of the controversial Clinch River nuclear
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California 36
Of the three districts covering the San
Bernardino-Riverside metropolitan area,
this is the only one a Democrat can. win.
Since his 1972 comeback, Brown has
been able to combine the votes of the blue-
collar residents of Riverside and San Ber-
nardino with those of the growing Mexican-
American population in San Bernardino.
The burgeoning Republican suburban
vote, particularly in the suburbs of Norco
and Corona, was removed in the 1981 re-
districting, along with a large part of the
city. of Riverside. Only the Democratic
north side of Riverside remains in the new
36th District.
The San Bernardino side of the district
- usually more favorable to Democrats -
was expanded. Now, nearly three-quarters
of the district vote comes from San Bernar-
dino County.
The district extends westward to On-
tario, which has grown into a booming,
industrial city of 88,000, supporting a major
commercial airport and large Lockheed and
General Electric plants. In recent years,
with jobs in the local defense plants hanging
in the balance, Ontario voters have turned
increasingly toward Republican candidates,
breeder reactor. He sought to kill it in commit-
tee in 1977, joined the Carter administration in
trying to deny funds for it in 1979, and was on
the winning side as the Science Committee
voted against it in early 1981. Later the full
House voted against Clinch River, although it
was kept alive in a House-Senate conference.
In the 97th Congress, however, Brown's
most visible role was on the Agriculture Com-
mittee, as the frustrated chairman of the sub-
committee handling renewal of the Federal
Insecticide, Fungicide and Rodenticide Act.
That argument pitted pesticide manufacturers
against environmentalists demanding more
regulation of the industry. Brown was the ref-
eree, but he was not a happy one. "If this ever
comes up again while I am on the committee,"
he said at one point, "I hope you will refer it to
another subcommittee."
As the bill left Agriculture in 1982, it had
two provisions that the pesticide industry
wanted but Brown did not particularly like.
One would have limited public access to in-
formation about potentially dangerous chemi-
San Bernardino;
Riverside
both statewide and congressional.
The new 36th takes in all of San Ber-
nardino', 118,000 inhabitants. More than 50
miles from Los Angeles, the city once
marked the eastern terminus for the big red
trolley cars of Los Angeles' Pacific Electric
interurban rail system.
Today, San Bernardino residents have
little contact with the Los Angeles area. A'
fruit-packing center in the 1930s, San Ber-
nardino now forces its citrus industry to
share space with the many electronics and
aerospace firms in the area, as well as the
Kaiser Steel Corporation's blast furnace in
nearby Fontana. The steelworkers and the
employees at the large Atchison, Topeka
and Santa Fe railroad yards in San Bernar-
dino usually provide enough votes to put
the city and nearby Rialto and Colton into
the Democratic column.
Population: 528,091. White 404,144
(77%), Black 42,407 (8%), American In-
dian, Eskimo and Aleut 6,179 (1%), Asian
and Pacific Islander 7,685 (1%). Spanish
origin 123,049 (23%). 18 and over 363,372
(69%), 65 and over 48,660 (9%). Median
age: 27.
cals; the other would have restricted state con-
trol over the industry. Both provisions were
eventually removed on the House floor, with.
Brown's approval, and the bill passed the
House easily. But it died in the Senate.
On other domestic issues, Brown has been
casting liberal votes, much as he did during the
1960s. But on a few occasions, he has cast
pragmatic pro-defense votes he might have
denounced a decade ago. In 1980 he began
voting for production of the B-1 bomber. "If
the B-1 was being built in some other state," he
explained afterward, "and I didn't have two Air
Force bases and a lot of retired military people
who feel strongly about the B-1, I'd probably
have voted the other way."
At Home: Brown's 1970 Senate campaign
divides his electoral career the same way it has
split his Washington career. Before 1970,
Brown's political career revolved around the
heavily Hispanic community of Monterey Park.
The more recent phases have focused on mid-
dle-class politics in San Bernardino, 50 miles
east.
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California - 36th District
Born in a small town in California's Impe-
rial Valley, Brown moved to Los Angeles to
attend college, then settled in Monterey Park
after getting his physics degree. While working
for the Los Angeles city government, he began
to dabble in Monterey Park politics, and
moved from the Monterey Park Democratic
Club to the town's mayoralty. After four years
on the City Council and in the mayor's office,
he was elected to the state Assembly, where he
focused on housing issues.
In 1962 the new 29th Congressional Dis-
trict was created on Brown's home turf. He
easily defeated two strong primary opponents
and Republican H. L. "Bill" Richardson in the
general election.
Once he developed his reputation as an
anti-war leader, Brown attracted a series of
opponents - Democrats and Republicans -
who challenged him on the Vietnam issue. His
closest call came in 1966 against Republican
Bill Orozco, who capitalized on his Mexican-
American heritage and support for the guber-
natorial campaign of Ronald Reagan. Brown
won by 3,000 votes out of 135,000 cast.
In 1968 Orozco ran again. But redistricting
had added territory on the district's east side,
giving Brown more Anglo voters, and even
though Republicans made it a high priority
contest, Brown doubled his plurality. Still, it
was clear Brown would have tough races in
future years.
Rather than run again for what had be-
come a marginal seat, Brown decided in 1970 to
take on GOP Sen. George Murphy. But to do
that he had to wage a primary against fellow
U.S. Rep. John V. Tunney, son of former
boxing champion Gene Tunney.
After American troops invaded Cambodia
that spring, polls began to show Brown moving
into a slight lead over Tunney, who had been
much less outspoken in his opposition to the
war. Brown called for the impeachment of
President Nixon because of the invasion. Tun-
ney then turned his aim on -Brown, accusing
him of being a radical and advocating student
violence. Brown attempted to deflect what he
termed Tunney's "dirty" tactics, but failed and
lost by a 42-33 percent margin.
However, Brown exacted a revenge of
sorts. His description of his opponent as the
"lightweight son of the heavyweight champ"
became part of California political folklore and
helped end Tunney's career in 1976.
Brown's political resurrection came just
two years after his failed Senate bid, in a newly
created district in the San Bernardino-River-
side area. There it was middle-class white con-
servatives, not Mexican-Americans, who caused
problems for Brown.
The 1972 Democratic primary in the new
district was one of the fiercest battles in the
state that year. Brown was attacked, as an
extreme liberal and as a carpetbagger by David
Tunno, a Tunney protege, and by the conserva-
tive chairman of the San Bernardino County
Board, Ruben Ayala. But Brown won the eight-
candidate primary by finishing second in all
three parts of the district. His 28 percent of the
vote was not very impressive, but it was enough
to get him on the fall ballot as the Democratic
candidate. The district was then about 63 per-
cent Democratic in registration, and he was an
easy winner in November.
After the 1974 redistricting put more of
fast-growing and conservative Riverside
County into the district, Brown had to rely
increasingly on the portion of his district in San'
Bernardino County to carry him. In 1980, fac-
ing Republican John Paul Stark, a conservative
whose organization came largely from the Cam-
pus Crusade for Christ, Brown was held below a
majority in Riverside for the fast time. His
vote in San Bernardino County remained safely
above 55 percent, allowing him to survive with
53 percent overall.
Brown's 1980 showing landed him on just
about every Republican and New Right target-
ing list for 1982. Stark, whose performance the
first time had given him credibility as a candi-
date, came back with the same corps of funda-
mentalists enthusiastically staffing his cam-
paign. The Republican establishment, eager to
do in a liberal in a part of Southern California
that seemed to have abandoned liberalism,
threw substantial support Stark's way.
But Brown was not to be caught napping
twice. He began spending heavily on his cam-
paign in 1981, firming up his base of support in
friendly areas and wooing voters in more mar-
ginal communities. Severe economic problems
made his attack on Stark's adherence to GOP
economic policies all the sharper.
On Election Day, Brown did about a per-
centage point better than he had done within
slightly different district lines two years before.
But the results masked a significant change.
Redistricting had left Brown with only Demo-
cratic areas of Riverside and had added more of
San Bernardino County to the district. This
time, Brown's greatest strength lay in Riverside
County, where he pulled 57 percent of the vote;
he took the San Bernardino portion by a much
narrower margin.
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Committees
Agricufure (5th of 26 Democrats)
Department Operations. Research and Foreign Agriculture
(chairman); forests, Family Farms and Energy.
Science and Technology (3rd of 26 Democrats)
Natural Resources, Agriculture Research and Environment; Sci-
ence, Research and Technology; Space Science and Applica-
tions.
1982 General
George Brown Jr. (D) 76.546 (54%)
John Stark (R) 64.361 (46%)
1982 Primary
George Brown Jr. (D) 38,054 (74%)
Ron Hibble (D) 5.742 (11%)
Jimmy Pineda (D) 7,382 (14%)
1980 General
George Brown Jr. (D) 88.634 (53'/.)
John Stark (R) 73.252 (43%)
Previous Winning Percentages: 1978 (63%) 1978 (62%)
1974 (63%) 1972 (56%) 1988 (52%) 1888 (51%)
1961 (59?/.) 1982 (56%)
District Vote For President
1980 1976
D 58,253 (40X) D 73,491 (57?/.)
R 74,870 (51%) R 53,212 (42%)
I 10.847 ( 7%)
Campaign Finance
Receipts
Receipts
from PACs
Expend-
itures
1982
Brown (0)
$413,482
$120,485
(29%)
$428,305
Stark (R)
$193,208
$55,075
(29%)
$181,294
1980
Brown (D)
$86,317
$27,646
(32%)
584.680
Stark (R)
$28,497
$875
( 3%)
$28,103
Voting Studies '
Presidential Party Conservative
Support Unity Coalition
Year 8 0 8 0 . 8 0
1992 32 51 85 5 12 79
Goorgo
E. Br
own Jr.,
D-C
alif-
1981
38
57
77
10
19
75
1980
69
15
82
5
8
77
1979
74
13
83
5
10
75
1978
76
13
74
9
7
79
1971 .
70
14
81
4
6
78
1978
31
59
73
8
18
69
1975
37
60
81
10
11
76
1974 (Ford)
33
46
1974
28
47
70
8
11
68
1973
30
61
82
8
10
80
1972
-
-
1971
1970
29
31
39
15
2
36
1969
17
36
64
9
7 '
69
1968
41
16
43
7
1
39
1967
54
14
55
13
11
65
1996
42
11
46
8
5
43
1965
78
4
85
1
2
86
1964
81
2
73
2
0
67
1993
75
6
77
2
0
60
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981) N
Legal services reauthorization (1981) Y
Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y
Index income taxes (1981) N
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) N
Delete MX funding (1982) Y
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) N
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) Y
Interest Group Ratings
Yesr ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS
1982
75
5
94
29
1981
85
5
86
12
1980
94
10
82
52
1979
84
0
74
12
1978
70
8
79
13
1977
80
4
90
6
1976
80
19
79
13
1975
89
4
100
24
1974
91
0
100
0
1973
86
13
91
18
1972
-
-
-
-
1971
-
-
-
-
1970
88
17
100
13
1969
87
25
89
-
1968
83
16
100
-
1967
87
11
100
11
1966
82
11
100
1965
95
0
-
10
1964
92
0
100
-
1963
-
0
-
-
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Vkg/nla - 5th Diat'rkt
Dan Daniel (D)
Of Danville - Elected 1968
Born: May 12,.1914, Chatham, Va.
Education: Attended Danville H.S.
Military Career. Navy, 1944.
Occupation: Textile company executive.
Family: Wife, Ruby McGregor; one child.
Religion: Baptist.
Political Career. Va. House, 1959-69.
Capitol Office: 2368 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-4711.
In Washington: Daniel has been a quiet,
courtly hawk at Armed Services, voting unob-
trusively for the highest possible level of de-
fense funding. In recent years he has begun to
take on a new role, as critic of Pentagon bud-
geting practices.
In 1978 he took over as chairman of a
select subcommittee to examine "NATO stan-
dardization, " the drive of Ford and Carter
administration officials to reduce the number
of different kinds of equipment being used to
defend Europe.
The next year, his panel issued a report
complaining that standardization was forcing
American troops in the field to depend on
inferior European equipment and that the Pen-
tagon should insist on top quality purchases
regardless of cost.
That led Daniel to the issue of readiness.
During the 96th Congress, he and Democrat
Bob Can of Michigan, one of the committee's
handful of Pentagon critics, teamed up to de-
mand more funds for basic maintenance in the
defense budget. They argued that money was
being diverted from maintenance to pay for
new weapons.
In 1980, Congress enacted a Daniel-spon-
sored requirement that maintenance be given
its own separate section in each defense au-
thorization bill. In 1981 Daniel became chair-
man of a new Armed Services subcommittee
established to handle that part of the bill.
Daniel has favored letting the Pentagon
buy planes and missiles in large lots, spread
over several years. In the past, it has contracted
separately for each year's batch of weapons.
Pentagon officials have asked for the multi-
year approach, arguing it would lower the cost
of weapons, and Daniel has backed them up.
His support.for multi-year procurement has
brought him into conflict with Jack Brooks of
Texas, the Government Operations chairman,
who feels that approach essentially removes an
important tool of congressional control.
Daniel rarely talks about subjects outside
the military field. Despite a friendly personal
relationship with Speaker O'Neill, he seldom
gives the Democratic leadership a vote on any
major issue. He backed all of President Rea-
gan's economic programs in the 97th Congress.
The one non-military initiative Daniel has
mounted in recent years dealt with loyalty to
the U.S. government. A constituent of Daniel's
who was a member of the Communist Workers'
Party applied for a federally funded job under
the Comprehensive Employment and Training
Act (CETA). Daniel offered an amendment to
two budget resolutions banning CETA employ-
ment for anyone advocating the violent over-
throw of the federal government. The woman
insisted she did not personally advocate such a
thing, but the restriction became law.
At Home: Daniel is more comfortable
philosophically with his Republican colleagues
in the Virginia delegation than the new breed
of Democrats elected in 1982. He admits that
his Democratic seniority is the main reason he
has not joined the GOP himself.
Daniel has come a long way. The son of a
sharecropper, he started his career at a Dan-
ville textile mill as a blue-collar worker and
ended it as assistant to the chairman of the
board.
While he is not a dynamic force in Con-
gress, he has cut a large figure in state and
national civic organizations, serving as presi-
dent of the Virginia state Chamber of Com-
merce and national commander of the Ameri-
can Legion.
A'Dixiecrat in many respects, Daniel was a
leader in the state's short-lived resistance to
desegregation in the 1950s. In the following
decade, he was a Byrd machine stalwart in the
state Legislature.
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Virginia 5
The 5th is in the heart of Virginia's
rural "Southside," a largely agricultural re-
gion that more closely resembles the Deep
South than any other part of the state. It is
relatively poor and has a substantial black
population. Tobacco and soybeans are ma-
jor crops, but this region lacks the rich soil
of the Tidewater. ,
Though the 5th continues to support
conservative Democrats like Daniel, it has
long refused to vote for more liberal Demo-
cratic candidates at the state and national
level. It was one of only two districts in
Virginia to back George C. Wallace in 1968
and has not supported a Democrat for presi-
dent in more than a quarter-century. Barry
Goldwater carried it in 1964 with 51 percent
of the vote.
In the closely contested U.S. Senate
race in 1982, the district went narrowly for
Republican Rep. Paul S. Trible Jr. over
Democratic Lt. Gov. Richard J. Davis.
The district's largest city is Danville,
(population 45,642), a tobacco market and
textile center on the North Carolina border.
Ronald Reagan received 61 percent of the
vote in Danville in 1980. The residents of
Daniel came to Congress in 1968, when
veteran Democratic Rep. William M. Tuck, a
former governor and staunch conservative, re-
tired and endorsed him. While George C. Wal-
lace was carrying the district in the year's
South - Danville
the city and those of surrounding
Pittsylvania County, which Reagan took by
2-to-1, make up about one-fifth of the dis-
trict's population.
Most of the people in the 5th are scat-
tered through farming areas and a few fac-
tory towns. Most of these areas normally
vote Republican at the statewide level. The
best area for Democratic candidates is
Henry County; with nearly 58,000 residents,
it is the second most populous county in the
district after Pittsylvania, its eastern neigh-
bor. Jimmy Carter won it with 49 percent in
1980. In the 1982 Senate race, Davis took
the county with 53 percent of the vote.
To the north, the district takes in part
of Lynchburg. That section of Lynchburg
and its southern neighbor, Campbell
County, are strongly conservative areas
where Reagan won two-thirds of the 1980
vote.
Population: 531,308. White 398,091
(75%), Black 131,482125%). Spanish origin
3,753 (1%). 18 and over 382,312 (72%), 65
and over 63,859 (12%). Median age: 32.
presidential balloting, Daniel easily outdis-
tanced his Republican and black independent
opponents with 55 percent of the vote. He faced
a feeble GOP challenge in 1970 and no one has
filed against him since.
Committees
Armed Services (5th o128 Democrats)
Readiness (chairman); Investigations.
1982 General
Dan Daniel (D)
1990 General
Dan Daniel (D) Unopposed
Previous Winning Percentages: 1978 (100%) 1978 (100%)
1974 (99%) 1972 (100%) 1970 (73%) 1968 (55%)
District Vote For President
1960 1978
D 73.569 (42%) D 77.138(48%)
R 97,203 (55%) R 78.306 (49%)
1 3,660 (2%)
1677 33 66 19 81 97 3
1976 75 25 12 68 98 1
1975 70 30 15 64 98 1
1974 (Ford) 56 44
1974 64 36 16 841 93 6
1973 66 34 19 81 100 0
1972 57 41 17 80 94 6
1971 77 23 25 74 97 2
1970 64 36( 24 74 91 -
19119 45 55 20 76 96 2
S - Support 0 - opposition
tNotaligIble for all recorded votes.
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981)
Legal services reauthorization (1981)
Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981)
Index Income taxes (1981)
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982)
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982)
Delete MX funding (1982)
Campaign Finance
Receipts
Receipts
from PACs
Expend-
hum
19{2
Daniel (D)
$74,954
$51,965
(690%)
$24,084
1980
Daniel(D)
$20,383
$18,010
(88%)
$7,747
Voting Studies
Presidential Party Conservative
support Unity Coalition
Veer 8 0 a 0 a 0
1992 70 19 19 76 88 4
1981 78 20 15 81 93 4
1980 37 62 27 70 93 3
1979 30 69 15 82 94 4
1979 22 75 16 81 95 2
Retain existing cap on congressiorW salaries (1982) N
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) N
Interest Group Ratings
Year
ADA
ACA
AFL-CIO
CCUS
1982
5
77
11
71
1981
0
83
13
89
1980
6
92
11
82
1979
5
100
10
100
1978
0
96
5
89
1977
0
93
9
94
1976
5
96
13
88
Y
1975
0
100
4
Be
N
1974
0
80
0
90
N
1973
4
85
18
100
Y
1972
0
100
10
100
Y
1971
3
93
8
-
7
1970
0
79
14
100
N
1989
7
94
20
-
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?
Dave McCurdy (D)
Of Norman - Elected 1980
Born: March 30, 1950, Canadian, Texas.
Education: U. of Okla., B.A. 1972, J.D. 1975.
Military Career. Air Force Reserves, 1968-72.
Occupation: Lawyer.
Family: Wife, Pamela Plumb; two children.
Religion: Lutheran.
Political Career: Okla. asst. state attorney general,
1975-77.
Capitol Office: 313 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-6165.
In Washington: With as many military
bases as McCurdy has in his district, he could
vote unflinchingly for just about any increase
in the defense budget and provoke very little
criticism from constituents. But as a member of
Armed Services, he has taken a relatively skep-
tical approach toward much of what the Penta-
gon tells Congress.
On the House floor in 1981, McCurdy said,
"We have a lot of catching up to do" before
achieving military balance with the Soviet
Union. But then he added: "We owe it to the
taxpayers to hold the Defense Department's
feet to the fire to bring order and discipline to
the procurement process."
McCurdy's- interest in procurement poli-
cies earned him a spot on a special Armed
Services panel set up in 1981 to study that
subject. He was chosen chairman of the panel
and presided over testimony from more than
100 witnesses during 18 days of hearings.
In 1982 McCurdy sponsored a floor
amendment requiring the Defense Department
to report to Congress on any weapon system
with a cost increase of 15 percent or more.
President Reagan's popularity exerted a
rightward pull on McCurdy in the 97th Con-
gress, but he did break occasionally from the
White House and the Boll Weevils to vote as a
national Democrat. He opposed the Reagan
budget in 1981. "A lot of people say this vote is
political suicide for me," McCurdy conceded
before casting it.
Liberal Democrats hope McCurdy's con-
vincing 1982 re-election will embolden him to
move closer to the party's center. But he will
still be likely to display the sort of Sun Belt
conservatism that led him in 1982 to propose
the "Lobster Profit Sharing Act" in response to
an oil severance tax offered by the Northeast-
Midwest coalition.
The coalition wanted to levy the tax on
domestically produced crude and use the
money to help rebuild aging cities in energy-
poor areas. McCurdy said the plan was "noth-
ing short of proclaiming civil war" on oil-
producing states like Oklahoma, and he
countered with a tongue-in-cheek plan to tax
the lobster industry in northeastern coastal
states and send the money to the lobster-
starved Southwest and other areas.
At Home: When McCurdy began his 1980
campaign, he was unknown throughout most of
his district. A former assistant attorney general
with a law practice in Norman, he had never
run for office before and had not been active in
Democratic Party affairs.
But what McCurdy lacked in political ex-
perience he made up for in hustle. Enlisting
help from several longtime backers of retiring
Democratic Rep. Tom Steed, he built his own
grass-roots organization. That network and his
appeal as a "fresh face" enabled McCurdy to
come within 5,000 votes of veteran state Rep.
James B. Townsend in the primary, and over-
take him in the runoff.
The general election race was just as tight.
The GOP nominated Howard Rutledge, a re-
tired Navy captain and former prisoner of war
in Vietnam whose calls for strengthening de-
fense capability endeared him to the district's
sizable community of military employees and
retirees. But McCurdy held on, winning enough
support for his conservative economic themes
to win by 2,906 votes.
Seeking revenge, Rutledge returned in
1982, claiming he had done his "homework" by
tracking conservative Democrats who might be
persuaded to cross party lines. Rutledge com-
mercials painted McCurdy as a profligate lib-
eral. But McCurdy carried all 12 counties in the
4th, firmly establishing his hold on the district
with 65 percent of the vote.
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Oklahoma 4
This slice of southwestern Oklahoma
maintains a military presence that no politi-
cian can afford to forget for very long. In
addition to Altus Air Force Base and the
Army's Fort Sill, near the Texas border,
map makers stretched the boundaries in
1981 to take in Tinker Air Force Base, just
east of Oklahoma City. With a combined
civilian and military staff of 24,000, Tinker
is Oklahoma's largest single-site employer.
Its inclusion reinforces the 4th's conserva-
tive sentiment.
Despite the military orientation, Demo-
cratic candidates usually carry the 4th; Sen.
David Boren polled 72 percent of its vote -
his best showing statewide - in his 1978
Senate bid. But two years later Ronald
Reagan carried the district and helped Re-
publican Senate nominee Don Nickles take
the 4th by a narrow margin. The GOP's
surest foothold lies at the district's northern
end, in the Oklahoma City suburbs of
Moore and Midwest City.
In recent years, Oklahoma's energy
boom has brought new oil and gas b'tsi-
Committees
Armed Services (17th of 28 Democrats)
Procurement and Military Nuclear Systems: Readiness.
Science and Technology (16th of 26 Democrats)
Energy Development and Applications; Science. Research and
Technology.
Select Intelligence (9th of 9 Democrats)
Program and Budget Authorization.
Elections
1982 General -
Dave McCurdy (D) 84,205 (65%)
Howard Rutledge (R) 44,351 (34%)
1980 General
Dave McCurdy(D) 74,245 (51%)
Howard Rutledge (R) 71,339 (49%)
District Vote For President
1980 1976
D 58,544 (36%) D 82,330 (54%)
R 95.129 (60%) R 67.060 (44%)
1 6.778 ( 4%)
Campaign Finance
Receipts Expend-
Receipts from PACs Iturse
1982
McCurdy(D) $333,815 $112,564 (34%). $315,203
Rutledge (R) $207.008 $22,550 (11%) $181.220
Southwest - part of
Oklahoma City
nesses to the many of the district's south-
western counties. Map makers increased the
district's share of cotton and cattle terri-
tory, bringing in farmland in Garvin, Ste-
phens. Jefferson and Cotton counties. Eco-
nomic growth also is occurring at the 4th's
northern end in Norman, where the the
University of Oklahoma is drawing high-
technology industries.
Much of the district's 24 percent popu-
lation growth in the past decade came in the
counties close to Oklahoma City, including
Cleveland, McClain and Grady. With 80,000
people, Lawton (Comanche County) is the
4th's largest city and a commercial center of
southwest Oklahoma; Fort Sill is located
nearby.
Population: 505,869. White 441,346
(87%). Black 31,953 (6%), American In-
dian, Eskimo and Aleut 15,603 (3%), Asian
and Pacific Islander 5,256 0%). Spanish
origin 16,368 0%). 18 and over 356,658
(71%), 65 and over 47,534 (9%). Median
age: 27.
1980
McCurdy(D)
$232,293
$39,900
(17%)
$229.248
Rutledge (R)
$164.589
$21,340
(13%)
$163.351
Voting Studies
Presidential
Support
Party
Unity
Conservative
Coalition
Year
S
0
S
0
S
0
1982
58
36
48
43
79
19
1981
57
42
55
43
88
12
S = Support 0 = Opposition
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981) N
Legal services reauthorization (1981) Y
Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y
Index income taxes (1981) Y
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Y
DJlete MX funding (1982) Y
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) Y
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) N
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS
1982 25 64 28 62
1981 35 57 60 37
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New Jersey = 6th District
?
Bernard J. Dwyer (D)
Of Edison - Elected 1980
Born: Jan. 24, 1921, Perth Amboy, N.J.
Education: Attended Rutgers U.
Military Career. Navy, 1940-45.
Occupation: Insurance salesman.
Family: Wife, Lilyan Sudzina; one child.
Religion: Roman Catholic.
Political Career. Edison Township Council, 1958-69;
Edison mayor, 1969-73; N.J. Senate, 1974-80, major-
ity leader, 1980.
Capitol Office: 404 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-6301.
In Washington Elected to Congress at
age 59 after decades of loyal service to the
Middlesex County Democratic organization,
Dwyer slid right into the groove established by
Edward J. Patten, his Democratic predecessor.
He picked up Patten's staff, his seat on the
Appropriations Committee and even his assign-
ment on the Labor, Health and Human Ser-
vices Subcommittee. About the only thing he
did not assume was Patten's clownish personal-
ity. He is as quiet and low-key as his predeces-
sor was loud and roisterous.
Dwyer's reputation as an unassuming
party loyalist helped him when he decided to
try for Patten's slot on Appropriations in 1981.
There was only one opening for a first-term
member, and several other freshmen were com-
peting actively for the position. Of all the
candidates, though, Dwyer was the one whose
background virtually guaranteed that he would
deliver his vote when the leadership asked.
After strenuous lobbying on his behalf by fel-
low New Jersey Democrat Robert A. Roe,
Dwyer won the post.
On the committee, Dwyer has specialized
in higher education Rutgers, New Jersey's
state university, is in his district - and health
matters. When Reagan administration funding
cuts threatened the alcoholism research pro-
gram that had been established at Rutgers,
Dwyer made sure the project was protected. He
also included money in the National Institutes
of Health appropriations package to be used to
upgrade health research equipment at universi-
ties and facilities funded by the National Insti-
tutes.
Like many other House members from
heavily ethnic districts, Dwyer peppers, the
Congressional Record with insertions on such
matters as Soviet annexation of the Baltic
states and human rights violations in Byelorus-
sia. But he almost never says anything on the
floor himself. His sole speech during his first
term in Congress was on behalf of a resolution
he had introduced honoring the Ukrainian Hel-
sinki Watch Group; the measure passed in mid-
1982.
At Home: Dwyer was known in the New
Jersey Senate as a legislative tactician who
avoided the public spotlight and preferred be-
hind-the-scenes maneuvering.
His most notable individual accomplish-
ments attracted little public attention. Dwyer
pushed through a ban on state government
purchase of imported cars and a $50 million
bond issue to weatherize state buildings. Much
of his work was done at the Joint Appropria-
tions Committee, which he chaired at one point
during his Senate career.
In his 1980 campaign to succeed Patten,
Dwyer held off primary and general election
opponents with the confidence born of solid
organization support in a district where that
still means a great deal.
As the candidate of the Middlesex County
Democratic organization, Dwyer let the party
do most of the work for him. In contrast,
William O'Sullivan Jr. was the candidate of a
badly divided local GOP. He also was outspent
by Dwyer 3-to-1.
Some excitement was generated when op-
ponents accused Dwyer, an insurance salesman,
of using his clout to get a no-bid county insur-
ance contract. However, Dwyer was able to
deflate the issue by producing a letter from the
state Senate Ethics Committee approving his
conduct.
In his first re-election campaign, in 1982,
Dwyer faced Republican Bertram L. Buckler, a
construction company executive. Dwyer won 68
percent of the vote.
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i$anard J. Dlrrryar, D-N.J.
New Jersey 6
Exxon's giant Bayway refinery, with its
flaring gas and oppressive stench, is respon-
sible for much of New Jersey's image prob-
lem. Travelers seeing the refinery from the
turnpike wonder why anyone would live
near it. But thousands of the 6th's voters
do. They are predominantly white ethnics
and Hispanics, many of them within sight
and smell of the refinery complex.
The 6th extends for miles beyond the
refinery and the turnpike. Covering most of
industrial Middlesex County, it tradition-
ally has been a rich source of votes for the
Democratic Party. On the congressional
level, the Middlesex constituency has been
reliably Democratic since 1961. Before that,
the county was split between two Republi-
can districts.
In state and national elections, how-
ever, partisanship is far from solid. Middle-
sex, which solidly supported John F. Ken-
nedy in 1960, barely went for Jimmy Carter
in 1976 and voted for Ronald Reagan in
1980. In the 1981 gubernatorial election, the
county gave Democrat James J. Florio only
Central - New Brunswick,
Perth Amboy
a scant plurality.
Middlesex is a place where heavy things
are made. The closer one gets to the Arthur
Kill, separating New Jersey and Staten Is-
land, the heavier and dirtier the industry
becomes. Bleak Perth Amboy, now 40 per-
cent Hispanic, illustrates the economic
problems troubling this industrial belt. A
Canadian company opened a new steel
plant there in 1977, but recent layoffs have
dashed any hopes it would spark a resur-
gence.
The presence of Rutgers University and
a one-quarter black population keep New
Brunswick thoroughly Democratic. Though
parts of the city are faded, Johnson &
Johnson is leading an effort to revitalize
New Brunswick by building its new head-
quarters in the middle of downtown..
Population: 523,798. White 458,270
(88%), Black 42,240 (8%), Asian and Pa-
cific Islander 9,699 (2%). Spanish origin
33,393 (6%). 18 and over 392,465 (75%), 65
and over 48,773 (9%). Median age: 31.
1980
Committees
Dwyer(D)
$154,996
$52,500
(34%)
$149,141
Appropriations (31st of 36 Democrats)
d
O'Sullivan Jr.(R)
$55,264
$23,376
(42%)
$53,055
Commerce, Justice, State and the Judiciary; Labor-Health an
Human Services-Education.
Voting Studies
Presidential Party Conservative
Support Unity Coalition
Year 9 0 S 0 S
0
1982 General
Bernard J. Dwyer (D)
100,418
(68%)
1982 39 57 94 5 22
1981 41 57 93 5 16
78
83
Bertram Buckler (R)
46,093
(31%)
1980 General -
Bernard J
Dwyer (D)
92,457
(53%)
Key Votes
.
(R)
William O'Sullivan Jr
75.812
(44%)
Reagan budget proposal (1981)
N
.
District Vote For President lue
41%) D 113.745
87
5530
(52'/.)
Legal services reauthorization (1981)
Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981)
Index income taxes (1981)
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982)
1982)
t
d
d b
Y
N
y
N
,
(
D
R 107,163 (50%) R 101.923
1 14,533 ( 7%)
(46%)
(
u
ge
Amend Constitution to require balance
Delete MX funding (1982)
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982)
n (1982)
ll
V
N
y
Campaign Finance
o
Increase gas tax by 5 cents per ga
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983)
y
Reuipts Expend-
Receipts from PACs Ituree
Interest Group Ratings
Yur ADA ACA AFL-CIO
CCUS
1982
075 (74%) $50,131
019 $59
Dwyer (D) $80
1982 90 13 90
27
,
.
Buckler (R) $27,817 0 $27,489
1991 75 13 93
22
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Now York - 28th District
Matthew F.
McHugh (D)
Of Ithaca - Elected 1974
Born: Dec. 6, 1938, Philadelphia, Pa.
Education: Mount St. Mary's College, B.S. 1960;
Villanova Law School, J.D. 1963.
Occupation: Lawyer.
Family: Wife, Eileen Alanna Higgins; three children.
Religion: Roman Catholic.
Political Career- Tompkins County District Attorney,
1969-72.
Capitol Office: 2335 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-6335.
In Washington: McHugh's quiet, serious
pragmatism has made him a major player in
the appropriations process and a figure of real
respect among House Democrats. A man who
wears a plain dark suit and a somber expres-
sion. he is not one of the more conspicuous
younger members. But he has the implicit trust
of most members, and he is unflappable even in
the midst of the most trying negotiations.
He has found himself in a sensitive posi-
tion on the Appropriations subcommittee that
handles foreign aid. A strong personal sup-
porter of Israel, he has sometimes had to nego-
tiate between that country's even more militant
backers and the growing anti-foreign aid fac-
tion in the House. Most of the time, even
getting a foreign aid bill passed has been a
difficult struggle.
In 1981 McHugh was a key player in
bringing together a coalition that passed the
first regular appropriation in three years. With
a Republican president in office, conservative
House Republicans who had attacked foreign
aid for years suddenly came to its defense, and
McHugh welcomed their support. As the pro-
cess moved forward, McHugh emerged as the
key man on the Democratic side, often eclips-
ing Clarence Long of Maryland, the sub-
committee's eccentric and unpredictable chair-
man.
Differences remained, though, over the
character of the aid. McHugh has long been a
strong supporter of development aid, and par-
ticularly the International Development Asso-
ciation (IDA), the arm of the World Bank that
makes loans to the poorest nations. Conserva-
tives have long opposed IDA, because it lends
to communist nations. But President Reagan
came to office vowing to fulfill the U.S. obliga-
tion to pay $3.24 billion to IDA.
McHugh negotiated through most of the
summer of 1981, finally persuading the com-
mittee to approve Reagan's request of $850
million for IDA in 1982. On the floor, some
conservatives rebelled and tried to cut the
appropriation to $500 million; McHugh reluc-
tantly supported a compromise of $725 million,
and held together the coalition. The figure was
later cut to $700 million.
Warning that the coalition in support of
the measure was fragile, McHugh succeeded in
blocking any further attempts to cut multilat-
eral aid. He fought an amendment to prohibit
"indirect" aid to certain communist nations.
The next year, the coalition splintered.
McHugh and other influential Democrats were
dismayed over the administration's request for
increased military aid for 1983 and a supple-
ment to the aid already passed for 1982. Mc-
Hugh balked, saying the administration
"should have known that people on this side
would be deeply offended." Democrats on the
panel succeeded in blocking the aid request.
Later that year, though, McHugh helped
form a coalition to approve $350 million for
President Reagan's Caribbean Basin Initiative.
The aid was approved as part of a measure
Reagan vetoed; Congress overrode the veto.
Despite the frustrating year in 1982, Mc-
Hugh seemed hopeful that a bipartisan coali-
tion could be resurrected for the 98th Congress.
But he warned that "the administration has to
have the support of Democrats, moderate to
progressive Democrats.... Our interests and
concerns have to be taken into account."
McHugh assumed leadership on foreign
aid in 1978, his first year on the subcommittee.
He and Wisconsin Democrat David R. Obey led
the successful fight for the Carter administra-
tion's $7.4 billion foreign aid request, over the
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?
New York 28
The elongated 28th reaches from high
above Cayuga's waters to high above those
of the Hudson.
The Triple Cities of Binghamton, John-
son City and Endicott are industrial but
politically marginal. This is the area in
which Thomas J. Watson located his first
IBM plant, and it still reflects some of the
corporate paternalism the Watson family
practiced for generations. Of the three, only
Binghamton has a Democratic advantage in
registration, and the difference there is
small. In all three cities, conservative work-
ing-class voters, many of them Italian, join
with white-collar technicians and profes-
sionals to form a potent bloc for the GOP.
Binghamton elects Democrats to the New
York Assembly but its state senator is the
Senate's Republican leader. The small
towns and farms of rural Delaware and
Tioga counties add to the Republican totals.
McHugh's political base is Tompkins
County, site of Cornell University in Ithaca.
Cornell dominates Ithaca economically and
politically. The picturesque Ivy League
school, sitting on a hill overlooking Lake
Cayuga, keeps the city Democratic and rela-
tively liberal. The rural parts of the county
objections of Long, who wanted to slash the
amount.
When that bill went to conference, Long
and other House negotiators were adamant
against Senate language providing for aid to
Syria. 11 finally became law after McHugh
added a provision authorizing the president to
approve aid to Syria only if he thought it would
"serve the process of peace in the Middle
East."
The next year, McHugh w.as defending the
entire foreign aid program on the House floor
against budget-cutting assaults. When Ohio
Republican Clarence E. Miller tried to reduce
the funding by a flat 5 percent across-the-
board, McHugh countered with a 2 percent
reduction, exempting Egypt and Israel. That
compromise passed.
On his other subcommittee, Agriculture
Appropriations, McHugh defends his district's
dairy farmers while pursuing some of his liberal
social values. He was a strong advocate of
distributing surplus cheese and butter to the
poor.
Southern Tier -
Binghamton; Ithaca
have a Republican tilt. .
Sullivan County, the northern portion
of which is in the 28th, is the only section of
the district where Democrats enjoy a party
registration majority, although the county
frequently votes for statewide and national
Republican candidates. Heavily Jewish, it
contains many resort hotels, including
Grossinger's. The presence of Sullivan
County in the district makes McHugh's
support for Israel not only politically feasi-
ble but helpful.
Redistricting consolidated Ulster
County in the 28th, uniting portions of the
county previously split among three dis-
tricts. The eastern portion includes the
county seat, Democratic-leaning Kingston, a
textile town of 24,481 people. The county's
other Democratic pocket - a small one -
lies in Woodstock, the artists' colony that
gave its name to the celebrated 1969 rock
festival that actually was held in Bethel.
Population: 516,808. White 493,022
(95%), Black 14,337 (3%), Asian and Pa-
cific Islander 4,313 (1%). Spanish origin
9,23] (2%). 18 and over 382,593 (74%), 65
and over 63,593 (12%). Median age: 30.
Outside the Appropriations Committee,
McHugh has remained committed to the re-
formist politics on which he and most of his
1974 class initially won election. In 1977, when
there was discussion over a bill to provide
partial public financing of House general elec-
tions, McHugh pushed for something stronger.
He introduced his own bill covering primaries
as well as general elections and sharply reduc-
ing private spending levels.
The next year, he called for a new Demo-
cratic Caucus rule requiring a vote in the
caucus on whether any member disciplined by
the House or convicted of a felony should
retain his post. It was passed, with some modi-
fications. Later the caucus approved a rule
requiring indicted chairmen to step aside tem-
porarily.
Beyond McHugh's personal reserve lies a
reservoir of ambition. To make it to the Appro-
priations Committee in 1978, he had to win the
support of the New York state Democratic
delegation. That was a difficult task because
the delegation is New York City-dominated,
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and the seat's previous occupant was from
Manhattan. There was already an active candi-
date from the city, James H. Scheuer. But
McHugh campaigned assiduously and defeated
Scheuer, 14-11, drawing several city votes.
He was less successful in 1980, when he
tried to become chairman of the House Demo-
cratic Caucus. The other candidates, Gillis W.
Long and Charlie Rose, were both Southerners,
and he saw an opening for a moderate liberal
from the Northeast. But he started late, and in
challenging Long, he was up against one of the
most popular members. McHugh finished a
distant third, with 41 votes to 146 for Long and
53 for Rose.
In the 98th Congress, though, he has his
first important leadership position - as chair-
man of the Democratic Study Group, the orga-
nization of liberal and moderate Democrats in
the House. McHugh won it without opposition.
At Home: McHugh's victory in the 1974
Democratic sweep made him the first Democrat
to represent the Binghamton area in this cen-
tury. He succeeded a popular Republican,
Howard W. Robison, promising to carry on in
Committees
Appropriations (20th of 36 Democrats)
Agriculture; Rural Development and Related Agencies; Foreign
Operations.
Select Children, Youth and Families (5th of 16 Democrats)
1982 General
Matthew F. McHugh (D) 100,665 (56%)
David Crowley (R) 75.991 (43%)
1960 General
Matthew F. McHugh (D) 103,863 (55%)
Neil Wallace (R) 83,096 (44%)
Previous Winning Percentages: 1978 (56%) 1979 (67%)
1974 (53%)
District Vote For President.
1980 1976
D 83.039 (38%) D 110,702 (48%)
R 108.287 (49%) R 121,263 (52%)
1 24.117 (11%)
Campaign Finance
Receipts
Receipts
from PACs
Expend-
Huns
1982
McHu9h(D)
$447,500
5137.702
(31%)
$443,864
Crowley (R)
$278,409
$92.821
(33%)
$273.911
1960
McHugh (D)
$333.196
$90.810
(27%)
$321,219
Wallace (R)
$187,876
$43,409
(23'!.)
$186,537
Now York - 28th District
the retiring Robison's moderate tradition. He
was helped in that stance by the hard-line
conservative campaign of his Republican oppo-
nent, Binghamton Mayor Alfred Libous.
In fact, Republicans have had a habit of
putting up flawed challengers against McHugh.
In 1978 and 1980, businessman Neil Tyler
Wallace demonstrated an abrasive personality
that cost him votes. In 1982 lawyer David F.
Crowley seemed a bright and formidable chal-
lenger until he committed a series of gaffes that
doomed his candidacy. In an attempt to show
how military spending could be cut, for in-
stance, he suggested that the military's
LAMPS III helicopter be scrapped. It turned
out that a plant in the 28th District made parts
for the aircraft.
Before running for Congress, McHugh
served as district attorney of Tompkins
County, at the far western edge of the sprawl-
ing district. As district attorney, he was popular
with the Cornell University community in Ith-
aca. He organized a local drug treatment facil-
ity and demanded peaceful handling of student
protests.
Voting Studies
Presidental Party Conservative
Support Unity Coalition
Year S 0 S 0 8 0
1962 39 53 89 8 19 81
1981 32 68 89 11 19 80
1980 76 20 88 8 11 84
1979 82 16 86 12 16 83
1978 84 15 84 13 12 87
197) 72 20 74 16 21 67
1976 24 75 87 11 18 77
1975 35 63 Be 7 11 86
S = Support 0 = Opposition
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981) N
Legal services reauthorization (1981) V
Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) V
Index income taxes 11981) N
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) N
Delete MX funding (1982) V
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) N
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) y
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS
1982 100 17 95 23
1981 95 8 73 11
1960 83 21 72 64
1979 89 4 90 13
1978 75 15 80 28
1977 70 10 80 33
1976 80 4 77 32
1975 95 7 95 6
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is
Robert A. Roe (D)
Of Wayne - Elected 1969
Born: Feb. 28, 1924, Wayne, N.J.
Education: Attended Ore. State U. and Wash. State U.
Military Career. Army, World War II.
Occupation: Construction company owner.
Family: Single.
Religion: Roman Catholic.
Political Career. Wayne Township committeeman,
1955-56; mayor of Wayne Township, 1956-61; Pas-
saic County freeholder, 1959-63; sought Democratic
nomination for governor, 1977 and 1981.
Capitol Office: 2243 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-5751.
In Washington: Known for most of his
House career as a stubborn and aggressive
proponent of federal jobs programs, Roe
changed his emphasis in the 97th Congress by
giving up his Economic Development Sub-
committee on Public Works to become chair-
man of a subcommittee on water policy.
It was a sensible move politically. New
Jersey had been having serious drought prob-
lems, and Roe was in the midst of a guberna-
torial campaign in which he could draw useful
attention with the issue. Roe also knew some-
thing about water - he was a former state
conservation commissioner, and he had been
instrumental in the writing of the 1972 Water
Pollution Control Act.
The campaign did not turn out as Roe
hoped it would. By June 1981, he was back in
the House full-time, having finished a distant
second in the Democratic primary behind his
House colleague, James J. Florio. But Water
Resources remains an important subcommit-
tee, and Roe brings to it a different emphasis
from the one it has had in the past.
Most of the other water specialists at Pub-
lic Works have been Southerners and Western-
ers interested in authorizing as many new flood
control and irrigation projects as possible for
their parts of the country. Roe is more inter-
ested in pollution and other urban water prob-
lems, less likely to want to spend money on
dams in sparsely populated parts of the coun-
try. For most of the 97th Congress, Roe talked
of the need for longterm reforms in federal
water policy. No major changes were made, but
the issue has not gone away.
Roe's panel also devoted much of 1981 and
1982 to arguments over federal subsidies for
sewage treatment. The Reagan administration
wanted to scale sewage subsidies back drasti-
cally, especially those used for planning sewage
treatment facilities to deal with future growth.
Roe initially opposed any efforts. to cut
subsidies for ongoing sewage treatment pro-
grams. "We're afraid the administration wants
to reform the program out of existence," he
complained, saying states had gone heavily into
debt to finance them in the expectation of
federal help. But the panel eventually did agree
to cut back on the federal share of the money.
For years before his subcommittee switch,
Roe talked largely about public works jobs.
Most urban Democrats of Roe's generation
share his belief in public works as a cure for
economic stagnation, but few pursued it with
the zeal that he did, or maintained it as stub-
bornly in the face of formidable opposition.
It was Roe who inserted $2 billion in public
works jobs money into President Carter's bill to
expand the Economic Development Adminis-
tration (EDA) in the 96th Congress. It was also
Roe who jeopardized the entire package by his
reluctance to accept it without the public
works.
The hybrid legislation passed the House in
1979 by a wide margin, but the Senate wanted
the EDA bill only. Conferences were held off
and on over the following year, but Roe would
accept an agreement only if the jobs section
remained in the bill. The Carter administra-
tion, which did not want the jobs money, finally
agreed. But the Senate was adamant against it.
Just before Congress recessed for the 1980
election, Roe appeared willing to bargain. But
when Ronald Reagan was elected president,
Republicans said they preferred to wait on the
entire proposal until the new administration
took office, simultaneously dooming both EDA
expansion and public works jobs.
In 1975, the year he took over the Eco-
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New Jersey 8
To Alexander Hamilton, the Great
Falls of the Passaic River was an ideal
location for a factory town. Then Treasury
secretary, he set up the Society for Estab-
lishing Useful Manufactures in 1791 to
build Paterson.
In time, the thriving "Silk City" be-
came one of the world's leading textile pro-
ducers, attracting Irish, Polish, Italian and
Russian craftsmen to work the looms. It also
played out a history of labor strife and
strong unions whose influence lives on.
Nowadays, though, much of the indus-
try is gone, leaving widespread unemploy-
ment and unsavory slums. A majority of the
population is black or Hispanic, and there is
chronic racial tension. In 1967 black boxer
Rubin "Hurricane" Carter was found guilty
of killing three white patrons in the La-
fayette Grill in Paterson, and his conviction
nearly provoked a riot. A decade later, the
Lafayette Grill was called the Zodiac
Lounge, and its clientele and neighborhood
were exclusively black.
Paterson still contains 25 percent of the
district's electorate, despite its severe popu-
lation decline, and it is firmly Democratic.
The only recent exception has been the
success of moderate Republican Lawrence
"Pat" Kramer, the city's mayor for the late
1960s and much of .the 1970s. Kramer re-
tired in 1982, after losing the 1981 GOP
nomic Development Subcommittee, Roe man-
aged his first major public works package, part
of it aimed at creation of 250,000 jobs and part
at stimulating investment. When the bill went
to conference, he added an interesting new
wrinkle - a provision, not discussed on the
floor of either chamber, to make cities of 50,000
or more eligible to be economic redevelopment
areas under legislation then a decade old. Roe's
district is dominated by declining industrial
cities of modest size. The bill was enacted in
1976 over President Ford's veto.
By 1978, however, critics were complaining
that the traditional public works jobs pro-
grams, emphasizing capital spending, were
wasteful. President Carter proposed $1 billion
worth of new public works jobs, designed to be
labor-intensive and focus on unemployment
among the disadvantaged. Roe's solution was to
approve that amount, and add his own $2
gubernatorial primary, and was replaced by
a Democrat.
Paterson and the rest of southern Pas-
saic County provide the Democratic vote in
the 8th. The Passaic County suburbs next
to Paterson, such as Clifton and Haledon,
are where the white ethnics went when they
fled the city. They still vote Democratic.
Down the Passaic River lies the city of
Passaic, a smaller but equally troubled ver-
sion of Paterson whose textile employment
also has evaporated.
In the northern half of the hourglass-
shaped county, the terrain is more subur-
ban. The subdivisions of Wayne Township
usually vote Republican but have made an
exception for favorite son Roe. Proceeding
northwest from Wayne, however, suburban
Bloomingdale and other suburbs cast a solid
Republican vote.
In Bergen County, the 8th includes
Garfield and Wallington, two old mill
towns. These communities have more in
common with the blue-collar neighborhoods
of Passaic County than with affluent Ber-
gen.
Population: 526,138. White 429,301
(82%), Black 60,361 (12%), Asian and Pa-
cific Islander 5,696 (1 n ). Spanish origin
67,849 (13%). 18 and over 383,151 (73 rt ),
65 and over 61,931 (12%c ). Median age: 32.
billion for capital-intensive jobs, which he said
was needed to move Carter's program through
the House. The legislation died at the end of
the 95th Congress, setting the stage for the -
EDA-jobs fight that occupied Roe and his
subcommittee for most of the next two years.
At Home: Pork barrel politics has en-
deared Roe to his constituents, especially to the
labor unions that benefit from the jobs his
programs have created.
Thanks to his public works legislation, the
district has received a large number of new
town halls, fire stations and other municipal
structures - which have generated a lot of
construction employment. Using his influence,
Roe also has put together federal grants to save
a failing plant and to restore the historic Great
Falls area in Paterson.
Roe's strength in Passaic County has pro-
vided him with a base for his forays into
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statewide politics, but not enough of one to
bring him his goal - the Democratic nomina-
tion for governor. New Jersey chooses its gover-
nors in off-years for congressional elections, so
its congressmen can seek the statehouse with-
out having to give up their places in Washing-
ton.
Roe.has tried twice. In 1977 he ran a strong
race in the primary against incumbent Demo-
crat Brendan T. Byrne, coming within 40,000
votes of denying Byrne renomination. That
showing made him a front-runner in 1981,
when his main competition came from Florio,
another member of the U.S. House delegation.
In the end, however, Florio defeated him
easily. Better on television than Roe and well
enough financed to spread his commercials
across the state, Florio took the nomination by
more than 150,000 votes. Roe had refused pub-
lic financing and tried to make an issue of the
state's public financing system. It never caught
on, and the decision left him underfinanced at
the end of the campaign. Roe was again second,
but it was a distant second.
In Passaic, however, Roe remains on top.
His watchwords are caution and harmony, and
New Jersey - 8th District
whenever feuding flares among various Demo-
cratic factions, he can be counted on to play a
peacemaker's role. Customarily, the disputants
meet at the Brownstone House restaurant in
Paterson, where the garrulous Roe acts as nego-
tiator.
Roe habitually wins re-election by whop-
ping margins. Republicans seldom bother to
put up strong candidates against him. He often
does well in the district's GOP towns, in addi-
tion to pulling his usual big vote in the blue-
collar Democratic bastions.
Part of the reason for his appeal in the
Republican suburbs may be that Roe is not a
product of urban Paterson, the district's big-
gest town and a home of organization politics.
He comes from suburban Wayne Township,
which swings between the two parties. He likes
to boast that he knows all levels of government,
having served at each of them - municipal,
county, state and federal.
Roe initially won his House seat in a tight
1969 special election to fill the unexpired term
of Democrat Charles S. Joelson, who became a
state judge. Since then, he always has won re-
election with better than 60 percent of the vote.
1980
Committees
Roe (D)
$161,755
$65.315
(40%).3156,369
Public Works and Transportation (3rd of 30 Democrats)
Cleveland (R)
$12.188
$700
( 6%) $11,956
Water Resources (chairman); Economic Development: Investi-
gations and Oversight.
Science and Technology (2nd of 26 Democrats)
Energy Development and Applications; Energy Research and
Voting Studies
Production; Investigations and Oversight.
Presidential
Support
Party
Unity
Conservative
Coalition
Year S
0
S
0
S
0
1982 General
Robert A
Roe (D)
980
89
(71'!,)
1982 35
60
83
12
33
66
.
Norm Robertson (R)
,
317
36
(29%)
1981 39
39
70
16
36
51
,
1980 66
23
81
12
32
59
1980 General
1979 68
26
81
16 .
34
60
Robert A
Roe (D)
493
95
(67%)
1978 63
31
74
22
30
66
.
William Cleveland (R)
,
44
625
(31%)
1977 42
18
51
11
14
45
,
1976 29
71
83
13
28
69
Previous Winning Percentages:
1975 (74%)
1976
(71%)
1975 33
67
80
16
25
72
1974 (74%) 1972 (63%)
1970 (61%)
1999-
(49%)
1974 (Ford) 39
1974 40
50
55
78
15
22
69
Special election.
1973 31
64
80
11 15
74
District Vote For President
1972 54
43
83
13 27
20 27
72
69
1980 ,
1976
1971 44
1970 57
51
32
73
71
21
20
59
D 67.435 (37%)
0 85,379
(45%)
1969 47
53t
86
141
19
81t
R 100,672 (55%)
1 12,521 ( 7%)
R 100,718
(53%)
S- Support 0
= Opposition
?Not eligible for all recorded votes.
Campaign Finance
1982
Receipts
Receipts
from PACs
Expend-
hurls
Reagan budget proposal (198 1) N
Legal services rbauthorization (1981) Y
Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y
Roe (D)
$151,918
$103,465 (68%)
$150.007
Index income taxes (1981) N
Robertson (R)
$32,634
0
$32,269
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) N
1978
35
19
85 22
Delete MX funding (1982) Y
1977
35
6
93 11
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) N
1976
70
14
87 6
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) Y
1975
1974
79
65
18
21
87 24
90 13
1973
68
22
100 8
Interest Group Ratings
1972
63
48
91 20
Year
ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS
1971
73
31
91 -
1970
80
28
71 11
1982
75 13 90 55
1969'
75
29
100 -
1981
60 24 100 17
1980
67 17 83 59
1979
58 4 95 18
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Louis Stokes (D)
Of Warrensville Heights - Elected 1968
Born: Feb. 23, 1925, Cleveland, Ohio.
Education: Attended Western Reserve U., 1946-48;
Cleveland Marshall Law School, J.D. 1953.
Military Career. U.S. Army, 1943-46.
Occupation: Lawyer.
Family: Wife, Jeanette Francis; four children.
Religion: African Methodist Episcopalian.
Poljtical Career. No previous office.
Capitol Office: 2465 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-7032.
In Washington: Stokes came to Congress
in an era of black activism, and he is still an
important spokesman on minority issues at the
Appropriations Committee. But he has at-
tracted more attention in recent years as a kind
of trouble-shooter for the House leadership.
His current assignment is the chairman-
ship of the House ethics committee, formally
the Committee on Standards of Official Con-
duct. Speaker O'Neill asked him in 1981 to take
over a panel criticized privately by many House
members as too rigid in dealing with colleagues.
Stokes had taken an interest in ethics
issues during the long debate that led to the
1979 censure of the senior black House mem-
ber, Charles C. Diggs Jr., D-Mich., who had
been convicted on kickback charges. Stokes
acted as floor manager for Diggs, although he
joined in the 414-0 vote to censure him.
The following year, Stokes was named to
the ethics committee himself, and dissented
quietly a9 the committee recommended censure
of Charles Wilson, D-Calif., for financial mis-
conduct, and expulsion of Michael "Ozzie" My-
ers, D-Pa., following his bribery conviction aris-
ing from Abscam. Stokes argued against the
expulsion of Myers and tried to change Wil-
son's penalty to a reprimand. .
As chairman, Stokes has tried to avoid
playing the role of prosecutor. He leaves the
sharp questioning to others and speaks of pro-
tecting the rights of the accused. This careful
style has pleased O'Neill, who sometimes ap-
peared uncomfortable with the previous chair-
man, Charles E. Bennett of Florida, long known
as a purist on ethics issues. Bennett stepped
down after two years in the chairmanship, and
Democratic leaders took the opportunity to
replace him with a much less hard-line chair-
man.
Once in charge, Stokes endorsed a series of
rules changes that would have created a sepa-
rate panel of members to try disciplinary cases
after the ethics committee recommended ac-
tion. But nothing ever came of the idea. Stokes
voted with the majority in April of 1981 as the
committee recommended expulsion for Demo-
crat Raymond F. Lederer of Pennsylvania, the
last remaining House member involved in the
Abscam bribery case. Lederer resigned from
the House the next day.
For more than a year after that, the com-
mittee was relatively quiet. It began investigat-
ing a variety of drug and tax-evasion charges
against New York Democrat Frederick W.
Richmond, but its job ended in mid-1982 when
Richmond pleaded guilty and resigned from
the House.
In July of 1982, however, the committee
found itself in the headlines again after Leroy
Williams, a House page from Arkansas, charged
that some members had used drugs and en-
gaged in homosexual activities with the teen-
aged pages. Stokes appointed Washington law-
yer Joseph J. Califano to investigate, but the
issue began to fade when Williams admitted
lying about the original charges. In December,
Califano gave Stokes' committee a 118-page
report finding no improper behavior by mem-
bers and implying that the media had been
irresponsible in spreading an unfounded story.
Stokes asked Califano to continue looking into
the drug issue.
Stokes' ethics chairmanship marks the sec-
ond time he has moved in to take over a
troubled committee. In 1977 he became chair-
man of the bitterly divided panel that was
investigating the assassinations of John F. Ken-
nedy and Martin Luther King Jr.
The original chairman, Henry Gonzalez of
Texas, got into a nasty public fight with Rich-
ard Sprague, the Pennsylvania prosecutor who
had been hired as committee counsel. The
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Ohio 21
One of the axioms of Ohio politics is
that to win statewide, a Democratic candi-
date must build a 100,000-vote edge in
Cuyahoga County. Most of that lead has to
be built in the 21st, which is anchored in
Cleveland's heavily black East Side.
The district includes the areas devas-
tated by riot in the 1960s, as well as middle-
class neighborhoods farther from the down-
town area. Heavy industries, especially
automobile and machine tool plants, long
have been major employers. During the last
decade, the 21st was the most Democratic
district in the state. In 11 East Side wards,
Jimmy Carter outpolled Ronald Reagan in
1980 by margins of at least 20-to-I.
To protect Stokes, the heart of the old
21st was preserved in redistricting. But to
offset a 25 percent population loss over the
1970s, the fifth greatest decline recorded by
any district in the country, the 21st ex-
panded to the south and east to add about
160,000 suburbanites. While most of these
new constituents are white, their presence
does not significantly alter the demograph-
ics of the district. The 21st remains heavily
black (62 percent compared with 79 percent
before) and staunchly Democratic.
The key additions were Cleveland
Heights, Shaker Heights and the western
half of University Heights. With a large
committee backed Sprague, and Gonzalez quit
in a huff. O'Neill chose Stokes to replace him.
Stokes shifted the hearings behind closed
doors and out of the news. He led a disciplined
inquiry, highlighted by a dramatic cross-exami-
nation of King's killer, James Earl Ray. The
final report was accepted with some relief
though many doubted its conclusions - that
there.probably were conspiracies in both cases.
Stokes emerged with his reputation enhanced.
Stokes was the first black appointed to the
Appropriations Committee and still is the only
one on its HHS and HUD subcommittees. He
also served on the Budget Committee for three
terms, but did not play a major part in its work.
Stokes' role on Appropriations changed
with President Reagan's election. Before, he
had focused on minority-related issues, leaving
much of the detail to other senior Democrats.
But in 1981, he began spending more time at
Cleveland - East;
Cleveland Heights
proportion of Jews and young professionals,
these three are among the most liberal com-
munities in Ohio. All of them voted for
Carter for president in 1980; all of them
gave independent John Anderson at least 10
percent of the vote.
In the 1950s and 1960s, Shaker Heights
symbolized suburbia. But in recent years,
communities farther east have replaced
Shaker Heights as the county's exclusive
address. North of Shaker Heights is Cleve-
land Heights, many of whose integrated
neighborhoods are a short walk from Uni-
versity Circle, the home of Case-Western
Reserve University and the cultural hub of
Cleveland.
From the circle area, commuters drive
along historic Euclid Avenue to their jobs
downtown. While the avenue now bears the
marks of poverty, it was known as "Million-
aires' Row" at the turn of the century. Few
of the old mansions are left today. The one
belonging to John D. Rockefeller, founder of
Standard Oil, was razed to make way for a
gas station.
Population: 514,625. White 187,180
(360,'f.), Black 320,816 (62%), Asian and
Pacific Islander 2,832 (1 %). Spanish origin
5,134 (1 %). 18 and over 373,272 (73%), 65
and over 63,109 (12%). Median age: 31.
hearings, grilling witnesses and trying to pro-
tect domestic programs from cutbacks.
Stokes largely wrote the budget offered by
black members on the floor in 1981. He at-
tacked Reagan's for providing "millions more-
for the most prosperous in our nation, while
pennies are taken away from the poor...."
Over the course of the 97th Congress,
Stokes pushed a variety of amendments in
Appropriations that illustrate his priorities.
One added $140 million for Pell Grants for
college tuition, another restored $100 million
for grants to elementary schools in poor com-
munities under Title I of the 1965 education
law. A third added $25 million in operating
subsidies for public housing programs.
After years of looking into the misdeeds of
others, Stokes became embroiled in a legal
tangle himself early in 1983. While driving
through suburban Maryland late one night, he
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was stopped by polite. According to police,
Stokes then failed three sobriety tests. He
argued that he was tired after working late,
pleaded not guilty and requested a jury trial.
At Home: The Stokes family has been the
domii1 nt force in Cleveland's black politics
since Louis Stokes' younger brother, Carl, first
ran for mayor in the mid-1960s. Carl left poli-
tics for television after two terms in City Hall
(1967-71), but Louis has remained active. Po-
litically secure, he has been free to help friends
and quarrel with enemies over city issues.
Louis Stokes' first victory was won as
much in court as on Cleveland's East Side.
Representing a black Republican, he charged in
a 1967 suit that the Ohio Legislature had
gerrymandered the state's congressional dis-
tricts, dividing the minority vote and prevent-
ing the election of a black. Stokes won an
Committees
Standards of Official Conduct (Chairman).
Appropriations (10th of 36 Democrats)
District of Columbia; HUD-Independent Agencies; Labor-Health
and Human Services-Education.
Select Intelligence (8th of 9 Democrats)
Legislation.
1982 General
Louis Stokes (D) 132.544 (86%)
Alan Shatteen (R) 21,332 (14%)
1982 Primary
Louis Stokes (D) 61,055 (86%)
William Boyd (D) 9,776 (14%)
1980 General
Louis Stokes (D) 83,188 (88%)
Robert Woodall (R) 11,103 (12%)
Previous Winning Percentages: 1978 (86%) 1978 (84%)
1974 (82%) 1972 (81%) 1970 (78%) 1968 (75%)
District Vote For President
1980 1976
D 138.444 (71%) D 162,837 (71%)
R 42.938 (22%) R 60.922 (27%)
9.822 ( 5%)
Campaign Finance
appeal before the U.S. Supreme Court, forcing
the lines to be redrawn. The new 21st District,
represented by white Democrat Charles A.
Vanik, was about 60 percent black. Vanik de-
cided to run elsewhere, leaving the 21st vacant.
There were 14 candidates in the Demo-
cratic primary there in 1968, but little doubt
about the outcome. Stokes' ties to his brother
and reputation as a civil rights lawyer won him
41 percent in an easy victory. He became the
first black congressman from Ohio that No-
vember by defeating the Republican he had
represented in court the previous year.
Over the last decade, Stokes has consoli-
dated his power through his organization, the
21st District Congressional Caucus. Some black
politicians have accused him of turning the
caucus into a personal political tool, but he is as
popular as ever among rank-and-file voters.
1981 29 66 93 4 '5 91
1960 55 21 78 4 2 78
1979 78 14 90 3 3 92
1978 76 15 81 4 4 84
1977 77 19 87 3 4 92
1976 24 69 85 3 4 83
1975 30 62 88 3 3 84
1974 (Ford) 41 52
1974 34 49 82 4 1 82
1973 19 48 64 4 3 62
1972 32 46 66 4 1 74
1971 21 58 72 3 0 85
1970 40 42 71 15 2 84
1969 38 51 80 9 7 84
S = Support 0 = Opposition
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981) N
Legal services reauthorization (1981) Y
Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y
Index income taxes (1981) N
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) N
Delete MX funding (1982) Y
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) N
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) Y
Interest Group Ratings
1982
Receipts
Receipts
from PACs
Expend-
hires
Year
1992
ADA
as
ACA
0
AFL-CIO
100
CCUS
24
1981
90
0
93
11
Stokes(D)
$148.400
$47,002
(32%)
$107,175
1980
78
10
94
52
1980
1979
95
0
94
6
1976
85
10
100
19
Stokes (D)
$66,601
$28,550
(43%)
$58,874
1977
90
0
91
7
Voting Studies
1976
1975
85
89
0
4
87
100
.6
18
Presidential
Party
Conservative
1974
74
0
100
0
Support
Unity
Coalition
1973
68
10
100
0
1972
100
5
90
14
Year
S 0
S 0
S 0
1971
1970
89
96
4
18
80
100
-
13
1982
27 65
91 4
10 86
1969
100
27
100
-
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Bob Stump (R)
Of Tolleson - Elected 1976
Born: April 4, 1927, Phoenix, Ariz.
Education: Ariz. State U., B.S. 1951.
Military Career. Navy, 1943-46.
Occupation: Farmer.
Family: Divorced; three children.
Religion: Seventh Day Adventist.
Political Career. Ariz. House, 1959-67; Ariz. Senate,
1967-77, president, 1975-77.
Capitol Office: 211 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-4576.
In Washington: For years, Republican
officials urged conservative Democrat Stump to
cross the aisle and run for office the way he
voted - in support of the GOP. "Any time he
wants to switch parties," Republican leader
and homestate colleague John J. Rhodes used
to say, "I can guarantee him the Republican
nomination."
In 1981, a few months after he backed
President Reagan in the critical tax and budget
decisions, Stump announced he would finally
make the move. He said he had been a Demo-
crat out of family tradition, but felt increas-
ingly alienated from his party after it began
withholding favors from members who strayed
from the leadership line too often.
Both parties wondered whether his deci-
sion would bring about aftershocks in the
House, prompting other disaffected Democrats
to join the GOP. That never happened. Only
one other Democrat left his party - Eugene V.
Atkinson of Pennsylvania - and he lost the
next election.
Perhaps the most important effect of
Stump's switch was a change in party rules. In
1982 Democrats pushed through a rule provid-
ing that any future member who leaves the
party in the middle of a session will lose his
Democratic committee assignments immedi-
ately. Stump had been allowed to keep his seats
on Armed Services and Veterans' Affairs
through the 97th Congress, despite his declared
intention to run as a Republican in 1982.
As it turned out, the party switch eventu-
ally forced him to give up his Veterans' Affairs
assignment. He won his place there in 1981,
when the Conservative Democratic Forum
pressured Speaker O'Neill to give prize Demo-
cratic committee assignments to conservatives.
But two years later, new party ratios in the
House altered the balance on each committee,
reducing the Republican membership of Veter-
ans' Affairs from 15 to 11. Stump, being last in
seniority, failed to win a place.
Stump can still pursue his interests in
national defense on the Intelligence and Armed
Services committees. He has been on Armed
Services since 1978 and is a member of its
Investigations and Research and Development
subcommittees. But he is not one of the more
active people there.
Stump seldom speaks on the floor, and he
introduces few bills. He has held one press
conference during his six years in the House -
the one at which he announced he would run as
a Republican in 1982.
But like all Arizonans in Congress, on
water issues Stump is a vocal protector of his
state's interests. When the Carter administra-
tion tried to impose on Western landowners the
stringent federal water controls of a long-ig-
nored 1902 law, Stump simply introduced a bill
to repeal major portions of the law. That bill
never went anywhere; a compromise on the
issue was finally reached after several years of
dispute.
While he was still a Democrat, Stump was -
much in demand as a board member for na-
tional conservative organizations, to whose ef-
forts he lent a trace of bipartisanship. He is still
on some of the boards, such as that of the
National Right to Work Committee, but they
have one less Democratic name on their letter-
heads.
At Home: Secure in his northern Arizona
seat since his first election in 1976, Stump had
plenty of time to mull over his long-contem-
plated party switch. When he finally filed on
the Republican side in 1982, it caused barely a
ripple back home.
. Stump said his decision would not cost him
any significant support in either party. He was
right. The middle-class retirees who have
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Bob Stump, R-Ariz.
Arizona 3
Once dominated almost entirely by
"pinto Democrats" - ranchers and other
conservative rural landowners - the 3rd
has become prime GOP turf over the years.
The GOP has fared particularly well
here in recent presidential elections. Gerald
R. Ford carried the area within the bound-
aries of the 3rd by a comfortable margin in
1976; four years later Ronald Reagan racked
up 67 percent here, his best showing in the
state.
The majority of the 3rd's population
resides in the Maricopa County suburbs
west of Phoenix. Glendale and Sun City, an
affluent retirement community, are among
the most important towns politically. Both
produce mammoth Republican majorities.
Political organizations among the retirees in
Sun City contribute to turnouts of 90 per-
cent or higher in congressional elections.
In redistricting, map makers sent the
Hispanic areas of southern Yuma County to
the 2nd District. The 3rd kept the more
conservative northern section of Yuma
County. Residents of this section moved to
flocked to this Sun Belt territory in recent
years brought their Republican voting habits
along, and the conservative rural Democrats
who traditionally have formed the core of
Stump's constituency proved willing to move
across the aisle with him. Stump coasted to
victory with 63 percent of the vote, the only
House incumbent to switch and survive the
fight in 1982.
The ease with which Stump made the
transition owes a lot to his roots as a "pinto"
Democrat, a conservative of the type that dom-
inated state politics before the postwar popula-
tion boom. A cotton farmer with roots in rural
Arizona, Stump served 18 years in the state
Legislature and rose to the presidency of the
state Senate during the 1975-76 session. When
North and West - Glendale;
Flagstaff; part of Phoenix
set up their own local government in June of
1982, passing a ballot initiative that trans-
formed northern Yuma into brand-new
LaPaz County.
Mohave County, occupying the north-
western corner of the state, is home to three
groups in constant political tension - Indi-
ans, pinto Democrats in Kingman and Re-
publican retirees in Lake Havasu City. The
county split between Democrats and Re-
publicans has been close in recent statewide
elections.
Old-time Democratic loyalties persist
in Flagstaff, the seat of Coconino County
and the commercial center of northern Ari
zona. But the heavily Mormon part of Coco-
nino County, closer to the Utah border. is
staunchly Republican.
Population: 544,870. White 468,924
(86%), Black 8,330 (2%), American Indian,
Eskimo and Aleut 27,538 (5%), Asian and
Pacific Islander 3,845 (1 %). Spanish origin
64,414 (12%). 18 and over 389,150 (7) %,),
65 and over 79,881 (15%). Median age: 31.
Republican Rep. Sam Steiger tried for the U.S.
Senate in 1976, Stump decided to run for his
House seat.
In the 1976 Democratic primary, he de-
feated a more liberal, free-spending opponent,
former Assistant State Attorney General Sid
Rosen. Stump drew 31 percent to Rosen's 25
percent, with the rest scattered among three
others. In the fall campaign, Stump's GOP
opponent was fellow state Sen. Fred Koory, the
Senate minority leader. Stump wooed conser-
vative Democrats by attacking his party's vice
presidential nominee, Walter Mondale.
Stump was helped in the election by a
third candidate, state Sen. Bill McCune, a
Republican running as an independent, who
drained GOP votes away from Koory.
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Committees
Armed Services (7th of 16 Republicans)
Investigations; Research and Development.
Select Intelligence (4th of 5 Republicans)
Program and Budget Authorization.
1982 General
Bob Stump (R) 101,198 (63%)
Pat Bosch (D) 58,644 (37%)
1980 General
Bob Stump (D) 141,448 (64%)
Bob Croft (R) 65,845 (30%)
Sharon Hayse (LIB) 12,529 ( 6%)
Previous Winning Percentages: 1978 (85%) 1979 (48%)
District Vote For President
1990 1979
D 48,133 (24%) D 63.232 (39%)
R 132,455 (67%) R 95,078 (58%)
1 13.103 ( 7%)
Campaign Finance
Receipts Expen-
Receipts from PACs ditures
1992
Stump (R) $280,713 $128,290 (46%) $280,331
Bosch (D) $90,319 $58,250 (64%) $87,927
1980
Stump(D) $144,326 $59,397 (41%) $85,154
Croft (R) $2,471 0 $5,229
Voting Studies
Presidential
Support
Party Conservative
Unity Coalition
Year
$ 0
$ 0
s
0
1992
82 13
3 93
96
0
1981
74 18
17 81
97
0
1960
32 65
15 82
93
4
1979
19 73
8 85
92
1
1978
20 65
14 74
92
4
1977
29 61
S- Support
16 76
0 a Opposition
91
3
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981) Y
Legal services reauthorization (1981) N
Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) N
Index income taxes (1981) Y
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) N
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Y
Delete MX funding (1982) N
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) Y
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) N
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS
1992 0 95 0 89
1991 0 91 13 95
1980 0 83 17 71
1979 0 96 10 100
1978 5 100 10 82
1977 5 100 9 100
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?
10 Andy Ireland' (R J
Of Winter Haven - Elected 1976
Born: Aug. 23, 1930, Cincinnati, Ohio.
Education: Yale U., B.S. 1952; L.S.U. School of Bank-
ing, graduated 1959; attended Columbia U. School
of Business, 1953.54.
Occupation: Banker.
Family: Wife, Nancy Detmer; four children.
Religion: Episcopalian.
Political Career. Winter Haven City Commission,
1966-68; Democratic nominee for Fla. Senate, 1972.
In Washington: Joking and jostling with
his southern colleagues on "Redneck Row" at
the back of the House chamber, Ireland offers
little clue that he is a graduate of Phillips
Academy and Yale, or that he used to be the
treasurer of the Florida Bankers Association.
He comes as close to being a good old boy as
anybody with his background ever will.
Whether one views Ireland as a corporate
conservative or just an old-fashioned Southern
Democrat, he leaves no doubt about his ideol-
ogy. Except for his first year, he never has
voted against the "conservative coalition" of
Republicans and Southern Democrats much
more than 10 percent of the time. In the 97th
Congress, he was one of only nine Democrats to
back President Reagan on all of five key eco-
nomic votes.
Most of Ireland's legislative work has been
on small business matters. On the Small Busi-
ness Committee in the 96th Congress, Ireland
worked for the "Regulatory Flexibility Act,"
which requires federal agencies to weigh the
effect of proposed regulations on small busi-
nesses - and consider making exceptions for
them. That.bill became law in late 1980.
In 1982, while most members of Congress
were trying to narrow the scope of a bill to set
aside a portion of federal research and develop-
ment contracts for small business, Ireland
wanted to increase its scope by adding the
Agency for International Development to the
list of agencies required to use some small
contractors. His amendment was defeated by a
voice vote.
In 1982 he took an even more direct role to
help small businesses, forming a political action
committee to work on their behalf. He serves as
its treasurer.
On the Foreign Affairs Committee, Ireland
has fought to lift a ban on the use of U.S.
foreign aid to spray the herbicide paraquat on
marijuana fields. As a member of the Asian and
Pacific Affairs Subcommittee, he has lobbied
along with Florida citrus growers to persuade
Japan to reduce barriers to the importation of
American oranges.
He is probably best known, though, for his
Washington fund-raisers featuring the Ringling
Brothers Circus, which used to winter in his
district. Ireland puts up a tent and has clowns,
showgirls and midgets entertain contributors
before the show.
At Home: As a wealthy banker, Ireland
had the resources to outclass his competition in
1976, when the open 8th District was up for
grabs. The $144,000 he spent on the effort was
not an unusual amount, but it brought him a
sophisticated campaign. Expert advice from
political and advertising consultants, a care-
fully built county-by-county organization and
Ireland's own relaxed manner compensated for
his political inexperience. -
. Ireland and five others sought the Demo-
cratic nomination that year when seven-term
Rep. James A. Haley announced his retirement.
A runoff between Ireland and state Rep. Ray
Mattox was expected, but Ireland won the
nomination outright with 51 percent of the vote
in the primary. 0
His general election foe was Republican
state Rep. Robert Johnson, who had served in
the Legislature for six years but was not well-
known outside his Sarasota home. Ireland won
58 percent of the vote, a slightly higher share
than veteran Democrat Haley had received in
his last two elections. Since then, Ireland has
met only one nominal foe.
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Andy Wand, D-Flo.
Florida 10
All over Florida, land once devoted to
agriculture is being eaten away by shopping
centers, motels and condominiums. But in
Polk County, centerpiece of the 10th Dis-
trict, citrus is still king.
Thousands of area jobs are connected
with the growing, picking, packing, process-
ing and loading of oranges, orange concen-
trate and grapefruit. Polk is the nation's
foremost citrus-producing county.
Phosphate rock, the raw material of
fertilizer, is another key element of the Polk
County economy. Three-fourths of Ameri-
ca's phosphate is strip-mined out of Polk,
although the industry has suffered recently
from slack demand.
About 60 percent of the people in the
10th live in Polk, with the major concentra-
tion in the Lakeland-Winter Haven area. In
congressional elections, Polk has given Ire-
land overwhelming margins; in presidential
contests, however, it usually goes Republi-
can.
Central - Lakeland;
Winter Haven; Bradenton
The 10th has one Gulf Coast county,
Manatee, which accounts for about 30 per-
cent of the district's population. The city of
Bradenton there grew 43 percent during the
1970s, to a population exceeding 30,000..
Manatee County is a popular retirement
area for people from Central and Midwest-
ern states where Republican voting was a
habit. Registered Democrats once outnum-
bered registered Republicans in Manatee
County by 3-to-1; lately the Democratic
advantage has slipped to about 55-45.
De Soto and Hardee counties are also
included in the 10th. Predominantly agri-
cultural, they have cattle ranches, citrus
groves, a scattering of small towns and
conservative Democratic voters.
Population: 512,890. White 435,256
(85%), Black 66,731 (13%). Spanish origin
16,774 (3 %). 18 and over 381,628 (74 %), 65
and over 92,163 (18%). Median age: 35.
Committees
Foreign Affairs (8th of 24 Democrats)
Asian and Pacific Affairs; Europe and the Middle East.
Small Business (9th of 26 Democrats)
Export Opportunities and Special Small Business Problems
(chairman).
1982 General
Andy Ireland (D)
1960 General
Andy Ireland (D) 151,613 (69%)
Scott Nicholson (R) 61.820 (28%)
Previous Winning Percentages: 1978 (100%) 1979 (58%)
District Vote For President
1980 1976
D 71,059 (38%) 0 77,872 (49%)
R 107.348 (58%) R 78,521' (50%)
1 5.857 ( 3%)
Campaign Finance
Receipts Expend-
Receipts from PACs itures
1982
Ireland (D) $196.145 $76,445 (39%) 9155.480
1980
Ireland (0) $261,483 $88,894 (34%) $221,103
Nicholson (R) $12,394 0 $12,460
Voting Studies
Presidential
Support
Party Conservative
Unity Coalition
Year
S
0
S
0
S
0
1982
60
17
22
50
75
5
1981
74
16
29
56
87
7
1990
58
33
47
46
82
8
1979
46
44
42
46
76
12
1978
39
44
30
56
74
12
1977
62
30
42
52
72
21
S = Support
0
= Opposition
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981) Y
Legal services reauthorization (1981) N
Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y
Index income taxes (1981) Y
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Y
Delete MX funding (1982) N
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) Y
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) N
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS
1982 10 84 6 80
1981 5 74 29 100
1980 6 46 11 73
1979 16 50 11 71
1979 20 78 21 67
1177 15 at 30 75
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Henry J. Hyde (R)
Of Bensenville - Elected 1974
Born: April 18, 1924, Chicago, 111.
Education: Georgetown U., B.S. 1947; Loyola U., J.D.
1949.
Military Career. Navy, 1942-46.
Occupation: Lawyer.
Family: Wife, Jeanne Simpson; four children.
Religion: Roman Catholic.
Political Career. 111. House, 1967-75, majority leader,
1971-72; Republican nominee for U.S. House, 1962.
Capitol Office: 2104 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-4561.
In Washington: Hyde's crusade against
federal funding for abortions has brought him
national attention beyond the reach of most of
his colleagues. But it also has brought a reputa-
tion for fanaticism that seems to trouble him as
he competes for a leadership role in the House.
"When an issue. develops," he has said,
.,you either evade it or you grapple with it. I
grappled with it, and now it's grappling back."
Hyde would like to be known as a thought-
ful conservative who legislates with restraint on
a variety of issues. But the only subject most
people want to talk about with him is abortion.
And he rarely refuses to talk about it.
Hyde was a freshman when he offered his
first amendment to ban federal funding, of
abortions, largely at the urging of Maryland's
conservative Republican, Robert E. Bauman.
At that time, the federal government was pay-
ing for between 200,000 and 300,000 abortions a
year, mostly for Medicaid recipients. The
amendment passed the House, although it was
modified in the Senate to allow payment for
abortions to save the life of the mother.
By 1981, the Hyde amendment was firmly
in place,.upheld as constitutional by the Su-
preme Court. It permitted abortion funding
only to save the mother's life or in cases of rape
or incest. The number of federally funded
abortions has declined to about 2,000 annually.
With that question apparently settled,
Hyde made a conscious effort to concentrate on
other subjects in the 97th Congress. While he
introduced legislation to identify conception as
the beginning of life, he made no real attempt
to move it through Judiciary or on to the House
floor. "We don't have the votes," he admitted.
Instead, Hyde spent much of 1981 arguing
about extension of the Voting Rights Act, an
experience in which he played a constructive
but frequently unhappy role.
When Judiciary first debated extension of
the 1965 act, Hyde felt it was time to ease up on
the restrictions imposed by the law upon
Southern states. All these states have to pre-
clear any election law changes with the govern-
ment; Hyde felt some of them deserved the
chance to "bail out" because of good behavior.
"A handful of Southern states have been in the
penalty box for nearly 17 years," he said. He
talked about writing a new law that would
apply equally to all regions of the country.
But hearings on the issue changed his
mind, and he admitted it with the candor that
is his most appealing quality. "I have learned
from the hearings," he said, "that there are still
enormous difficulties with people getting the
right to vote in the South." Hyde's conversion
was the decisive event guaranteeing that a
strong Voting Rights revision eventually would
pass the House.
Still, Hyde was unable to go along with the
law drafted by the committee's Democrats.
Although he voted to approve it in committee,
he felt it still set too many obstacles against a
state that genuinely had reformed and wanted
to bail out. He thought some of the language
was unconstitutional.
At that point, Democrat Don Edwards of
California, chairman of the subcommittee that
wrote the bill, decided to work around Hyde
and negotiate a compromise with other Repub-
licans on Judiciary. Hyde took personal offense
at being bypassed. But after failing to win
approval of a floor amendment designed to ease
the bailout process, he voted for the bill on
final passage.
Several months later, however, when the
Voting Rights bill returned to the House fol-
lowing Senate passage, Hyde and Edwards
again quarreled over the procedures for its final
approval. Hyde stormed out of the House
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.
Henry ,J. Hyde, R-111
Illinois 6
Hyde was given what amounted to a
brand-new district in 1982, with less than 5
percent of his former constituency. The old
6th, almost entirely in Cook County, was
chopped up and grafted in pieces onto the
western ends of underpopulated inner-city
Chicago districts.
The redrawn 6th takes in new parts of
Cook, but DuPage County dominates, cast-
ing more than 60 percent of the vote.
It is an even safer district for Hyde
than the previous one. Before 1982 the 6th
included pockets of Democratic strength in
Maywood and other moderate-income sub-
urbs with significant black populations.
There are no such enclaves in the new
district, whose suburban territory is nearly
all white-collar and Republican.
The 6th follows the route of two com-
muter rail lines that drew Chicagoans west-
ward as early as the 1930s. Elmhurst, Villa
Park, Lombard, Glen Ellyn and Wheaton
spread out from the city in the southern
part of the district. Farther north are Wood
chamber, and shortly afterward he resigned
from Edwards' subcommittee.
Although Hyde has often led the conserva-
tive opposition in his years on Judiciary, his
actions have not been easy to predict. It was
Hyde who fought against a proposal to bar
strikes by Legal Services Corporation lawyers,
arguing that, as private citizens, they had a
constitutional right to strike. It was a very
lawyerlike Hyde who, in 1977, pointed out that
an emergency bill to combat child pornography
might be unconstitutional. "In our well-inten-
tioned desire to attack the revolting crime of
child abuse," he said, "we have let our zeal
overcome our judgment."
On the Foreign Affairs Committee, Hyde is
a more predictable hawk and supporter of U.S.
military aid to right-leaning regimes around the
world. In the 97th Congress, he strongly backed
U.S. help for El Salvador. He opposed efforts.to
restrict American aid to Egypt because of re-
ported human rights violations. But unlike
many conservative Republicans, Hyde does not
reject the concept of humanitarian economic
aid to the Third World. He has risen virtually
every year to defend U.S. aid programs against
Far West Chicago
Suburbs - Wheaton
Dale, Itasca and Roselle, newer suburbs that
are still expanding. Roselle has more than
doubled in size since 1970. Schaumburg,
which was still rural in 1960, has tripled in
size during the past decade, with condomin-
iums and apartment complexes cropping up
around its enormous shopping center.
Less affluent is the area between the
rail lines, including Glendale Heights and
Addison, which have some light industry. A
huge industrial park is located near Elk
Grove Village, another fast-growing suburb
to the north.
On its northeastern border, the 6th
hooks into Cook County to take in the older,
prosperous suburbs of Des Plaines and Park
Ridge. Des Plaines, adjoining O'Hare Air-
port, is home to many airline employees.
Population: 519,015. White 494,144
(95 %), Black 4,321 (1%). Asian and Pacific
Islander 14,413 (3%). Spanish origin 15,155
(3%). 18 and over 367,916 (71%), 65 and
over 38,548 (7%). Median age: 30.
attacks by those who work with him on the
abortion issue. When Republicans sought to cut
funding for the Asian Development Bank by
half in 1980, Hyde accused them of trying to
turn back the clock "to the days of the early
1930s." On another occasion, he warned them
that "the biblical injunction to give food to the
hungry and clothe the naked does not stop
when we enter this chamber."
Hyde has been one of the most active
critics of the movement for a nuclear freeze. In
mid-1982, when the House narrowly rejected a
freeze, Hyde led the opposition, calling the idea
"government by bumper sticker." Later in the
year, after the National Conference of Catholic
Bishops had prepared draft language endorsing
a freeze, he persuaded 23 other Catholic mem-
bers to sign his letter urging them to consider
the arguments against it.
Hyde is one of the best debaters in the
House. For all his references to abortion and
other controversial topics as moral issues, he
has never taken himself or his legislative role
with solemnity. When he sees what he thinks is
a flaw in the opposition's reasoning, he pounces
on it with the sarcasm he used for more than a
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Illinois - 6th District
decade as a trial lawyer in Chicago.
One day in 1980, when he was arguing
against a new open-ended appropriation for
child welfare, Democratic leaders told Hyde
they disagreed with the practice in principle,
but thought it was the wrong time to end it. "I
understand." Hyde said. "We'll sober up to-
morrow, but meanwhile pass the bottle."
It was Hyde's reputation for debating skill,
rather than his national anti-abortion follow-
ing, that brought him within three votes of the
Republican Conference chairmanship in a last-
minute campaign in 1979. Dissatisfied with the
front-running candidate, Ohio's Samuel De-
vine, a group of freshman members persuaded
Hyde to run less than a week before the elec-
tion. Hyde's 74-71 loss was seen as a symbolic
victory by his supporters and appeared to give
him a shot at a higher leadership post later on.
Hyde was briefly a candidate for party
whip in the 1980 election for that job, but faced
an impossible problem - the fact that the
front-running candidate for party leader, Rob-
ert H. Michel, was a fellow-Illinoisan, and no
one state has ever had the top two members of
the leadership. Once Michel's election as leader
began to seem certain, Hyde withdrew.
At Home: Hyde grew up as an Irish Cath-
olic Democrat in Chicago, but like Ronald
Reagan, began having doubts about the Demo-
cratic Party in the late 1940s. By 1952, he had
switched. parties and backed Dwight D. Eisen-
hower for president.
After practicing law in the Chicago area for
more than 10 years, and serving as a GOP
precinct committeeman, Hyde was chosen by
the Republican organization in 1962 to chal-
lenge Democratic Rep. Roman Pucinski in a
northwest Chicago congressional district. The
heavily ethnic district had been represented by
a Republican for eight years before Pucinski
won it in 1958. Hyde came within 10,000 votes
of upsetting Pucinski.
Elected to the Illinois House in 1966, Hyde
became one of its most active and outspoken
members and one of its most articulate debat-
ers. He was voted "best freshman represen-
tative" in 1967 and "most effective represen-
tative" in 1972. In 1971 Hyde became majority
leader; he made an unsuccessful attempt at the
apeakership in 1973.
In 1974 longtime Republican Rep. Harold
Collier retired from the suburban 6th Congres-
sional District just west of Chicago. Much of
the district was unfamiliar to Hyde, but he
dominated the Republican primary anyway. He
called on his political contacts to help line up
support from area GOP officials and emerged
with 49 percent of the vote in a field of six
candidates.
The general election was tougher. Hyde's
Democratic opponent was Edward V. Hanra-
han, a controversial former Cook County state's
attorney trying for a political comeback.
Hanrahan had made a name for himself in an
unpleasant way five years earlier, when Chicago
policemen attached to his office carried out an
early morning raid on Black Panther Party
headquarters, killing Panther leaders Fred
Hampton and Mark Clark.
Hanrahan was indicted for attempting to
obstruct the ensuing federal investigation,
which had called into question police reports of
the raid, but he was acquitted. He was beaten
for re-election in 1972.
Nonetheless, Hyde went into his contest
with Hanrahan at a disadvantage. The Demo-
crat's past exploits had given him almost uni-
versal name recognition in the district and had
made him something of a folk hero among some
of the area's blue-collar ethnics. With rank-
and-file Republicans deserting their party in
droves in that Watergate year, the district's
nominally Republican nature was not expected
to hurt Hanrahan.
At the same time, Hyde had the edge in
organization and funding. He launched a door-
to-door campaign that brought him into each of
the district's precincts and gave him a chance
to appeal to traditional Republicans and liberal
Democrats uncomfortable with Hanrahan's
record.
Hanrahan proved unable to keep pace. The
Democrat used his record of antagonism to the
Daley machine to tout his independence, but
traditionally Democratic sources of funding
were dry for him. His penchant for running his
own show produced a disorganized effort.
On Election Day, Hyde's superior re-
sources won out. Using telephone banks and an
army of precinct workers, his campaign staff
turned out enough voters to give him an 8,000-
vote plurality over Hanrahan at a time when
Republican districts all over the country were
falling to Democrats.
Since then, Hyde has become politically
invincible. Because the 1981 redistricting gave ?
him an almost completely new constituency, an
aggressive primary challenger from the new
area might have caused Hyde some trouble, as -
he himself conceded. But no one bothered to
challenge him for renomination in 1982. In the
general election, he won more than two-thirds
of the vote, just as he did in 1978 and 1980.
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Henry J. Hyde, R-lll.
Committees
For ign Affairs (9th of 13 Republicans)
International Security and Scientific Affairs; Western Hemi-
sphere Affairs.
Judiciary (3rd of 11 Republicans)
Courts, Civil Liberties and Administration of Justice; Monopo-
Ties and Commercial Law.
19g Ganerai
Henry Hyde (R) 97,918 (68%)
Leroy Kennel (D) 45,237 (32'/.)
1960 General
Henry Hyde (R) 123,593 (670x.)
Mario Reds (D) 60,951 (33'/.)
Previous Winning Percentages: 1178 (66%) 1976 (61%)
1974 (53%)
District Vote For President
1960 1976
D 51,049 (25%) D 72,192 (33%)
R 126,318 (63%) R 142,229 (65%)
1 21,069 (11%)
Campaign Finance
Receipts Expend-
Roc ipt. hom PACs ituras
1912
Hyde (R) $267,975 $69,452 (26%) $181,713
Kennel (D) $52,656 $4,550 ( 976) $45,271
1180
Hyde (R) $209,818 $57,819 (28%) $144,469
Reds(D) $30,558 $14,750 (48%) $30,147
Voting Studies
Presidential Party Conservative
support Unity : Coalition
Year s 0 $ 0 s 0
1962 75 17 79 19 86 8
1981 79 20 77 19 .81. 16
1960 53 39 67 29 76 21
1979 42 50 71 25 78 19
1978 43 54 75 19 73 20
1977 47 52 77 20 80 .15
1976 76 22 83 14 85 13
1975 79 20 82 15 85 14
S = Support 0 = Opposition
Key Votes.
Reagan budget proposal (1981) Y
Legal services reauthorization (1981) N
Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) N
Index income taxes (1981) Y
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Y
Delete MX funding (1982) N
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) ' N
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) N
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS
1982 15 86 11 81
1981 10 74 7 94
1980 28 74 26 79
1979 5 77 25 94
1978 10 70 5 94
1977 10 59 26 100
1976 0 70 26 74
1975 5 86 13 94
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AL Dick Cheney (R)
Of Casper - Elected 1978
Born: Jan. 30, 1941, Lincoln, Neb.
Education: U. of Wyo., B.A. 1965, M.A. 1966.
Occupation Financial consultant.
Family: Wife, Lynne Vincent; two children.
Religion: Methodist.
Political Career. No previous office.
Capitol Office: 225 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-2311.
In Washington: Cheney's background as
President Ford's White House chief of staff
made him something more than an ordinary
House freshman in 1979, and it helped him
vault into the top ranks of the Republican
leadership just two years later.
At the start of his second term, he defeated
veteran Marjorie S. Holt of Maryland for the
chairmanship of the Republican Policy Com-
mittee. Considered an audacious move by
some, Cheney's successful challenge brought
him far more influence than any other member
of his class.
Once in office, Cheney altered the tradi-
tional role of the Policy Committee, which had
been to issue position papers on dozens of
diverse subjects. Instead, Cheney focused on
making the panel an integral part of the GOP
hierarchy, listening to the views of younger
members and giving party leaders an idea of
problems that might be coming up. In the 98th
Congress, Cheney has become more of a leader-
ship figure, spending long hours on the floor
and working to coordinate strategy. His public
statements are a good barometer of what the
GOP leaders are thinking..
While he has been winning influence in
Congress, Cheney also has been developing
close ties with the Reagan White House. As a
Ford loyalist, he was slow to endorse Ronald
Reagan's campaign in 1980, but he has made
the right moves to build alliancm in the admin-
istration. In the 97th Congress, Cheney voted
with the president more often than any other
House member. He lobbied hard for the 1982
Reagan-oriented tax increase while some of the
most militant Reaganites in the House were
trying to defeat it.
At the end of the year, he gave a well-
publicized speech to a governors' conference
backing the administration's hard line toward
the new Andropov regime in the Soviet Union.
"He speaks English and he likes Scotch," Che-
ney said of Andropov, "but he is not a card-
carrying member of the American Civil Liber-
ties Union."
Cheney has managed to build an image in
the House as a pragmatic conservative, one who
votes Wyoming's anti-government sentiments
but negotiates with the other side on a friendly
basis. During his first term, when a group of
Democrats led by Missouri's Richard Bolling
decided to launch a bipartisan breakfast group
to explore the common frustrations of House
membership, Cheney was one of the first Re-
publicans invited.
Cheney's only committee assignment is
House Interior, but he is a major player there
and an able conciliator between the more ag-
gressive pro-development forces and the envi-
ronmentalist majority. Although originally fa-
vorable toward Interior Secretary James G.
Watt's proposal to open up wilderness areas to
oil and gas leasing, Cheney joined his Demo-
cratic colleagues in opposing the secretary after
learning of several leases pending in the
Washakie Wilderness, near Yellowstone Na-
tional Park in northwestern Wyoming.
Cheney introduced legislation in the 97th
Congress banning oil and gas leasing in Wyo-
ming wilderness areas and adding 480,000 addi-
tional wilderness acres. Unlike the Democrats,
though, Cheney would release potential wilder-
ness areas for development. Democrats had
proposed to extend the ban to potential areas
as well as current ones.
Although the Senate passed the Wyoming
wilderness measure, the House failed to act.
Cheney reintroduced his measure in the 98th
Congress, adding another 171,000 acres to be
designated wilderness.
Cheney was frustrated on a park protec-
tion measure in 1982. He felt the bill, intended
to protect areas "adjacent to" national parks,
was poorly drafted; he searched in vain for a
definition of "adjacent." On the floor, Cheney
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Wyoming - At Large
Wyoming has always been fairly easy to
explain in terms of partisan politics. Demo-
crats are competitive in the five counties
along the state's southern border. North of
these five - Albany, Carbon, Laramie,
Sweetwater and Uinta counties - they al-
most never win, and this makes it difficult
for them to succeed statewide.
The Democratic voting tradition in
southern Wyoming goes back to the early
days of the state when immigrant laborers,
many of them from Italy, were imported to
build the Union Pacific rail line through
those southern counties. The state's first
coal miners followed. Like their counter-
parts in other states, most of the working-
men were drawn into the Democratic Party.
Although the southern counties remain
the most Democratic area in the state, today
their residents are conservative on most
issues and in recent years have often sided
with Republicans. Ronald Reagan easily
carried all five southern counties in 1980.
The few Democrats who have won
statewide in recent years - notably former
Sen. Gale McGee and Gov. Ed Herschler -
have done so by restraining the growth of
the Republican vote in the south. In 1978,
when Herschler won re-election by 2,377
votes, he did it on an 8,000-vote plurality in
the five southern counties.
Three of the four largest towns in Wyo-
ming are in this region, including Cheyenne,
the state capital, and Laramie. In 1980
slightly more than a third of the state's
residents lived in the southern corridor.
The northern part of the state is the
Wyoming of ranch and rock. Its dry pla-
teaus and basins accommodate the cattle
ranches that make Wyoming the "Cowboy
State." The mountains and valleys contain
most of the state's mineral wealth.
This is conservative country, and
ranching interests have traditionally domi-
nated it. The gradual shift from ranching to
mineral development and the ensuing popu-
lation growth changed the power structure
in some of these counties in the past decade,
but did little to shake the region's Republi-
can voting habits.
Casper, in Natrona Country, ?is the
state's largest city. A 1970s 'energy., boom
town with 51,016 people, Casper finally
passed Cheyenne, the traditional leader, in
1980. Once a trading center, Casper has
become the hub of Wyoming's mineral oper-
ations.
The population boom is changing the
face of northern Wyoming, with new towns
and subdivisions sprouting like prairie
grass. Nevertheless, the people are still
widely scattered. Apart from Casper, Sheri-
dan is still the only town in northern Wyo-
ming with more than 15,000 inhabitants.
Population: 469,557. White 446,488
(95 %). Black 3,364 (1 %), American Indian,
Eskimo and Aleut 7,094 (2%). Spanish ori-
gin 24,499 (5%). 18 and over 324,004 (69%),
65 and over 37,175 (8%). Median age: 27.
read a letter from Secretary Watt objecting to
the measure. Despite - or perhaps because of
- Watt's objections, the House. passed the bill
overwhelmingly.
In his first term, one of Cheney's interests
was a historic preservation bill offering federal
money to include new buildings in the National
Register of Historic Places. Cheney complained
that buildings should not be added to the
register without the owner's permission. He
threatened to hold up action on the bill at the
end of the 96th Congress, but ultimately nego-
tiated a deal that added the consent language
he wanted and allowed the bill to become law.
He was less conciliatory toward the new
Energy Mobilization Board President Carter
wanted to create to speed up the approval of
priority energy projects. The board was a sensi-
tive issue all over the Rocky Mountain West,
which feared it would override existing state
law and clear the way for projects depriving the
region of scarce water.
Cheney fought the board both in commit-
tee and on the floor. Managers of the legislation
accepted his floor amendment blocking the
board from overriding any existing state law
regulating water rights. But most Westerners
still found the idea dangerous and when the
issue came back to the House as a conference
report, Cheney joined the majority that killed
the legislation outright.
Cheney also served a term on the House
ethics committee, investigating the kickback
case of Michigan Democratic Rep. Charles C.
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Diggs Jr. and the Abscam bribery charges.
More restrained than many junior Repub-
licans, he refused to vote with a majority of
them to expel Diggs at the start of the 96th
Congress, after he had been convicted in fed-
eral court. When the ethics committee later
recommended Diggs' censure rather than ex-
pulsion, Cheney argued the can for it on the
floor, saying expulsion would deprive his con-
stituents of their right to representation. On
Abscam, he backed the committee's decision to
expel Democrat Michael "Ozzie" Myers of
Pennsylvania after viewing tapes of Myers ac-
cepting bribes from an FBI agent.
At Home: Cheney grew up in Wyoming,
but his long absence from the state while he
worked in national politics subjected him to
carpetbagging charges during his 1978 House
campaign. He countered with literature stress-
ing his local roots and education, and effec-
tively played to home state pride as a Wyo-
mingite who had served at the top in
Washington.
Committees
Interior and Insular Affairs (6th of 14 Republicans)
Water and Power (ranking); Public Lands and National Parks.
1962 General 113,236 (71%)
Dick Cheney (R) 46,041 (29%)
Ted Hommel (D)
1982 Primary
Dick Cheney (R) 67,093 (8956)
89
Michael Dee (R) 7,093 (11%)
1980 Ganarel
Dick Cheney (R) 116,361 (69!.)
Jim Rogers (D) - 53,338 (310/6)
Previous Winning P.ranta9a: 1978 (59%)
District Vote For President
1998 1976
0 49.427 (280/6) 0 62.239 R 110.700 (63%) R 92,717 (5)
1 12.072 (7%)
Campaign Finance
Racaipta E=P -
Raaipts from PACs bur"
1982
Cheney(R) $110,733 $71,906 (65%) $109.171
Hommel (D) $5,923 $100 (2%) $5,863
Wyoming - At Largo
The future of Cheney'scongressional ca-
reer was placed in doubt during the summer of
1978, when he suffered a mild heart attack. But
he recovered quickly enough to resume a full
schedule of campaigning for the nomination
against popular state Treasurer Ed Witzen-
burger, who stressed that he had been a Reagan
man in 1976 - the popular choice in Wyoming
- while Cheney had been working for Ford.
Cheney beat Witzenburger by 7,705 votes, and
the general election was no contest. He has
been re-elected with landslide margins since.
Cheney was a political science graduate
student in the late 1960s when he came to
Washington on a fellowship. He stayed to take
a job under Donald J. Rumsfeld at the Office of
Economic Opportunity. followed Rumsfeld to
the Ford White House and replaced his mentor
as White House chief of staff in 1975. Cheney
shared some of Rumsfeld's moderate Republi-
can reputation during his White House years,
but he is entrenched in Wyoming now as a
clear-cut Mountain conservative.
7980
Cheney (R) $110,949 814 $58,020 (1r) $88,854
Rogers 4
Voting Studies
Presidential
Support
Party
unity
Consainistive
Coalition
Year
S,
0
S 0
S
0
1992
87
10
83 7
93
3
1961
83
14
83 13
84
11
1980
38
53
8
10
63
11
1979
30
66
3
85
6
S ? Support 0 a opposition
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981) Y
Legal services reauthorization (1981) N
Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) N
Index income taxes (1981) N
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982)
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Y
Delete MX funding (1982) N
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) Y
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) N
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCU$
1982 0 60
1981 5 1779 9 7 100
1960 6 95 11 70
1979 11 100 11 94
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Bob Livingston (R)
Of New Orleans - Elected 1977
Born: April 30, 1943, Colorado Springs, Colo.
Education: Tulane U., B.A. 1967, J.D. 1968.
Military Career. Navy, 1961-63.
Occupation: Lawyer.
Family: Wife, Bonnie Robichaux; four children.
Religion: Episcopalian.
Political Career. Republican nominee for U.S. House,
1976.
Capitol Office: 306 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-3015.
In Washington: After several years of
looking after Louisiana water projects and fo-
cusing on the ethical conduct of colleagues,
Livingston turned his gaze toward world affairs
in the 97th Congress.
In 1981 he became a member of the Appro-
priations subcommittee handling foreign aid.
This seemed an unusual choice since, as he
later admitted, he had "never been a supporter
of foreign aid." Yet with a Republican in the
White House, he quickly became convinced of
the need for aid as an instrument of foreign
policy.
One of several Americans tapped to ob-
serve the 1982 elections in El Salvador, Living-
ston left more convinced than ever of the need
for American involvement in that country. "If
we in the United States subsequently listen to
those who would have us pull out altogether,"
Livingston said when he returned, "... then we
would be doing a great disservice to the people
of ElLSalvador and to ourselves."
Generally, Livingston has supported the
foreign aid mix endorsed by President Reagan.
Like Reagan, he prefers a tilt toward military
aid, but has been willing to accept some eco-
nomic spending as well. He was one of only
three Republicans on his subcommittee to back
Reagan's 1981 request for $850 million for the
International Development Association, an arm
of the World Bank that gives loans to the
poorest nations. In 1982 he was on the losing
end when his subcommittee voted to deny
Reagan $301.5 million he wanted in additional
military aid.
On his other subcommittee, Labor and
Health and Human Services, Livingston has
followed a more traditional cost-cutting line, at
least for projects that do not benefit Louisiana.
In the winter of 1982, when states were com-
plaining that they had exhausted their low-
income energy assistance funds, he opposed the
additional $123 million the subcommittee
wanted to give, arguing that states could trans-
fer money from social services block grants if
they were running out.
During the 96th Congress, Livingston
spent most of his time on the Committee on
Standards of Official Conduct.
He took a quiet interest in the details of
the numerous ethics cases that came up during
the Congress, often asking factual questions at
the panel's open hearings. But he proved one of
the harsher members of the committee, arguing
strongly for the expulsion of Pennsylvania
Democrat Michael "Ozzie" Myers in an
Abscam bribery case and for censure of Charles
H. Wilson, the California Democrat accused of
several kickback charges.
Livingston also spent two terms on a pair
of committees more important to his district,
Public Works and Merchant Marine.
On the Public Works Water Resources
Subcommittee, he had an opportunity to look
out for the flood control interests of his fre-
quently threatened lowland district. On Mer-
chant Marine, he voted the interests of his local
fishing industry. He supported a resolution to
increase the tariff on imported shrimp.
At the start of the 97th Congress, Living-
ston left both Public Works and Merchant
Marine for Appropriations.
At Home: The 1st District did not come
close to electing a Republican to the House for
a century after Reconstruction, but now that it
has one, it seems quite satisfied. Livingston has
had no difficulty holding the seat he won in a
1977 special election. Most of his constituents
accept him as a logical replacement for his
famous predecessor, Democrat F. Edward He-
bert.
A prosperous New Orleans lawyer, former
assistant U.S. attorney and veteran party
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Bob Livingaron, R-1a.
Louisiana .1
New Orleans casts more than 60 per-
cent of the 1st District vote. While the
district has some of the fashionable neigh-
borhoods along Lake Pontchartrain and
around Loyola, Tulane and Xavier universi-
ties, it includes few of the city's tourist
spots; most of the district's New Orleans
portion is in middle- to lower-income neigh-
borhoods.
Some of this territory is in the northern
and eastern parts of the city; the rest is
along the west bank of the Mississippi River
in a section known as Algiers. These are
ethnic communities, "marble cake" mix-
tures of Italians, Irish, Cubans and the
largest number of Hondurans outside Cen-
tral America. St. Tammany Parish, with
just over 20 percent of the district's popula-
tion, is a booming suburban haven. Once an
isolated vacation area for residents escaping
the heat and humidity of New Orleans, it
has become a popular home for New Or-
leans oil executives.
During the last decade St. Tammany
showed a 74 percent population increase,
the largest of any parish in the state. Many
of the newcomers are transplants from the
East and Midwest who have maintained
Republican voting habits. St. Tammany
gave Ronald Reagan 63.7 percent of the vote
in the 1980 presidential contest, his second
worker, Livingston made his first bid for Con-
gress in 1976, when Hebert stepped down. But
he lost narrowly to a labor-backed Democrat,
state Rep. Richard A. Tonry. The result was
due in part to the independent conservative
candidacy of former Democratic Rep. John R.
Rarick, who drew nearly 10 percent of the vote.
Livingston did not have to wait long, how-
ever, for a second try. Tonry's 1976 primary
opponent succeeded in pressing a vote fraud
case against him, and Tonry resigned from the
House in May 1977. He sought vindication in a
second Democratic primary that June, but lost
to state Rep. Ron Faucheux. Tonry subse-
quently pleaded guilty to several violations of
federal campaign finance law and was sent to
prison.
Livingston was ready to run again as soon
as Tonry resigned. He mounted a well-financed
campaign against Faucheux that drew signifi-
Southeast -
New Orleans
best showing in Louisiana.
Down river is the low, flat marshland of
Plaquemines and St. Bernard parishes. For
generations Plaquemines has been a world
of its own, ruled with an iron hand by
segregationist Leander Perez until his death
in 1969. Reflecting Perez' wishes,
Plaquemines cast more than 75 percent of
its presidential ballots for Dixiecrat Strom
Thurmond in 1948, Barry Goldwater in
1964 and George C. Wallace in 1968. But
Perez' descendants have not matched his
influence; they played only a minor role in
the 1980 campaign. Reagan carried the par-
ish with 54 percent of the vote.
Lying closer to New Orleans, St. Ber-
nard has a growing blue-collar population;
many of its residents work in large Kaiser
Aluminum and Tenneco plants. The blue-
collar element often votes Democratic in
closely contested statewide races. Jimmy
Carter carried the parish narrowly in his
1976 presidential bid, although Reagan won
it in 1980 with 60 percent of the vote.
Population: 524,961. White 357,946
(68%), Black 154,454 (29%), Asian and
Pacific Islander 7,474 (1%). Spanish origin
20,693 (4 % ). 18 and over 367,614 (70 %), 65
and over 50,290 (10%). Median age: 29.
cant blue-collar support as well as backing from
more traditional GOF voters in white-collar
areas. Spending more than $500,000, Living-
ston launched an advertising blitz that showed
him in his earlier job as a welder and as a
devoted family man (in contrast.to Faucheux, a
young bachelor).
The Republican did not stress his party
ties in the traditionally Democratic district.
Instead he emphasized his background in law
enforcement and claimed that he was in the
conservative mainstream that had elected He-
bert to Congress for 36 years.
With organized labor refusing to support
Faucheux, Livingston won easily. Since then,
the Democrats have not run a formidable chal-
lenger against him.
The only threat to his House career was
posed in 1981 by the Democratic Legislature,
which passed a redistricting bill that would
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Bob Livingston, R-Lc.
have forced Livingston to run in a substantially
changed district that included large blue-collar
sections of Jefferson Parish. When Republican
Committees
Appropriations (16th of 21 Republicans)
Foreign Operations; Military Construction.
1962 Primary'
Bob Livingston (R)
76.410
(86%)
Murphy Green (I)
6,660
( 8%)
Suzanne Weiss (I)
6,026
(7%)
1190 Primary'
Bob Livingston (R)
81,777
(88%)
Michael Musmeci Sr. (D)
8,277
(9%)
In Louisiana the primary is open to candidates of all parties. If
? candidate wins 50% or more of the vote in the primary no gen.
oral election is held.
Previous Winning Percentages: 1976 (86%) 1971' (51%)
Special Election.
District Vote For President
"s0 1976
D 79,279 (42%) D 79,056 (50%)
R 103,597 (55%) R 75,879 (48%)
1 4,074 ( 2X)
Campaign Finance
Receipts Expend-
Receipts from PACs iturea
1960
Livingston (R) $249,967 $54,375 (22%) $138,724
Gov. David C. Treen threatened to veto the
plan, the Legislature backed off and gave Liv-
ingston a district in which he could win easily.
Voting Studies
Presidential
Wpport
Party Conservative
Unity Coalition
Year
6
0
S
0
8
0
1182
79
14
76
20
84
11
1961
76
21
71
20
76
17
1980
41
51
72
15
81
7
1179
23
72
80
16
90
5
1976
30
67
82
11
as
5
1177
42
53t
80
lot
87
4t
S - Support
0
- Opposition
1 Not eligible for all recorded votes
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981) y
Legal services reauthorization (1981) X
Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y
Index income taxes (1981) Y
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) ?
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Y
Delete MX funding (1982) N
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) N
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) N
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS
1962
5
100
5
82
1191
20
62
27
94
16s0
11
63
5
84
11979
11
83
10
.94
1178
10
92
15
82
1977
0
78
29
89
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Bob McEwen (R)
Of Hillsboro - Elected 1980
Borg Jan. 12, 1950, Hillsboro, Ohio.
Education: U. of Miami (Fla.), B.B.A. 1972.
Occupation: Real estate developer.
Family: Wife, Elizabeth Boebinger.
Religion: Protestant.
Political Career. Ohio House, 1975-81.
Capitol Office: 329 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-5705.
In Washington: A one-time aide to Re-
publican Rep. William H. Harsha, his 6th Dis-
trict predecessor, McEwen landed a seat on the
Public Works Committee, where Harsha had
spent eight years as ranking minority member
before his retirement in 1981.
Harsha was known as a gifted player of
pork barrel politics; McEwen is doing his best
to match him. At a time when budget cutbacks
are delaying or eliminating many federally
funded projects across the country, McEwen
uses his congenial personal style to convince
colleagues that the 6th District should be an
exception to the rule.
In the 97th Congress, McEwen helped pre-
serve funding for a gas centrifuge uranium
enrichment project at Piketon, in his district.
Though the plant has been plagued by costly
construction delays, McEwen argued that
abandoning the effort would be even more
costly and would hamper the nation's nuclear
enrichment program.
He prevented Reagan administration ef-
forts to delete money for two bridges that will
cross the Ohio River and link southern Ohio
with Kentucky. And he secured money for
completion of a floodwall project that protects
the city of Chillicothe from the vagaries of the
Scioto River.
Those and other plums are the stuff of
which re-elections are made; McEwen's dis-
trict, though politically conservative, is amena-
ble to almost any plan that will help it fight
economic decline.
At Home: McEwen is a real estate devel-
oper, but his entire adult life has revolved
around politics. He was elected to the state
Legislature at age. 24, and directed two of
Harsha's re-election campaigns. When Harsha
retired in 1980, McEwen quickly emerged as
the favorite to succeed him.
Harsha remained publicly neutral in the
eight-candidate GOP primary because. the field
included two other candidates with whom the
congressman had past political associations.
But McEwen was the choice of the local GOP
establishment and, as a state legislator, the
only proven vote-getter. In the Ohio House,
McEwen had gained visibility by working to get
the state to dredge a flood-prone creek in his
district. He also advocated abolishing the Ohio
lottery.
McEwen won the primary easily, sweeping
10 of the 12 counties in the district. He made
particularly good showings in Scioto County
(Portsmouth) and three counties he repre-
sented in the Legislature - Clinton, Fayette
and his home base of Highland.
He enjoyed Harsha's backing in the gen-
eral election and presented himself as a conser-
vative protege of the retiring incumbent. He
favored the death penalty, opposed legalization
of marijuana and called for an end to federal
regulations that he said hurt industrial devel-
opment. His campaign attracted fundamental-
ist Christian backing.
McEwen also had a campaign treasury
about twice as large as that of Democrat Ted
Strickland, a minister who had a Ph.D. in
psychology and counseling. Democratic leaders
tried to get a stronger candidate, but promi-
nent Democrats in the district, such as state
House Speaker Vernal G. Riffe Jr., were not
interested.
Redistricting added to the diversity of the
6th, pushing it northwestward. But against an
underfunded Democratic challenger in 1982,
McEwen had no trouble emerging as an exam-
ple of the "sophomore surge." He was re-
elected with a tally nearly 5 percentage points
higher than the vote he drew in 1980.
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Ohio 6
The 6th is a mixture of suburbia and
Appalachia. Republican majorities in the
Cincinnati and Dayton suburbs and the
countryside nearby enable the GOP to win
most elections. But when the Democrats
run well in Appalachia, as they occasionally
do, the outcome can be close.
Nearly one-third of the voters in the
6th live in a suburban sector between Cin-
cinnati and Dayton, part of which was
gained in redistricting. The new territory,
which lies north of Interstate 71, the major
Cincinnati-to-Columbus artery, is Republi-
can.
Immediately east is rural Republican
country. Clinton and Highland counties and
the southern portion of Fayette County lie
on the outer fringe of the Corn Belt.
and
Farther east the land is poorer Republican strength begins to diminish.
When one enters Adams County, one is in
Appalachia. Adams, Pike and Vinton coun-
ties are three of the four poorest in Ohio.
Nearly one-half the land area of this
Committees
Public Works and Transportation (9th of 18 Republicans)
Aviation: Economic Development: Water Resources.
Veterans' Affairs (5th of 12 Republicans) Hospitals and
Compensation. Pension and Insurance (ranking): HHealth Care.
Elections
1982 General
Bob McEwen (R) 92.135 (59%)
Lynn Grimshaw (D) 63.435 (41%)
1980 General
Bob McEwen (R) 101,288 (55%)
Ted Strickland (D) 84,235 (45%)
District Vote For President
1980 1976
D 61.496 38% 0 85,675 R 93.577 (57X) R 91.021 (51X)
1 6.356 ( 4%)
Campaign Finance
Receipts Expend-
Receipts from PACs nurse
1982
McEwen(R) $144,058 $67,154 (47%) $141,631
Grimshaw(D) $81.344 $13,100 (16%) $71,085
South Central -
Portsmouth; Chillicothe
Appalachian portion is enclosed in the
Wayne National Forest. What little indus-
try exists is concentrated in Portsmouth
420
(pop. 25,943) and Chillicothe (pop.
While steel and bricks have been linch-
pins of Portsmouth's economy throughout
the century, the largest employer in the
district is the nearby uranium enrichment
facility owned by the Atomic Energy Com-
mission and operated by Goodyear. In Chil-
licothe, 44 miles due north of Portsmouth,
nearby forests support a large paper plant.
- Spurred by a revival in the coal indus-
try, the Appalachian 6th was one of the
fastest-growing parts of Ohio in the 1970s.
But as the coal boom ebbed, unemployment
soared. In 1982, five of the region's seven
counties had rates over 17 percent.
Population: 514,895. White 501,745
(97%). Black 10,499 (2%). Spanish origin
2,531 (1%). 18 and over 359,641 (70%), 65
and over 56,017 (11%). Median age: 30.
1960
McEwen $7 $32.2500 (42%) $182.387
212
Strickland d ( ID) $ $ 6,622
Voting Studies
Presidential Party Conservative
Support Unity Coalition
Year S 0 S 0 S 0
1982 58 34 77 18 77 18
1981 76 24 90 8 91 7
S = Support 0 - Opposition
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981) Y
Legal services reauthorization (1981) N
Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) N
Index income taxes (1981) Y
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982)
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982)
Delete MX funding (1982) N
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) N Y
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983)
Interest Group Ratings
Yaw ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS
11162 30 77 30 86
1881 0 83 20 89
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Jim Wright (D)
Of Fort Worth - Elected 1954
Born: Dec. 22, 1922, Fort Worth, Texas.
Education: Attended Weatherford College; U. of Texas
1940-41.
Military Career. Army 1941-45.
Occupation: Advertising executive.
Family: Wife, Betty Hay; four children.
Religion: Presbyterian.
Political Career. Texas House, 1947-49; Mayor of
Weatherford, 1950-54; defeated for U.S. Senate,
1961.
Capitol Office: 1236 Longworth Bldg. 20515; 225-5071:
In Washington: The early months of
Ronald Reagan's administration were a special
source of embarrassment for Wright, who had
to watch as the president carried vote after vote
by raiding the majority leader's own in-House
constituency of Southern Democrats.
Within his Texas delegation alone, at least
a dozen Democrats deserted Wright for Reagan
on the crucial budget and tax votes. "I feel like
the wife who was asked whether she ever con-
sidered divorce," Wright said at one point.
"She answered 'Divorce, no, murder, yes.'
That's how I feel about those guys."
As second in command to Tip O'Neill
within the House leadership, Wright had a
special assignment at the start of the 97th
Congress. It was his job to establish decent
working relations with the Southerners whose
votes had made him majority leader but who
were personally and politically reluctant to
oppose the incoming president.
Wright went out of his way to help the
most conservative Democrat of all, Phil Gramm
of Texas, win a place on the Budget Commit-
tee. He joined Gramm in introducing legisla-
tion that would have required the president to
offer Congress a balanced budget by 1984. But
the results of this effort at.det.ente were nil.
Gramm cosponsored the Reagan budget on the
House floor, and neither Wright's personal
pleading nor his famous rhetoric turned more
than a handful of Southern votes against it.
When Reagan's tax cut came to the floor in
August of 1981, Wright urged Southerners to
be careful. "Stay with us," he warned. "Don't
commit yourselves too early. You don't want to
be in the position of giving $6.5 billion to the
super-rich." But 36 Southern Democrats, in-
cluding eight Texans, helped Reagan win eas-
ily.
That Christmas, the majority leader called
1981 'the hardest year I've experienced in the
Congress - the most frustrating year." He said
he had been "singularly unsuccessful in provid.
ing the kind of leadership the post would seem
to require."
More important from the point of view of
some liberal Democrats, Wright showed no
immediate interest in punishing the conserva.
tive renegades for their pro-Reagan posture.
"We're going to open the door and invite them
back in," he said early in 1982. We're just going
to love them to death."
But if those events hurt Wright perma.
nently among House Democrats, there have
been few clear signs of it. By early 1982, the
majority leader had a new assignment: strate-
gist and spokesman for the effort to move a
public jobs program through the House. After
working all summer with Budget chairman
James R. Jones of Oklahoma and Education
and Labor chairman Carl Perkins of Kentucky,
Wright offered the first Democratic package in
September of 1982. It would have provided $1
billion for 200,000 jobs.
That legislation passed the House, at-
tached to a supplemental labor appropriations
bill. It did not become law, nor did a more
ambitious version Wright worked on a few
months later, to spend $5 billion and create
350,000 jobs. But early in the 98th Congress,
the president gave in to the House leadership
and agreed to support legislation to provide
more than $4 billion for job creation.
Wright's work on the jobs issue helped
restore his credentials among liberal Democrats
who had complained openly that he was going a
little too far in his effort to make friends with
the likes of Phil Gramm. The majority leader's
image as a national Democrat was further
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Jim Wright, 0-Texas
Texas 12
Less than half the size of neighboring
Dallas, and declining in population, Fort
Worth projects a blue-collar and Western
roughneck image that contrasts with its
more sophisticated neighbor.
But that image of the city - which
comprises nearly 60 percent of the 12th's
population - is not entirely accurate. Cele-
brations such as the Southwestern Expo-
sition Fat Stock Show and Rodeo may recall
Fort Worth's heyday as a cattle marketing
center, but since World War II the city has
been a major manufacturer of military and
aerospace equipment, and electronics is in-
creasingly prominent. General Dynamics
and Bell Helicopter, which lies just beyond
the 12th's eastern boundary, are among the
area's leading employers; both firms regu-
larly net huge defense contracts.
As many middle- and upper-income
Fort Worth residents have fled the city,
formerly rural territory in surrounding
Tarrant County has sprouted shopping
malls and suburbs. Old residential neigh-
borhoods on the city's Near South Side are
now largely black; the Near North Side
hosts a sizable Hispanic community.
Efforts have been made to upgrade
helped by his vocal opposition to the constitu-
tional amendment for a balanced federal bud-
get, which came up on the floor in October of
1982. Although it involved changing the Con-
stitution, this measure had some similarities to
Wright's own proposal of early 1981. But he
helped work out the strategy against it, a
conspicuous gesture in a liberal Democratic
direction.
By March of 1983. Wright had clearly been
restored to the position of Speaker-in-waiting
- if he had ever lost it. O'Neill, in announcing
his own intention to run for re-election in 1984,
delivered what amounted to an endorsement of
Wright for the time when the Speakership
finally opens up.
Few Democrats thought of Wright as a
likely winner in 1976 when he announced for
majority leader, offering himself as an alterna-
tive to the bitterly antagonistic front-runners,
Richard Bolling of Missouri and Phillip Burton
of California. But on the day of decision, he
eliminated Bolling by three votes on the second
ballot and Burton by one vote on the third.
Fort Worth;
Northwest Tarrant County
urban Fort Worth. A northern portion of
the city once given over. to stockyards ,now
hosts Billy Bob's, a huge Western-style
complex where urban cowboys drink, shop
and watch live rodeo.
The affluent western and southwestern
sections of the city and its suburbs give the
12th a Republican vote of some significance.
The northeastern Mid-Cities area in the
corridor between Fort Worth and Dallas is a
pocket of affluent, GOP-minded voters. The
redrawn 12th narrowly favored Ronald Rea-
gan in the 1980 presidential race.
. But the combined forces of organized
labor, liberals, low-income whites and mi-
norities - Hispanics and blacks make up
more than one-fourth of the district's popu-
lation - generally lift Democrats to victory
here. The 12th gave Democratic guberna-
torial nominee John Hill 54 percent of the
vote in his unsuccessful 1978 Statehouse
bid.
Population: 527.074. White 399.839
(76 % ), Black 90,979 (17 % ). Asian and Pa-
cific Islander 2.773 (1 % ). Spanish origin
54,697 (10%). 18 and over 374.579 (71 % ),
65 and over 53.166 (10%). Median age: 29.
The Texan had one enormous advantage.
Unlike his two rivals, he had few enemies. He
had always compromised personal differences
when possible, or disagreed gently if he had to.
He aimed to please - if not everyone, then as
many as possible. When he had something good
to say about a colleague, he went out of his way
to say it.
Shortly before the 1976 balloting, Wright
addressed newly elected Democrats. With elab-
orate courtesy, he said something flattering
about each of his opponents, and then, almost
as an afterthought, suggested he might he a
combination of the best in each of them.
In courting senior" Democrats, he had an-
other advantage. From his position on Public
Works, he had done countless small favors,
making sure there was a dam here or a federal
building there. He reminded New Yorkers he
voted for federal aid to their city. He noted
one-third of the House Democrats came from
Southern and Southwestern states and said
they deserved a spot in the leadership.
As majority leader. Wright has been a loyal
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Texas - 12th District
O'Neill lieutenant, serving as the leadership
man on the Budget Committee and on the ad
hoc panel that assembled President Carter's
energy bills in the 95th Congress. He still aims
to please. He never misses an opportunity, for
example, to say Tip O'Neill is the smartest man
alive at counting votes in the House.
If Wright is ingratiating, however, he is not
modest. He sees himself as a voice of reason, an
accomplished writer and a well-read and
thoughtful member of Congress. He is proud of
his reputation for oratory in a chamber where
such talents are dying out. He is florid and
sometimes theatrical, slipping unusual words
into his speeches and rolling them slowly off his
tongue, savoring each syllable. He is alternately
loud and very soft, forcing listeners to lean
forward to hear him and then surprising them
by turning up the volume.
He is sometimes preachy, sometimes
patronizing. "I am deeply humble and grate-
ful.... I want the president (Reagan) to suc-
ceed very much because I want the country to
succeed.... We've got to dream bold
dreams.... We sat down and hammered upon
the anvils of mutual understanding...."
House GOP leader Robert H. Michel has
referred to this style as "the syrup and the
eyebrows." Critics see it as trite or self-indul-
gent. But it can be effective. Wright changed
numerous votes with his eloquent speech in
1979 against expelling Michigan Democrat
Charles C. Diggs Jr., who had been convicted
on kickback charges. "We do not possess the
power," Wright said, "to grant to any human
being the right to serve in this body. That gift
is not ours to bestow."
In the exchanges of House floor debate,
Wright sometimes surprises people with emo-
tional excess. He has a hot temper. Several
times during any Congress, when he is angry at
an opponent, he will blurt out something un-
kind and be forced to apologize later. But even
then the ingratiating side soon takes over.
Wright's apologies are often so effusive the
entire episode balances out as a compliment.
When he became majority leader, Wright
had to give up his membership on the Public
Works Committee, which he was in line to chair
in 1977. Wright's years on Public Works helped
to define his politics. He is a bread-and-butter
Democrat who speaks in proud terms about the
roads, dams and other forms of tangible gov-
ernment largesse his old committee specializes
in. His support for public jobs in 1982 was no
short-term political gesture - he has been
pushing a public works solution to the unem-
ployment, problem for nearly 30 years. He has
never felt comfortable with the environmental-
ist argument that the nation has enough water
projects and enough highways.
In his early years on Public Works, Wright
took the lead in exposing what he called "the
great highway robbery," " trying to root out
fraud and corruption in the massive Interstate
system. But he never lost his confidence in the
system itself.
He has been similarly consistent in his
backing for water projects and has been some.
thing of a water policy specialist. At the start of
the Carter administration, he played a key role
in trying to bargain with a president deter.
mined to eliminate a long list of water develop.
ment projects. But he avoided criticizing Carter
publicly when other Democrats were doing so.
Outside Public Works, Wright has been a
strong supporter of defense spending and espe.
cially helpful to General Dynamics, his dis-
trict's leading employer and producer of the
TFX fighter plane. For years, Wright exercised
his oratorical skills on behalf of the much
maligned TFX, sparring with members from
the state of Washington, home of Boeing, Gen-
eral Dynamics' chief rival. In more recent
times, Wright has continued to speak up for
successors to the TFX.
He is similarly enthusiastic about syn-
thetic fuels development and has worked hard
to convince other party leaders that synfuels
ought to be included in any future Democratic
energy agenda. He was instrumental in over-
whelming House passage of a loan guarantee
system' for synfuels development in 1980; the
next year, when the Reagan administration
sought to scale down the program, Wright
gathered the signatures of 30 Democrats and 4
Republicans on a letter arguing against it. But
synfuels enthusiasm has been waning since
then.
Wright once wrote a magazine article,
"Clean Money for Congress," noting that he
accepted only small campaign contributions.
But in recent years, like many members, he has
become dependent on larger givers. His fi-
nances have been complicated by debts he
incurred in running for the Senate in 1961, and
he has spent years trying to straighten them
out. In 1976, he raised $132,000 at a $1,000-a-
plate Washington fund-raiser and used $64,000
to pay off debts still outstanding from the old
Senate race. He had taken out personal loans to
try to repay his contributors, and his personal
and political finances had become entangled.
He said he had been a poor financial manager
but violated no law.
At Home: As majority leader, Wright
must support and defend national Democratic
policies that are not always popular in Fort
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Worth. Republicans tried to portray him in
1980 as too liberal for the 12th, but the GOP
effort was a costly failure, and Wright now
seems safely ensconced in a district that per-
ceives him as a centrist despite his close associ-
ation with Speaker O'Neill.
For most of the 1970s, Wright was so
secure at home that he was able to devote most
of his campaigning time to other Democrats
'across the country. This field work augmented
Wright's influence in the House; candidates
elected with Wright's help often became his
allies in Congress.
In 1980, national GOP strategists decided
to take a serious shot at Wright, partly just to
keep him occupied at home, but also to see
whether he had lost touch with Tarrant
County, which was being lured rightward by
the candidacy of Ronald Reagan.
The Republican nomineee was Jim
Bradshaw, a former mayor pro tempore of Fort
Worth who insistently denounced Wright as
beholden to liberals and the Washington estab-
lishment. Bradshaw - young, well-known and
articulate - convinced conservative money
that Wright could be beaten; the Republican
collected more than $600,000 from local and
national sources.
But Wright would not be outdone. He
raised and spent more than $1.1 million, using
the money to tout his congressional influence
and his ability to draw military contracts and
other federal plums to Fort Worth. He even
sent a letter to local businessmen, telling them
to back Bradshaw if they wished, but remind-
ing them he would still be around and would
remember it. Wright retained his seat with
ease, winning 60 percent of the vote even
though Reagan carried the 12th over Carter in
presidential voting.
In 1982 Republican resistance to Wright
was minimal. Only carpenter Jim Ryan entered
the GOP primary; outspent by more than 10-
to-1, he won fewer than one-third of the No-
vember ballots.
Majority Leader
Budget (2nd of 20 Democrats)
1982 General
Jim Wright (D) 78,913 (69%)
Jim Ryan (R) 34,879 (31%)
18s0 Gamma
Jim Wright (D)
Jim Bradshaw (R)
99,104 (60%)
65.005 (39%)
Jim Wright, D-Texas
For virtually his entire adult life, Wright
has been immersed in politics.-In 1946, shortly
after returning from combat in the South Pa-
cific, he won a seat in the Texas Legislature. He
lost a re-election bid two years later but in 1950
began a four-year tenure as mayor of
Weatherford, a small town about 20 miles west
of Fort Worth. In 1953, he served as president
of the League of Texas Municipalities.
Wright was known in those years as a
liberal crusader, thanks to his support for anti-
lynching legislation and for federal school aid.
In 1954 he challenged the conservative incum-
bent, Rep. Wingate Lucas, in the Democratic
primary. Wright was opposed by much of the
Fort Worth business establishment, but he
turned that to his advantage by portraying
himself as the candidate of the average man.
He defeated Lucas by a margin of about 3-2.
Once established in the House, and recog-
nized as a young man of talent and ambition,
Wright had to decide whether to stay there.
"You reach the point," he complained, "where
you're not expanding your influence." The Sen-
ate beckoned, and in April 1961 he ran in a
special election for the seat vacated by Vice
President Johnson. The field of more than 70
candidates badly split the Democratic vote, and
Texas elected John G. Tower, its first Republi-
can senator since Reconstruction. Wright
placed third, narrowly missing a runoff he
probably would have won.
Wright next considered running for gover-
nor, but gave it up and began to aim for a 1966
Senate campaign. His vote the year before to
repeal state "right-to-work" laws increased his
following in organized labor, but ,it chilled his
support in the Texas business community and
made it difficult for him to raise money. Low
on funds, he made an emotional statewide
telecast appealing for $10 contributions to the
half-million-dollar fund he said he would need
for the race. Only $48,000 flowed in, mostly
from his district, and Wright was forced to
abandon his candidacy.
Previous Winning Psresntapss:
1978
169%)
1976
(.76%)
1974
( 79%)
1972
(100'/,)
1970
(100%)
1916
(100%)
1966
(100%)
1964
( 69%)
1992
( 61%)
1990
(100%)
1958
(100%)
1956
(100'!.)
1964
(99Y.)
District Yob For President
1980 1978
D 77.202 (48%) D 74.846 (53%)
N 79.254 (49%) R 63,612 (45%)
1 3.272 (2%)
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Jim Wright, D-T.ras
Campaign Finance
1982 75 22 63 26 44 60
1961 54 12 52 9 39 9
"
S - Support 0 - Opposition
Receipts
from PACs
likure's
Key Votes
1992
Wright (D)
1557,636
9237,036
(43'%)
$448,471
Reagan budget proposal (1981)
Ryan (R)
$45,033
$5,902
(13%)
$34,520
Legal services reauthorization (1981)
Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981)
sr
Y
1960
ht
i
D)
W
458
131
$1
073
$345
(30?/.)
$1,193,622
Index income taxes (1981)
1982
N
Y
r
g
(
Bradshaw (R)
,
,
$524,203
,
$83,757
(16%)
$523,884
)
Subsidize home mortgage rates (
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982)
Delete MX funding (1982)
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982)
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983)
N
Y
N
Y
Voting Studies
Interest Group Ratings
ti
Pnsidsntisl Party
ort Unity
Su
Conserva
ve
Coalition
year
ADA
ACA
AFL-CIO
CCU$
pp
3
75
3
Year
8
0
$ 0
6
0
1882
55
9
67
8
1982
48
48
79 16
56
36
1981
30
28
71
29
1981
49
43
60 23
63
28
1980
39
29
59
73
1960
74
16
78 5
32
48
1979
37
8
83
41
1879
69
14
77 9
35
52
1976
35
29
95
33
1978
68
22
77 12
33
57
1977
45
4
-
6
29
1977
77
16
82 9
27
64
1976
30
19
8
65
50
1976
45
49
61 29
59
32
1975
32
'
46
70
24
5
1975
52
45
64 31
59
36
1974
30
.
31
0
1974 (Ford)
50
26
1973
40
24
80
44
1974
53
32
62 26
49
36
1972
19
41
80
33
11973
39
45
71 19
44
47
1971
24
40
86
-
1972
57
38
62 26
50
38
1970
32
35
-
-
1971
67
19
43 27
48
23
1989
33
17
-
-
1970
52
31
57 26
43
39
1l88
50
5
1969
55
23
65 16
38
53
1967
60
7
-
22
1968
64
16
57 16
78 8
35
30
41
52
1966
1965
29
42
29
8
-
20
1967
76
9
1
68
3
1
32
1964
72
12
73
-
1
9
772 6
14
9
60
22
45
1983
-
13
65
1
"M
at
1
76 8
33
50
1162
63
24
73
1963
76
7
76 7
40
1961
50
-
-
-
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Robert H. Michel (R)
Of Peoria - Elected 1956
Born: March 2, 1923, Peoria, III.
Education: Bradley U., B.S. 1948.
Military Career. Army, 1942-46.
Occupation: Congressional aide.
Family: Wife, Corinne Woodruff; four children.
Religion: Apostolic Christian.
Political Career No previous office.
Capitol Office: 2112 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-6201.
In Washington: While Howard H. Baker
Jr. was drawing unanimous praise in 1981 for
persuading a Republican Senate to pass a Re-
publican economic program, his House coun-
terpart was doing something much more im-
pressive - quietly moving that same program
through a chamber in which the GOP was a
distinct minority.
Through months of bargaining and lobby-
ing over President Reagan's budget and tax
bills, Bob Michel was the man the White House
depended on for a sense of strategy and timing
in the House. To pass those measures, Michel
had to steer them through the factional prob-
lems of both parties, working with the White
House to sweeten the legislation for conserva-
tive Democrats without alienating moderate
Republicans from the urban Northeast. The
real tribute to his skill was the virtual unanim-
ity of the GOP vote: a combined 568-3 on the
trio of decisive tax and budget decisions during
1981.
Michel had a different approach for every
Republican faction. He made it clear to' the
moderate "Gypsy Moths" that their overall
budget support would count later on when they
wanted specific financial help for their dis-
tricts. He persuaded the militant Reaganites
not to pick any fights with the moderates while
the key legislation was still pending. "You can't
treat two alike," he explained later. "I know
what I can get and what I can't, when to back
off and when to push harder. It's not a matter
of twisting arms. It's bringing them along by
gentle persuasion."
As sweet as those victories were for Michel,
he did not have much time to savor them. By
the time the House returned from its August
recess that year, Reaganomics was under attack
even on the Republican side for the high inter-
est rates and budget deficits it seemed to be
generating.
Michel began striking a posture more inde-
pendent of Reagan, one he would maintain
through the rest of the 97th Congress. In Octo-
ber 1981 he announced that Reagan's proposed
$16 billion in new domestic spending cuts could
never pass. The next January he declared that
Reagan's proposed 1983 budget would go no-
where unless the deficit were reduced. A few
weeks later, he began lobbying the White
House for a tax increase to get the deficit down,
a tactic the president eventually supported.
In the spring of 1982 Michel loyally worked
for the revised budget backed by Reagan and
managed its passage after weeks of stalemate.
By that time, though, he was facing his most
determined opposition from the Republican
right, whose members complained that the
Reagan-Michel compromise was too soft on the
social welfare programs against which the pres-
ident had campaigned.
As he moved toward a moderate Republi-
can position - in favor of lowering the deficit
through a tax increase rather than more heavy
spending cuts - Michel was meeting his con-
stituent needs both inside and outside the
House.
Over the years, his Peoria-based district
had moved beyond its earlier Corn Belt conser-
vatism and developed the problems of a declin-
ing Frostbelt industrial area. Some of the
Reaganomics votes that were popular for
Southern and Western Republicans did not
play very well in Peoria, as Michel's brush with
defeat in 1982 was- to prove.
And within the chamber, Michel had de-
veloped strong personal ties to the Gypsy Moth
Republicans. They had been his primary con-
stituency in his campaign for party leader in
1981; most of the hard-line Reaganites had
backed Guy A. Vander Jagt of Michigan. Gypsy
Moth leaders such as Carl D. Pursell of Michi-
gan had swallowed hard and backed the Rea-
gan budget partly as a favor to Michel in 1981,
and Michel responded sympathetically when
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Illinois 18
The 18th zigs and zags from Peoria
south to the outskirts of Decatur and
Springfield and west to Hancock County on
the Mississippi. A mostly rural area, it is
linked by the broad Illinois River basin,
ideal for growing corn. The only major ur-
ban area is made up of Peoria, with 124,160
residents, and neighboring Pekin, Everett
M. Dirksen's hometown, with 33,967.
Although redistricting in 1981 gave Mi-
chel more than 200,000 new constituents, it
did not hurt him on a partisan basis. The
GOP may be even a bit stronger within the
new district lines than in the old ones;
Ronald Reagan's 1980 vote was 60 percent
in the old 18th, and 61.2 percent in the new
one.
Michel's hometown of Peoria, however,
is a troubled industrial city. It is dominated
by the Caterpillar Tractor Company, which
makes its international headquarters there
and employs more than 30,000 people in the
district at five different plants. Peoria has
lost much of its other industry in the past
decade, including a once thriving brewery.
Pekin is a grain processing and shipping
they told him they could no longer accept
Reaganomics.
Late in 1981, when several conservative
Republicans said they wanted to form a pro-
Reagan pressure group. to counter the Gypsy
Moths, Michel talked them out of it. "They're
too good as people to dismiss," he said of the
Gypsy Moths at that time. "1 love those guys,
even if we've been voting on opposite sides for
years."
Whatever the failures of the.Reagan pro-
gram, Michel emerged from the twists and
turns of the 97th Congress with a broad respect
few House leaders have generated in modern
times. That respect extended clear through
Democratic ranks: On election night, when it
was clear that Michel had survived, Speaker
O'Neill openly expressed his relief, breaking an
unwritten rule of partisanship that House lead-
ers are supposed to.obey-
Michel won 'tis position as Republican
leader in 1981 on the same qualities that have
traditionally won House GOP elections -
cloakroom companionship, homespun Mid-
western conservatism, an appetite for legisla-
tive detail and a knowledge of the rules.
center; it produces ethanol, both for fuel
and for drink.
In the 1960s Peoria anchored the south-
ern end of the district; in the 1970s it was in
the center. For the 1980s it is perched at the
northern tip. Peoria and Tazewell counties
are the only territory remaining from the
district that elected Michel in 1970. As
redrawn, the 18th is a particularly frag-
mented constituency. Michel once repre-
sented eight counties and most of a ninth,
but now he is responsible not only for eight
complete counties but also parts of eight
more.
Seven of the eight entire counties in-
cluded in the district gave Reagan at least
60 percent of the vote in the 1980 presiden-
tial election. In the 1982 governor's race,
GOP incumbent James R. Thompson car-
ried seven of the eight
Population: 519,026. White 490,556
(95%), Black 23,919.(5%). Spanish origin
3,728 (1 %). 18 and over 368,659 (71%), 65
and over 62,341 (12%). Median age: 30.
When Republicans chose him over Vander
Jagt by a 103-87 vote, they opted for Michel's
"workhorse" campaign arguments against Van-
der Jagt's oratorical flourishes. Michel has as
good a baritone voice as there is in the House,
but he is not exactly an orator; his sentences
often begin with volume and emphasis and end
in a trail of prepositions. But Michel is at home
on the House floor, where Vander Jagt has
been a stranger most of his career, and in a
newly conservative House, most Republicans
decided strategy was preferable to speeches.
Like his two immediate predecessors as
Republican leader, John J. Rhodes and Gerald
R. Ford, Michel is a product of the Appropria-
tions Committee. Like them, he has spent most
of his career arguing over money and detail
rather than broad policy questions. But a quar-
ter-century on that committee made Michel a
top-flight negotiator, skilled in the trade-offs
and compromises that are the hallmark of the
appropriations process.
Concentrating on the Labor-Health, Edu-
cation and Welfare Subcommittee at Appropri-
ations, he was in a minority for years against a
working majority of liberal Democrats and Re-
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publicans. Every year, when the subcommittee
reported its spending bill, he took the House
floor to say that it cost too much and wasted
too much. But his efforts to scale back spend-
ing rarely succeeded.
About the only exceptions came in cases
where he could suggest a hint of scandal. In
1$78, after the Health, Education and Welfare
(HEW) inspector general issued a report show-
ing widespread waste and fraud in Medicaid,
Michel was able to get the House to adopt an
amendment requiring the department to trim
$1 billion worth of waste and fraud from its
budget. HEW said it could not find that much
of either, but Michel followed up the next year
with a second $500 million cut.
The effort was largely symbolic, but it was
not lost on presidential candidate Ronald Rea-
gan, who made the elimination of such abuses a
key part of his campaign.
Michel also anticipated Reagan by making
an issue of entitlements - the programs like
Social Security and Medicare that are not lim-
ited by regular congressional appropriations.
Arguing that 75 percent of the domestic budget
is now in this category, Michel has insisted
repeatedly that federal spending can never be
brought under control unless the rules are
changed on entitlements. In 1979 Michel intro-
duced an amendment that successfully blocked
the House from making child welfare payments
a new entitlement.
Michel's conservatism is primarily fiscal.
Although he is a strong opponent of abortion,
he has never had much in common with the
New Right social conservatives who began en-
tering House Republican ranks in large num.
bers in the late 1970s. .
At the beginning of 1979, when the aggres-
sive class of GOP freshmen accused Rhodes of
being too compliant in his dealings with the
majority Democrats, Michel found himself un-
der attack as part of the Rhodes leadership. He
chafed privately at talk that he was not com-
bative enough, citing the years he had spent
fighting to cut HEW budgets. But he found it
difficult to defend himself without appearing to
break with Rhodes.
Rhodes announced his impending retire-
ment as party leader in December 1979, and
from that time on Michel and Vander Jagt were
open competitors for the leadership job.
Michel started out with a big advantage
among senior members, who knew him well,
and among most moderates, who found him
less strident than Vander Jagt. But Vander
Jagt, as chairman of the campaign committee
that donated money to GOP challengers, had
the edge among those recently elected.
Illinois - 18th District
The sparring between the two candidates
extended to the 1980 Republican convention in
Detroit. When Vander Jagt was.selected as
keynote speaker, Michel's forces complained,
and their man was made floor manager for
Ronald Reagan.
In the weeks before the November elec-
tion, it was clear that Michel had an edge.
Vander Jagt needed the benefit of an unusually
large new 1980 Republican class to have any
chance.
The returns actually brought 52 new Re-
publicans, more than even Vander Jagt had
hopefully anticipated. But by installing Repub-
lican control in the White House and in the
Senate, the election also helped Michel. It
allowed him to argue successfully that Presi-
dent Reagan needed a tactician to help him
move his program through the House, not a
fiery speaker. Vander Jagt got his majority of
the newcomers, but it was not a large enough
majority to deny Michel the leadership.
At Home: Michel's role as Reagan's
spokesman in the House nearly thrust him into
the growing ranks of Peoria's unemployed in
1982. Voters in the 18th were so enraged with
Reaganomics that they gave 48 percent of the
vote to Democrat G. Douglas Stephens, a 31-
year-old labor lawyer making his first bid for
elective office.
A narrow escape from defeat had been the
furthest thing from Michel's mind at the outset
of 1982. In January his re-election seemed
cinched when the filing deadline for congres-
sional candidates passed without any Demo-
cratic entry in the 18th. But Stephens and
another Democrat, state Rep. Gerald R. Brad-
ley, realized that the Democratic nomination
would be worth having in November if by that
time a substantial number -of voters had lost
faith in the restorative powers of GOP eco-
nomic policy.
So Stephens and Bradley launched write-
in efforts in the March primary. With strong
support from labor unions, which he had served
as a lawyer in disability cases, Stephens gener-
ated three times as many write-in ballots as
Bradley.
In the fall campaign, Stephens told voters
that Michel's role as chief mover of Reagan
programs in the House put him at odds with
the district's factory workers, farmers, small-
business people, poor and elderly, all of whom
Stephens said had been adversely affected by
Reagan policies.
The Democrat criticized Michel particu-
larly for failing to convince Reagan to lift U.S.
sanctions on selling natural gas pipeline equip-
ment to the Soviet Union. Those sanctions cost
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Robert H. Michel, Rdll.
Caterpillar and other Illinois heavy equipment
companies lucrative contracts, exacerbating al-
ready high levels of unemployment in the 18th.
The national Democratic Party did not
give Stephens a great deal of financial help, but
it did focus attention on the campaign, hoping
to pull off an upset that would be seen as a
resounding rejection of Reaganomics from the
heartland. Michels. task was complicated also
by redistricting, which gave him a territory
where some 45 percent of the people were new
to him.
Initially slow to counterattack, Michel be-
gan to cast Stephens as a puppet of organized
labor and a negativist foe with few constructive
suggestions and a limited record of involvement
in community activities. Michel proved capable
at blending modern-style media appeals with
traditional person-to-person campaigning.
Shortly before the election, Reagan ap-
peared in the district on Michel's behalf and
hinted at the forthcoming removal of sanctions
on the sale of pipeline equipment to the Sovi-
ets.
In the two most populous counties of the
district - Peoria and Tazewell - Michel was
held to 51 percent. Stephens finished first in
four other counties, but Michel's slim margins
in the district's 10 remaining counties pulled
Elections
1182 General
Robert H. Michel (R) 97,406 (52%)
G. Douglas Stephens (D) 91,281 (48%)
1190 General
Robert H. Michel (R) 125,561 (6r/.)
John Knuppel (D) 76,471 (38%)
Previous Winning Percentages: 1978 (66%) 1976 (58%)
1974 (55%) 1972 (65%) 1970 (66'/.) 1968 (61%)
1966 (58%) 1964 (54%) ?1192 (61%) 1980 (591x.)
1158 (60%) 1156 (59%)
District Vote For President
1980 1976
D 71,861 (32%) D 92,613 (44%)
R 137,198 (61%) R 114,120 (55Y.)
12,710 ( 6%).
Campaign Finance
Receipts Expend-
Receipts tram PACs nuns
him to victory by a margin of 6,125 votes. In his
victory speech on election night, Michel said he
had come to realize that his constituency ex-
pected some modifications in Reaganomics to
relieve unemployment.
Prior to 1982, Michel's re-election margins
were rarely overwhelming, but he encountered
close races only in the Democratic years of 1964
and 1974. Relative peace at the polls gave him
time to concentrate on mastering the politics of
Congress.
Michel was born in Peoria, the son of a
French immigrant factory worker. Shortly after
graduating from Bradley University in Peoria,
he went to work for the district's newly elected
representative, Republican Harold Velde.
Velde became chairman of the old House
Un-American Activities Committee during the
Republican-dominated 83rd Congress (1953-
55) and received much publicity for his hunt
for Communist subversives. Michel rose to be-
come Velde's administrative assistant.
In 1956 Velde retired and Michel ran for
the seat. Still not very well-known in the dis-
trict, Michel nevertheless had the support of
many of the county organizations, whose politi-
cal contact he had been in Washington. He won
the primary with 48 percent of the vote against
four opponents.
Voting Studies
Presidential
Support
Parry
Unity -
Conservative
Coalition
Year
S
0
S
0
8
0
1192
83
12
81
16
89
10
1881
80
17
82
11
83
13
1980
37
51
84
8
79
12
1979
30
58
76
12
85
6
1978
42
56
77
14
80
12
1977
44
44
75
10
82
4
1976
78
12
87
8
85
10
1975
88
8
82
9
82
10
1974
79
9
69
15
77
15
1973
75
17
84
7
86
5
1972
51
24
72
10
77
7
1971
75
16
74
10
76
6
1970
74
9
74
7
70
7
1969
64
28
69
20
80
11
1968
42
38
66
13
63
18
1967
37
51
84
7
at
7
1966
32
44
71
4
65
5
1965
27
54
76
10
76
12
1964
35
58
71
10
83
17
1963
18
55
67 .
9
53
27
1962
18
65
75
5
81
0
1961.
22
60
69
14
78
9
S ? Support 0 a Opposition
11982
Michel (R)
$697,087
$471,129
(68%)
$652,773
Key Votes
Stephens (D)
11174,559
$96,480
(55%)
$165,777
Reagan budget proposal (1981) Y
1919
Legal services reauthorization (1981) N
Michel (R)
$168,667
698,624
(58%)
$134,540
Disapprove sale o1 AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) N
Y
Knuppel (D)
$34,894
$5,750
(16%)
$34,483
Index income taxes (1981)
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Illinois - 18th Distrkt
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982)
1971
15
Be
9
94
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982)
1978 '
5
81
9
94
Delete MX funding (1982)
1975
16
81
9
100
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982)
1914
9
93
18
100
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983)
1973
0
88
0
100
1972
6
94
30
90
1911
3
96
0
1910
20
82
14
88
1996
7
75
33
Interest Group Ratings
1996
25
90
75
Year
ADA ACA AFL-CIO
CCUS
1997
1996
7
6
89
75
0
8
100
1982
5 87 10
80
1985
0
84
90
1991
10 86 0
100
1964
8
83
27
-
1980
6 82 11
74
1983
-
100
-
-
1979
5 87 10
100
1962
14
87
9
1978
15 75 5
89
1961
0
-
-
-
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