LETTER TO WILLIAM J. CASEY FROM JIM COURTER

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP87M00539R002203530054-5
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 13
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: September 17, 2009
• Sequence Number: 54
• Publication Date: June 3, 1985
• Content Type: LETTER

Approved For Release 2009/09/18 :CIA-RDP87M00539R002203530054-5
STAT
Approved For Release 2009/09/18 :CIA-RDP87M00539R002203530054-5
 JIM COURTER Approved For Release 2009/09/18 :CIA-RDP87M00539R002203530054-5 COMMITTEES:
NEW JERSEY ) 9 ~ ~ RMED SERVICES
SELECT COMMITTEE
~on~re~~ of the ~lnited ~tate~ ON AGING
~touoe of '~.e~re~entatives
~lllashin~ton, ~B~ ions
June 3, 1985
Mr. William J. Casey
Director of Central Intelligence
Central Intelligence Agency
Washington, D.C. 20505
Dear Mr. Casey:
I was pleased to see the full text of your San Antonio address
appear in the Washington Times, and have had it entered into the
Congressional Record in the hope that sane of my colleagues will
benefit from it as much as I have.
The speech could not have been more timely; the House is now
to face anew the same old choice about whether or not to resist the
establishment of a second Marxist-Leninist state in the Central
American region. I have taken a rather visible role in the Nicaragua
debate, made a trip to Central America in Decenber, and have set dawn
some of my opinions and findings in various published forms. I am at
work at present on a booklet on the Nicaraguan government's consolidation
of power, and will be pleased to send along a copy to you when it is
canpleted. Should you find yourself available at sane date for an
opportunity to meet with me and discuss Central American issues, I would
be most pleased for the chance.
Thank you for your expert work for this country's intelligence
services, and thank you for your leadership and your patriotism.
Sincerely,
JAC/ch
Enclosures
Cv ss
St ~.f rj'dd~.
2422 RAYBURN HOUSE OFFICE BUILDING WASHINGTON, DC 20515 [phone]
Approved For Release 2009/09/18 :CIA-RDP87M00539R002203530054-5
~UR`I'F.R
r of Congress
 Approved For Release 2009/09/18 :CIA-RDP87M00539R002203530054-5
Vol. 131 WASHINGTON, WEDNESDAY, MAY 22, 1985
No. 68
~on~re~~ional `1~e~ord
DIRECTOR CASEY ON THE SAN-
DINISTA STRATEGIC BLUE-
PRINT
HON. JIM COURIER
or tssw asassx
Ili TIIf SOUSg Of RICPRISEIi?ATIVCS
Wednesday, May 22, 1985
? Mr. COIIRTER. Mr. Speaker, I
would like my colleagues to see the
best, most comprehensive review of
Maricist?Lenlniat political atntegy in
foreign countries to appear !n the
public prints in some time. It is the
text of a speech CIA Director William
Casey made to the World Business
CottncU in San Mtonio, TS, on May
I8.
Ranging over such strategic indit:a-
tors as military aid, the presence of ad-
visers, political cultivation of the
young, propaganda. and efforts to dis-
credit the moral and spiritual author-
ity of the Catholic Church. the ad-
dress by Mr. Casey serves. from one
standpoint. ss a veritable checklist of
the ways in which the nee Nicaraguan
Oovtrrlment is reproducing old Marx-
ist-Leninist patterns of taking and con-
solidating power.
The text which follows is reprinted
from the Washington Times.
SA1fD[1rISTAS HAVa "BLIIEPRIPTr roe
$17aVDtSIVI AccRr;s$Iai,"
Today. I would like to tell you about the
subversive war which the Soviet UNon and
!ts partners have been waglna against the
United States and its Interests around the
world for a quarter of a century or more.
This campaign of aggressive subversion ilea
nibbled away at friendly governments and
our vital interests untU today our national
security 4 impaired b our Immediate neigh-
borhood as well u !n Europe, Asls, Africa
and Latin America.
This 4 not an undeclared war. In 1961,
[Nlkital Khrushchev, then leader of the
Soviet Union, told to that communism
would win not through nuclear war which
could destroy the world or oonventlonal war
which could quickly lead to nuclear war, but
through "wars of national liberation" In
Africa, Asia, and Latin America. We sere re-
luctant to believe him then. Just u to the
1930s we were reluctant to take Hitler seri-
ously when he spelled out b "Mein Kampt"
how he would take over Europe.
Over the last 10 years, Soviet power has
been established:
In Vietnam, along China's border and
astride the sea lanes which bring Persian
dull oil to Japan.
In Afghanistan, 500 mile closer to the
warm?water ports of the Indian Ocean and
W the Straits of Honnus. Through which
coma the oil essential to Western Europe.
In the Horn of Africa, domtnating the
southern approaches to the Iced Sea and
the southern tip of the Arabian Peninsula
In Southern Africa. The source of miner-
als which we and other Industrlai nations
must have.
And In the Caribbean and Central Amer?
Ica, on the very doorstep of the United
Thb is not a bloodless war. Marxist-Lenln-
Ist pollcla and tactics have unleashed the
tour horses of the apocalypse-Famine, Pes-
tilence, War and Death. Throughout the
Third World we see fsraine In Africa, peatl-
lence through chemical and biological
agents b Afghanistan and Indochina, war
on three continents, and death everywhere.
Even as I speak, some 300,000 Soviet, Viet-
namese, and Cuban troops are carrying out
savage military operations directed at
wiping out national rcs4tance In Afghani-
stan, Kampuchea. Ethiopia, and several
other oountrles.
In the occupied countries-Afghanistan,
Cambodia, Ethiopia. Angola, Nicaragua-in
which Marxist regimes have been either lm-
poeed or mtlntatned by external forces,
there has occurred ? holoaust comparable
to that which Nasl Germany intllL't!d to
Europe some ~0 Tears ago. Borne four mU-
lion Afghans. more than oae-quarter of the
popuhtlon, have had to Ace their country.
The Hetsirkl Watch tells us that they have
fled because "the crime of lndlscrlrntnate
war[arc are combined with the worst ex-
cesses of unbridled state sanctdotned violence
against civtllana." It cites evidence of "clvll-
iaru burned alive, dynamited, beheaded:
crushed Oy Soviet tanks; grenades thrown
Into rooms where women and children have
been told to walt.^
In Cambodia, two to three million people,
something like one-quarter of the pre-ear
population, have been killed in the moat vio-
lent and brutal manner by both internal
and external Marxist forces.
In Ethiopia, a Marx4t military sovem-
ment, supported with extensive military
support from Mosww and thousands of
Cuban troops, by aoltectlvtzing agriculture
and keeping food prices low !n order to
malntala urban support, has a:acerbated a
famine which threatens the lied of m9lions
of Its citizens. It has exploited the famine
by using food as s weapon to forcibly relo-
cate people fighting an oppressive govern-
ment fn the north hundreds of mils to the
south where there V no prrparation to re-
ceive them. Tn urban areas, food rations are
distributed through part? ce1L.
killed oulc tr~lght ahminimumu of 1,000 fun er
Somozs national guardsmen during the
summer of 1879. In 2984, It forcibly relo-
cated some 15,000 Mbklto Indians'to dete~-
tion camps, forced many more to flee to rcf-
ug?-a camps fn Honduras, and burned same
40 Indian v111ages. Lst month, the 8.indi?
nW,as forcibly mould 60,000 campalnoa
from areas close to the Hondtrrsn regiolts,
burntag thtlr houses and kllllrlg their
cattle.
What is the Durpase of all this carnage,
this creeping hnperlallsrat In my view, there
arc two primary taraeta-the oil tlelds of
the Middle East which are the lifeline of
the Western Alliance, and .the Isthmus be-
tween North and South America. AfghAnl-
stan, South Yemen, Ethbpta. as well u
Cam Ranh Bay b Vietnam, and Moram-
blque and Mgola !n southern Africa, bring
Soviet power utrlde the sea lanes which
carry those nsourcxa to America, Europe
and Japan
CapabUitles to threaten the Panama
Canal in tits short tens and Mexico in a
somewhat longer term are being developed
to Nicaragua where the 3andinlsta revolu-
tion la the first successful Castrolte seizure
o[ power on the American mainland. They
have worked quietly and shadily toward
their obJecUves of building the power of the
state security apparatus, building the
strongest armed lures b Centre] America.
and becoming a center for exporting stibver-
alon to Nicaragua's neighbors.
The American intelligence convnunity
over recent montiu unanimously rnncurred
In four national estimates on ills military
buildup, the consolldatioa and the obiec-
tives of t1:e 6oviets and the Cubans and the
Sandinistas (n Nicaragua If I were to boU
the key judgments of those atlnrates down
to a sfngle acntence ft would be this: The
Soviet Union and Cuba have established and
are consoildating a beachhead on the Amer-
ican continent, are putttltg hundreds of mU-
lions of dollars worth o[ military equipment
into tt, and have begun to use It as a ltunch-
tng pad to carry their style of aggressive
subversion Into the rest of Central America
and elsewhere in Latin America.
Let me review quickly what has already
happened In Nicaragua The Sandtnlatss
have developed the best equipped mUitary
b the region. They have an active strength
of some 85,000 and a fully mobilized
strength Including militia and reserves of
nearly 140,000. These farces are equipped
with Soviet tanks, armored vehicles, state of
the art helicopters, patrol boas and an in-
creasingly comprehensive air defense
system. This gives the Sandlniatas a mlU-
tary tapablUty tar beyond Lhat of any other
Centel American nation and Indeed all
Central AmeriL-art nations Dut together.
In addition to the considerable military
hardware, there are now an attmated 6,000
to 7.500 Cuban advistrs and several hundred
other eommtmlats and radical personnel In
Nicaragua assisting the regime b its mt11-
tary buildup and !ts oonsolldation of power.
The Communist goverzunent wader Cuban
direction and suldance has been essential to
helping the regime establish control over
the media create propaganda mechanisms
and neutralise the etfectlvenas of those who
oppose the 8sndlnlsta totalitarianlsra
Today, we see Nicaragua becoming to Cen-
tral and Latin America what Iielrut was to
the Middle East for allrtest 13 years since
1970 when Lebanon became the focal point
for international and regional terrorists.
Manasua's support for tralning of Central
American subverslvea Is well documented-
they support Salvadoran cammtullsts, pua-
temalan communlsta, ndlca! ieftists b
Caste Rica, and arc attempting to tnctease
the number of radical leftist ttrrorlsta !n
Honduras. More recent evidence !nd!cates
Nicaraguan support tot some South Ameri-
can terrorist groups and growing contacts
with other international terorist groups.
Yet, just last week the American congress
refused to approve i14 million for people re-
atsting communkt doaslnatbn of Nk~,arsgua.
on the very day that a Soviet ship unloaded
more than =14 mllllon worth of helicopters,
East German trucks, and other milittry
cargo at Corlnto, the principal port in Nica?
rages.
On the very next day, [Daniell Ortega,
the Nicaraguan communht dictator, trav
sled to Moscow to ask the Soviet Union to
make 1200 mllllon available to him LO con-
solidate a Lenini,t communist dlcta!onhip
across a stretch of Isnd which srpa:ates
South Amerip from North America
This development in our immediat. ne~gh~
borhond should not be t?tew?ed in iFO!atlon
but to a part of a worldwide process which
has already worked In Europe, Africa. Asia
and Latin AmPrfra,
Approved For Release 2009/09/18 :CIA-RDP87M00539R002203530054-5 re you an,nsig!~t o~ now a!i
 Approved For Release 2009/09/18: CIA-RDP87M00539R002203530054-5
Vol. 131
WASHINGTON, THURSDAY, MARCH 7, 1985
No. 27
ZongffsBiona1 Rrord
COURTER INTRODUCES RESOLU-
TION GRANTING POLITICAL
RECOGNITION TO DEMOCRAT-
IC RESISTANCE OF NICARA-
GUA
HON. JIM COURTER
Or 111W JERSEY
IN THE HOUSE OP REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, March 7, 1985
? Mr. COURTER. Mr. Speaker, situa-
tion in Nicaragua parallels the situa-
tion of 1979. when the Somoza govern-
ment was still in power. A dangerous
armed conflict is going on while the
dictatorial government resists the op-
position's call for freedom, human
rights, and democracy.
Last Saturday, the political and mili-
tary elements of Nicaragua's demo-
cratic opposition united in a broad coa-
lition to call for peace and a negotiat-
ed transition to democracy. This initia-
tive offers the best hope for national
reconciliation in Nicaragua, and it is
based on the respect for human rights
and democracy that we all share.
I have drafted a resolution which
calls on the President and our neigh-
bors in the Organization of American
States to support this peace initiative.
and calls on the `President to grant
"explicit political recognition" to the
Nicaraguan resistance. To call for rec-
ognition is not to call for U.S. with-
drawal of recognition of the Sandinis-
tas, nor does it imply abandonment of
Contadora or other international
talks. It simply asks that the President
demonstrate, in whichever manner he
finds appropriate, that the United
States sides with Nicaragua's demo-
crats. and supports their plan to fulfill
the democratic aspirations of the Nica-
raguan people.
I am pleased to be joined by the fol-
lowing Members who have cospon-
sored this resolution: Representatives
McEwzn, HAMMERSCHMIDT, STUMP,
McCanv, HOPKINS, YOUNG of Alaska,
RAsrcx, GALLO, HYDE, MILLER of
Washington, SoLoMoN, EDwARDs of
Oklahoma, HuNrER, SIUANnza, MoLtx-
ARI, GILMAN, DonNAN, DEWrxs,
MCCOLLUM. STRANG. SAXTON, GIxG-
RICH, Bn.ntas:Is, BADHAM, WORTLEY,
WESER, BURTON of Indiana, RITTER,
LUNGREN, CRANE, CAMPBELL, REMP,
SsIITH of Oregon, BARTON, WALKER, LEWIS
of California, MACH, LoTT, DICKINSON,
DAVIS, SENSENBRENNER, SHEEN, DANNE-
MEYER, DAUB, SPENCE, MCGRATH, DREIER,
GREGO, LOEFFLER, STANGELAND, ROGERS,
LowERY, and ARCHER.
The text of the resolution follows:
Whereas the Organization of American
States, in its XVII Meeting of Consultation
of Ministers of Foreign Affairs on June 23,
1979 approved a resolution which deprived
the Somosa government of its legitimacy;
Whereas this action was taken to alleviate
suffering, to end armed conflict, and pro-
mote human rights In Nicaragua, and to
remove a threat to regional stability;
Whereas the Organization of American
States resolution called for the following:
"1. Immediate and definitive replacement
of the Sosnara regime.
"2. Installation in Nicaraguan territory of
a democratic government, the composition
of which should include the principal repre-
sentative groups which oppose the Somoza
regime and which reflects the free win of
the people of Nicaragua.
"3. Guarantee of the respect for human
rights of all Nicaraguans without exception.
"4. The holding of free elections as soon
as possible, that will lead to the establish-
ment of a truly democratic government that
guarantees peace, freedom, and justice.";
Whereas on July 12, 1979 the ruling junta
of the Provisional Oorerlnnent of national
Roconstrnction, formed by the Sandinista
National Liberation F! ont of Nicaragua,
wrote to the Organization of American
States and promised "to establish full re-
spect for human rights," "to enforce civil
Justice." and to conduct In Nicaragua "the
first free elections that our country will
have in this century";
Whereas the Sandinista government of
Nicaragua has proclaimed its allegiance to
Marxism-Leninism;
Whereas the Sandinistas have restricted
freedom of expression, travel, worship and
assembly, have failed to, guarantee civil Jus-
tice. and have failed to conduct tree and fair
elections;
Whereas these policies expressly violate
the pledges made to the Organization of
American States In the letter of July 12,
1979-,
Whereas the Sandinista government now
threatens regional peace and the human
rights of the Nicaraguan people;
Whereas the military conflict between the
Sandinista government and its domestic op-
ponents is rooted in political causes and will
only be resolved by the establishment of de-
mocracy in Nicaragua;
Whereas political and military forces op-
posing the Sandinista government of Nica-
ragua have formed a broad coalition;
Whereas the "Document of the Nicara-
guan Resistance concerning National Dia-
logue." Issued at San Jose, Costa Rica on
March 2, 1985 calls for a peaceful, negotiat-
ed transition to democracy and national rec-
onciltatton In Nicaragua; and
Whereas the cause of the Nicaraguan Re-
sistance is Just and worthy of support by all
democrats of the Americas: Now, therefore,
be It
Resolved by the House of Representatives
(the Senate concurring), That the Congress-
(1) reaffirms the declaration of the Orga-
nization of American States, made on June
23, 1979, that the solution to Nicaragua's
political problems is "within the exclusive
Jurisdiction of the people of Nicaragua";
(2) urges the President to grant explicit
political recognition to the democratic Nica.
raguan Resistance; and
(3) urges the President and all the mem-
bers of the Organization of American States
to support the Nicaraguan Resistance In its
quest for peace, human rights, free elections
and national reconciliation..
Approved For Release 2009/09/18: CIA-RDP87M00539R002203530054-5
 I Approve For Release 2009/09/18--RD 00539R002203530054-5
May, 1985
Nicaragua's Military Buildup: Fact or Fiction?
Few will deny that Nicaragua's revolutionary government has
conducted a military buildup without parallel in the Central
American region. Does it matter? Other nations have military
power in the Americas, but we don't consider then all to be threats
to ourselves or our neighbors.
The judqnent boils down to the question of intentions,- and this
is the first sticking point in American debates about Nicaragua.
Some view Nicaragua as a willing supporter of Soviet imperialism,
a base for foreign subversion and terrorism, and a Ccurnunist
dictatorship in the process of consolidating power. Others, while at
times disappointed in Sandinista "mistakes and excesses," believe
that Nicaragua seeks only peaceful, democratic development of its
economy and society.
By their own statements, the Nicaraguan rulers do believe in
democratic and progressive change. But what do they mean by these
terms? A Nicaraguan official touring the Soviet Union in March 1985
used the word "democratic" in the following context: "The USSR's
successes in building carmunism, in bringing up a new man have always
and will remain an inspiring example for the Nicaraguan people building
a democratic society." "Progressive change" takes on a similarly
novel meaning in a Nicaraguan-Soviet communique, issued in April 1980,
condemning "the campaign by imperialist and reactionary forces to
increase international tension around the events in Afghanistan." The
canruunique said that this campaign seeks to "stifle the inalienable
right of the people of.. .Afghanistan. . . to follow the road of progressive
change."
These statements represent just two selected elaborations of the
Marxist-Leninist philosophy that Sandinista rulers admit to be the
guiding-theory behind their revolution. Other examples abound, showing
a full Sandinista commitment to the revolutionary ideology of the Soviet
Union and its client states. It is this revolutionary commitment
which threatens Nicaragua's neighbors, especially when it is backed up
by a large military force.
In response to this, the claim is often made that the Sandinista
military buildup is defensive in character. Were it not for the
growing military opposition in Nicaragua, it is said, the Sandinistas
would not need the military capability that they now have.
These arguments would be more persuasive if the Sandinistas had
forces of a size and character which conform to purely defensive needs.
But they do not: instead, they have acquired forces which are far
better suited to intimidating or attacking their neighbors than to
defeating the threat of 15,000 freedom fighters in the mountains of
Nicaragua.
Even before the armed opposition emerged in early 1982, the
Sandinistas planned and commenced their military buildup. By 1982,
they had built a force of nearly 50,000 troops, exceeding by over
three times the peak strength of the National Guard of right-wing
dictator Anastasio Somoza, who was overthrown in 1979. Today, their
forces include over 119,000 troops, with an active duty force of over
62,000.
Congressman Jim Courtor Is Now Jersey's only member on Me House Armed Sorvlas Committso.
4
Approved For Release 2009/09/18: CIA-RDP87M00539R002203530054-5
 Approved For Release 2009/09/18: CIA-RDP87M00539R002203530054-5
THE TRENTONIAN
DECEMBER 13, 1984
Courier: Aid Nicaraguan Rebels
By DAVID J. LYNCH
States News Service
WASHINGTON - Just
back from a whirlwind tour
of six Central American
countries in five days, Rep.
Jim Courter said yesterday
the United States should re-
sume funding the anti-Sand-
inista rebels in Nicaragua.
Prompted by reports of
direct Central Intelljpce
Agency involvement in the
mining of N;caragua's har-
bors, Congress in October
cut off aid to the so-called
"contras."
But Courter said U.S. help
was needed to prevent an-
other Cuba. "It becomes viv-
idly clear to me that you
have a Marxist government
in Nicaragua that is tighten-
ing the yoke," he said.
"inevitably, as time goes
by, fewer and fewer freedoms
will be permitted by that
government," said Courter, a
member of the House Armed
Services Committee.
"Whether they admit it or
not, they will follow the
Cuban model in creating a
closed society," he warned.
Courter and two other
committee members, Reps.
Beverly Byron, D-Md., and
Buddy Darden, D-Ga., jour-
neyed to El Salvador, Hon-
duras, Guatemala,
Nicaragua, Costa Rica and
Belize.
While in Managua, the
Hackettstown Republican
met with Sandinista leader
Daniel Ortega and leaders of
the Nicaraguan opposition.
In El Salvador, the four-term
lawmaker met with top of-
ficials of the Salvadoran mil-
itary.
Courter also accused the
Nicaraguans of supplying
arms to the anti-government
rebels in El Salvador. The
New Jersey congressman,
who speaks Spanish, said he
had taken "personal testi-
mony" from individuals who
had witnessed the arrival of
arms shipments.
"There is some photo-
graphic evidence we've had
in the Armed Services Com-
mittee," he added.
Courter conceded, how-
ever, that the photgraphs -
purportedly showing
Nicaraguans transferring
arms to El Salvadoran
guerillas - were often of
.poor quality.
After . talking with El
Salvadoran military officials,
Courter said he was en-
couraged about the situation
in that strife-torn nation.
"Most people feel the mili-
tary situation there is
marginally better than it
was six months ago," he said.
But Courter cautioned
that the situation in El
Salvador remains extremely
fluid. "It's a long, difficult,
painful haul," he said.
Higher levels of American
aid won't be required,
Courter said. But greater
public awareness of the dan-
ger from continued turmoil
and instability in Central`
America will be, he added. l
Approved For Release 2009/09/18: CIA-RDP87M00539R002203530054-5
 Approved For Release 2009/09/18: CIA-RDP87M00539R002203530054-5
'April 2, 1985
783 words
1985-13
By Rep. Jim Courter
Jim Courter (R.-N.J.), now serving his fourth term
in the House, is a member of the Armed Services
Commmittee. This address is an expanded version of
remarks delivered as a guest commentary over "Radio
America."
The secretary-general of the "Nicaraguan Association for
Friendship with the Socialist Countries" was on an official visit to
the Soviet Union a few weeks ago. He made a pronouncement about what
he called the "progressive transformation" of his homeland, and
praised the USSR for its "fraternal support" which "infuses tt'
Nicaraguan people with confidence of the ultimate victory of odr
revolution." Then he went further: "The USSR's successes in building
communism, in bringing up a new man, have always been and will remain
an inspiring example for the Nicaraguan people building a democratic
society."
That may sound like a strange use of the word "democratic." it
ought to. It is. But saying "democratic" and meaning "communist" has
become something of a Sandinista specialty. A year ago this month the
Minister of Planning, Henry Ruiz, was visiting the East Germans and
praising their educational system--one of the world's most
militarized--as a model for "a new democratic education system in
Nicaragua."
But it was in the summer of 1979, when Somoza was nearing his
end, that talk of democracy, pluralism, freedom, and human rights was
most to be heard. The Sandinistas were courting world opinion: They
marshalled their words as carefully as their soldiers, and many people
were eager to believe them. The Organization of American States,
(OAS) of which the U.S. is a member, took the unprecedented action of
demanding the end of a regime--Somoza's, and its replacement with a
democratic government. The Sandinistas replied to the OAS with a
letter on July 12, 1979. It was replete with promises, all since
broken.
They promised "full respect for human rights." Instead,
Nicaraguans have endured a one-party dictatorship, and the fullest
range of legal deprivations. The country has witnessed:
- The forced relocation of thousands of Miskito Indians;
- The flight from the country of tens of thousands of other
Approved For Release 2009/09/18: CIA-RDP87M00539R002203530054-5
 Approved For Release 2009/09/18: CIA-RDP87M00539R002203530054-5
Nicaraguans;
- a draft which can put 13-year old boys into battle after as
little as 8 days of training;
- pressure on parents to send their children to Cuba's cadre-
building schools;
- elaborate literacy programs, but little to read apart from
Marxist literature;
- Steady harassment of opposition figures, and of the only
surviving non-Party newspaper, La Presna;
- Unabashed persecution of the church in a country that is deeply
Catholic, including the infiltration of religious groups, crude abuse
of priests, attempts to control the texts of sermons, and the
presentation, in childrens' school books, of vicious caricatures of
the religious orders. (I would hesitate to report such things second-
hand, but I visited Nicaragua in December, and I saw them.) r
The Sandinistas promised "civil justice," too. But how can it be
guaranteed where there is no civil law, no constitution? Government
is by decree, and the so-called "People's Courts" have no independence
from the political authorities. Therefore, a minority has no
protection from the majority. A man has no defense against the
police. A citizen has no means of resisting the powers of the local
"Committees for the Defense of the Revolution," which can compel
attendance at meetings, and withhold ration cards, and which function
as an arm of the East German and Cuban-dominated secret police.
There is a name for a political construction such as this. And
it is not "democracy."
It is hardly surprising that the Nicaraguan people have had
enough. The ranks of the grimly dissatisfied grow every day, and with
them, the ranks of the Contras, of whom there are now over 12,000.
For every Somoza loyalist among them, there are a dozen peasants,
small land-holders, city dwellers, and disillusioned Sandinistas.
At a momentous meeting in San Jose, Costra Rica, this past March
3, the resistance leaders met, unified, and produced a declaration of
common aspirations, a "Document on National Dialogue of the Nicaraguan
Resistance." it calls for a cease-fire, an end to the state of
emergency, and peace talks. It puts forward a detailed and thoughtful
agenda for a transition to democracy.
I believe this peace initiative deserves every measure of
American support. I have introduced into the House of
Representatives, and 59 of my colleagues have signed, a resolution
asking President Reagan to grant some form of political recognition to
the Contras. The resolution also asks the members of the Organization
of American States to re-enter the diplomatic arena in which they
played such a part in 1979, and support the Contras' efforts to engage
Approved For Release 2009/09/18: CIA-RDP87M00539R002203530054-5
 Approved For Release 2009/09/18: CIA-RDP87M00539R002203530054-5
the Sandinistas in meaningful negotiations.
For five years, the Nicaraguan people have walked the way of the
Sandinistas. That path has taken them to places as dark and harsh as
any they knew with Somoza. Today, at last, there may be another way.
There may be a democratic way.
SIe tui Ha~~~ ird
Public Research, Syndicated
Approved For Release 2009/09/18: CIA-RDP87M00539R002203530054-5
 JIM COURTER
NEW JERSEY
Approved For Release 2009/09/18: CIA-RDP87M00539R002203530054-5
Congress of the United States
%ouue of Rtpresentativeu
I1aohinlton, PC 20515
March 21, 1985
Dear Colleague:
The democratic opposition of Nicaragua has united and
offered a very promising peace proposal to the Sandinistas --
a proposal to negotiate an end to the civil war and a
transition to democracy. This proposal seeks to fulfill
the original promise of the Sandinista revolution, a promise
of pluralistic, democratic government which was made to the
OAS in July 1979. The proposal is described in the
Washington Post editorial printed below.
Unfortunately, the Sandinista reaction has been hostile.
Arturo Cruz, the former Sandinista ambassador to the US,
tried to go to Nicaragua to discuss the peace proposal, but
was barred from entering his country. The heads of
opposition political parties inside Nicaragua were rounded
up and told they could have no contact with Cruz and his
associates. The Sandinistas claim that the CIA is behind
this entire enterprise, and is seeking to have Cruz return
to Nicaragua, have him murdered and have the murder blamed
on the Sandinistas.
Daniel Ortega's current peace offensive should be
examined in light of his refusal to negotiate with the
Nicaraguan Resistance. It is doubtful that the Sandinistas,
who have already violated their promises to the OAS, will
ever negotiate seriously in any international forum such as
Contadora if they refuse to meet their own countrymen who
offer a cease-fire and a negotiated transition to democracy.
The Nicaraguan Resistance deserves our moral support. I
have introduced a resolution, H. Con. Res. 81, which urges
President Reagan to grant explicit political recognition to
the Nicaraguan Resistance, and urges the President and all
members of the OAS to support the Resistance's effort to
engage the Sandinistas in meaningful negotiations.
If you would like to join the 59 cosponsors of this
resolution, or if you have questions, please contact Phil
Peters of my office at 5-5801.
M COURTER
ember of Congress
i15 WWY. MA 17,198-5
A Fair Offer to the ' Sandinistas
HE SANDLNLSTAS claim the crisis in Nia- The Sandinistas' initial response to the proposal
T ragua arias from their conflict with the was to bar Arturo Cruz from returning to Niara-
UnitedStates This is not as It arises in the gua to announce it and to summon some of ip local
first iastaace from their conflict with their fellow supporters to state swurity headquarters on
citizens especially with the democratic people who grounds that they were participating in a US-
fought the Samoa dictatorship. whose leaders sponsored plot to overthrow the Sandinista govern-
seived the S is+a? in the early period and who meat. Think of it An offer by the opposition to put
turned against the Sandinistas only when they down arrm and to start talking about achieving the
found the democratic praane of the revolution Sandinistas' own early promises is dismissed as a
being denied. This needs to be understood in order hostile conspiracy.
to see the importance of the offer the democrats How do the Sandinistas intend to =plain to the
have just made to the Managua regime. Nicaraguan people a refusal to enter a dialogue on
The otter mares from a newly, finally unified group such a reasonable basis? How can any other indepenr
including the political opposition led by Art um Cntz dent-minded Latin that eJ ale Cuba?
and major branches d the armed resistance. Its es- -fatl to support this proposal? In 0 Salvador, the
sence is a proposal for a unilateral cease-fire by the goverranent accepted a dialogue without even getting
comm to be followed by a political dialogue presided a cease-tae in return. The government in Nicaragua
over by the bishops The proposal a, in our view, en- is being offered a better deal Pierhaps it will think
titely fair and reasonable. The Sandinistas protest the again before delivering a find rejection.
war? Here is an offer to stop it. How must they pay? And-the inevitable question--if the reji.tion is
Only by joining a process that points to the original final? No doubt some will argue that the Ssudinia-
goals d their own revolution. Their own man, Dan- tors' failure to take the fifer seriously makes Amer-
id Ortega. can remain president as the process un- loan support of the contra unarguable. The draft.
folds. The proposal offers more than a chance for ers of the Nicaraguan opposition proposal, bow-
national reconciliation. It lets Nicaraguans remove ever, are shying away from that clltim. Desperate-
their fate from foreign hands and restore it to Nica- ly. they are mating a 'last effort to grant to our
raga an bands alone. country a civilized solution'.
Approved For Release 2009/09/18: CIA-RDP87M00539R002203530054-5
COMMITTEES:
ARMED SERVICES
SELECT COMMITTEE
ON AGING
 Approved For Release 2009/09/18: CIA-RDP87M00539R002203530054-5
Vol. 131
WASHINGTON, WEDNESDAY, APRIL 17, 1985 No. 45
congressional `Record
NICARAGUAN ALLIES
(Mr. COURTER asked and was
given permission to address the House
for 1 minute and to revise and extend
his remarks.)
Mr. COURTER. Mr. Speaker, a West
German linked to the Baader-Meinhof
gang is a counterintelligence officer in
the Nicaraguan Army. Another com-
mands an artillery battalion. Five Ital-
ians, all former Red Brigade leaders,
serve as noncommissioned officers in
the Nicaraguan Army. A Basque ETA
terrorist awaits trial in Costa Rica on
charges of attempting to assassinate
Contra commander Eden Pastora.
Both Spain and Italy have formally
protested the sanctuary Nicaragua
'kives to several dozen European leftist
militants.
Before coming to power in 1979, San-
dinistas trained and fought beside ex-
perienced guerrillas in Central Amer-
ica and the Middle East. Relations
with Cuba and the PLO were especial-
ly close. Today, "proletarian interna-
tionalism" deems that the governors
of Nicaragua make returns for services
rendered.
The Swiss Review of World Affairs
has called Nicaragua the PLO's "most
important base on the Latin American
mainland." Ties to Colonel Qadhafi
are strong, as infusions of Libyan
money and armaments have proven.
The Sandinistas are linked to terror-
ists in Chile, Colombia. El Salvador,
and other Latin countries.
Americans cannot afford not to
notice. According to the FBI, fully
two-thirds of the terrorist attacks in
this country. in 1983 were linked to
Latin America. Furthermore, compel-
ling evidence links Sandinista officials
to narcotics sales in U.S. black mar-
kets.
As debate about our Central Ameri-
can policies continues, we should not
forget the Nicaraguan hand in the
international terror network.
Approved For Release 2009/09/18: CIA-RDP87M00539R002203530054-5
 Approved For Release 2009/09/18: CIA-RDP87M00539R002203530054-5
? .Vol. 131
WASHINGTON, WEDNESDAY, APRIL 3, 1985
No. 41
Zongrcssional Record
EUROPEANS RALLY TO
NICARAGUAN RESISTANCE
HON. JIM COURTER
OF NEW JERSEY
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, April 2, 1985
Mr. COURTER. Mr. Speaker, as the
original sponsor of House Concurrent
Resolution 81, which calls upon both
President Reagan and the Organiza-
tion of American States to extend ex-
plicit political recognition to the Nica-
raguan resistance. I was gratified to
see that distinguished Western Euro-
peans are equally interested in doing
more to hold the Sandinistas to the
promises about democracy they so
freely made in 1979.
A partial list of these European
statesmen. soldiers, and scholars has
been assembled by Mr. Bill Outlaw for
the Washington Times, and was print-
ed by that newspaper on March 28,
1985. I commend it to those of my col-
leagues who share my interest in ob-
taining a just resolution of the Nicara-
guan war.
EUROPEANS RALLT TO NICARAGUAN
RESISTANCE
(By Bill Outlaw)
A group of European intellectuals and
politicians. Including several leaders of the
resistance to the Nazis during World War II,
have signed a petition calling on Congress to
provide aid for the anti-Sandinista resist-
ance.
The "problem of Central America.is also a
European problem." they say.
The, petition was published as an open
letter to Congress in many European news-
papers earlier. including the Paris daily Le
Monde. Le Soir of Belguim. La Stampa of
Italy and De Telegraph 'of the Netherlands.
A group of the signers, Including Vladimir
Boukovsky, the Soviet dissident who lives
now in France, will come to the United
States Tuesday to present personal pleas for
aid to the Nicaraguan resistance.
"The freedom of the Nicaraguans is also
your freedom. as it is ours," the petition as-
serts. "If you fail 14 Nicaragua, we must ask.
where will you fall text? If freedom and do-
mocracy are not worth defending in your
own hemisphere. 'where are they vQorth de-
fending? The free world awaits your answer.
Its enemies are waiting too."
Among the signers are Winston Churchill,
a member of the British Parliament and
grandson of the World War II prime minis.
ter; Lord Chalfont, a former British foreign
minister; playwright Eugene Ionesco;
French author Jean-Francols Revel; former
Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Fraser,
and Robert Conquest, the British historian.
The visiting delegation of about 12 has re-
quested a meeting with the president during
next week's visit, said a Reagan adminstra-
tion official.
lie t',: `.`:cite House was pleased with
the support and the prestige 01 those sign-
ing the petition was impressive.
The petition and the pending U.S. visit
are the latest in what has become an In-
tense lobbying effort in a battle between
the Reagan administration and those op-
posed to a proposed $14 million appropria-
tion for Nicaraguan resistance.
Last month, a delegation of lawmakers
from several European countries visited the
U.S. to lobby against funding Nicaraguan
resistance. That delegation met with mem-
bers of Congress and registered objections
to the Reagan administration policy in Cen-
tral America at meetings in the State De-
partment.
The petition argues that the aid is neces-
sary because the Sandinista junta is a totali-
tarian regime which since its inception has
"declared its aim to be the incorporation of
Central America into a single Marxist-Len-
inist entity."
The petition also contends the resumption
of the aid is "necessary morally" because
Western countries must be "forthright in
support for those who are struggling to gain
the rights which your own Declaration of
Independence declares are inalienable and.
therefore, possessed by. all men."
The petitioners describe Central America
as Europe's "Fifth Frontier."
To deny aid to those who seek freedom in
Central America, they argue. "is to deny the
meaning of your own country." It says the
United States would be placed in a difficult
strategic position In dealing with the Soviet
Union should the aid be suspended.
The trip to the United States and the pub-
lished statements in connection with the pe-
tition are sponsored by Resistance Interna-
tional, a Paris-based human rights, anti-
communist organization.
Others who signed the petition include
former North Atlantic Treaty Organization
Gen. Robert Close; Cuban poet Armando
Valladares; Marie Madeleine Fourcade,
chairman of the Action Committee of the
French Resistance during World War II,
and former French Prime Minister Jacques
Chabin Delmas.
Also, Italian publisher Massimo Pini; Mar-
celle Lentz Cornette, of Luxembourg, a
member of the European Parliament; Simon
Wiesenthal, of Austria, president of the
Documentation Center on Jews persecuted
by the Nazi regime; writer Leif Hovelsen, a
Norwegian Resistance Fighter during World
War II, and Joseph Luns, former secretary
general of NATO.
Approved For Release 2009/09/18: CIA-RDP87M00539R002203530054-5