BIOS OF POLITICAL FIGURES

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP87B00342R000400900008-7
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 120
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: November 25, 2009
• Sequence Number: 8
• Content Type: BIO

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21 Melvin Price (D)
Of East St. Louis - Elected 1944
Born: Jan. 1, 1905, East St. Louis, 111.
Education: Attended St. Louis U., 1923-25.
Military Career: Army, 1943-44.
Occupation: Journalist.
Family: Wife, Geraldine Freelin; one child.
Religion: Roman Catholic.
Political Career. No previous office.
Capitol Office: 2110 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-5661.
In Washington: Price owes his Armed
Services chairmanship to a revolt by junior
members against his two autocratic predeces-
sors, and he has rarely tried to be a forceful
leader. He plays a moderator's role while other
members take the lead on major issues. Each
passing year seems to take him farther from
any position of political importance.
Before Price, in the days of Chairmen L.
Mendel Rivers and F. Edward Hebert, junior
members were told what to do and when to do
it, rarely even getting the opportunity to ques-
tion witnesses. Since he was installed by the
Democratic Caucus in 1975 to replace Hebert,
Price has bent over backward to be fair to all,
even at the risk of diluting his influence. He has
established temporary subcommittees and
handed them over to those lowest in seniority.
He even set one up for Ronald V. Dellums, the
California Democrat whose harangues against
militarism have made him an outcast on the
committee.
He also offers all committee members large
doses of foreign travel. Price has led dozens of
committee junkets to China, the Soviet Union,
the Middle East, Africa and Europe. Flying on
well-stocked Air Force jets, often taking con-
gressional spouses, the Price delegations have
met with both civilian and military leaders in
the countries they have visited.
A former baseball writer who has always
been awkward and.halting as a public speaker,
Price still finds it more comfortable to talk
about the St. Louis Cardinals than the defense
budget. He does not appear on television inter-
view programs. He does not often grant inter-
views to newspaper reporters. He relies on
staff-written speeches in the committee and on
the House floor, rarely speaking extemporane-
ously, and his staff often guides him through
legislative debate. Price gives his aides wide
authority to act for him; essentially they run
the committee.
Throughout the prolonged controversy
over President Reagan's proposals for a mili-
tary buildup, Price has played no conspicuous
role on either side of the issue. He did warn the
Joint Chiefs of Staff at a committee hearing
against the administration's first MX basing
idea, which was to place the missile in existing
silos that would be hardened. Later, when
Reagan proposed the "dense pack" plan to
group the missiles in Wyoming, Price voted
with the administration and against most
House Democrats on the floor.
After 38 years in Congress, Price remains a
labor liberal on domestic issues, one who tries
harder than most Democrats on his committee
to be a party loyalist. But he is in the hawkish
Armed Services tradition. In the early 1970s he
supported the war in Vietnam long after it was
politically popular to do so. In the late 1970s,
before most other Democrats, he decried the
expansion of Soviet military power. Until 1980,
his committee consistently approved more mili-
tary spending than the rest of the Congress was
willing to pay for.
Price likes to support all presidents on
military issues, especially Democrats. But his
inclination to increase military spending
brought him into conflict with Jimmy Carter.
In 1978, Price was particularly hurt when Car-
ter vetoed a military authorization bill, criticiz-
ing Congress' insistence on building a nuclear-
powered aircraft carrier. Uncharacteristically,
Price fired back at the president. "The burden
of your message is that Congress does not have
a place in defense policy-making except insofar.
as it is prepared to rubber stamp recommenda-
tions of the executive branch," he wrote. "I
reject that philosophy."
Price urged the House to override Carter.
"I have always worked to strengthen our na-
tional security," he said, "and I have worked in
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Malvin Prka, D-Ill.
Illinois 21
The 21st is dominated by the grimy
industrial region across the Mississippi
River from St. Louis. Steel, petroleum refin-
ing and glass are the dominant industries,
although they are in serious decline. South-
ern St. Clair County has an active coal in-
dustry, with major strip-mining operations.
East of the river are rural areas devoted to
dairy farming, wheat, soybeans and corn.
East St. Louis is still the largest city in
the district, but it is a shell of its former
self. Abandoned by manufacturing firms,
the city is also losing most of its remaining
retail stores. About 21 percent of its popula-
tion moved away in the 1970s, leaving the
city about the size it was in 1910.
Blacks make up 95 percent of the popu-
lation in East St. Louis, while neighboring
Belleville to the south and Granite City to
the north are predominantly white. Of the
three blue-collar communities, Belleville is
the most viable; many of its residents com-
mute to work in St. Louis. Farther north is
the old river port of Alton, now an indus-
Southwest -
East St. Louis; Alton
trial community producing steel.
Previously composed only of St. Clair
County and half of neighboring Madison,
the 21st was expanded significantly in re-
districting to make up its population deficit.
It now includes all of Madison and Bond, all
but two townships in St. Clair and sections
of Montgomery and Clinton counties.
Thanks largely to St. Clair County, the
21st remains the best Democratic district in
the state outside the Chicago area. St. Clair
was one of just three Illinois counties that
voted for Carter in 1980, and it gave Adlai
E. Stevenson 111 55 percent of its vote in his
losing 1982 gubernatorial bid.
Madison County can usually be de-
pended upon to deliver a Democratic vote.
Bond usually favors the GOP.
Population: 521,036. White 439,188
(84%), Black 76,733 (15%). Spanish origin
5,779 (1%). 18 and over 367,291 (71%), 65
and over 62,217 (12%). Median age: 30.
this area with every president since Harry
Truman. It is not pleasant for me to have to
oppose a president now. If this veto is overrid-
den, as I hope it will be, I will greet the result
not with any sense of joy, but only with the
belief that we in the House have performed our
duty." But Price could not convince his col-
leagues. He did not even get a majority for the
override, let alone the two-thirds required, los-
ing 191-206.
If Price is less than aggressive on the
issues, he is a zealous protector of his commit-
tee's turf. When other House committees
wanted to exercise control over the nation's
naval petroleum reserves, Price quickly told
them to stay out. He has made sure that other
committees have no say in siting military bases
and facilities. When he was chairman of the
now-defunct Joint Committee on Atomic En-
ergy, Price regularly deflected efforts by some
of the more environmentally oriented commit-
tees to consider bills affecting nuclear power.
Price has been one of the strongest con-
gressional supporters of atomic power, both for
military weapons and civilian purposes. He was
House sponsor of the Price-Anderson Act,
passed in 1957, which gave the civilian nuclear
industry the subsidy it needed to get off the
ground - financial liability limitation in case
of accident. Price successfully fought for the
controversial law's reauthorization in 1975, ar-
guing that the nuclear industry needed the
protection.
Unlike past chairmen of the Armed Ser-
vices Committee, Price has not loaded his dis-
trict with military bases. He has, however, been
most protective of Scott Air Force Base, the
only installation in the district. Scott is head-
quarters for the Air Force's airlift command;
Price has been a powerful advocate for more
transport planes, such as the C-5A.
Price's reputation for fairness led to his
appointment in 1967 as chairman of the first
permanent House committee on ethics. The
panel was set up under public pressure in the
wake of the decision to expel New York Demo-
crat Adam Clayton Powell Jr. on charges of
misusing public funds. Speaker Jobn W. Mc-
Cormack believed a committee was needed, but
did not trust the chamber's most militant eth-
ics crusader, Florida Democrat Charles E. Ben-
nett.
Price had the perfect credentials: a reputa-
tion for integrity but a commitment to protect-
ing the members and avoiding much contro-
versy. The panel was relatively quiet during his
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seven years as chairman, ending in 1975 when
he took over Armed Services.
At Home: One of three House members
who served in Congress when Franklin D. Roo-
sevelt was president, the quiet Price long ago
ensconced himself in southern Illinois' only
solidly Democratic district. Even though he was
77 and slowing down considerably in 1982, he
still had only nominal competition.
It was not that way in the beginning. In
1944 he won his first term by fewer than 3,000
votes; two years later, in a poor Democratic
year, he held on by 2,004 votes. But a combina-
tion of redistricting and demographic change
has kept him in office without much effort ever
since.
Price came to Washington in 1933 as secre-
tary to the district's new Democratic congress-
man, Edwin Schaefer. Schaefer had been
elected in the Roosevelt landslide as the first
Democrat from the district since 1912. Price
had been a journalist, working for St. Louis
area newspapers covering sports and politics.
Committees
Armed Serrkss (Chairman)
Research and Development (chairman); Seapower and Strategic
and Critical Materials.
11162 General
Melvin Price (D)
Robert Gaffner (R)
89,500 (64%)
46,764 (33%)
1862 Primary
Melvin Price (D) 39,318 (82%)
Floyd Fessler (D) 4.484 (9%)
Sandra Cliimaco (D) 4,462 ( 9%)
1190 General
Melvin Price (D) 107,786 (64%)
Ronald Davinroy (R) 59,644 (366/6)
Previous Winning PSresntages: 197$ (74%) 1971 (79%)
1974 (81%) 1972 (75%) 1970 (74%) 1198 (71%)
1996 (72%) 1994 (76%) 1962 (74%) 1990 (72%)
1951 (76%) 1956 (68%) 1194 (69%) 1952 (65%)
1950 (65%) 1919 (70%) 1946 (51%) 1944 (51%)
District Vote For President
1990 1979
D 93,309 (45%) D 120,941 (56%)
R 104,414 (504/6) R 92,047 (43%)
1 8,437 ( 4%)
Campaign Finance
Rees Expand-
Rece
Receipts 1rt
eat Cs Nurse
Price (D) $44,880 $28,475 (63%) $24,472
Gaflner(R) $21,153 $1,850 ( 9%) $19,546
1962
He served as Schaefer's secretary until his boas
retired in 1942.
Republican Calvin Johnson won the seat
that year; Price briefly went back to reporting
and then joined the Army. He was still in
uniform in 1944 when the local Democratic
organization decided to run him for Congress.
He was told of his election while on K. P. duty.
After the first two close victories, Price's
district was redrawn to make it more Demo.
cratic. From then on, he has had no electoral
problems. Twice - in 1952 and 1960 - he
vanquished Republican Phyllis Schlafly, later
to become nationally known as an anti-abortion
and anti-Equal Rights Amendment crusader.
In 1980 and 1982, Price won re-election with 64
percent, somewhat below the margins he has
enjoyed in the last 30 years, but scarcely a
threat to him.
The real problem for Price would be a
strong Democratic challenge, which he has so
far been able to escape. If one materializes in
1984, he may find it difficult to retain his seat.
"go
Price (D) $19,669 $16,830 (85%) $21,747
Devinroy(R) $24,056 $4,150 (17%) $23,683
Voting Studies
Presidential Parry Conservative
Support Unity Coalition
Year S 0 S 0 5 0
1962 57 38 80 15 48 47
1161 51 37 73 23 53 41
1190 79 15 92 5 24 71
1979 76 19 85 7 25 67
167111 74 24 82 15 24 74
1977 57 25 71 8 18 58
1976 33 67 89 11 23 77
1975 44 51 81 10 24 68
1974 (Ford) 50 50
1974 55 45 88 11 29 71
1973 33 66 94 5 20 80
1972 70 30 89 11 17 83
1971 72 21 79 16 37 57
11970 66 29 61 22 20 68
1989 60 36 85 13 33 64
1919 86 9 89 4 6 86
1967 93 6 97 1 9 89
1166 91 5 98 1 3 95
1965 95 3 97 0 0 100
1964 98 2 97 0 8 92
1993 90 4 98 2 7 93
1962 98 2 100 0 0 100
1191 92 6 97 3 9 91
S - Support 0 - Opposition
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981) N
Legal services reauthorization (1981) 1
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peapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981)
hex Income taxes (1981)
Subsidise home mortgage rates (1982)
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982)
Delete MX funding (1982)
petein existing cap on congressional salaries (1982)
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983)
Melvin Price, D-il.
Interest Group Ratings
Year
ADA
ACA
AFL-CIO
CCUS
1882
55
32
94
35
1881
50
27
7
Be
IMO
56
13
89
67
1979
68
12
84
22
45
23
85
45
12
100
60
14
96
58
15
100
43
13
100
72
12
100
69
17
91
59
23
100
56
17
100
53
t9
100
83
4
100
73
4
100
88
0
100
84
4
92
0
100
0
100
0
100
100
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3 Charles E. Bennett (D
Of Jacksonville - Elected 1948
Born: Dec. 2, 1910, Canton, N.Y.
Education: U. of Fla., B.A., J.D. 1934.
Military Career. Army, 1942-47.
Oocupation Lawyer.
Family: Wife, Jean Fay; three children.
Religion Disciples of Christ.
Political Career. Fla. House, 1941.
Capitol Office: 2107 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-2501.
In Washington: Bennett has spent more
than 30 years in the House insisting that he
does not consider himself better or purer than
his colleagues, and finding them a little reluc-
tant to believe him.
Bennett's sense of duty seems to set him
apart from most other politicians, and most
other people. He answered 3,808 consecutive
House roll calls over a quarter century despite
having to wear a leg brace that makes it diffi-
cult for him to walk. He has returned more
than $200,000 worth of wartime disability
checks. He began making financial disclosure
statements in the 1950s, long before disclosure
was a political issue.
But it is not Bennett's personal principles
that have raised questions about him in the
House. It is the fear that he would like to apply
them to others.
While Bennett is chairman of the Armed
Services Seapower Subcommittee and a likely
chairman of the full committee in the future, he
is not known to other members primarily for
his expertise in sea power. He is known by his
reputation as an ethical purist.
Bennett is the author of the current code
of ethics for federal employees that, among
other things, asks them to report to their
superiors on the misdeeds of co-workers. He
was the driving force behind creation of a
House ethics committee in 1967, and then
failed to win a place on it - because House
leaders were afraid of what he might do there.
It was not until 1979 that Bennett became
ethics chairman, and presided as the committee
recommended censure for two members and
expulsion for another.
Bennett takes great pains to say that he
avoids moral judgments about his colleagues,
and claims he feels subject to the same tempta-
tions that distract them. To some, however, his
mere preoccupation with moral issues makes
him different.
No one can dispute the basic fact that
Bennett is the model of propriety. "I don't
drink, smoke or run around," he once said
matter-of-factly. "I'm a pretty simple guy."
Bennett was so simple when he first came
to Congress, in fact, that he returned some of
his federal pay to the U.S. Treasury. He said he
was a bachelor and did not need all the money.
Interviewed about this, he told a reporter, "I
don't talk about it very much ... I'm afraid
fellow congressmen will consider me such a
goody-goody or pantywaist they won't speak to
me."
So far as is known, no one has ever refused
to speak to Bennett. Trusting him as an ethical
watchdog has been another matter.
During his early years in the House, Ben-
nett introduced dozens of resolutions calling for
an ethics committee to police congressional
behavior. In 1957, following scandals in the
Eisenhower administration, Bennett drafted
his ethics code for government workers. It
remained in force through the 85th Congress,
then lay dormant for 20 years - until Bennett
introduced legislation requiring that it be
posted in prominent places in all federal office
buildings. That bill became law in 1980.
There was little movement toward a con-
gressional ethics committee until 1966, when
controversy over the spending habits of New
York Democratic Rep. Adam Clayton Powell
Jr. led Speaker John W. McCormack to set up a
select panel to study the issue. Bennett was
placed in charge. To no one's surprise, tht
committee promptly recommended the estllb-
lishment of a permanent ethics panel.
The next year, the House voted to create a
permanent new Committee on Standards of
Official Conduct. When Bennett was left off, he
called it the "heaviest rebuke ever given in the
Congress." Melvin Price of Illinois, a man much
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Florida 3
The 3rd was Florida's slowest growing
district during the 1970s; population in-
creased by less than 4 percent. This has not
caused much alarm in Jacksonville, whose
business and political leaders seem to prefer
steady if unspectacular economic expansion
based on the city's traditional economic
foundations - shipping, insurance, banking
and defense.
One sign that this strategy is working
can be seen at the harbor, where hundreds
of thousands of imported automobiles are
unloaded and prepared for overland ship-
ment. By touting its fine harbor and ready
access to rail lines and roads that lead to
dealers in the lucrative Southeastern mar-
ket, Jacksonville has become the East
Coast's leading port of entry for foreign
vehicles. When Japan bowed to U.S. pres-
sure and agreed to curtail shipments of
autos to the United States, Jacksonville was
not hurt; the Japanese decided to abandon
other smaller ports and consolidate their
business in Jacksonville, where most of it
had already been.
Workers handling cargo and building
and repairing ships form a large segment of
closer to the Democratic leadership, was placed
in charge of the committee.
Another eight years passed before Bennett
finally was named to the committee, not as
chairman, but at the bottom of the list behind
senior members known to be loyal to House
leaders. In two more years, however, after some
retirements and surprise election defeats, Ben-
nett found himself installed as chairman.
At that point, House leaders amended the
rules to set two-term limits for ethics commit-
tee members. By 1981, Bennett was off the
committee again after having performed, as
expected, in a strict manner that resulted in a
series of reprimands, two censures and an ex-
pulsion.
The committee's performance cannot
fairly be attributed to any personal attitude of
Bennett; his chairmanship coincided with ris-
ing public attention to congressional ethics,
and a newly zealous approach by federal pros-
ecutors toward taking on public officials, sym-
bolized by Abscam. In fact, many House Re-
publicans accused Bennett of being too soft
Northeast -
JacksonviDe
Jacksonville's blue-collar community. Pru-
dential, Independent Life and Gulf Life are
among the prominent white-collar employ-
ers in the city, which has headquarters or
regional offices for two dozen insurance
companies. Four of Florida's top 25 finan-
cial institutions are based in Jacksonville;
only Miami has a larger share. The city's
three naval air stations contribute more
than $500 million annually to the local
economy.
People of Deep South origin dominate
the work force and give Jacksonville an
ambience quite different from that of Flor-
ida cities that have witnessed large-scale
migrations of Northerners or Cubans. The
3rd is a traditional southern Democratic
district. Jimmy Carter carried it both in
1976 and 1980.
Population: 512,692. White 364,251
(71%). Black 139,997 (27%), Asian and
Pacific Islander 5,086 (1%). Spanish origin
9,195 (2%). 18 and over 362,272 (71%), 65
and over 49,479 (10%). Median age: 29.
when he recommended censure - rather than
expulsion - for Michigan Democrat Charles C.
Diggs Jr., convicted on kickback charges in
federal court.
But Bennett did prove by far the toughest
ethics chairman in House history. When he left
the committee in 1981, Speaker O'Neill re-
placed him as chairman with Louis Stokes, an
Ohio Democrat who had opposed some of the
committee's actions under Bennett as unfair-to
the accused.
Bennett's legislative work has focused pri-
marily on the Armed Services Committee. Now
second-ranking behind 78-year-old Melvin
Price, Bennett is likely to become chairman of
the committee after Price retires.
As head of the Seapower Subcommittee,
Bennett plays an important role in determining
long-term naval policy. He has supported a
Navy built around large ships, especially nu-
clear-powered submarines and aircraft carriers
of the sort advocated by retired Admiral
Hyman G. Rickover. Bennett and Rickover
have maintained a close relationship over the
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Florida - Jrd District
years, and other naval officers of senior rank
continue to influence the subcommittee's regu-
lar decisions.
In 1981, Bennett listened attentively to
Adm. Thomas B. Hayward, the chief of naval
operations, when Hayward argued for reactiva-
tion of the mothballed aircraft carrier
Oriskany. Most subcommittee members ini-
tially wanted to oppose authorizing any money
for the ship, but Hayward persuaded Bennett
to argue the other side in full committee, and
Armed Services approved $139 million for
reactivating the Oriskany. Eventually Congress
provided $503 million for the project.
The following year, Bennett was most visi-
ble on the House floor arguing for Trident II, a
newly developed submarine missile. The mis-
sile's critics said its speed might force the
Soviets into a hasty and dangerous nuclear
response. That argument did not impress Ben-
nett. "If the Russians are real worried about
the Trident II," he said, "that is a pretty good
indication that perhaps we ought to get it." The
anti-Trident move was beaten, 312-89.
Bennett's most dramatic appearance of the
97th Congress, however, was on a much differ-
ent issue - drugs. His son died of an overdose
several years ago, and Bennett remains preoc-
cupied with the issue, often introducing it into
conversations about other subjects. In 1981 he
inserted into a defense authorization bill a
provision that would have allowed military
personnel to conduct searches and make arrests
in civilian drug cases. Then he went to the
Judiciary Committee, which had ultimate juris.
diction over the issue, and argued that "my
oldest son is dead today because of drugs." But
the amendment did not become law in the 97th
Congress.
Though he has continually complained
that defense has been shortchanged in competi-
tion with domestic programs, Bennett is careful
to point out that he is no militarist. He likes to
talk of the work he did toward creation of an
arms control agency in the 1950s. On his office
wall is one of the pens President Kennedy used
to create such an agency in 1961.
Bennett speaks in terms of national prior-
ities rather than pork for his constituents, but
in fact he has served his Florida district well on
Armed Services. The Jacksonville harbor has
been deepened, three Navy bases have been
expanded, the Atlantic fleet has been berthed
and federal money has been poured into a
dozen hospital and health facilities. The list of
federal projects for Bennett's district is several
pages long.
When the 98th Congress began, Bennett
decided he wanted to broaden his knowledge
for a possible full committee chairmanship in
the future. He put in a bid for the chairman.
ship of the Procurement Subcommittee, and as
No. 2 Democrat on Armed Services, he ex-
pected to get it. But Samuel S. Stratton of New
York, the incumbent subcommittee chairman,
launched an all-out personal campaign to keep
his job, and Bennett did little in his own behalf.
The result was an embarrassing 16-13 defeat
for Bennett.
At Home: If World War II had not inter-
vened, Bennett might now be serving his 21st
term in Congress, rather than just his 18th. He
launched his first House campaign in late 1941,
hoping to build on his political base as a state
representative from Jacksonville. But he aban-
doned the race in 1942 to enlist in the infantry
as a private, ignoring the draft deferment
granted to legislators.
When he returned home to practice law
five years later, he was a war hero, leader of
1,000 guerrillas in the Philippines. But he was
also crippled, a victim of polio he contracted
during the jungle and mountain fighting.
He was no less determined to run for
Congress. In 1948, he challenged Democratic
Rep. Emory H. Price, who had been elected
instead of him in 1942. Bennett ran on a
platform of support for a military draft and
opposition to the Truman civil rights program.
He won the primary by less than 2,000 votes
out of more than 75,000 cast, and took the
general election with 91 percent.
Price challenged Bennett in the 1950 pri-
mary, but his comeback attempt fell short.
That year and throughout the 1950s, Bennett
had no general election opposition.
Republicans fired their best shot in 1964,
when prominent Jacksonville businessman Wil-
liam T. Stockton Jr. opposed Bennett. Stock-
ton drew 27 percent of the vote, higher than
any GOP percentage before or since, but low
enough to convince the party to forget the idea
after that.
Bennett was mentioned twice as a possible
Senate candidate. In 1956 there was talk lg
would oppose first-term Democrat George A.
Smathers. When Smathers retired in 1968,
Bennett was again considered as a successor.
Neither rumor lasted long; his sphere has never
been statewide.
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Charts E. Bennett, D-Fla.
Committees
Mined Services (2nd o128 Democrats)
Seapower and Strategic and Critical Materials (chairman) Rs-
march and Development.
1152 General
Charles E. Bennett (D)
George Grimeley(R)
1150 General
Charles E. Bennett (D)
Marry Radcliffe (R)
73,713 (84%)
13,921 (16%)
104,672 (77%)
31,208 (23%)
62 38 63 47
43 57 47 53
57 43 37 63
53 47 55 45
58 42 39 61
51 49 40 60
64 36 37 63
67 43 38 62
57 43
55 45
52 48
73 27
88 12
93 17
44 56
39 60
44 56 92
67 33 73
82 18 37
78 22 39
hevioee WLwdng Now mM: 11179 (100%) 1976 (100%)
1574 (100%) 1072 ( 82%) 1970 (100%) 1151 ( 79%)
1 65
1 (1o %) 11968 (10 000%%) 1864 (100%) 1182 (10 000%
1160 (100%) 190 ( 91%)
District Vote Per Prseident
0 69~ (53%) 0 $0~ (64%)
R 58,861 (45%) R 44,650 (35%)
1 2,655 ( 2%)
Campaign Finance
Receip Expend-
Receipts Ir m iACs hares
1152
Sennett (D)
890,699
$40,950
(45%)
Grknsley(R)
$18,957
0
1115
Bennett (D)
$37,325
0
Voting Studies
support I Unify
Year a 0 a 0
1182
65
35
55
45
1851
59
41
48
52
1150
59
41
56
44
1978
57
43
47
53
1979
48
52
42
58
1977
59
41
37
63
1116
57
43
36
64
1915
47
53
50
50
1174 (Ford)
37
63
Key Votes
Ragan budget proposal (1981)
Legal services reauthorization (1981)
Disapprove ale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arable (1981)
Index income taxes (1981)
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982)
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982)
Delete MX funding (1982)
Retain existing Cap on congressional salaries (1982)
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983)
Interest Group Ratings
31
38
21
39
30
16
24
13
24
10
a
27
63
61
ADA
ACA
AFL-CID
CCUS
$31.592 40
74
45
64
$16,464 25
58
40
58
22
42
47
62
42
54
so
50
832,775 30
85
25
61
15
70
52
59
25
86
26
63
37
57
57
24
35
60
45
40
36
70
45
60
Coaltionn 13
32
78
45
6
0
59
42
24
68
43
70
81 19 20
82
50
80 20 17
78
0
-
89 11 13
79 21
66
25
.70
79 21 6
63
15
5
71 29 32
78 22
68
74
-
64
80
-
58 42 63
28
82
60
-
Elections
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f 7W
23 Samuel S. Stratton (D
Of Amsterdam - Elected 1958
Born: Sept. 27, 1916, Yonkers, N.Y.
Education: U. of Rochester, A.B. 1937; Haverford Col-
lege, M.A. 1938; Harvard U., M.A. 1940.
Military Career. Navy, 1942-46 and 1951-53.
Occupation: Broadcast journalist; college instructor.
Family: Wife, Joan Wolfe; five children.
Religion: Presbyterian.
Political Career. Schenectady City Council, 1950-56;
mayor of Schenectady, 1956-59; unsuccessful Demo-
cratic nominee for N.Y. Assembly, 1950.
Capitol Office: 2205 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-5076.
In Washington Stratton is one of the last
of the Cold War liberals - a labor Democrat
who believes in wage and price controls at
home but remains ferocious in his opposition to
communism and his support for a strong mili-
tary. He is one of the Pentagon's most combat-
ive spokesmen in Congress and a tireless critic
of civilian budgeteers who meddle with military
planning.
He is an advocate rather than a legislative
tactician, one who often seems just as satisfied
arguing against the odds as plotting to improve
them. During the Pentagon's long years in the
national doghouse after Vietnam, he was a
relatively lonely but undaunted lobbyist for
higher defense budgets.
Stratton has had a sympathetic audience
at the Reagan White House, although he re-
mains isolated within his own party in Con-
gress. He was the main Democratic co-sponsor
of the weakened Reagan version of a nuclear
freeze proposal in 1982. He conferred on the
issue repeatedly with House Republicans and
presidential aides. The Reagan position -
against a freeze at current weapons levels -
prevailed by two votes on the House floor.
Throughout the 97th Congress, Stratton
spoke up loudly for nearly all the weapons
systems the Reagan administration favored,
including the B-1 bomber, the neutron bomb
and the MX missile. When the MX was de-
bated in the House in the summer of 1982, he
and his allies placed scale drawings of advanced
weapons on easels just outside the House
chamber. It showed the superiority of the So-
viet SS-18 to anything on U.S. drawing boards.
In budget arguments, Stratton makes up
his mind primarily on defense numbers; he is
inclined to vote for whichever budget is more
generous to the military. "If you're on a ship
crossing the ocean, and it strikes an iceberg,"
he said in 1982, "you don't worry about improv.
ing the cuisine. You plug the leak." The previ.
ous year, Stratton had introduced his own tax
bill calling for a smaller reduction than Reagan
wanted. He was worried that too large a rev-
enue loss might lead to cuts in defense in order
to keep the deficit down.
On broader issues, the liberalism Stratton
brought with him to the House in 1958 remains
- to a greater extent than many who watch
him realize. He no longer scores high in ratings
by the Americans for Democratic Action, but
that is mainly a result of his defense views and
his pro-development energy policy, which he
argues is essentially a vote for national security.
In the 96th Congress, Stratton voted for
hospital cost controls and a national minimum
welfare payment and against an anti-busing
amendment to the Constitution. He cospon-
sored a resolution calling for wage and price
controls. In the 97th Congress, he joined the
Conservative Democratic Forum, the strategy
group of the party's right in the House, but
opposed the Reagan budget while virtually all
forum members were supporting it.
But Stratton rarely attracts attention
these days on anything but defense issues. He
ranks third on Armed Services in the 98th.
Congress, and he fits in well with the panel's
ideas. He wants senior military officers to tell
him what they need without reference to buds
get or domestic politics.
As a member of Armed Services, he is a
tireless inquisitor. In recent years, his question-
ing has been more and more strident, with
witnesses who offer polite testimony often find-
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New York 23
The focus of the 23rd is on the declin-
ing industrial towns that line the banks of
the Hudson and Mohawk rivers. The blue-
collar vote combines with that of the state
government community in Albany to make.
the district safe for Democrats.
The 23rd's identity was reinforced in
redistricting by the addition of Troy, the
mid-19th century industrial museum piece
that makes shirts, contains Rensselaer Poly-
technic Institute and leans Democratic.
Like most of the 23rd's industrial cities,
Troy lost about 10 percent of its population
over the 1970s.
Amsterdam never has recovered from
the closing of its Mohawk Carpet plant in
the early 1960s. It hangs on economically
with the help of small industries, such as
video game manufacturing. Schenectady re-
mains a one-company town. Almost a third
of its people work for General Electric,
assembling turbines and generators among
other products. Italian-Americans in both
communities have GOP sympathies that
boost Republicans in local politics.
In Albany, however, Republicans are
not so fortunate. Party registration in the
state capital goes 10-to-1 against them. Al-
bany has had Democratic congressional rep-
resentation for all but four years since 1922.
Hudson and Mohawk Valleys -
Albany, Schenectady
It was one of just four upstate counties to
back Jimmy Carter in the 1980 presidential
balloting. Democrat Erastus Corning, boss
of one of the nation's few remaining politi-
cal machines, chaired the Albany County
party until his death in May 1983.
The 14-year rule of the late GOP Gov.
Nelson A. Rockefeller created a corps of
Republican stalwarts, many still working for
the state, who live in the Albany suburbs of
Colonie, Guilderland and Bethlehem. But
the Democratic strength elsewhere in the
district regularly overwhelms them.
State government is the 23rd's largest
employer. It increasingly has been concen-
trated in downtown Albany since the open-
ing of the mammoth state office complex -
the Rockefeller Empire State Plaza - in
the 1970s.
The Albany area retains heavy indus-
try, producing steel, machine tools and de-
fense-related equipment and a thriving
port, providing ample blue-collar jobs.
Population: 516,943. White 482,010
(93%), Black 27,101 (5%), Asian and Pa-
cific Islander 4,061 (1%). Spanish origin
6,432 0%). 18 and older 389,983 (75%), 65
and over 73,332 (14%). Median age: 32. J
ing themselves subject to long tirades from
Stratton. Some of Stratton's hawkish allies on
the committee make a deliberate point of show-
ing unusual courtesy to these unlucky wit-
nesses to compensate for the chairman's con-
duct.
Early in 1983, Stratton survived an un-
usual challenge to his chairmanship of the
Procurement Subcommittee, which he took
over at the start of the 97th Congress. The
challenge came from Charles E. Bennett of
Florida, who is second in line on the full Armed
Services Committee to 78-year-old chairman
Melvin Price of Illinois, and who wanted to
take over the subcommittee to broaden his
knowledge for the day Price retired.
Stratton launched an intensive personal
campaign to keep the job, driving to Andrews
Air Force Base late on the Sunday evening
before the vote just to catch three committee
members on their return from abroad and
lobby for their support. Bennett did little cam-
paigning. The vote was Stratton 16, Bennett 13.
Stratton's most impressive performance.at
Armed Services came in 1977, when he was
Investigations chairman. He used the panel to
touch off the alarms that ultimately led Presi-
dent Carter to reverse himself on U.S. troop
withdrawals from Korea.
Within weeks of his inauguration in 1977,
Carter directed the Joint Chiefs of Staff to plan
for a withdrawal of the roughly 32,000 U.S.
ground troops over a period of four or five
years.
When Major Gen. John K. Singlaub, the
third ranking U.S. Army officer in Korea, was
quoted by The Washington Post as predicting
that the withdrawal would lead to war, Carter
fired him from his job, and Stratton exploited
the issue.
Calling Singlaub before the Investigations
Subcommittee only a few days after he was
fired, Stratton tried to show that Carter had
ordered the withdrawal without consulting his
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Now York - 23rd Dis-rkt
senior military advisers and that intelligence
reports showed North Korean military strength
much greater than had been estimated.
Ultimately, the new intelligence assess-
ment was the rock on which Carter's policy
foundered. It took a couple of years - during
which Stratton tried unsuccessfully to block
the withdrawal by legislation - but in 1979,
Carter canceled virtually the entire pullout,
pending a reconsideration in 1981.
At Home: Stratton was something of a
phenomenon when he took this seat in 1958. He
was the first Democrat elected from his Sche-
nectady-Amsterdam district since 1916 and the
only Democrat in the entire upstate New York
House delegation outside Albany and Buffalo.
From such a precarious beginning,
Stratton gradually has placed a lock on his seat.
He has been re-elected 12 times and has be-
come dean of the New York congressional dele-
gation. To do so, he had to survive several
redistrictings and make peace with the crusty
old Albany Democratic organization.
Stratton's 1958 election was the culmina-
tion of a long political ascent against the odds.
Elected to the Schenectady City Council as an
anti-organization Democrat in 1949, he had to
battle both the entrenched Democratic ma-
chine and a strong Republican Party. He suf-
fered a stinging defeat in 1950 when he ran for
the Assembly against GOP speaker Oswald D.
Heck, one of the most powerful politicians in
the state.
Stratton was re-elected to the City Council
in 1953 by 125 votes, then won the mayoralty in
1955 by 282 votes, promising to "clean up"
Schenectady. He fought gambling, corruption
and inefficiency in the city. Because the pay
from his political posts was small, Stratton
supplemented his income by working for local
radio and television stations, becoming a well-
known announcer and newscaster. He once
played a character called "Sagebrush Sam,"
dressed up in cowboy clothes and playing a
harmonica.
In 1958 Stratton again challenged the local
powers by declaring- for Congress. The Demo-
cratic organizations in his old five-county dis-
trict supported Schenectady County Clerk Car-
roll "Pink" Gardner, who had run twice before.
But in the primary, Stratton carried every ward
and town in Schenectady County, defeating
Gardner by more than 2-to-1 and humiliating
the organization. In November, Stratton upset
the traditional Republican supremacy by beat.
ing Schenectady County GOP Chairman Wal.
ter Shaw by 10,000 votes.
In 1962, Stratton went through his first
major redistricting. Republicans were deter.
mined to defeat him. They eliminated his dis.
trict, combining Schenectady County with Al.
bony County, where Stratton would have had
little chance of defeating longtime Democratic
Rep. Leo O'Brien, who was backed by the
Albany regime. So he moved to another dis.
trict, one stretching from Amsterdam, a small
industrial city on the Mohawk River, through
central New York to include the Finger lakes
cities of Auburn and Canandaigua. The area
had not elected a Democrat to the House in the
20th century. But Stratton campaigned ener.
getically and won. He held the seat until the
next major reshuffling of boundaries in 1970.
Meanwhile, Stratton attempted to expand
his career to statewide politics. But his unor-
thodox political background and lack of an
urban Democratic base doomed his efforts. In
1962, he fought for the gubernatorial nomina.
tion, but the Democratic power brokers gave it
to U.S. Attorney Robert Morgenthau. In 1964
chances looked brighter for a possible U.S.
Senate nomination, but U.S. Attorney General
Robert F. Kennedy entered the race at the last
minute and Democratic leaders flocked to him.
Stratton was bitter at Kennedy's entrance and
insisted on fighting him to the last vote. On the
first ballot at the state convention, Kennedy
smothered Stratton 968 to 153. Relations be-
tween the two were sour from then on.
In 1970, New York was forced by court
order to redraw its congressional district lines
once again. Stratton's district was again
dismembered, and he had to look for a new one.
By then, Stratton's interests and those of the.
Albany political machine coincided. O'Brien
had retired in 1966, and in a reform sweep,
Republican Daniel Button was elected in his
place. The Albany Democratic bosses - Mayor
Erastus Corning and nonagenarian party leader
"Uncle Dan" O'Connell - needed a respect-
able Democrat to overthrow Button. Stratton
got the nomination, moved back to his old
home territory and defeated Button.
The 1980 redistricting was not traumatic.
Stratton's district changed very little. It kept.
its Democratic character, and Stratton drew
more than three-quarters of the vote in the
1982 election.
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Committees
Armed Services (3rd of 28 Democrats)
Procuramant and Military Nuclear Systems (chairmank kheatl-
gatlens.
1192 General
Samuel S. Stratton (D)
164,427
(76%)
Frank Wicks (R)
41,386
(19%)
1162 his WHY
Samuel S. Stratton (D)
35,594
(75%)
JcAn Dow (D)
13,495
(25%)
1119 General
Samuel S. Stratton (D)
164,088
(78%)
Frank Wicks (R)
37,504
(18%)
previous Winning Percentage:
1176
(76%) 1979
(l9%)
9974 (81%) 11972 (60%)
1970
(66%) 1911
(69%)
1118 (66%) 111 (64%)
1192
(55%) 1111
(62%)
1161 (54%)
Dteklct Vote For President
1N0 1176
D 120,535 (48%) D 121,113 (47%)
R 98.824 (40%) R 133.750 (52%)
24,591 (10%)
Campaign Finance
Receipts
1111119011111,12 os
*AM
Stratton (D)
$77,636
$30,210
(39%)
$72,899
1S0
Stratton (D)
$57,212
$23,622
(41%)
630,635
Voting Studies
Support
l
Conservative
Ihdty Coalition
Year
6
0
S
0
1
0
1162
51
38
56
35
70
23
1161
47
42
59
38
75
23
1550
58
36
62
31
52
40
1171
48
51
56
43
72
27
1116
54
39
52
43
51
45
1177
62
32
54
431
61
35t
1171
43
43
64
27
50
44
1178
'
51
47
66
31
48
51
1174 (Ford)
59
31
1174
58
34
61
32
47
47
Samuel S. Stratton, D-N. Y.
52 38
57
37
52
44
78 16
62
37
51
48
67 25
57
34
52
42
49 22
57
24
32
36
64 34
85
31
44
53
62 19
43
27
35
45
64 4
53
28
35
41
57 18
45
29
32
51
83 12
60
12
4
86
90 4
87
6
17
63
92 3
93
0
0
100
85 7
84
5
19
75
89 9
84
14
13
87
S - Support
0
- Opposition
Key Votes
Lpgalaservices rauthorization (1981)
Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981)
Index income taxes (1981)
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982)
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982)
Delete MX funding (1982)
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982)
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983)
Interest Group Ratings
ADA
ACA
AFL-CIO
CCUS
35
45
70
45
30
26
67
37
17
43
58
66
26
38
65
56
15
44
50
47
30
41
81
35
25
38
81
50
42
44
83
41
35
36
100
20
36
31
100
27
38
22
82
13
41
40
89
-
48
21
80
13
40
24
90
-
42
32
75
-
33
35
45
25
35
48
92
-
79
12
-
20
92
5
91
-
0
-
-
88
5
100
-
90
-
-
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3 Bill Nichols (D)
Of Sylacauga - Elected 1966
Born: Oct. 16, 1918, Becker, Miss.
Education: Auburn U., B.S. 1939, M.A. 1941.
Military Career. Army, 1942-47.
Occupation: Fertilizer and cotton gin executive.
Family: Wife, Carolyn Funderburk; three children.
Religion: Methodist.
Political Career. Ala. House, 1959-63; Ala. Senate,
1963-67,
Capitol Office: 2407 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-3261.
In Washington: A huge, hard-working,
slow-talking Alabama farmer, Nichols emerged
from the back benches of the Armed Services
Committee in recent years to become an impor-
tant voice on the sensitive issue of military pay.
In 1983, after four years worth of contro-
versy over pay issues as chairman of the Mili-
tary Personnel Subcommittee, Nichols made a
switch, taking over the more wide-ranging In-
vestigations panel. That left the Military Per-
sonnel chairmanship for Lea Aspin of Wiscon-
sin - a change that the subcommittee
members and staff may need some time to get
used to. Aspin is as quick and irreverent as
Nichols is serious and deliberate.
Nichols does not make up his mind
quickly, but he does not change it easily. In the
97th Congress, as chairman of the Armed Ser-
vices Subcommittee on Military Personnel, he
developed strong opinions about the new G. I.
bill written by one of his best friends, Missis-
sippi Democrat G. V. "Sonny" Montgomery.
Montgomery, the Veterans' Affairs Com-
mittee chairman, wanted generous new federal
subsidies for veterans attending college, similar
to the ones provided after World War II. Nich-
ols felt the estimated cost of $1.2 billion by
1990 would make such a bill impossible to sell.
"I would be in a very difficult position," Nich-
ols said, "coming to the floor trying to present a
new entitlement program at a time when re-
cruits are coming out of everyone's ears." He
felt the bill needed to be scaled down and the
program aimed at specialties in short supply.
Nichols won the argument. His sub-
committee voted 7-6 for his more modest bill
over Montgomery's, and the full Armed Ser-
vices Committee approved it 40-1. But the
legislation never reached the floor. It fell victim
to the opposition of the Reagan administration,
which thought even Nichols' version would cost
too much, and the lukewarm attitude of orga-
nized veterans' groups, who felt the new G. I.
Bill might have to be paid for out of money
previously earmarked for older veterans.
Despite his opposition to Montgomery's
G. 1. Bill, however, Nichols generally has sup-
ported across-the-board pay increases for the
volunteer army, defending them against some
efforts to target pay raises to higher ranks. He
fought off such a targeting amendment on the
House floor in 1981.
The year before, in his first term as a
subcommittee chairman, Nichols was enraged
by President Carter's veto of his bill to increase
bonuses for military doctors.
Nichols had worked nearly two years to
pass that legislation. He had negotiated a com-
promise bonus bill acceptable to the Senate
and to the Pentagon. But its passage came
immediately after the administration an-
nounced its election-year austerity drive. Car-
ter said it was too generous.
Nichols, who had thought his bill was
supported by the White House, was privately
devastated by the veto. But characteristically,
he did not challenge or criticize the president in
public. Instead of trying to override the veto, as
many of his colleagues suggested, Nichols went
back to work and modified the bill the follow-
ing month. Carter signed it.
While supporting pay increases, Nichols
has been reluctant to reform the military's
complex pay system, as has been suggested by
the last several administrations and the Gen-
eral Accounting Office. In 1977, for example, he
opposed a floor amendment to change the
military retirement system, saying his commit-?
tee was studying the issue. It still in The
uniformed services, which have vehemently op-
posed change, have appreciated this.
Nichols' old subcommittee also dealt with
U.S. troop levels abroad, and like most Armed
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Alabama 3
Taking in the eastern side of the state
from the outskirts of Montgomery to the
hilly Piedmont Plateau, the 3rd is a conser-
vative rural stronghold.
Textile mills dot the 3rd's landscape,
reflecting the traditional prominence of cot-
ton in the area's agricultural economy.
Some of the textile workers have been
unionized.
There is heavy industry in Anniston,
the seat of Calhoun County. With a popula-
tion of 30,000, Anniston is the district's
largest city. It is also home to the district's
largest employer, the Anniston Army Depot,
which repairs heavy equipment and small
arms. Almost all the Army's tanks and
transport vehicles are repaired in the depot,
which employs 4,700 civilians.
Auburn University, located in Lee
County near the Georgia border, grew from
a small land grant agricultural college to
become the largest university in the state.
Its veterinary school and agricultural ex-
perimentation station have provided valu-
able services to local farmers, who raise
cotton and cattle. Not far from Auburn is
the Lee County seat of Opelika, site of a
large Uniroyal rubber factory.
Southwest of Lee is Macon County,
home of Tuskegee Institute, founded in
1881 by Booker T. Washington as one of the
nation's first black colleges. In 1968 the city
Services members, he has aimed more than a
few jibes at European countries he thinks are
stingy about paying for their own defense.
"Maybe it's time to whistle up the dogs, put the
chairs in the wagon and tell the troops to go
home," he said in 1982, sounding more like an
Alabama cotton grower than a military person-
nel specialist. But when Democrat Patricia
Schroeder 9f Colorado actually offered a floor
amendment to cut U.S. overseas troop strength
in half, Nichols led the opposition.
Nichols lost a leg in combat as a World
War II Army officer. His fervent patriotism has
led him to support a series of presidents on
military issues, regardless of party. He sup-
ported the Vietnam War under both Lyndon B.
Johnson and Richard M. Nixon far longer than
most other members of Congress.
Outside his compensation issues, Nichols is
East - Anniston;
Auburn
of Tuskegee elected the first black sheriff in
the South and the first two black members
in the Alabama legislature. But Macon
County, which is 84 percent black, is the
only county in the 3rd with a black major-
ity. Blacks comprise 28 percent of the popu-
lation districtwide.
The towns in the southern part of the
district, particularly in Elmore County,
serve as bedroom communities for the state
capital of Montgomery, just across the dis-
trict line.
Although nearly all the voters here con-
sider themselves Democrats, and send only
Democrats to the state legislature, statewide
Republican candidates can do fairly well -
especially in the more urbanized areas, such
as Anniston in the north and Auburn and
Opelika in the south. Ronald Reagan and
Republican Sen. Jeremiah Denton carried
all three of these communities in 1980.
The central part of the district has
always been strong Wallace country and
still is. Any national Democrat who stops
short of outspoken liberalism can expect to
win in these rural counties by a decent
margin.
Population: 555,321. White 395,332
(71 %), Black 156,665 (28%). Spanish origin
5,232 (1%). 18 and over 390,418 (70%), 65
and over 61,108 (11%). Median age: 28.
no legislative activist, even on Armed Services.
But he has always been comfortable within the
panel's conservative, pro-military environment.
He has had no other major assignment, al-
though he pays close attention to farm issues.
He was involved in an Armed Services junket
controversy in 1976, when it was reported that
legislators and Pentagon officials had been en-
tertained by defense contractors at Maryland
hunting lodges. Nichols had been a lodge guest
of the Northrop Corp.
At Home: Of the seven new Southern
Republicans elected to previously Democratic
congressional seats in the 1964 Goldwater land-
slide, only one was defeated for re-election the
next time out. That one was in the Alabama
3rd, recaptured for the Democrats by Nichols.
The GOP has not threatened there since then.
Nichols was a star football player at Au-
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Bill Nichols, D-Alo.
burn University, before the war in Europe cost
him his left leg. After the war he returned to his
hometown of Sylacauga, started farming, and
became an officer in local gin and fertilizer
companies.
He made his political debut in 1958 by
winning a seat in the state House. Four years
later he was elected to the state Senate, where
he became a floor leader for Gov. George. C.
Wallace. Nichols handled education and farm
bills and gained widespread attention by pro-
moting a plan to provide free textbooks.
Committees
Armed Services (4th of 28 Democrats)
Investigation (chairman), Readiness.
1960 General
Bill Nichols (D)
1182 General
Bill Nichols (D) 100,864 (96%)
Richard Landers Jr. (LIB) 3.920 ( 4%)
Previous Winning Percentages: 1979 (100%) 1976 (99%)
1974 (96%) 1972 (76%) 1970 (84%) 1961 (81%)
1186 (58%)
District Vote For President
1960 1976
D 86.753 (50%) D 90,034 (58%)
R 80,051 (46?/.) R 62.198 (40Y.)
Campaign Finance
Receipts Expand-
Receipts from PACs hum
1962
1980
Nichols (D) $76,088 $40,970 (54%) $25,003
Voting Studies
Pmidential Party Conservative
Support Unity Coalition
Year S 0 S 0 S 0
1962 52 38 46 43 88 7
1991 68 24 36 58 88 8
1990 49 44 34 52 82 4
1979 36 55 32 60 90 6
1978 32 59 29 60 84 5
Nichols was well-known across eastern Al-
abama when he ran for Congress in 1966, and
he had little trouble winning the seat. In the
Democratic primary he easily defeated a labor-
backed opponent, Public Service Commissioner
Ed Pepper. In the general election, he ousted
one-term Republican Glenn Andrews with 58
percent of the vote. When Andrews tried to
regain his seat in 1970, Nichols embarrassed
him by nearly 6-to-1. In the last five elections,
Republicans have not even bothered to field a
candidate.
11177 44 46 31 62 88 7
1976 49 37 30 59 82 6
1975 48 47 32 62 84 11
1974 (Ford) 46 39
1974 51 40 28 57 82 7
1973 52 38 36 58 91 4
1972 35 22 27 34 52 6
1971 65 19 28 60 86 3
1970 45 37 39 43 66 2
1969 40 47 27 49 71 9
1966 32 42 18 54 65 4
1967 45 43 34 62 91 4
S = Support 0 Opposition
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981) Y
Legal services reauthorization (1981) N
Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) N
Index income taxes (1981) Y
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) N
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Y
Delete MX funding (1982) N
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) Y
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) N
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS
1962 5 68 28
1961 10 78 43
1960 17 59 26
1979 11 73 45
1978 5 83 25
1977 5 74 26
1976 5 84 33
1975 5 81 17
1974 4 64 25
1973 8 74 36
1972 0 92 17
1971 3 72 33
1970 8 73 29
1999 7 82 30
1999 0 86 0
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YMpinia - 5th District
5Dan Daniel (D)
Of Danville - Elected 1968
Born: May 12, 1914, Chatham, Va.
Education: Attended Danville H.S.
Military Career. Navy, 1944.
Occupation: Textile company executive.
Family: Wife, Ruby McGregor; one child.
Religion: Baptist.
Political Career. Va. House, 1959-69.
Capitol Office: 2368 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-4711.
In Washington: Daniel has been a quiet,
courtly hawk at Armed Services, voting unob-
trusively for the highest possible level of de-
fense funding. In recent years he has begun to
take on a new role, as critic of Pentagon bud-
geting practices.
In 1978 he took over as chairman of a
select subcommittee to examine "NATO stan-
dardization," the drive of Ford and Carter
administration officials to reduce the number
of different kinds of equipment being used to
defend Europe.
The next year, his panel issued a report
complaining that standardization was forcing
American troops in the field to depend on
inferior European equipment and that the Pen-
tagon should insist on top quality purchases
regardless of cost.
That led Daniel to the issue of readiness.
During the 96th Congress, he and Democrat
Bob Carr of Michigan, one of the committee's
handful of Pentagon critics, teamed up to de-
mand more funds for basic maintenance in the
defense budget. They argued that money was
being diverted from maintenance to pay for
new weapons.
In 1980, Congress enacted a Daniel-spon-
sored requirement that maintenance be given
its own separate section in each defense au-
thorization bill. In 1981 Daniel became chair-
man of a new Armed Services subcommittee
established too handle that part of the bill.
Daniel has favored letting the Pentagon
buy planes and missiles in large lots spread
over several years. In the past, it has contracted
separately for each year's batch of weapons.
Pentagon officials have asked for the multi-
year approach, arguing it would lower the cost
of weapons, and Daniel has backed them up.
His support for multi-year procurement has
brought him into conflict with Jack Brooks of
Texas, the Government Operations chairman,
who feels that approach essentially removes an
important tool of congressional control.
Daniel rarely talks about subjects outside
the military field. Despite a friendly personal
relationship with S,,peaker O'Neill, he seldom
gives the Democratic leadership a vote on any
major issue. He backed all of President Rea-
gan's economic programs in the 97th Congress.
The one non-military initiative Daniel has
mounted in recent years dealt with loyalty to
the U.S. government. A constituent of Daniel's
who was a member of the Communist Workers'
Party applied for a federally funded job under
the Comprehensive Employment and Training
Act (CETA). Daniel offered an amendment to
two budget resolutions banning CETA employ-
ment for anyone advocating the violent over.
throw of the federal government. The woman
insisted she did not personally advocate such a
thing, but the restriction became law.
At Home: Daniel is more comfortable
philosophically with his Republican colleagues
in the Virginia delegation than the new breed
of Democrats elected in 1982. He admits that
his Democratic seniority is the main reason he
has not joined the GOP himself.
Daniel has come a long way. The son of a
sharecropper, he started his career at a Dan-
ville textile mill as a blue-collar worker and
ended it as assistant to the chairman of the
board.
While he is not a dynamic force in Con-
gress, he has cut a large figure in state and
national civic organizations, serving as presi-
dent of the Virginia state Chamber of Com-
merce and national commander of the Ameri-
can Legion.
A Dixiecrat in many respects, Daniel was a
leader in the state's short-lived resistance to
desegregation in the 1950s. In the following
decade, he was a Byrd machine stalwart in the
state Legislature.
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Virginia 5
The 5th is in the heart of Virginia's
rural "Southside," a largely agricultural re-
gion that more closely resembles the Deep
South than any other part of the state. It is
relatively poor and has a substantial black
population. Tobacco and soybeans are ma-
jor crops, but this region lacks the rich soil
of the Tidewater.
Though the 5th continues to support
conservative Democrats like Daniel, it has
long refused to vote for more liberal Demo-
cratic candidates at the state and national
level. It was one of only two districts in
Virginia to back George C. Wallace in 1968
and has not supported a Democrat for presi-
dent in more than a quarter-century. Barry
Goldwater carried it in 1964 with 51 percent
of the vote.
In the closely contested U.S. Senate
race in 1982, the district went narrowly for
Republican Rep. Paul S. Trible Jr. over
Democratic Lt. Gov. Richard J. Davis.
The district's largest city is Danville,
(population 45,642), a tobacco market and
textile center on the North Carolina border.
Ronald Reagan received 61 percent of the
vote in Danville in 1980. The residents of
Daniel came to Congress in 1968, when
veteran Democratic Rep. William M. Tuck, a
former governor and staunch conservative, re-
tired and endorsed him. While George C. Wal-
lace was carrying the district in the year's
Committees
Armed farness (5th 0128 Democrats)
Readiness (chairman), Investigations.
Dan Daniel (D) Unopposed
Fisviow Winning Perce ntages: 1978 (100?$.) 1976 (1004/.)
1974 (991/6) 1972 (10(X) 1970 (73%) 116$ (55%)
District Vote For President
1960 1976
D 73.569 (42X) D 77,138(48'%)
R 97.203 (55%) R 78,306 (49%)
I 3,660 ( 2%)
1982 General
Dan Daniel (D)
1980 General
South - Danville
the city and those of surrounding
Pittsylvania County, which Reagan took by
2-to-I, make up about one-fifth of the dis-
trict's population.
Most of the people in the 5th are scat-
tered through farming areas and a few fac-
tory towns. Most of these areas normally
vote Republican at the statewide level. The
best area for Democratic candidates is
Henry County; with nearly 58,000 residents,
it is the second most populous county in the
district after Pittsylvania, its eastern neigh-
bor. Jimmy Carter won it with 49 percent in
1980. In the 1982 Senate race, Davis took
the county with 53 percent of the vote.
To the north, the district takes in part
of Lynchburg. That section of Lynchburg
and its southern neighbor, Campbell
County, are strongly conservative areas
where Reagan won two-thirds of the 1980
vote.
Population: 531,308. White 398,091
(75%), Black 131,482 (25%). Spanish origin
3,753 0%). 18 and over 382,312 (72%), 65
and over 63,859 (12%). Median age: 32.
presidential balloting, Daniel easily outdis-
tanced his Republican and black independent
opponents with 55 percent of the vote. He faced
a feeble GOP challenge in 1970 and no one has
filed against him since.
Campaign Finance
Receipts Expend-
Receipts from PACs iturse
Daniel (D) $74,954 $51,965 (69'1.) $24,084
1980
Daniel (D) $20,383 $18,010 (88%) $7,747
Voting Studies
Presidential Party Conservative
Support Unity Coalition
Year 8 0 8 0 S 0
1982 70 19 19 76 88 4
1981 78 20 15 81 93 4
1980 37 62 27 70 93 3
1979 30 69 15 82 94 4
1978 22 75 16 81 95 2
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Dan Danll, D-Va.
1177 33 66 19 81 97
1979 75 25 12 88 98
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982)
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983)
1875 70 30 15 84 98
1194 (Ford) 56 44
1974 64 36 16 841 93
1973 66 34 19 81 100
1812 57 41 17 80 94
Interest Group Ratings
1971 77 23 25 74 97
1870 64 36t 24 74 91
Year
ADA ACA AFL-CIO
CCUS
1999 45 55 20 76 96
1982
5 77 11
71
S - Support 0- Opposition
1961
0 83 13
89
7aot ellplble for all recorded votes
1990
6 92 11
82
.
1979
5 100 10
100
1978
0 96 5
Key Votes
1977
0 93 9
1876
5 96 13
Reagan budget proposal (1981)
1975
0 100 4
Legal services reauthorization (1981)
1974
0 80 0
Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981)
1973
4 85 18
100
Index income taxes (1981)
1972
0 100 10
100
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982)
1971
3 93 8
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982)
1970
0 79 14
100
Delete MX funding (1982)
1969
7 94 20
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3G.v. "sonny"
Montgomery (D)
Of Meridian - Elected 1966
Born: Aug. 5, 1920, Meridian, Miss.
Education: Miss. State U., B.S. 1943.
Military Career. Army, 1943-46; National Guard,
1946-80, active duty 1951-52.
occupation: Insurance executive.
Family: Single.
Religion: Episcopalian.
political Career. Miss. Senate, 1956-66.
Capitol Office: 2184 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-5031.
In Washington: Party loyalty - and dis-
loyalty - are as much a matter of style as
Fubstance. When President Reagan's economic
program moved through the House in 1981,
Sonny Montgomery was nearly as important a
White House ally as Phil Gramm, the Texas
Democrat who later was stripped of his Demo-
cratic seat on Budget and decided to join the
GOP.
Many of the strategy sessions in which
conservative Democrats decided to back Rea-
gan were held in Montgomery's office. During
the roll calls, the Mississippi Democrat spent
much of his time on the Republican side of the
aisle, monitoring GOP computers and lobbying
for pro-Reagan votes.
But the only price Montgomery paid was a
less than resounding 179 to 53 vote re-electing
him Veterans' Affairs Committee chairman at
the start of the 98th Congress.
Unlike the flamboyant and abrasive
Gramm, Montgomery does his disagreeing po-
litely - and quietly. Though he has been
voting against his party leaders consistently
ever since he came to Congress, he rarely says a
word on the floor against them or their pro-
gram. He was part of the leadership himself in
the 97th Congress as an assistant whip for three
Southern states, and he conscientiously re-
ported to Speaker O'Neill on whether his dele-
gations were staying loyal for important votes,
even though he almost never stayed loyal him-
self.
Montgomery is a member whom colleagues
usually listen to, not necessarily because they
agree with him but because they like him.
Firmly within the tradition of soft-spoken
Southern grace, Montgomery is rarely unpleas-
ant even to those who cannot accept his hard-
line approach on defense issues. Many of his
friendships were developed on the paddle-ball
court in the House gym; others on Washing-
ton's dinner party circuit, where Montgomery
long has been a bachelor much in demand.
Like most Mississippi Democrats, Mont-
gomery came to Washington with the firm
belief that the national Democratic Party had
moved too far to the left for him to support it
very often.
He was one of only three House diehards
to stick by President Nixon even after the
House Judiciary Committee voted in favor of
impeachment. These days he votes with his
leadership only about a third of the time, and
House Republicans refer to him casually as
"one of us."
At times in the past, GOP members inter-
ested in building a bipartisan conservative co-
alition to take formal House control have
sought him out as a potential leader. But he has
never talked seriously of bolting the Demo-
cratic Party - not so long as it controls the
levers of power in the House. When 53 Demo-
crats voted in 1983 against his Veterans' chair-
manship, an obvious reaction to his support for
Reaganomics in 1981, he reassured them about
his ultimate intentions. "We got the message,"
Montgomery said. "I like being a Democrat."
A few weeks later, he went further. "I
think we might have gotten carried away with
the White House," he said of the 1981 experi-
ence. "We weren't working enough with the
Democratic leadership." Montgomery did,
however, oppose the 1983 Democratic budget
alternative, on the grounds that the defense
outlays were too low.
Vietnam has dominated Sonny Montgom-
ery's congressional career, not only during the
fighting, but since the cease-fire as well. Few
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G. V. "Sonny" Montgomery, D-Miss.
Mississippi 3
The 3rd is mostly agricultural, but it
includes a burgeoning timber industry, out-
lying suburbs of Jackson and a major Air
Force base at Columbus.
In the 1970s the district extended west
into the Mississippi Delta, but redistricting
centered it in the Hill Country at the east-
ern end of the state. The rural hill counties
are still reliably Democratic, but the dis-
trict's suburban and small-city vote has
been tilting in a Republican direction.
Lauderdale County, on the Alabama
border, is the district's major population
center. Meridian (population 46,577), the
seat of Lauderdale County, is an increas-
ingly Republican industrial town with Lock-
heed and General Motors facilities. The
Meridian Naval Air Station is a training
center for naval pilots.
Another population center is Laurel,
population 21,897. The seat of Jones County
on the district's southern edge, Laurel is
home to a timber-related industry fueled by
its proximity to Mississippi's Piney Woods.
Oil and gas drilling in southern Mississippi
has spawned oil-related industries in the
area. Laurel also has been shifting in a
Republican direction in recent national
elections.
Northwest of Jones County is Smith
members devote much time to the issue these
days; Montgomery seems preoccupied with it.
Montgomery ran for Congress in 1966
pledging to "bring the boys home" in honor. He
spent every Christmas for the next several
years visiting soldiers at the front. When the
conflict finally drew to a close, he served on two
committees seeking facts about men missing in
action. Now, as chairman of the Veterans' Af-
fairs Committee, he has to struggle with the
question of benefits for those who served in
Vietnam.
It is the career focus for which his personal
life prepared him. He spent most of his adult
years in the military on active duty in World
War 11 and Korea and in the Mississippi Na-
tional Guard until 1980. He headed immedi-
ately for Veterans' Affairs as a House freshman
in 1967 and added a place on Armed Services
four years later.
Montgomery began traveling to Vietnam
in his first year on Capitol Hill, initially at
South Central -
Meridian
County, the home of the National Tobacco
Spitting Contest, which annually attracts
curious spectators and serious expecto.
raters. Neighboring Rankin County is more
cosmopolitan; it is home to more than
50,000 suburbanites oriented toward the
state capital of Jackson. One of the fastest
growing areas in the state, Rankin went for
Ronald Reagan in 1980 by a 2-to-I margin
and was one of only two counties in the
state carried by Haley Barbour, the 1982
GOP challenger to Democratic Sen. John C.
Stennis.
At the far northern end of the district is
Columbus, another Republican stronghold.
The seat of Lowndes County, Columbus has
a significant population of military-related
residents from the North and the Midwest.
These voters add considerably to the Re-
publican presence in the district. The local
Air Force base offers basic training for pro-
spective Air Force pilots.
Population: 503,763. White 340,460
(68%), Black 157,473 (31%), American In-
dian, Eskimo and Aleut 3,649 (1 %). Spanish
origin 4,120 (1%). 18 and over 346,476
(69%), 65 and over 59,092 (12%). Median
age: 28.
Agriculture Committee expense, inspecting
Food for Peace programs. Later, he went on
Veterans' Committee business, reviewing Vet-
erans Administration facilities. But mostly,
Montgomery went because he wanted to see the
military and the war firsthand.
As a result, he became an acknowledged
expert on the war, although his support for it
drove him far from majority opinion in the
House in the early 1970s. "The time is past
when we can discuss whether this is the wrong
war," he said in 1967. "Our flag is committed."
Three years later, he was still defending the
ability of American troops to help the South
Vietnamese win the war. "The morale of the
American fighting man is quite high," he said
then. "The one thing that seems to disturb him
most is the continued anti-war demonstra-
tions."
But while the House moved far from
Mongomery's hawkish approach in the ensuing
years, it saw him as the logical man after the
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,or to set up a committee to find out whether
1i S. servicemen were being held prisoner by
the North Vietnamese.
Montgomery's committee, known formally
as the Select Committee on U.S. Involvement
in Southeast Asia, went to Vietnam and to
Europe to meet with representatives of the
communist regime in Hanoi. It finally con-
cluded, in December 1976, that there were no
Americans still imprisoned in North Vietnam.
Montgomery resisted pleas from fellow
conservatives to continue pressing Hanoi for
more information. He was the bearer of bad
news: There was no hard evidence, he said, that
any of the missing men were still alive.
Again the next year, Montgomery was
called for Vietnam duty when President Carter
sent a special commission to Vietnam, headed
by labor leader Leonard Woodcock. Again
Montgomery presented a report that did not
please his conservative colleagues. He and the
commission advised the president to explore
the possibility of normal diplomatic relations
with what had become the Socialist Republic of
Vietnam.
On the Armed Services Committee, Mont-
gomery has spoken for years in behalf of mili-
tary Reserve units and the National Guard. It
is a subject other members treat with only
intermittent attention, but Montgomery has
made a specialty of it, does his homework and
often gets his way. He is largely responsible, for
example, for the new planes the Air National
Guard is able to obtain in each year's defense
authorization. In 1983, as Armed Services was
cutting back personnel in most branches of the
service, Montgomery persuaded the panel to
add 35,000 new positions for the Reserves.
Montgomery has been less successful in his
long fight to reinstate the draft. As someone
who worries about the ability of American
forces to fight a protracted war, he has contin-
ually questioned the merits of the all-volunteer
Army. Most members of the Armed Services
Committee agree with him, but they have made
little progress in moving the House toward a
peacetime draft, although peacetime registra-
tion was reinstituted in 1980.
Montgomery's crusade as Veterans' Affairs
chairman in the 97th Congress was to enact a
new G.I. Bill similar to the one that financed a
college education for millions of World War II
veterans. But the effort failed.
At the start of 1981, Montgomery intro-
duced his own bill to provide $300 a month over
36 months for today's crop of young veterans
seeking a college degree. He felt it would make
Army recruiting easier and that it would be a
sure winner once it reached the House floor. "I
Mississippi - 3rd District
think the name will carry it through," he pre-
dicted confidently in 1981. "1 wouldn't want to
go back home and say I voted against the G.I.
bill."
But no floor vote ever took place. The bill
cleared both the Veterans' and Armed Services
panels, but it lost the support of the Reagan
administration with its estimated price tag of
$1.2 billion a year by 1990. Montgomery lob-
bied hard to persuade the Pentagon to back the
bill, arguing at one point that President Reagan
was not being fully informed about the situa-
tion, but the Pentagon never budged. In addi-
tion, veterans' organizations never gave Mont-
gomery the help he expected; older veterans
feared some of the funding would come at the
expense of their World War II benefits.
At Home: For years Montgomery has had
the best of both worlds - personal popularity
in Congress and bipartisan support back home.
Not since 1968 has he won a primary or
general election with less than 90 percent of the
vote. "Sonny Montgomery votes with us," ex
plained former state Republican Chairman
Clarke Reed in 1974. "We don't have any issues
against him except party."
Montgomery was a state senator and
prominent National Guard officer when he first
ran for the House in 1966. The 3d District had
gone Republican on a fluke in 1964, electing
little-known chicken farmer Prentiss Walker,
the only Republican who had bothered to file
for Congress anywhere in the state that year.
Barry Goldwater carried Mississippi easily in
his 1964 presidential campaign, and he carried
Walker into office with him. Two years later
Walker ran unsuccessfully for the Senate - he.
would have been beaten for re-election to the
House anyway - and Montgomery found the
field clear.
There were three other candidates for the
Democratic House nomination in 1966, but
Montgomery won with little difficulty. He drew
50.1 percent of the primary vote, avoiding even
the necessity of a runoff.
His general election campaign was easier.
Describing himself as "a conservative Missis-
sippi Democrat," Montgomery said he opposed
the new, big-spending Great Society programs
but favored older ones like Social Security and
rural electrification. He claimed that his Re-
publican opponent, state Rep. L. L. McAllister
Jr., was against all federal programs, and he
linked McAllister with the national GOP,
which he called the "party of Reconstruction,
Depression and 'me-too' liberalism." Sweeping
every county, Montgomery won the seat with
65 percent of the vote.
He had little trouble holding it in 1968,
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G. V. "Sonny" Montgomery, D-Miss.
drawing 85 percent of the primary vote against
a black civil rights activist and 70 percent in
the fall against Prentiss Walker, who was trying
to regain the seat. The Republican had lost his
Senate race to veteran Democrat James 0.
Eastland by a margin of more than 2-to-1, and
Committees
Veterans' Affairs (Chairman)
Oversight and Investigations, chairman.
Armed Service. (6th of 28 Democrats)
Military Installations and Facilities; Military Personnel and Com-
pensation.
1982 General
G.V. "Sonny" Montgomery (D) 114,530 (93%)
James Bradshaw (I) 8,519 ( 7%)
1152 Primary
G.V. "Sonny" Montgomery (D) 26,988 (920/6)
James Parker (D) 2,223 ( 8%)
1880 General
G.V. "Sonny"Montgomery (D) Unopposed
Previous Winning Percentages: 1978 (92%) 1976 (94%)
1974 (100?/.) 1972 (100%) 1970 (100%) 1161 (70/.)
1966 ( 65%)
District Vote For President
1150 1976
D 74,295 (41%) D 76,461 (48%)
R 102,116 (57%) R 77,617 (49%)
Campaign Finance
Receipt. Eapand-
Receipts from PACs Rune.
1152
Montgomery (D) $92,153 $37.220 (40%) $49,804
1960
Montgomery (D) $15,895 $7,568 (47%) $9,909
Voting Studies
Presidential Party Conservative
Support Unity Coalition
Year S 0 S 0 S 0
1982 74 23 29 66 90 5
1151 78 .21 26 68 97 3
ran almost as poorly in his comeback attempt
against Montgomery. He carried only one
county.
That crushing defeat seemed to remove
any remaining Republican interest in contest.
ing Montgomery.
1960 45 53 31 68 95 4
1879 30 65 19 75 92 3
1878 30 65 23 73 91 6
1971 33 56 20 71 89 4
1976 73 27 13 84 97 1
1975 57 37 17 77 91 1
1974 (Ford) 57 37
1974 70 23 20 73 92 1
1973 60 39 24 74 94 5
1972 57 41 20 71 88 6
1971 70 18 14 60 82 2
1910 46 29 24 58 80 2
1969 38 40 15 73 84 2
1968 41 58 24 74 94 4
1967 41 52 21 73 93 2
S s Support 0 Opposition
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981)
Legal services reauthorization (1981)
Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981)
Index income taxes (1981)
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982)
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982)
Delete MX funding (1982)
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982)
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983)
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS
1992 5 91 5 73
1151 0 79 13 83
1990 0 58 6 73
1979 5 87 5 100
1978 5 85 15 78
1977 0 92 14 93
1976 5 100 13 88
1975 0 89 9 88
1974 0 86 0 90
1973 4 85 18 91
1972 0 100 11 100
1971 0 78 27 -
1970 0 87 20 78
1159 7 86 10
1968 0 87 0 -
1167 0 81 0 90
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1 Les Aspin (D)
Of East Troy - Elected 1970
Born: July 21, 1938, Milwaukee, Wis.
Education: Yale U., B.A. 1960; Oxford U., England,
M.A. 1962; M.I.T., Ph.D. 1965.
Military Career. Army, 1966-68.
Occupation: Professor of economics.
Family: Divorced.
Religion: Episcopalian.
Political Career. Sought Democratic nomination for
Wis. treasurer, 1968.
Capitol Office: 442 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-3031.
In Washington: Aspin's long record of
hostility to the Pentagon leaves him isolated
from his senior Armed Services Committee
colleagues, but he has managed to make his
mark on defense policy without them.
His mimeograph machine and his instinct
for a good news story have given his opinions
national press attention for more than a de-
cade. More important, his knowledge of mili-
tary issues has forced administrations of both
parties to use him as a source of information,
even if they disagree with him.
In the 98th Congress, for the first time, he
has the advantage of chairing an Armed Ser-
vices subcommittee, on Military Personnel and
Compensation. That subject fits his penchant
for press releases as well as any other; over 12
years in the House, he has probably criticized
the Pentagon more often about personnel mat-
ters than he has about strategy or cost over-
runs.
Aspin has launched dozens of attacks on
military manpower policies, particularly the
retirement system, which he claims is far too
generous. In 1977, to dramatize the pension
problem, Aspin offered a less-than-serious floor
amendment to put servicemen under the con-
gressional retirement program. He drew a sur-
prising 148 votes for his proposal. Two years
later, however, when the Carter administration
sought changes in the-retirement system, Aspin
was preoccupied as chairman of an intelligence
oversight subcommittee and did not play a
leading role.
Aspin regularly criticizes the perquisites of
the Pentagon brass. In 1973 Aspin charged
Alexander M. Haig with "illegal money grab-
bing" when Haig began serving as Richard
Nixon's White House chief of staff but delayed
his resignation from the military to draw a
bigger pension. Two years later, after Aspin
disclosed that Haig's dog, Duncan, had been
shipped around Europe by military plane, Haig
reimbursed the government for those costs.
This hounding of the Pentagon elite has
been balanced somewhat by Aspin's support for
rank-and-file soldiers. In 1979 the House
adopted his floor amendment to secure special
allowances for low-ranking servicemen sta-
tioned overseas.
Aspin came to Congress at the high point
of national opposition to the Vietnam War.
Having served as a Pentagon economist for
Robert S. McNamara, he fought successfully
for a seat on Armed -Services, where he soon
began his dispute with the panel's pro-military
leadership.
In 1973, after Aspin issued a press release
berating the Navy for its problems building a
new ship, the late Armed Services Chairman F.
Edward Hebert publicly blasted him, telling
him to "put up or shut up." Aspin responded
by saying that he would be happy to share his
information with Hebert and that he was glad
the chairman had noticed him. "It's a sign that
the system is really opening up when the chair-
man gets into a dialogue with a very junior
member," Aspin said.
Earlier in 1973, Aspin had embarrassed
Hebert with a floor amendment reducing the
annual defense budget by about 4 percent.
Hebert and the Armed Services Committee
were rarely defeated on the House floor, but
Aspin put together an unlikely coalition of
Democratic liberals and Republican fisCal con-
servatives and won adoption of the amend-
ment, 242-163. At the beginning of the next ?
Congress, in early 1975, Aspin was a ringleader
in a House coup that dumped Hebert as com-
mittee chairman.
Aspin has kept up his parade of press
releases in recent years, to the continued an-
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Wisconsin 1
Although it is dominated by four indus-
trialized cities, the 1st is far from a Demo-
cratic stronghold.
Until Aspin's election in 1970, Demo-
cratic candidates had won this district only
twice in the 20th century - in 1958 and
1964. Both were defeated after serving sin-
gle terms. No Democratic presidential can-
didate has carried the 1st since Lyndon B.
Johnson in 1964.
The district's two largest cities are
sandwiched between Milwaukee and Chi-
cago on the Lake Michigan shore. Racine,
originally settled by Danish immigrants,
manufactures a wide range of Johnson's
Wax products, from Agree shampoo to
Pledge furniture polish.
Racine County gave Aspin 56 percent
of the vote in his competitive 1980 election,
but otherwise the county has gone Republi-
can: Democratic Sen. Gaylord Nelson nar-
rowly lost it to Republican Bob Kasten in
1980, and Ronald Reagan defeated Jimmy
Carter there that year, 50 to 42 percent.
Kenosha's economic base is not as
diversified as Racine's. The city, which
boasts a sizable Italian community and a
branch of the University of Wisconsin, has
suffered lately because of declining employ-
ment at its huge American Motors Corp.
(AMC) plant.
Although AMC has invested about $60
million to retool its Kenosha facility, in-
noyance of committee leaders, but there has
been a subtle evolution in his role and image on
military strategy questions.
During his first few House terms, he was
seen by colleagues not, only as anti-Pentagon
but anti-defense; much like Democrats Ronald
V. Dellums of California and Patricia Schroe-
der of Colorado, why. joined Armed Services as
dissidents around the same time. But Aspin
tends now to be identified more with military
"reformers" who question the effectiveness of
defense programs rather than the need for
them.
In the 97th Congress, Aspin warned some
of his liberal allies that it would be impossible
to save much money in the short run by cutting
the defense budget. The reason he gave was
that most of the increased spending under the
Southeast -
Racine; Kenosha
creased reliance on labor-saving robots and
demand for smaller cars guarantee that the
heyday of automobile-manufacturing em-
ployment in this area has passed.
In the west-central part of the district
are the smaller industrial cities of Janesville
and Beloit, both in marginally Republican
Rock County. Janesville's General Motors
plant has been retooled to build smaller
cars, but there are nearly 2,000 former auto
workers who will not find places in the
scaled-down operation. Perched on the Illi-
nois border just 8 miles south of Janesville,
Beloit was settled by a group of immigrants
from New Hampshire that founded Beloit
College in 1847. The city makes heavy ma-
chinery, such as backup engines for nuclear
submarines.
The strongest Republican vote in the
1st comes from Walworth County, between
Janesville and Racine-Kenosha. Resort
complexes around Lake Geneva and Lake
Delavan cater to wealthy vacationers from
Milwaukee and Chicago. Soybeans grow so
well in the farming sections of Walworth
County that the Japanese Kikkoman soy
sauce company built a plant in Walworth to
brew and bottle its product.
Population: 522,838. White 491,746
(94%), Black 21,956 (4%). Spanish origin
13,173 0%). 18 and over 366,924 (70%), 65
and over 56,852 (11%). Median age: 29.
Reagan buildup was for new weapons systems
whose cost would not show up until later years.
Aspin said a substantial cutback in defense for
1983 would only interfere with badly needed
funds earmarked for personnel and mainte-
nance expenses. He singled out several "effi-
ciency" cuts that could be made at once, in
fields such as contract consulting and commis-
saries, but said those reductions would net only
about $1.4 billion a year.
Aspin also surprised some House liberals
with his initial skepticism toward a nuclear
freeze. He argued early in 1982 that a better
approach would be ratification of the SALT 11
treaty with the Soviet Union, which would not
only freeze weapons but reduce their number.
In addition, he said an immediate freeze would
deprive U.S. arms negotiators of a bargaining
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chip they might need in future talks with the
Soviets. But Aspin ended up voting for a freeze
on the House floor; he also opposed production
of the MX missile.
Aspin used some of his press release skills
in 1981 to promote the issue of contributions by
U.S. allies to the mutual defense cause. He
believes Japan and Western Europe ought to be
paying far more for their own defense. "The
money Japan and others save on defense," he
said, "is being used to whip us in the free
market that our defense is preserving for
them."
Meanwhile, Aspin was broadening his leg-
islative activity beyond the defense issue,
something he had been reluctant to do in
earlier terms. As a member of the Budget
Committee in 1981, he appeared interested in
moving beyond traditional New Deal ap-
proaches to economic policy. When Speaker
O'Neill seemed slow to appreciate the need for
such changes, Aspin issued a release charging
that the Speaker was "in a fog" and "has no
idea where to go."
In 1982 Aspin did some budget writing of
his own, joining with a bipartisan group to offer
a full-scale alternative not only to the budget
President Reagan favored but also to the House
Democratic leadership's spending plan. Aspin's
approach was to cut defense spending beyond
the levels of either competing budget, while
falling in between them in tax rates, domestic
spending and the overall deficit. The idea was
to split off a sizable moderate Republican vote,
but the effort failed. Aspin's budget drew only
29 Republican votes, and since most Democrats
preferred the leadership product, Aspin was
defeated, 137-289.
At Home: Aspin can carry on his crusade
against the Pentagon with impunity back
home; his district contains no military bases
and few defense contractors. "I am a product of
my constituency just as much as they are of
theirs," Aspin once said, referring to Pentagon
supporters whose districts are loaded with mili-
tary installations.
Aspin insists the voters of Racine and
Kenosha support his 'battles with the Defense
Department. But his continuing electoral suc-
cess probably has more to do with his local staff
work and efforts to revive the area's sagging
economy. He is the only Democrat ever to be
elected to more than one term from the 1st
District.
When the 1970 campaign year began, few
would have predicted such success for a Mar-
quette University economics professor who had
just moved into the district. Aspin's academic
credentials were impressive, and he had been
active in statewide politics, but his ties to the
district were few.
Two years earlier he had been signed up by
the White House to head President Johnson's
re-election effort in Wisconsin. When that ef-
fort evaporated just before the state's primary,
Aspin switched to Robert F. Kennedy's cam-
paign. That September Aspin was defeated in
his first try at elective office, losing the Demo-
cratic primary for state treasurer.
Shortly afterward, he moved his family
into the 1st District and became the district's
Democratic chairman. The 1970 House election
looked promising for an eager challenger be-
cause the incumbent Republican, Henry C.
Schadeberg, had won his last two elections with
just 51 percent of the vote.
To get at Schadeberg, Aspin first had to
defeat former Democratic Rep. Gerald T.
Flynn and chemistry Professor Douglas
LaFollette in the primary. Flynn posed a slight
problem. But LaFollette appealed to the same
liberal constituency as Aspin and had a more
attractive name - he was a distant relative of
the state's legendary governor and U.S. sena-
tor, Robert LaFollette. Aspin appeared to lose
the primary but demanded a recount and won
by 20 votes.
The general election offered a clear philo-
sophical choice. Schadeberg emphasized a "re-
turn to America's heritage of order, discipline
and hard work." Aspin appealed to peace and
ecology groups and, when talking with the
larger middle-class segment of the electorate,
stressed the need to reduce unemployment in
the district. With substantial contributions
from organized labor and a well-run campaign,
Aspin retired Schadeberg by winning 61 per-
cent.
Two years later Aspin ran against Republi-
can Merrill Stalbaum, whose brother had once
held the district as a Democrat. Stalbaum
called Aspin a "phony environmentalist" and
attacked his campaign against the Pentagon.
But by then, the Democratic incumbent had
solidified his support. He won easily.
The 1978 campaign was Aspin's worst po-
litical experience of the decade. Some $27.000
in campaign contributions disappeared, stolen
by his campaign chairman, who later confessed
he took it. And Republican William Petrie,
whom Aspin had beaten easily two years be-
fore, waged a surprisingly strenuous campaign,
coming within 13,000 votes of defeating him -
closer than any previous challenger.
The election in 1980 turned out not to be
so harrowing. Petrie refused to run for a third
time without a pre-primary endorsement from
the GOP, and when he bowed out, the Republi-
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Los Aspin, D-Wis.
can nomination went to a surprise primary
winner, Kathryn H. Canary. For the second
consecutive election, Aspin lost the rural area,
but his vote in Racine and Kenosha improved,
and his margin was up to 30,000 votes.
Committees
Armed Services (7th of 28 Democrats)
Military Personnel and Compensation (chairman), Investiga-
tions
Budget (8th of 20 Democrats)
Task Forces: Economic Policy and Growth (chairman); Budget
Process; Capital Resources and Development; Tax Policy.
1982 General
Les Aspin (D) 95,055 (61%)
Peter Jannson (R) 59,309 (38%)
1990 General
Les Aspin (D) 126,222 (56%)
Kathryn Canary (R) 96.047 (43%)
Previous Winning Percentages: 1978 (54%) 1978 (65%)
1974 (71%) 1972 (64%) 1970 (61%)
District Vote For President
1910 1976
D 98,916 (42%) D 107,718 (48%)
R 117,710 (50%) R 108,964 (49%)
1 16,478 ( 7%)
Campaign Finance
1992
Receipts
Receipts
from PACs
Expend-
itures
Aspin (D)
$184,394
$77,947
(42%)
$170,837
Jannson(R)
$115,175
$18,575
(16%)
$114,161
1910
Aspin (D)
$149,455
$59,985
(40%)
$152,364
Canary (R)
$75,866
$18,200
(24%)
$75,766
In 1982, with Democrats strong throughout
Wisconsin, and the defense establishment
newly suspect, Aspin had little to worry about.
His vote moved above 60 percent for the first
time since 1976.
Voting Studies
Presidential Party Conservative
Support unity Coalition
Year S 0 S 0 S
1982 42 48 77 15 41
1981 26 67 80 11 25
1980 82 13 85 9 21
1979 77 20 81 14 26
1978 81 12 84 10 11
1977 68 20 80 8 12
1976 29 59 80 8 13
1975 38 57 79 11 13
1974 (Ford) 39 43
1974 42 53 78 13 7
1973 24 65 84 9 7
1972 46 43 83 11 13
1971 35 58 84 10 3
S - Support 0 - Opposition
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981)
Legal services reauthorization (1981)
Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981)
Index income taxes (1981)
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982)
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982)
Delete MX funding (1982)
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982)
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983)
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS
1982 as 30 90 24
1981 75 17 86 7
1990 67 25 65 61
1979 74 13 75 22
1979 60 12 85 28
1977 70 4 71 18
197$ 75 8 81 23
1975 95 23 91 7
1974 96 7 100 25
1973 88 12 90 27
1972 94 0 82 10
1971 86 11 83
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8Ronald V. Dellums (D)
Of Oakland - Elected 1970
Born: Nov. 24, 1935, Oakland, Calif.
Education: San Francisco State U., B.A. 1960; U. of
Calif., Berkeley, M.S.W. 1962.
Military Career. Marine Corps, 1954-56.
Occupation: Psychiatric social worker.
Family: Wife, Leola Higgs; three children.
Religion: Protestant.
Political Career. Berkeley City Council, 1967-71.
Capitol Office: 2136 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-2661.
In Washington: Dellums has expressed
the outrage of the left for more than a decade
in the House, offering visions of world peace
and charges of racism while presenting a per-
sonal image of elegance and high fashion. His
late-'60s rhetoric often sounds out of place in
the early '80s, but he still offers it the way he
lid in the beginning: with a great deal of vigor,
flashes of eloquence and a casual disregard for
orderly procedure. It is the oratorical flourishes
of the floor that have attracted him, rather
than the tedious work of committee business.
In his first year on Capitol Hill, Dellums
ignored the niceties of congressional politics
and staged his own "unofficial" hearings into
charges of atrocities in Vietnam and racism in
the military. He was not yet a member of the
Armed Services Committee, but he blithely
challenged its old pro-war leadership. He made
it as a committee member in 1973, and he has
.-.been the angriest outsider at Armed Services
ever since.
In 1982, when the committee refused to
pay for a visit to Cuba Dellums wanted to
make, he went anyway, paid for the trip himself
and obtained an interview with Fidel Castro.
He did not report publicly on what Castro told
him. Later in the year, Dellums joined as a
plaintiff in a suit accusing the U.S. government
of violating the, War Powers Act by sending
military personnel to El Salvador.
By .the start of the 98th Congress, Dellums
had 10 years of committee seniority, easily
enough to qualify for a subcommittee chair-
manship. The Armed Services leadership had
no way of denying him one, but it did keep him
away from the sensitive Investigations panel,
which was vacant at the time. Conservative
Democrat Bill Nichols of Alabama, who was
senior to Dellums, moved over to Investiga-
tions. Dellums became chairman of the Mili-
tary Installations Subcommittee.
Every year, Dellums makes a futile but
flamboyant effort to cut the defense authoriza.
tion. He does this emotionally and at enormous
length, repeatedly exceeding his allotted time
but obtaining unanimous consent to go on. He
always puts on an impressive show.
In 1982 it was a better show than ever.
Perhaps inspired by the growing nuclear freeze
movement, Dellums presented his case in more
detail and more effectively than he had in the
past. He went far beyond his usual amendment
to eliminate funding for the MX missile, pre-
senting a substitute for the entire defense au-
thorization his committee had brought to the
floor.
Dellums' substitute defense bill would
have cut military spending by more than $50
billion for fiscal 1983, reducing U.S. troop
strength 5 percent and canceling not only the
MX but the Cruise, Trident and Pershing
nuclear missile programs. "Anyone believing we
can fight, survive and win a nuclear war,"
Dellums said, "is living in a never-never land."
His proposal drew only 55 votes, about a
third of them provided by the Black Caucus,
which supported Dellums as a bloc. But it
generated a debate on broader defense ques-
tions that has been rare in recent years on the
House floor.
Later in the year, when the House consid-
ered a nuclear freeze resolution, Dellums all
but accused colleagues of hypocrisy. "How can
you vote for a quarter-of-a-trillion-dollar mili-
tary budget that brings us close to the brink of
nuclear disaster," he said, "and then vote for a
piece of paper and assume you have saved the
planet from destruction?"
Speeches and amendments are the core of
Dellums' participation on Armed Services mat-
ters. Badly outnumbered at the committee, he
has never played an effective role in its delib-
erations.
Dellums' speeches on social issues are
114
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Ronald V. Dollums, D-Co/N.
California 8
The Black Panther Party, the "free-
speech movement" and the Symbionese
Liberation Army all were born within this
district, a mixture of poverty and intellec-
tual ferment. The East Bay cities of Oak-
land and Berkeley cast about 60 percent of
the vote and form the economic, philosophi-
cal and political base. To many of the left-
wing activists who live and work in this
area, the term "liberal" has long been con-
sidered pejorative.
The enormous University of California
campus in Berkeley has provided an active
political force in the area for decades, al-
though in recent years it has been far less
vocal than in the 1960s and early 1970s. It
has been augmented by thousands of loyally
Democratic black voters in Oakland, Berke-
ley's larger neighbor to the south. Oakland,
47 percent black, is one of the poorest cities
a
1~
t
-...y at adlan Alameda
in the state.
The 8th was expanded in redistricting
to include some of the poorest black and
Hispanic sections of Oakland, near the Ala-
meda County Coliseum and the Oakland
International Airport. The only part of the
city not now included in the 8th District is
an integrated middle-class area placed in
the 9th.
The district also was pushed farther
into the upper-class conservative areas of
Contra Cost
C
h
studded with references to "brothers and sis-
ters" and pleas for the unity of minority groups
in America: "I hear you scream in outrage and
despair and as a black man I understand out-
rage and despair...."
He has urged protest politics by the disad-
vantaged of all kinds: "America is a nation of
niggers. If you're black, you're a nigger. If
you're an amputee, you're a nigger. Blind peo-
ple, the handicapped, radical environmental-
ists, poor whites, those too far to the left are all
niggers."
In 1979 Dellums acquired a new forum -
the chairmanship of the District of Columbia
Committee. That panel no longer dominates
D.C. affairs as it once did, but it still has some
leverage over the city's politics and its chair-
man attracts valuable attention in the local
media. Upon becoming chairman, Dellums laid
out an agenda aimed at eventual full autonomy
Northern Alameda County -
Oakland; Berkeley
County. The Lafayette-Moraga section of
Contra Costa County has never given Del-
lums more than 40 percent of the vote; the
San Ramon Valley communities newly
added will not support him with any greater
enthusiasm.
But even with the changes in the dis-
trict lines, more than 70 percent of the vote
still comes from the Alameda County por-
tion of the 8th. Alameda was one of only five
counties that Gov. Edmund G. Brown Jr.
carried in his unsuccessful 1982 Senate bid.
Of the four redrawn East Bay congressional
districts, the 8th was the only one Jimmy
Carter carried in his 1980 presidential cam-
paign.
The 8th also is fertile ground for candi-
dates claiming to present alternatives to the
two-party system. Third party candidates
John B. Anderson and Barry Commoner
took a combined 15 percent of the vote in
the district - the highest in the Bay Area
outside of San Francisco. In Berkeley, An-
derson and Commoner together outpolled
Ronald Reagan by 10,400 votes to 7,900.
Population: 525,927. White 318,239
(61%). Black 139,571 (27%), Asian and
Pacific Islander 43,116 (8%). Spanish origin
34,375 (7%). 18 and over 409,493 (78%), 65
and over 63,994 (12%). Median age: 32.
for the city. It included federal payments to
help meet the District's huge pension liability,
authority for city officials to impose a com-
muter tax on suburbanites who work in the
District and an end to congressional review of
the D.C. budget.
Those ideas are no closer to enactment
than they were in 1979, but Dellums continues
to be a forceful advocate on D.C. issues. In
1981, heavily pressured by New Right organiza-
tions, the House repealed a relatively permis-
sive city ordinance liberalizing the treatment
for some sexual offenses. Dellums said the
action proved that home rule was "a sham an&
a fraud."
Dellums' relations with other black House
members have sometimes been strained. He
served as vice chairman of the Congressional
Black Caucus, but was rejected for chairman of
the group in 1979 because some felt he was too
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militantly independent.
Such problems have never slowed Dellums
down or quenched his ambitions. The nation
could do worse, he has said, than to have him as
president or vice president. In 1976 he was
touted briefly for president by the National
Black Political Assembly. In 1980 he offered
himself to the Democratic National Convention
as a symbol of protest - a "desperate at-
tempt," " he said, to raise issues he thought
needed to be discussed.
At Home: Dellums was a social worker in
San Francisco, managing federally assisted
poverty programs, when friends convinced him
to pursue his ideas about poverty and discrimi-
nation by running for the Berkeley City Coun-
cil in 1967. He has won every race since.
He will never satisfy the conservative ele-
ments of his district, but he has always had
more than enough of a constituency to get
himself elected without them. In six elections,
Dellums has never won more than 40 percent of
the vote among his upper-income Contra Costa
County constituents. But in the much larger
Alameda County portion of the district, which
includes Berkeley and most of Oakland, he has
won well over 60 percent since 1974.
In 1970, when Dellums launched his pri-
mary challenge to six-term Democratic Rep.
Jeffery Cohelan, the East Bay region was in a
state of turmoil. Student protest over the war
in Vietnam was becoming increasingly violent
and the Black Panther movement was gaining
strength in Oakland's ghettos. Although his
credentials as a liberal were solid, Cohelan was
considered "old-fashioned" in his approach to
politics. Dellums, by contrast, was usually
descibed in the press as "angry and articulate"
or "radical and militant."
Dellums put together the coalition of
blacks, students and left-leaning intellectuals
that has been the core of his support ever since.
His major issue was Cohelan's tardiness in
opposing the Vietnam War. Dellums registered
nearly 15,000 new voters in the district and
easily ousted Cohelan with 55 percent of the
vote.
In the general election, attacks by Vice
President Spiro T. Agnew only brought out
more support for Dellums among the district's
Democrats, and he easily defeated a 25-year-
old political neophyte.
That victory ushered in a decade of politi-
cal quiet in the district. Dellums rarely encoun-
tered more than token opposition in either
party. But things changed after a little-noticed
Republican opponent held Dellums to 56 per-
cent in 1980.
Former bank president Claude B.
Hutchison Jr., the son of an ex-Berkeley mayor,
felt the 1980 vote showed that Dellums was
finally weakening. He launched a well-funded
effort to unseat Dellums in 1982, using former
business associates to help finance his cam-
paign and pulling in more than $250,000 from
donors eager to see Dellums retired. With sup-
port among Republicans virtually guaranteed,
Hutchison tried to win over moderate Demo-
crats, scarcely mentioning his GOP ties and
taking positions similar to Dellums in favor of
funding for public education and against tu-
ition tax credits for private schools.
Dellums fought back. Attacking "the mad-
ness of Reagan and Reaganomics," he drew on
an impressive array of national left support to
swamp Hutchison in raising funds. He nearly
doubled his opponent's receipts and put to-
gether an extensive direct-mail campaign.
In the end, the results were similar to those
of previous years - Hutchison easily won the
Contra Costa County portion of the district,
and Dellums just as handily made up the
deficit in Oakland and Berkeley. But
Hutchison's modest inroads among Democrats
may prompt a primary challenge to Dellums in
the future.
Dellums wanted to be a professional base-
ball pitcher when he grew up, but he has said
that encounters with racial prejudice spoiled
that dream, leaving him with little ambition
after high school. After two years in the Ma-
rines, he went to college with the help of the GI
Bill and six years later took a degree in psychi-
atric social work.
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1992 General
Ronald Dellums (D)
121,537
(56%)
Claude Hutchison (R)
95.694
(44%)
1192 Primary
Ronald Dellums (D)
67,613
(76%)
Andreas Vamis (D)
21,193
(24%)
1190 General
Ronald Dellums (D)
108,380
(56%)
Charles Hughes (RI
76.580
(39%)
Tom Mikurya(LIS)
10,465
( 5%)
Previous Winning Percentage.:
1971
(57%) 1975
(62%)
1974 (57%) 1972 (56%)
1970
(57%)
District Vote For President
1990
1979
D 116,652 (52%)
D 123,993 (59%)
R 74,370 (33%)
R 84.206 (40%)
1 23,973 (11%)
Interest Group Ratings
Committees
District of Columbia (chairman)
Fiscal Affairs and Health.
Armed Mrviooa (8th of 28 Democrats)
Military installations and Facilities (Chairman); RsesarCh and
Development.
Voting Studies
ADA
ACA
AFL-CIO
CCUS
85
0
95
18
95
10
80
0
100
23
89
36
95
4
95
6
95
8
95
19
95
19
66
12
100
11
87
0
100
11
95
24
96
7
90
0
92
11
91
0
88
9
100
10
97
11
83
0
Campaign Finance
Receipts
Receipts
from PACs
Espend-
Naves
192
Ddlums (D)
$958,080
$23,100
( 2%)
$922,427
Hutchison (R)
$565,998
$71,561
(13%)
$513,131
1980
Datums (D)
$356,661
$32,605
( 9%)
$312,378
Hughes(R)
$83,969
$7,400
(9%)
$83,423
Proddential
Support
Party
Unity
Conemou e
Coalition
Year
a
0
S
0
S
0
11992
17
81
90
5
4
96
11991
21
66
93
6
8
87
1990
61
30
79
10
8
84
1979
72
17
83
5
1
89
1979
76
17
93
6
5
86
1977
73
25
85
10
5
90
Mn
24
73
86
9
8
85
1975
30
70
87
8
5
91
1974 (Ford)
35
61
11974
32
57
84
6
1
87
1973
23
72
86
9
6
91
1972
49
49
88
7
2
91
1971
14
74
82
9
2
87
S - Support
0
- Opposition
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981) N
Legal services reauthorization (1981) Y
Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y
Index income taxes (1981) N
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) N
Delete MX funding (1982) Y
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) N
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) Y
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]. Patricia Schroeder (D
Of Denver - Elected 1972
Born: July 30, 1940, Portland, Ore.
Education: U. of Minn., B.A. 1961; Harvard U., J.D.
1964.
Occupation: Lawyer; law instructor.
Family: Husband, James Schroeder; two children.
Religion: Congregationalist.
Political Career. No previous office.
Capitol Office: 2410 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-4431.
In Washington: Schroeder came to town
riding the waves of the New Politics and has
remained to stake her claim to the fruits of the
Old Politics - seniority, a safe seat and a
subcommittee chairmanship.
Along the way she has been outrageous and
outspoken, a political gadfly with a sharp irrev-
erence and a sense of humor that some find
refreshing and others find annoying.
Schroeder's good looks and coquettish
manner have sometimes made it difficult for
her to prove herself to older male colleagues.
And that has made her angry. She has always
demanded to be judged on her credentials as a
Harvard-trained lawyer and on her accomplish-
ments in the House. But that effort has been
undermined somewhat by her frequent tempta-
tion to make fun of the entire process, even at
the risk of seeming a little goofy.
It was Schroeder who staged a "sit-in"
with a colleague to protest closed-door confer-
ence sessions on defense spending, and Schroe-
der who wore a rabbit suit during an Armed
Services trip to China at Eastertime and
handed out jelly beans and candy eggs to the
startled Chinese. In 1981 it was Schroeder who
proposed on the House floor, in a mock assault
on Ronald Reagan, that no president should be
allowed to seek congressional votes by handing
out cufflinks or hosting barbecues. Schroeder
tried to withdraw the amendment, explaining
that it was meant as a joke, but Republicans
blocked her, and the amendment was shouted
down.
When she arrived in Washington in 1973,
Schroeder asked for and received assignment to
the Armed Services Committee. She wanted to
protest the war in Vietnam and the pro-mili-
tary thinking that dominated defense spending
decisions in Congress.
She joined a small band of doves on the
committee who wanted to influence it in their
direction, but who over the years have failed to
do much more than offer dissenting views to
the majority decisions.
In 1980 she was one of three dissenters as
Armed Services recommended a $53.1 billion
weapons procurement bill. "The military bud-
get has become the tool of vested economic
interests," she said. The following year, she
tried unsuccessfully to cut a $136 billion de-
fense authorization by $8 billion. "That $8
billion barely registers on the scale," Schroeder
said. "It is just a little teeny bit."
In 1982 she argued for a 5 percent reduc-
tion in defense appropriations. The House,
responding to increased skepticism about mili-
tary spending, agreed to cut 1 percent. Another
Schroeder amendment that year would have
cut in half U.S. troop commitments abroad by
1986. Seen as drastic even by many Pentagon
critics, it drew 87 votes.
Schroeder also has fought the draft. In
1979, when Armed Services wrote a bill provid-
ing for a registration system for 18-year-olds,
she offered a floor amendment to take the
provision out and won decisively. The next
year, however, President Carter endorsed a
similar system himself. Schroeder remained
opposed to it, but it passed the House and
became law.
If Schroeder remains a dissenter on the
major military questions, however, she has had
some victories on smaller ones. She persuaded
the House to agree to language directing the
president at least to identify $8 billion in
possible targets for defense savings. And she
helped promote the proposal of Demociatic
Sen. Sam Nunn of Georgia to force the Penta-
gon to report weapons cost overruns on a
regular basis.
Given her minority position on Armed
Services, however, she has been able to accom-
plish more at the Post Office and Civil Service
Committee, normally a secondary assignment
but one she has seized on to pursue subjects
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Colorado 1
The 1st District, home to virtually all of
Denver's half-million residents, is one of the
few Democratic congressional strongholds
in the Rocky Mountain region. Hispanics
and blacks together comprise about one-
third of the district population, and there is
a strong liberal white-collar element.
A heavy Democratic vote in Denver
often bails out the party's statewide candi-
dates. In 1980 Sen. Gary Hart won the city
by 50,000 votes, allowing him to lose the rest
of the state by more than 30,000 and still
survive.
But with Denver's highly mobile popu-
lation and the historic absence of a political
machine, party roots are not deep and Dem-
ocratic majorities are not always reliable.
No Democratic presidential candidate has
drawn more than 50 percent of the Denver
vote since 1964. Ronald Reagan captured
the city in 1980.
Unlike its sprawling suburbs, Denver
has ceased growing - it lost 4.5 percent of
its population in the 1970s, partly because
middle-class families sought to escape the
impact of a federal court busing order that
applied within the city limits. But Denver's
commercial importance increased during
the decade as regional energy operations
joined federal government agencies in cen-
tralizing Rocky Mountain business affairs
there.
Despite its scenic locale and casual,
attractive lifestyle, Denver has serious prob-
lems. It is bedeviled by racial tensions, a
that interest her.
She now is chairman of the Civil Service
Subcommittee. Government employee prob-
lems are important to her home district -
Denver is the regional headquarters for many
federal agencies. She has held hearings on
racial bias in civil service exams and the exces-
sive use of consultants on federal projects. She
was a militant critic of Reagan administration
efforts to cut back federal retirees' cost-of-
living allowances.
But when it comes to denouncing the ex-
cesses of the federal bureaucracy, Schroeder
has come to sound a little bit like conservatives
on the other side of the aisle, and this has
alienated some of the liberal pressure groups
substantial crime rate, serious air pollution
and chronic water shortages.
Republican strength is concentrated in
the middle- and upper-income neighbor-
hoods of southeast Denver. Farther in that
direction are newer subdivisions built in the
hills along the Valley Highway (Interstate
25). Republicans also draw some votes
downtown, where condominiums have
mushroomed in the vicinity of Civil War-era
Larimer Square.
Other parts of the city are reliably
Democratic. Capitol Hills, perched on the
eastern fringe of the downtown area, is
home to a mixed population of students,
young professionals and senior citizens. To
the east and north are heavily black neigh-
borhoods. Westward on the hills beyond the
stockyards and the South Platte River live
most of the city's Hispanics. The 1st also
includes about 6,000 residents who live in
Arapahoe County enclaves found within the
Denver city limits. The major one is Glen-
dale, a small community of shopping cen-
ters, office buildings and faddish bars and
discos.
Population: 481,672. White 357,775
(74%), Black 59,330 (12%), %merican In-
dian, Eskimo and Aleut 3,84:, (1%), Asian
and Pacific Islander 7,000 (2%). Spanish
origin 91,194 (19%). 18 and over 373,579
(78%), 65 and over 61,524 (13%). Median
age: 30.
that backed her initially. She has been de-
nounced regularly by consumer activist Ralph
Nader for her refusal to back legislation creat-
ing an independent consumer protection
agency.
One of Schroeder's achievements on the
committee was a law to liberalize pension rights
of foreign service spouses. She has broadened
that effort to argue for pension rights for di-
vorced spouses of military personnel. The
Armed Services Committee opposed liberaliz-
ing military pension rules in that way, but
Schroeder defeated the committee leaders on
the floor in 1981 and won her point.
Like most female members elected to Con-
gress in the 1970s, she pursues the women's
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_fflw
rights issue on all her committees and on the
House floor. When the Army wanted to slow
down its increase in the recruitment of women
in order to study the impact of the previous
generation of recruits, she tried to stop it with a
floor amendment. When the Equal Rights
Amendment died in mid-1982, she was among
the first to reintroduce it and claimed that "a
phenomenal, nationwide grass-roots movement
will be behind it."
In the 97th Congress, she took a new
legislative assignment, at the Judiciary Com-
mittee, where she helps the committee and
House leadership fight anti-abortion bills. She
co-chairs the Congressional Caucus for Wom-
en's Issues, which now includes men among its
85 members.
Schroeder also spent much of the 97th
Congress arguing against increased pay and
benefits for her colleagues - which did not
endear her to many of them.
When the House quietly passed a bill in
1981 granting members an automatic $75-a-day
tax deduction for their living expenses in
Washington, Schroeder led the fight to repeal
it. She was on the right side politically; by the
following spring, the public outcry against the
legislation was so great that her move was
virtually guaranteed success. She offered a mo-
tion on the House floor to accept a Senate-
passed repeal, and it carried by 356-43.
A few months later, though, Alaska Sen.
Ted Stevens secured passage of a plan to allow
a federal commission to recommend a salary
increase shortly after the 1982 elections.
Schroeder fought that as well, arguing that if
the performance of past commissions held true,
members might be given a politically embar-
rassing raise of more than $30,000 a year.
By then, some angry colleagues were
charging that not everyone was in Schroeder's
personal situation - married to a successful
lawyer with a considerable income of his own.
"I haven't seen any of these guys selling apples
on the street corner," Schroeder responded.
The commission idea fell through, but House
members did vote themselves an annual raise
of more than $9,000 shortly after the elections.
At Home: Schroeder was in the vanguard
of the Democratic resurgence in Colorado in
Colorado - 1s? Distrkr
the early 1970s, scoring upset victories in the
1972 primary and general election to wrest the
Denver House seat from Republican control.
Although she had been a practicing attor-
ney and women's rights activist, Schroeder was
a political neophyte at the time. She was en-
couraged to make the race by her lawyer hus-
band, who had unsuccessfully sought a state
House seat himself in 1970.
Cultivating support from liberals in Den-
ver and feminists and environmentalists at the
national level, Schroeder put together an effec-
tive grass-roots organization. She drew 55 per-
cent of the vote against state Senate Minority
Leader Arch Decker in the primary, and 52
percent in the general election to oust one-term
GOP Rep. James "Mike" McKevitt. McKevitt
had been (and still is) the only Republican
winner in the 1st District since 1950.
The GOP has fielded a variety of candi-
dates against Schroeder since 1972 - an anti-
busing leader, a veteran state legislator, a
wealthy political newcomer, a woman school
board member and a prominent ex-Democrat.
The legislator, state Rep. Don Friedman,
came the closest, in 1976. Friedman sharply
criticized the incumbent's liberal voting record
and put together a campaign treasury that
exceeded Schroeder's. He held her to 53 per-
cent of the vote.
Since then, the Republican threat has sub-
sided. Redistricting and population changes
have tilted the district toward minority voters,
and Schroeder has been able to draw on a
coalition of liberals, young professionals, blacks
and Hispanics.
Her political career came full circle in 1982
when she faced Decker, her primary opponent
in her first campaign 10 years earlier. Decker
had left the- Legislature and switched parties,
but he had no better luck running against
Schroeder as a Republican.
The dean of Colorado's congressional dele-
gation, Schroeder has been mentioned as a
possible Senate candidate against Republican
incumbent William L. Armstrong in 1984. But
although she has indicated interest in the race,
she has expressed doubts that she could raise
the money needed to offer a successful chal-
lenge.
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Committees
Armed Seryoss (9th of 29 Democrats)
Military Personnel and Compensation; Research and Develop-
mont.
Judida., (11th 0120 Democrats)
Civil and Constitutional Rights: Courts, Civil Liberties and Ad-
ministration of Justice.
Poet Office and Gill Make (4th of 15 Democrats)
Civil Service (chairman).
Mtect Ch$drsn, Youth sad Pamlks (3rd of 16 Democrats).
1662 General
Patricia Schroeder (D)
94,969
(60%)
Arch Decker (R)
59,009
(37%)
no General
Patricia Schroeder (D)
107,364
(60%)
Naomi Bradford (R)
67,804
(38%)
Previous Wining Percentegas:
1976
(62%) 1916
(53%)
1174 (59%) 1112 (521/6)
District Vole For President
1189 1976
D 81,640 (42%) D 101,957 (48%)
R 81,196 (41%) R 101,458 (48%)
1 27,128 (14%)
Campaign Finance
k Eapand-
Receipts from PACs Nurse
1562
Schroeder (D)
$247,396
$87,691
(35%)
$205,871
Decker (R)
$268,518
$20,404
( 6%)
$267,179
1580
Schroeder(D)
$180,788
$55,650
(31%)
$181,299
Bradford(R)
$138,522
$40,109
(29%)
$129,243
Voting Studies
sow U ry Ceeltiion
Year 8 0 $ 0 8 0
1662 29 65 75 19 16 82
1881 29 70 76 21 12 85
120 59 34t 53 36t 30 801
1979 61 34 60 34 33 62
197$ 68 27 75 23 19 81
1871 65 35 75 24 19 81
1976 27 71 76 21 24 73
1675 31 67 76 22 24 74
1674 (Ford) 31 54
1974 40 60 80 9 7 89
1873 29 71 87 11 5 90
S - Support 0 - Opposition
7Nor .Ugibk for all recorded votes.
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981) N
Legal services reauthorization (1981) y
Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) y
Index income taxes (1981) N
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) y
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) N
Delete MX funding (1982) y
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) y
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) y
Interest Group Ratings
ADA
ACA
AFL-CIO
CCUS
90
9
94
25
95
26
80
6
94
25
56
55
79
42
65
35
85
37
85
33
90
22
65
35
65
22
65*
25
84
25
77
18
96
7
91
0
96
20
91
14
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6Beverly B. Byron (D)
Of Frederick - Elected 1978
Born: July 27, 1932, Baltimore, Md.
Education: Attended Hood College, 1963-64.
Occupation: Civic leader.
Family: Widow of Rep. Goodloe Byron; three children.
Religion: Episcopalian.
Political Career. No previous office.
Capitol Office: 1216 Longworth Bldg. 20515; 225-2721.
In Washington: Like her late husband
Goodloe, whom she succeeded, Beverly Byron
is one of the most conservative Northern Dem-
ocrats, voting with Republicans as often as with
her own party. Her record is not a carbon copy
of his; when Democratic leaders issue an appeal
for party loyalty on a close vote in the House,
she is a little more likely to go along than he
was. But the difference is not dramatic. She
was one of only nine Democrats to side with
President Reagan on five key economic votes in
1981 and 1982.
Byron challenged Reagan in 1982, how-
ever, by offering an amendment with Nicholas
Mavroules, D-Mass., to eliminate funds for
producing the first nine MX missiles. The
effort failed by three votes. Byron insisted she
was in favor of the missile, but thought it
wasteful to spend $1.14 billion to build them
before deciding where to base them. A later
House vote endorsed her view.
Ordinarily, though, Byron supports de-
fense spending. She took her husband's place
on Armed Services when she arrived in 1979
and worked hard to learn the ropes (even test
flying a half-dozen new planes). She has
pressed for additional funds for a new anti-
tank fighter, the A10, which is assembled at
Hagerstown, in her district, and also has be-
come interested in preserving the Army's vet-
erinarian corps, which has been involved in
chemical warfare research in Fort Detrick, Md.
Byron had two significant floor amend-
ments adopted in her first term. One banned
the Occupational Safety and Health Adminis-
tration (OSHA) from inspecting a workplace if
a state health and safety inspector had visited
the same business within the previous six
months. Byron argued that small businesses
frequently are caught in a squeeze between
state and federal inspectors. The other banned
routine OSHA inspections in businesses with
fewer than 10 employees in "safe" industries.
At Home: Family history repeated itself in
1978 when Byron won her husband's House
seat after his death shortly before the election.
In 1941 Goodloe Byron's father, U.S. Rep.
William D. Byron, was killed in an airplane
crash. The elder Byron's widow won the elec-
tion that year to fill out his term.
Goodloe Byron, who had a heart condition
but was a physical fitness buff, collapsed while
jogging along the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal
near Washington. He was 49 years old. District
Democratic leaders instantly offered Beverly
Byron the nomination and she accepted it
within 24 hours.
The daughter of a wartime naval aide to
Gen. Dwight Eisenhower, Mrs. Byron met her
husband while she was in high school. She got
into politics when he first ran for the Maryland
House of Delegates in 1962 because, she said,
"it meant I either stayed at home by myself or
joined him." In addition to helping organize
Byron's campaigns, she shared his interest in
physical fitness and the national park system.
Winning the 1978 election posed little
problem for her. Republican officials had not
offered an opponent against her husband, let-
ting a perennial office-seeker, Melvin Perkins,
win the GOP line. A self-described pauper,
Perkins spent part of the fall campaign in jail
in Baltimore County, where he had been
charged with assaulting a woman bus driver.
Mrs. Byron won by nearly 9-to-1.
Two years later, Byron's constituent work
and conservative voting record proved effective
in defusing serious opposition. She triumphed
easily over a lackluster primary field, and in the
general election registered a landslide victory
over her conservative Republican challenger,
state Rep. Raymond E. Beck.
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1111.v rly B. Byron, D-Md.
Maryland 6
Stretching from the Baltimore and
Washington suburbs over rolling farm land
to the Appalachian Mountains, this elon-
gated district is lopsidedly Democratic by
registration. But in most elections, it dis-
plays a Republican voting pattern that its
population growth has reinforced. Ronald
Reagan rolled up a 58-percent share of the
vote there in 1980, his best in the state.
Most of the growth during the 1970s
occurred in the district's outer suburban
belt in Howard, Frederick and Carroll coun-
ties. So many people moved to those coun-
ties that the 6th was overpopulated by more
than 100,000 for redistricting.
The major town in the part of the
district closest to Baltimore and Washing-
ton is Frederick, an 18th century museum
piece that has begun to arrest its economic
decline by courting a new identity as a
restaurant and boutique center.
Just east of Frederick, Baltimore's sub-
urban sprawl has moved out Interstate 70
West - Hagerstown;
Cumberland
into Carroll County, bringing a surge of
subdivisions to once sleepy towns. Growth
was less brisk in Washington County on
Frederick's western border, where blue-col-
lar Hagerstown has been troubled by reces-
sion. The A-10 fighter plane, perennially
under fire from budget cutters, is made in
Hagerstown's Fairchild-Republic defense
plant.
Economic woes also beset Allegany
County in the Appalachian foothills, the
only county in the district that lost popula-
tion in the 1970s. Much of the loss came in
the manufacturing city of Cumberland,
which industry has been leaving. Employ-
ment has plummeted at the Celanese textile
fiber factory on which the city depends.
Population: 528,168. White 502,767
(95%), Black 19,829 (4%). Spanish origin
3,983 (1%). 18 and over 376,405 (71%), 65
and over 54,034 (10%). Median age: 31.
Committees
Armed Services (12th of 28 Democrats)
Military Personnel and Compensation; Procurement and Mili-
tary Nuclear Systems.
Interior and Insular Affairs (16th of 25 Democrats)
Mining, Forest Management and Bonneville Power Administra-
tion; Public Lands and National Parks.
Select Aging (15th of 38 Democrats)
Housing and Consumer Interests.
Elections
1952 General
Beverly Byron (D)
102,596
(74%)
Roscoe Bartlett (R)
35,321
(26%)
1182 Primary
Beverly Byron (D)
35,110
(74%)
William McMahon (D)
11,506
(24%)
1950 General
Beverly Byron (D)
146,101
(70%)
Raymond Beck (R)
62,913
(30%)
Previous Winning Percentage:
1m
(90%)
District Vote For Preddent
1110 1m
D 64.800 (35%) D 71.206 (44%)
R 108,821(58%) R 91,657 (56%)
11,696 ( 6%)
Campaign Finance
1112 Receipts from PACs hurn
- C
Byron (D) $152,612 $76,275 (50%) $116,412
Bartlett (R)
11180
Byron(D) $171,170 $69,665 (41%) $163,168
Beck (R) $76,819 $8,300 (11%) $76,816
Voting Studies
Presidential Party Conservative
Support Unity Coalition
Year 8 0 a 0 s 0
1912 56 40 44 49 79 15
1951 62 33 38 56 93 4
1950 55 41 41 53 83 13
1979 40 55 40 58 85 10
S - Support O - Opposition
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981) Y
Legal services reauthorization (1981) Y
Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y
Index income taxes (1981) Y
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Y
Delete MX funding (1982) y
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) Y
Adopt nuclearheeze(1983) N
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCU$
1952 30 50 45 52
1951 15 62 50 65
1950 22 65 32 73
1m 16 58 45 78
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6 Nicholas Mavroules (D
of Peabody - Elected 1978
Born: Nov. 1, 1929, Peabody, Mass.
Education: Attended M.I.T., 1949-50.
Occupation: Personnel supervisor.
Family: Wife, Mary Silva; three children.
Religion: Greek Orthodox.
political Career. Peabody City Council, 1958-61 and
1964-65; mayor of Peabody, 1968-79; unsuccessful
candidate for Peabody City Council, 1955; unsuc-
cessful candidate for mayor of Peabody, 1961.
Capitol Office: 1204 Longworth Bldg. 20515; 225-8020.
In Washington: The "team player" in-
stincts that Mavroules learned as a minor
league shortstop and small-town Massachusetts
mayor helped him adjust to life in Congress in
1979, when Speaker O'Neill asked him to take a
place on the Armed Services Committee.
Massachusetts wanted representation on
the committee to protect its defense contract-
ing interests, and Mavroules drew the assign-
ment. It was not his first choice, but he ac-
cepted it with the cooperative spirit of a man
who plays by the rules.
In his second term, though, after enduring
some complaints at home that he was too pliant
a leadership loyalist, Mavroules began striking
out on his own. During debate on the 1983
defense authorization bill, he led the opposition
to the MX missile, and came within three votes
of winning on the House floor. After the 1982
elections, MX critics got another chance on a
defense appropriations bill. Mavroules helped
New York Democrat Joseph P. Addabbo win
victory for his amendment deleting funding for
production of the missile.
That effort fit in well with the cost-con-
scious approach Mavroules had already been
taking as a member of the Armed Services
Committee. "The MX program as it exists
now," he said, "represents a 'build first, justify
later' mentality this nation can no longer af-
ford." Earlier he had opposed a $1.5 billion
across-the-board increase in defense outlays in
the 1983 budget resolution, saying it is "terri-
bly, terribly irresponsible" to spend money
before knowing where it' is to go.
Mavroules is an old-style Massachusetts
politician. He looks after constituents person-
ally and spends much of his week back home,
where he holds office hours on Mondays and
Fridays.
He has been able to use his Armed Services
seat to benefit his district's largest defense
contractor, General Electric, whose plant in
Lynn makes engines for the Navy's F-18 attack
fighters. Mavroules backed funding for that
plane in a House floor vote the same day he
fought to cut funding for the MX. He also
pushed through a bill directing the Defense
Department to use more renewable energy
technologies, including solar energy. The city of
Beverly, in his district, has been the site of a
photovoltaic demonstration project.
Mavroules survived a brush with scandal
in 1979 that dates back to his days as mayor of
Peabody. An FBI informer claimed he had
given Mavroules a $25,000 bribe to clear away
legal obstacles to a restaurant liquor license.
Federal prosecutors investigated the allega-
tions, however, and found nothing to them.
At Home: Mavroules' 58 percent of the
vote in 1982 was the lowest of any re-elected
House member from Massachusetts. But it
represented a clear victory for him - the first
comfortable margin he had achieved in three
campaigns for Congress.
Running for a second term in 1980, Mav-
roules had demonstrated limited appeal be-
yond the old factory towns - Peabody, Salem
and Lynn - that were responsible for his
initial election. Only a 20,000-vote plurality in
those three cities allowed him to overcome a
strong Republican vote in 1980 along the more
conservative North Shore. But in 1982, running
against the same aggressive challenger, he per-
formed well enough throughout the district to
be able to win even without the votes from his
home base. 0
Mavroules is an old-fashioned urban-ori-
ented Democrat who has little in common with
the Yankee elite that populates so much of his
district. He learned his politics in Peabody's
City Hall, where he served a total of 16 years,
first on the City Council and later as mayor.
In 1978, Mavroules sensed that Democratic
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Massachusetts 6
The 6th offers chronically depressed
mill towns, workaday factory cities, com-
fortable suburbs, pockets of aristocratic
wealth and scenic ocean-front villages. Its
vote-heavy areas are at the southern end of
Essex County and are strongly Democratic.
But the district's strong 1980 vote for inde-
pendent John B. Anderson helped Ronald
Reagan carry the 6th, and Essex County as
a whole, with a plurality.
Lynn, historically a shoe-manufactur-
ing center but now home of a large General
Electric aircraft engine plant, has suffered a
13 percent population loss since 1970, but
remains the 6th's largest city. Lynn gave
Jimmy Carter only a 3,800-vote margin in
1980, about half the edge it had given con-
servative Democrat Edward J. King in the
1978 governor's race. Nearby Peabody, once
the largest leather-processing city in the
world, gave Carter a 600-vote edge in 1980,
also far less than King's margin. Similarly
Democratic is Salem, on the northern end of
this industrial tier.
North of Salem in Essex County, the
aristocratic Yankee tradition provides GOP
votes, but these regions now tend to favor
liberal Republicans. Suburban Wenham was
Rep. Michael J. Harrington had lost his rap-
port with working-class Democrats. There was
a feeling Harrington had spent too much of his
career on human rights in Chile rather than
unemployment in Lynn. So Mavroules entered
the primary.
Harrington, however, decided to retire
rather than fight for a fifth full term. Mavrou-
les went on to win the Democratic nomination
against a state representative from Lynn and
an Essex County commissioner who had Har-
rington's endorsement, but little else. Mavrou-
les' victory margin was nearly equal to the
plurality he won in his hometown of Peabody.
In the 1978 general election, Mavroules
faced William E. Bronson, a conservative air-
line pilot who was eager for a second try after
holding Harrington under 55 percent in 1976.
With stronger party backing, Bronson reduced
his 1976 deficit of 30,000 votes to fewer than
14,000. But the seat went to Mavroules.
Although Bronson wanted still another
chance in 1980, he lost the Republican primary
North Shore -
Lynn; Peabody
one of only three towns in the state where
Anderson outpolled Carter in 1980.
On the northern coast, maritime inter-
ests are central to Gloucester, home of the
Fisherman's Memorial landmark, and Rock-
port, a historic fishing village deluged with
tourists and artists in the summer. New-
buryport, whose 19th century clipper ship
economy gave way to light manufacturing, is
the "Yankee City" singled out for study by
sociologists in the 1920s. In the past decade
it has attracted some emigrants from urban
areas and was one of the few Bay State
cities to grow, albeit slowly, during the
1970s.
Haverhill, on the New Hampshire bor-
der, won the dubious distinction in a 1981
survey of being the nation's metropolitan
area with the least desirable "quality of
life." The town's economic base in the shoe
industry has long since disappeared and
there has been no comparable successor.
Population: 518,841. White 508,101
(98%), Black 5,084 (1%). Spanish origin
5,898 (1%). 18 and over 383,191 (74%), 65
and over 68,157 (13%). Median age: 33.
narrowly to Tom Trimarco, a moderate lawyer
with Italian ethnic support. Viewed as the
strongest candidate Republicans had put up in
a decade, Trimarco worked hard to tie Mavrou-
les to the Carter administration. The incum-
bent survived, but by only 8,200 votes.
Trimarco decided to try again in 1982, and
he put together a better-funded and more sol-
idly organized campaign than his first. He
geared his pitch to the blue-collar cities that
had helped Mavroules hang on in 1980.
Trimarco stressed his working-class origins and
tried to put some distance between himself and
the Reagan administration.
But Mavroules was stronger than before.
His work in the House against the?MX missile
system had helped him shake his reputation as
an old-fashioned party loyalist who initiated
little on his own. He also used GOP economlk
policies effectively against Trimarco, winning
back Democrats who had defected or sat out
the 1980 election. His showing seemed to signal
the end of his days as a shaky incumbent.
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Massachusetts - 6th District
1112 gruel
Middles Mavroules (D) 117,723 (58%)
Thomas Trimarco (R) 85,849 (42%)
1112 ternary
Nicholas Mavroules (D) 75,788 (79%)
James Carritte (D) 20,025 (20%)
ISO general
Nicholas Mavroules (D)
Thomas Trimarco (R)
111,393 (51%)-
103,192 (47%)
Mviow Winning 106109 : tage,19M (54%)
District Vote For Preebdent
1910 1976
0 94,549 (38%) 0 132,384 (53%)
It 109,933 (44%) R 109,094 (44%)
1 41,896 (17%)
1112
Marvoules (D)
Trimarco (A)
Campaign Finance
N , IF! Expend-
Receipts from PACs ROMP"
$445,818 $139,279 (31%) $435,310
$271,066 $39,099 (14%) $269,913
1990
Marvoules (D)
T
i
$351,578
$83,480
(24%)
$354,950
r
marco (R)
$260,034
$30,812
(44%)
$250,061
Voting Studies
Support
Unify Coalition
Year
$
0
$
0
S
0
1992
40
56
as
7
25
70
1991
36
63
84
14
28
72
1150
64
26
74
10
15
65
1879
74
21
78
16
31
66
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981)
Legal services reauthorization (1981)
Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981)
Index Income taxes (1981)
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982)
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982)
Delete MX funding (1982)
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982)
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983)
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA
1112 80 13
1991 80 17
1990 72 15
1979 63 8
AFL-CIO CCU$
100 19
87 16
78 81
95 18
Committees
Armed services (13th of 28 Democrats)
Im,estigations; Procurement and Military Nuclear Systems.
g el Pusbas (13th of 26 Democrats)
g rwgy, Environment and Safety Issues Affecting Small Busi-
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1 Earl Hutto (D)
Of Panama City - Elected 1978
Born: May 12, 1926, Midland City, Ala.
Education: Troy State U., Ala., B.S. 1949.
Military Career. Navy, 1944-46.
Occupation: High school English teacher; advertising
executive; sportscaster.
Family: Wife, Nancy Myers; two children.
Religion: Baptist.
Political Career. Fla. House, 1973-79.
Capitol Office: 330 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-4136.
In Washington: Hutto will never be able
to bring his district as much new military
hardware as his predecessor, longtime Military
Construction Chairman Robert L. F. Sikes, if
only because he would have a hard time finding
a place to put it. But he has shown some of
Sikes' skill at helping the Pentagon help Flor-
ida.
Early in Hutto's first term, it seemed likely
that the Defense Department would close the
helicopter training school at Pensacola, in the
1st District, and merge it with one in Alabama.
Hutto, who did not have burdensome commit-
tee assignments in his first year, devoted much
of his time to making the case for keeping the
program at Pensacola. Personally popular
among his fellow freshmen, he was able to bring
most of them around to his side in a dispute
peripheral to their interests. Even Democrats
who preferred less defense spending were will-
ing to agree that if the Navy was going to train
helicopter pilots, it might as well do it in
Florida.
By the time the fiscal 1980 Military Con-
struction Appropriations bill came to a vote in
committee, Hutto had won his fight. The com-
mittee bill made no mention of the transfer.
When Alabama Republican William L. Dickin-
son tried to add -it on the House floor, he was
beaten on a 244-131 vote.
Since then, as a member of the Armed
Services Military - Installations subcomittee,
Hutto has tried to keep sending defense dollars
into his district. The 1982 military construction
bill contained nearly $20 million for projects in
the 1st District that were not requested by the
president.
Hutto had wanted a place on Armed Ser-
vices when he came to the House in 1979, but
did not get one, and instead was temporarily
sidetracked .to Public Works and Merchant
Marine. On Merchant Marine, he spoke for the
sport fishermen who operate off the Florida
Gulf Coast and bring money into the district.
At Home: Before his election to the state
Legislature in 1972, Hutto was a television
sportscaster in both Panama City and Pensa-
cola, at opposite ends of the 1st District. So
when he began his 1978 congressional cam-
paign, aiming to succeed the retiring Sikes, his
face was already familiar to much of the con-
stituency.
That was an enormous help to him in the
Democratic primary against Curtis Golden,
prosecuting attorney in Escambia County
(Pensacola), which casts about 40 percent of
the district vote. Rated no higher than third
out of four candidates before the voting, Hutto
finished a comfortable first in the initial pri-
mary, then dispatched Golden easily in the
runoff.
With Sikes out of the picture, Republicans
were optimistic that their candidate, former
Pensacola Mayor Warren Briggs, could take the
district in the fall. But Hutto gave Briggs no
opening on the right. The two men matched
vows to protect the district's military facilities,
and Hutto stressed strict law enforcement and
economy in government.
Hutto's involvement in Baptist church af-
fairs was of special help in the district's rural
areas, where Briggs' identification with Pensa-
cola business interests was not an advantage.
Hutto won 63 percent. ?
Briggs protested afterward that he was
hampered by a late start in 1978. So he decided
on a second campaign in 1980, and began it
nearly two years in advance. But Hutto was
untouchable. Even though Ronald Reagan won
the district's presidential vote, Briggs improved
his showing only 2 percentage points. Hutto
won again easily in 1982.
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Earl Hutto, D-Fla.
1910
1171
D
67,301
(35%)
D
79,481
(48%)
R
117,902
(61%)
11
85,395
(51%)
1
5,268
( 3%)
Campaign Finance
1112
m.celpta
No@"
Iron PACs
Expand-
Rum
Hutto (D)
$129,545
$9,250 ( 7%)
$90,329
Northwest -
Pensacola; Panama City
Pensacola to Panama City, dubbed the
"Miracle Strip" by civic boosters, has also
been called the "Redneck Riviera" because
it attracts a large number of visitors from
nearby Georgia, Alabama and other South-
eastern states. Along the coastal strip, mili-
tary retirees have settled in Fort Walton
Beach and Destin (Okaloosa County), which
are just a few miles from Eglin Air Force
Base. Okaloosa County gave Ronald Reagan
70 percent in 1980.
Inland, the sparsely settled rural areas
of the 1st are occupied mostly by soybeans,
corn, tomatoes, cantaloupes, cattle and pine
trees.
Population: 512,821. White 428,075
(83%), Black 71,661 (14%), American In-
dian, Eskimo and Aleut 3,156 (1%), Asian
and Pacific Islander 6,195 (1%). Spanish
origin 8,863 (2%). 18 and over 362,491
(71%), 65 and over 43,293 (8%). Median
age: 29.
1910
Hutto (D)
Briggs (R)
$86,190 $24,550 (28%) $63,945
$109,434 $8,096 ( 7%) $109,316
Voting Studies
Maidential
support
Party
Unity
Conaarvatiw
Cwlition
Year
s
0
$ 0
8
0
1192
62
34
54 43
89
10
1961
74
25
46 53
93
5
1950
56
39
57 39
85
15
1171
48
39
53 40
81
15
S = Support 0 - Opposition
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981) Y
Legal services reauthorization (1981) N
Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y
Index income taxes (1981) Y
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) V
Delete MX funding (1982)
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) N
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) N
Interest Group Ratings
Year
ADA
ACA
AFL-CIO
CCU$
1192
10
55
32
71
1181
10
63
40
78
1910
22
48
50
81
1179
21
36
35
56
Florida 1
The 1st is packed with military bases,
among them Pensacola's Naval Air Station,
Tyndall Air Force Base in Panama City and
Eglin Air Force Base, which spans three
counties. Their political influence is signifi-
cant: The bases provide jobs for civilians,
and many of the enlisted personnel remain
in the area after they leave the service.
This area has found little to love in the
recent policies of the national Democratic
Party. But like their neighbors in Alabama,
many voters here still feel a twinge of guilt
when they desert Old South traditions of
voting Democratic. Hutto's Democratic con-
servatism suits the district perfectly.
In Pensacola, the district's largest city,
the military's contribution to the economy
is complemented by manufacturing of
chemicals, plastics, textiles and paper. De-
spite its large natural harbor, Pensacola's
potential as a trading port is restricted
because close-by Mobile and New Orleans
have a lock on most of the gulf trade.
The 100-mile stretch of beach from
Committees
Armed Services (14th of 28 Democrats)
Military Installations and Facilities; Readiness; Research and
Development.
Merchant lilarI and FisherIes (12th of 25 Democrats)
Coast Guard and Navigation; Fisheries and Wildlife Conserva-
tion and the Environment.
1112 Oanaral
Earl Hutto (D)
82,482
(75%)
J. Terry Bechtol (R)
28.285
(25%)
1910 General
Earl Hutto (D)
119,829
(61%)
Warren Briggs (R)
75,939
(39%)
Previous Winning Percentage:
117$
(63%)
District Vol* For President
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41ke Skelton (D)
Of Lexington - Elected 1976
porn: Dec. 20, 1931, Lexington, Mo.
Education: U. of Missouri, B.A. 1953; LL.B. 1956.
Occupation: Lawyer.
Family: Wife, Susan Anding; three children.
Religion: Christian Church.
political Career. Chairman, Lafayette County Demo-
cratic Committee, 1962-66; Mo. Senate, 1971-77.
Capitol Office: 2453 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-2876.
In Washington: Searching for an issue to
use in building a legislative career, Skelton
quickly found one in civil defense, and he has
spent most of his six congressional years work-
ing on it.
There are 150 reasons why that is a good
issue for Skelton - 150 Minuteman missiles
that fan out from Whiteman Air Force Base
through the hills and cornfields of his district.
For Skelton, civil defense is constituent service.
"Western Missouri is a potential holo-
caust," he warned in 1979. "These people
didn't ask to have missiles put in their back-
yards ... to be sitting ducks for the benefit of
200 million other Americans."
Skelton began trying for a place on the
Armed Services Committee soon after he ar-
rived in Washington, hoping to use it as a
forum for his civil defense campaign. The as-
signment he got - Agriculture - limited his
role on that issue. Late in 1980, however, a
place on Armed Services finally opened up for
him.
Every chance he gets, Skelton lobbies for a
national plan that would include either local
blast shelters able to withstand nuclear attack
or a sophisticated new evacuation system. His
success so far has been mixed.
In 1982 he encountered a verbal barrage
from proponents of a nuclear weapons freeze,
who argued that civil defense is unworkable.
The leader of the pro-freeze forces in the
House, Edward J. Markey, D-Mass., called civil
defense plans "a Band-Aid over the nuclear
holocaust." Barney Frank, D-Mass., said that
civil defense proponents who insisted the
United States create a system equal to the
Soviets' complex preparedness schemes were
suffering from "Brezhnev envy," adding "just
because the Russians act stupidly is no reason
for us to act stupidly as well."
But Skelton was undaunted. Whether or
not the Russian plan works makes no differ-
ence, he said. "If they believe it works, they feel
that they have a strategic advantage over us."
Skelton managed to convince a clear majority
of his colleagues, and the House kept full
funding - $252 million - for civil defense.
However, a Senate committee cut the figure to
$145 million, and a House-Senate conference
placed the final figure at $152 million.
In the previous Congress, Skelton was able
to win House approval of a proposed $990
million, five-year civil defense plan. But that
program also was substantially modified.
As have other legislators from rural Mis-
souri, Skelton has voted much like a Southern
Democrat on many issues. On party-line votes,
he is as apt to vote against his party as with it.
He voted for President Reagan's budget plans
in 1981 and 1982, but against the administra-
tion's 1981 tax cut.
Skelton grew incensed in 1980 at the be-
havior of some of the Cuban refugees in the
United States, and offered a resolution calling
for the expulsion of any Cubans who partici-
pated in riots. A coalition of members from
both ends of the political spectrum warned
Skelton that the vagueness of the resolution
might lead to the arrest of innocent people. He
finally agreed to limit it to those who had been
convicted of specific crimes, but even the
milder version failed to win approval.
A childhood polio victim who went on to
graduate from a military academy, Skelton has
strongly backed military education?He added
funding to a 1981 military pay bill increasing
ROTC scholarships for the Navy and Air Force;
the next year, he put through a requirement
that ROTC students complete their education.
He has also backed efforts to encourage the
study of engineering, on national defense
grounds.
Given his heavily rural district, however,
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Missouri 4
Sprawling across west-central Missouri,
the 4th is an amalgam of rural farmland,
scenic tourist resorts, and blue-collar subur-
ban turf outside Kansas City.
Much of the area is given over to small
farming. The 4th's cattle business is focused
toward its southern end; corn, soybeans,
pork and dairy production are important
districtwide. Pockets of rural poverty -
especially in parts of Texas County - stand
in contrast to the economic climate enjoyed
by comfortable landowners living in La-
fayette and Pettis counties at the 4th's
northern end.
Tourism has supplemented the dis-
trict's agriculture in recent years. Winding
around Camden County's northern' border
is the Lake of the Ozarks, a stretch of water
that draws boaters, swimmers and skiiers
from around the state and nurtures a grow-
ing restaurant and motel trade.
Roughly 40 miles northeast of the lake
lies Jefferson City, all but a sliver of which
falls within the 4th's boundaries. Missouri's
capital since 1826, it has never developed
into a city of much size or sophistication.
State government is the largest employer.
The district reaches into the Kansas
City area to pick up some 80,000 constitu-
West - Kansas City
Suburbs; Jefferson City
ents, many of whom commute to work in
Kansas City factories. Other population
centers in the 4th include Sedalia, a historic
rail town and site of the annual Missouri
State Fair, and Warrensburg, a grain and
livestock center that is home to Central
Missouri State University.
Between those two cities is Whiteman
Air Force Base, whose Minuteman missiles
make civil defense a paramount concern. In
addition, the Richards-Gebaur Air Force
Base (near Kansas City) and the Army's
Fort Leonard Wood (Pulaski County) are
located here.
Redistricting bolstered GOP strength
in the 4th, bringing in eight counties that
voted Republican in the 1980 presidential
and Senate contests. The district retained
some solidly Democratic areas of Jackson
County east of Kansas City, but votes from
this region have not been sufficient to over-
come the GOP margins districtwide in re-
cent elections for state and national office.
Population: 546,637. White 524,772
(96%), Black 14,950 (3%), Asian and Pa-
cific Islander 2,602 (1%). Spanish origin
5,503 (1%). 18 and over 390,415 (71%), 65
and over 70,341 (13%). Median age: 30.
he has not abandoned farm issues. He spon-
sored provisions of the 1981 farm bill protect-
ing farmers in case of a grain embargo and
establishing a fund for agricultural exports.
At Home: Redistricting forced a 1982 con-
test between Skelton and freshman Republican
Rep. Wendell Bailey, but map makers gave
Skelton a head start in the race.
When Bailey's old 8th district was dis-
membered, the largest single bloc of his constit-
uents - about 178,000 people in seven counties
- was added to Skelton's 4th. So Bailey de-
cided that was the place to seek a second term.
But for every one of his old constituents in the
new district, there were nearly two of Skelton's.
Numerous political action committees and
nationally known politicians came into the 4th
and billed the Skelton-Bailey match as a test of
the popularity of Reaganomics in the rural
heartland. The candidates responded with ap-
propriate rhetoric: Skelton called Bailey a
"rubber stamp" because he supported nearly
all the president's budget and tax proposals,
and Bailey countered that Skelton's mixed
record of support for Reaganomics showed him
to be a -liberal who occasionally waffled to
appease conservatives.
Bailey, known as one of Missouri's most
effective Republican campaigners, was relying
on the gregarious, hard-charging style he devel-
oped as a car salesman to help him pull Demo-
crats away from the less dynamic Skelton, who
has the earnest, low-key manner of a small-
town lawyer.
But in the end, all the discussion over
Reaganomics and the differing styles of the two
candidates probably was not decisive. A major
ity of voters seem to have chosen the man most
familiar to them. ?
Of the seven counties that had been part of
Bailey's old 8th district, Bailey carried six. But
Skelton had represented 13 counties, and man-
aged to carry 12 of them. That brought the
Democrat home nearly 18,000 votes ahead, with
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5,q percent districtwide.
Skelton was a rural state legislator with a
narrow political base when he began his 1976
campaign to succeed retiring Democratic Rep.
William Randall. Only two counties in his state
Senate district were within the borders of the
4th district as it was then drawn. His major
rivals for the Democratic nomination, Jack
Gant and Don Manford, were state senators
from the Kansas City suburbs, which cast
about 40 percent of the district vote.
Skelton chose to emphasize that he was the
only major candidate from the rural part of the
district, and campaigned actively for farm and
small-town support. It was a successful strat-
g . He ran third in the suburbs, but his rural
vote brought him the nomination with 40 per-
cent overall.
Missouri - 4th District
Independence Mayor Richard A. King was
the Republican nominee. A protege of Republi-
can Gov. Christopher Bond, King tied his gen-
eral election campaign to the GOP ticket of
Bond and senatorial candidate John C. Dan-
forth, hoping to benefit from their coattails.
Skelton continued to emphasize his farm back-
ground and fiscal conservatism. He said his
vote against a pay raise for state legislators
illustrated his frugality.
King was not greatly helped by the top of
the Republican ticket; Danforth carried the
4th, but Bond lost it. Skelton defeated King by
24,350 votes.
In the next two elections, Republicans had
a difficult time finding a strong challenger.
Real estate broker Bill Baker did not win even
a third of the vote in both 1978 and 1980.
Voting Studies
Arme e v es ( o emocrats)
Military Personnel and Compensation; Procurement and Mili-
Presidential
Party
Conservative
tary Nuclear Systems.
Support
Unity
Coalition
Select Aging (28th of 38 Democrats)
Year
8
0
8
0
$ 0
Health and Long-Term Care.
1952
48
34
40
41
73 14
Small BusInees (10th of 26 Democrats)
1951
58
39
45
45
91 5
Energy. Environment and Safety Issues Affecting Small Busi-
1950
60
321
59
34
69 23
ness (chairman).
1979
54
37
57
35
72 21
1979
48
41
49
44
60 27
1977
62
33
55
39
67 27
1992 General
S - Support 0 - Opposition
Ike Skelton (D)
96,388
(55%)
t Not Aigible for all recorded votes.
Wendell Bailey (R)
79,565
(45%)
1910 General
Ike Skelton (D)
151,459
(68%)
Key Votes
William Baker (R)
71,869
(32%)
Reagan budget proposal (1981) Y
Previous Winning Percentages:
1979
(736/6) 1978
(56%)
Legal services reauthorization (1981) 7
Disapprove sale of AWACs
l
t
S
District Vote For President
p
anes
o
audi Arabia (1981) Y
Index Income taxes (1981) N
S
1950
1q8
ubsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y
Amend Constitution to require balanced bud
et (1982
0 90,030 (40%)
D 97,502 (48%)
g
) Y
Delete MX funding (1982) 7
R 125,179 (56%)
R 103,436 (51%)
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) N
6,185 (3%)
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) Y
Committees
n
k
15th
f 28 D
d S
Campaign Finance
Ibaipte tromPACs Nurse
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS
Skelton (D)
$443,493
$199,435
(45%)
$451,043
1152
10
55
50 .
63
Bailey (R)
$432,826
$143,250
(33%)
$329,850
=I
25
48
67
37
1180
1515
17
42
58
86
S
111179
32
26
56
28
kelton (D)
B
$131,957
$56,215
(43%)
$115.981
11978
20
56
61 1
28
aker (R)
$5,826
0
$9,080
1977
30
56
71
53
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 Approved For Release 2009/11/25: CIA-RDP87B00342R000400900008-7
11 Marvin Leath (D)
of Marlin - Elected 1978
gor: May 6, 1931, Henderson, Texas.
Education: U. of Texas, B.B.A. 1954.
Military Career. Army, 1954-56.
occupation: Banker.
Family: Wife, Alta Neill; one child.
Religion: Presbyterian.
political Career. No previous office.
Capitol Office: 336 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-6105.
In Washington: On the first day of every
Congress, Leath declares himself a member of
the majority party for purposes of selecting a
speaker and organizing the House. It is about
the only important vote he casts in agreement
with the national Democratic Party. He is a
Republican in all but the nominal sense.
When the two parties were in disagreement
during 1982, Leath backed the Republican po-
sition two times out of three. Only a handful of
other Democrats now serving had lower party
unity scores - and two of them switched to the
Republican side shortly afterward.
Leath is a quiet member of the House who
costs his conservative votes with a minimum of
speechmaking. He backed all of President Rea-
gan's major economic initiatives in the 97th
Congress, and opposed the Democratic leader-
ship budget early in 1983. He has differed with
the administration on one significant issue
however: Reagan proposed contracting out a
variety of federal government services to pri-
vate businesses; Leath felt that was an unwise
move. As a member of both the Armed Services
and Veterans' Affairs committees, he sought to
limit the new practice in the Defense Depart-
ment and Veterans' Administration. He was
successful on both counts.
In the 98th Congress, Leath has a new
responsibility - chairman of the Veterans'
Education and Training Subcommittee. Leath
has sponsored veterans' job training legislation,
which.would provide an incentive for employ-
ers to hire and train unemployed veterans. He
also plans to act on a new GI Bill, which cleared
the committee in 1982 but was not considered
by the full House.
Leath is a devoutly religious Presbyterian,
one who has shown an interest in spreading
Christian gospel. Colleagues who visit Leath's
home on social occasions are sometimes intro-
duced to active evangelicals, such as Bill
Bright, founder of the Campus Crusade for
Christ.
I
At Home. When Democratic Rep. W. R.
Poage retired in 1978 after 21 terms in the
House, Republicans thought they had a good
chance of winning his district. But Leath's
conservative campaign neutralized the GOP
offensive in this traditionally Democratic con-
stituency. He won by a narrow margin in 1978
and since then has faced no significant opposi-
tion in either primary or general election bal-
loting.
Leath displays the conservatism of a self-
made man. Born into a poor East Texas family
during the Depression, he went to work at the
age of 12, washing dishes, driving mules and
working on pipelines in the nearby oil fields.
Later he won a football scholarship to the
University of Texas. After graduation he be-
came a small-town banker, specializing in the
financial needs of the farming and ranching
communities of central Texas. He supported
Barry Goldwater for president in 1964, but
never left the Democratic Party. He still dis-
plays an antipathy to the Eastern financial
community that seems at odds with his conser-
vatism but fits in with his small-town banker
roots.
Leath came to Washington in 1972 to work
in Poage's office, concentrating on constituent
problems and acquiring federal grants for the
district. He also managed Poage's last three re-
election campaigns.
When Poage decided to retire, Leath
jumped into the crowded Democratic primary
field. Spending heavily out of his own pocket,
he ran second in the primary and qualified for
the runoff. His opponent, former state Rep.
Lane Denton, was a populist critic of utility
rates who two years earlier had built highaname
recognition in an unsuccessful race for the state
railroad commission.
Consolidating the right and again spending
heavily, Leath won the runoff by a comfortable
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 Approved For Release 2009/11/25: CIA-RDP87BOO342ROO0400900008-7
Marvin tooth, D-T.xos
Texas 11
Most voters here are like Leath -
Democratic in name, but more loyal to a
philosophy than a party label. When the
Democratic nominee meets local conserva-
tive standards, he can carry the 11th. But if
the Democrat is tainted with liberalism, the
electorate here can cross over about as eas-
ily as Leath does on the House floor.
The areas most prone to flirt with Re-
publicanism are the district's urbanized
counties - McLennan County (Waco) and
Bell County (Killeen and Temple). Jimmy
Carter carried both counties in 1976, but his
margins were unimpressive. Both went for
Ronald Reagan in 1980.
. Waco, with slightly more than 100,000
people, is sometimes called the "Baptist
Rome." It is the home of the largest Bap-
tist-affiliated university in the world, Bay-
lor University. Waco's economy has ridden
through recessionary times fairly well be-
cause of university-related employment and
the city's diversified manufacturing base -
products range from jeans and tires to
candy bars and solar collectors.
Efforts are underway to revitalize the
downtown Waco business district, which
never recovered from a devastating 1953
tornado that killed 114 and did $41 million
in damage. After the tornado, many busi-
nesses decided to relocate on Waco's out-
skirts instead of rebuilding in the city-
center. They have yet to return.
Southwest of Waco, in Bell County, are
margin. He carried all but two of the district's
19 counties.'
In the general election, Leath faced Jack
Burgess, a Waco oil products distributor who
two years earlier had surprised Poage by draw-
ing 43 percent of the vote. Leath's candidacy
deprived Republicans of an effective strategy.
The GOP had hoped that Denton would be the
Democratic nominee, permitting Burgess to
make an issue of Denton's liberalism.
Burgess tried to undermine Leath's Demo-
cratic support by charging that the Democrat
Central - Waco
rapidly growing Temple and Killeen; during
the last decade, the two matured from over.
sized towns into small cities pushing toward
50,000 in population. The federal govern.
ment's contribution to the Bell County
economy is immense - more than $800
million - because Fort Hood, the second
largest Army base in the country, is located
there. The base covers 339 square miles in
Bell and Coryell counties and has a com-
bined military and civilian staff of about
70,000 people.
Traditional conservative Democrats
hold sway in most of the district's 11 rural
counties, where 40 percent of the vote is
cast. Though Reagan performed well in the
rural areas in 1980, two years later most
voters there returned to the party fold to
help Democrat Mark White defeat incum-
bent GOP Gov. William Clements.
At the eastern end of the 11th, the
fertile Blackland Prairie soil grows feed
grains, cotton, hay and other crops. Live-
stock-raising - beef cattle, sheep and hogs
- is a major income-producer all across the
11th, especially in the hillier western sec-
tions.
Population: 527,382. White 417,065
(79%), Black 74,581 (14%), Asian and Pa-
cific Islander 5,509 (1 %). Spanish origin
49,181 (9%). 18 and over 381,013 (72%), 65
and over 65,385 (12%). Median age: 28.
had failed to disclose his 1964 vote for Barry
Goldwater instead of Texan Lyndon Johnson.
Leath acknowledged that he voted for Goldwa-
ter, but said he returned to the Democratic
Party immediately afterward.
The election was close. Burgess carried
McLennan County (Waco) by nearly 5,000
votes, but Leath swept virtually all of the
district's smaller counties and won with 51.6
percent. Altogether, his campaign cost nearly
$600,000, one of the most expensive congres-
sional efforts in 1978.
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 Approved For Release 2009/11/25: CIA-RDP87BOO342ROO0400900008-7
I.xas - 11th District
Committees
1989
&,Wad 9ervicso (16th of 28 Democrats)
P
Leath (D)
$257,048
$52,531 (20%)
$171,978
a,,,ortyations;
rocurement and Military Nutdear Systems
;
OO&WS.
arano' AMairs (6th of 21 Democrats)
Voting Studies
M
g,rcatan. Training and Employment (chairman); Compensa.
W. pension and Insurance.
Presidential
Support
Iinity
cealMion
?r gsrerel
Wrnn Leath (D)
Tom Kilbride (LIB)
Elections
on Primer'
wrvin Leath (D)
ay Larsen (D)
so Oemeral
Marvin Leath (D)
preview winning Peroentage. 1m (52%)
District Yob For President
83,236
3,136
52,029
11,383
Year
$ 0
s
0
$ 0
1882
66 30
31
64
88 4
1861
68 28
30
65
91 7
uSC
33 58
21
65
80 4
(96%)
1879
27 68
21
74
96 1
( 4%)
S - Support
0 - Opposition
(82%)
(18%)
Key Votes
D 71,042 (45%) D 83,552 (56%)
A 84,251 (53%) A 63.788 (43%)
I 2,872 ( 2%)
Campaign Finance
Reagan budget proposal (1981)
Legal services reauthorization (1981)
Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981)
Index Income taxes (1981)
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982)
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982)
Delete MX funding (1982)
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982)
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983)
Interest Group Ratings
-1610-
1111000,1111,
from Cs Nwes
Year
1152
1681
ADA
10
0
ACA
81
82
AFL-CIO
16
CCUS
67
Loth (D)
$213
258
$57
443
1150
0
71
21
19
78
,
,
(27%) $108,010
1879
5
84
25
73
94
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4Dave McCurdy (D)
Of Norman - Elected 1980
Born: March 30, 1950, Canadian, Texas.
Education: U. of Okla., B.A. 1972, J.D. 1975.
Military Career. Air Force Reserves, 1968-72.
Occupation: Lawyer.
Family: Wife, Pamela Plumb; two children.
Religion: Lutheran.
Political Career. Okla. asst. state attorney general,
1975-77.
Capitol Office: 313 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-6165.
In Washington: With as many military
bases as McCurdy has in his district, he could
vote unflinchingly for just about any increase
in the defense budget and provoke very little
criticism from constituents. But as a member of
Armed Services, he has taken a relatively skep-
tical approach toward much of what the Penta-
gon tells Congress.
On the House floor in 1981, McCurdy said,
"We have a lot of catching up to do" before
achieving military balance with the Soviet
Union. But then he added: "We owe it to the
taxpayers to hold the Defense Department's
feet to the fire to bring order and discipline to
the procurement process."
McCurdy's interest in procurement poli-
cies earned him a spot on a special Armed
Services panel set up in 1981 to study that
subject. He was chosen chairman of the panel
and presided over testimony from more than
100 witnesses during 18 days of hearings.
In 1982 McCurdy sponsored a floor
amendment requiring the Defense Department
to report to Congress on any weapon system
with a cost increase of 15 percent or more.
President Reagan's popularity exerted a
rightward pull on McCurdy in the 97th Con-
gress, but he did break occasionally from the
White House and the Boll Weevils to vote as a
national Democrat. He opposed the Reagan
budget in 1981. "A lot of people say this vote is
political suicide for me," McCurdy conceded
before casting it.
Liberal Dempcrats hope McCurdy's con-
vincing 1982 re-election will embolden him to
move closer to the party's center. But he will
still be likely to display the sort of Sun Belt
conservatism that led him in 1982 to propose
the "Lobster Profit Sharing Act" in response to
an oil severance tax offered by the Northeast-
Midwest coalition.
The coalition wanted to levy the tax on
domestically produced crude and use the
money to help rebuild aging cities in energy.
poor areas. McCurdy said the plan was "noth-
ing short of proclaiming civil war" on oil.
producing states like Oklahoma, and he
countered with a tongue-in-cheek plan to tax
the lobster industry in northeastern coastal
states and send the money to the lobster-
starved Southwest and other areas.
At Home: When McCurdy began his 1980
campaign, he was unknown throughout most of
his district. A former assistant attorney general
with a law practice in Norman, he had never
run for office before and had not been active in
Democratic Party affairs.
But what McCurdy lacked in political ex-
perience he made up for in hustle. Enlisting
help from several longtime backers of retiring
Democratic Rep. Tom Steed, he built his own
grass-roots organization. That network and his
appeal as a "fresh face" enabled McCurdy to
come within 5,000 votes of veteran state Rep.
James B. Townsend in the primary, and over-
take him in the runoff.
The general election race was just as tight.
The GOP nominated Howard Rutledge, a re-
tired Navy captain and former prisoner of war
in Vietnam whose calls for strengthening de-
fense capability endeared him to the district's
sizable community of military employees and
retirees. But McCurdy held on, winning enough
support for his conservative economic themes
to win by 2,906 votes.
Seeking revenge, Rutledge returned in
1982, claiming he had done his "homework" by
tracking conservative Democrats who might Se
persuaded to cross party lines. Rutledge cow;
mercials painted McCurdy as a profligate lib-
eral. But McCurdy carried all 12 counties in the
4th, firmly establishing his hold on the district
with 65 percent of the vote.
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Dave, McCurdy, D-Okla.
1882
McCurdy (D) SM.,564 (%) Rutledge R) $207,8008 1$22,550 (11%) $181 20
Southwest - part of
Oklahoma City
nesses to the many of the district's south-
western counties. Map makers increased the
district's share of cotton and cattle terri-
tory, bringing in farmland in Garvin, Ste-
phens, Jefferson and Cotton counties. Eco-
nomic growth also is occurring at the 4th's
northern end in Norman, where the the
University of Oklahoma is drawing high-
technology industries.
Much of the district's 24 percent popu-
lation growth in the past decade came in the
counties close to Oklahoma City, including
Cleveland, McClain and Grady. With 80,000
people, Lawton (Comanche County) is the
4th's largest city and a commercial center of
southwest Oklahoma; Fort Sill is located
nearby.
Population: 505,869. White 441,346
(87%), Black 31,953 (6%), American In-
dian, Eskimo and Aleut 15,603 (3%), Asian
and Pacific Islander 5,256 (1%). Spanish
origin 16,368 (31%). 18 and over 356,658
(71%), 65 and over 47,534 (91%). Median
age: 27.
1880
McCurdy (D)
$232,293
$39,900
(17%)
$229,248
Rutledge (R)
$164,589
$21,340
(13%)
$163,351
Voting Studies
Support Unity Coalition
Year S 0 S 0 a 0
1182 58 36 48 43 79 19
1881 57 42 55 43 88 12
S - Support 0 - Opposition
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981) N
Legal services reauthorization (1981) Y
Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y
Index income taxes (1981) Y
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982)
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Y
Delete MX funding (1982)
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) Y
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) ? N
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCU1111
1882 25 64 28 62
1881 35 57 60 37
Oklahoma 4
This slice of southwestern Oklahoma
maintains a military presence that no politi-
cian can afford to forget for very long. In
addition to Altus Air Force Base and the
Army's Fort Sill, near the Texas border,
map makers stretched the boundaries in
1981 to take in Tinker Air Force Base, just
east of Oklahoma City. With a combined
civilian and military staff of 24,000, Tinker
is Oklahoma's largest single-site employer.
Its inclusion reinforces the 4th's conserva-
tive sentiment.
Despite the military orientation, Demo-
cratic candidates usually carry the 4th; Sen.
David Boren polled 72 percent of its vote -
his best showing statewide - in his 1978
Senate bid. But two years later Ronald
Reagan carried the district and helped Re-
publican Senate nominee Don Nickles take
the 4th by a narrow margin. The GOP's
surest foothold lies at the district's northern
end, in the Oklahoma City suburbs of
Moore and Midwest City.
In recent years, Oklahoma's energy
boom has brought new oil and gas b'rsi-
Committees
Armed Services (17th of 28 Democrats)
Procurement and Military Nuclear Systems; Readiness. Democrats)
Eng and op d A8~ t~ Science. Research and
Energy y Development
Technology.
Select NNellgenee (9th of 9 Democrats)
Program and Budget Authorization.
Elections
"82 General
Dave McCurdy (D) 84,205 (65%)
Howard Rutledge (R) 44,351 (34%)
1880 General
Dave McCurdy (D) 74,245 (51%)
Howard Rutledge (R) 71,339 (496/6)
District yels For President
1880 1876
0 58,544 (36%) D 82,330 (54%)
R 95,129 (60%) R 67,060 (44%)
1 6,778 ( 4%)
Campaign Finance
111110091111011111 from PACs hum
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 Approved For Release 2009/11/25: CIA-RDP87B00342R000400900008-7
?ti
1 Thomas M. Foglietta (D
Of Philadelphia - Elected 1980
Born: Dec. 3, 1928, Philadelphia, Pa.
Education: St. Joseph's College, B.A. 1949; Temple U.,
J.D. 1952.
Occupation: Lawyer.
Family: Single.
Religion: Roman Catholic.
political Career. Philadelphia City Council, 1955-75;
Republican nominee for mayor of Philadelphia,
1975.
Capitol Office: 1217 Longworth Bldg. 20515; 225-4731.
In Washington: Foglietta has a street-
smart quality that suggests his native South
Philadelphia, and a reputation for indepen.
dence in the House. Outspokenly liberal even
though he spent most of his life as a Republi-
can, he also has a reformist streak that sets him
apart from his state's large faction of machine
Democrats.
Late in 1982, when Democrat Charles E.
Schumer of New York tried to amend the
automobile "domestic content" bill in the face
of intense opposition from industrial state col-
leagues, Foglietta came to Schumer's aid on the
House floor. Foglietta was one of the few Dem-
ocrats from the Northeast willing to modify the
labor-backed bill - and the only one from
Pennsylvania.
Foglietta was more in tune with labor when
he introduced "runaway shops" legislation in
1982. His bill would require businesses leaving
a community to notify their workers in advance
and to help them find new employment. The
bill, although less stringent in its provisions
than language some unions called for, had
strong labor backing. It died in committee.
As a member of Armed Services, Foglietta
has kept a balance, casting most votes with the
panel's pro-Pentagon majority while breaking
ranks on some conspicuous occasions. He
backed the 1981 effort by Patricia Schroeder,
D-Colo., to direct President Reagan to find $8
billion in waste in the Pentagon budget. He
also supported efforts to cut funding for the
civil defense program, calling it a "deception."
Foglietta's seat on Armed Services has
allowed him to look after the Philadelphia
Naval Shipyard, which is in his district. In
addition to securing funds for construction
projects at the base, Foglietta fought for a
moratorium on contracting with private firms
to perform security and firefighting services at
military bases. The practice, Foglietta argued,
leaves the bases subject to strikes. His move,
which came as an amendment to the fiscal 1982
defense appropriations bill, was defeated by
two votes on the House floor.
Foglietta has been a strong supporter of a
nuclear freeze and an ally of Massachusetts
Democrat Edward J. Markey, the leading
freeze advocate, on other nuclear-related is-
sues. He spoke up for a Markey amendment in
1981 that would have blocked the United
States from selling enriched uranium to other
countries. The following year, Foglietta argued
for reversing a decision to sell Argentina nu-
clear technology.
"America," he said, "should never be in the
business of adding members to the nuclear
club."
At Home: A veteran of more than two
decades on the the Philadelphia City Council,
Foglietta abandoned a lifelong loyalty to the
Republican Party in 1980 and emerged from a
complicated political situation with a seat in
Congress.
To make it, he had to run as an indepen-
dent, normally a guarantee of failure. But Dem-
ocratic incumbent Michael "Ozzie" Myers, in-
dicted in the Abscam bribery scandal, had
managed to win renomination, leaving anti-
Myers Democrats without a candidate in the
general election. Foglietta became that candi-
date.
When Myers was convicted on bribery
charges and expelled from the House Oct. 2,
Foglietta gained the strength he needed to win.
Once elected, he acknowledged his political ?
debt by voting with Democrats to organize the
97th Congress.
To gain a second term as a Democrat in
1982, Foglietta had to work his way through a
tough primary that forced him to fight not only
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 Approved For Release 2009/11/25: CIA-RDP87B00342R000400900008-7
Thomas M. fo911.tta, D-Pa.
Pennsylvania 1
William Penn's statue atop City Hall,
the highest point in Philadelphia, looks out
on a city of distinct ethnic neighborhoods,
each with the clannishness and occasional
suspicion of outsiders more commonly asso-
ciated with small towns. The diversity is
most apparent in the 1at, which takes in the
wealthy liberals of Center City, the Italians
of South Philadelphia, the Irish and Poles
of the "river wards" and the blacks along
North Broad Street. While Ronald Reagan
did well among the white ethnics in 1980,
Jimmy Carter nevertheless won the 1st.
Blue-collar South Philadelphia holds
most of the city's piers and the Philadelphia
Navy-Yard, as well as its huge sports com-
plex - -the Spectrum and Veterans and
JFK stadiums. The area went for Carter in
1980 on the strength of its black vote,
although the white wards voted for Reagan.
The law-and-order appeal of former Mayor
Frank Rizzo, who grew up here and walked
its streets as a patrolman, is strong among
the dock and factory workers.
The one ward west of the Schuylkill
River included in the 1st has most of the
liberal academic community of Drexel Uni-
versity and the University of Pennsylvania.
Other centers of liberal Democratic activity
are Society Hill and Olde City, the sites of
south and
Central Philadelphia
many of the city's historic landmarks and
now affluent restoration areas. The
gentrification of nearby Queen Village and
Fairmount is displacing ethnic whites who
esteem Rizzo-style politics with young pro-
fessionals who disdain it.
Running north from Center City, the
Frankford El railway binds together the
river wards, a grimy part of town where
factories and warehouses sit cheek-by-jowl
with row houses. Carter carried these wards
in 1980; his showing among white ethnic
voters in South Philadelphia was worse due
in large part to its traditional Italian Re-
publican vote, born of resentment against
the city's Irish Democratic leadership. Still,
the river wards have matched South Phila.
delphia in their backing for Rizzo.
Blacks make up about 32 percent of the
new 1st. They are clustered in the rundown
neighborhoods extending into North Phila-
delphia on either side of North Broad
Street. The academic enclave of Temple
University sits along Broad Street as well.
Population: 515,145. White 310,738
(6096 ), Black 164,862 (32%), Asian and
Pacific Islander 9,429 (2%). Spanish origin
50,440 (10%). 18 and over 374,046 (73%),
65 and over 65,470 (13%). Median age: 29.
another incumbent but also the organization of
former Phil
d
l
hi
backing of most of the ward leader
a
e
p
a Mayor Frank L. Rizzo,
still a powerful fi
i
'
s.
In the 1982 general election
Fo
liett
gure
n Foglietta
s home terri-
tory. Fo
lietta h
d b
,
g
a was
challenged aggressively by Michael Mari
g
a
een the Republican may-
oral nomin
i
no, a
well-financed young Republican who ai
d
l
ee aga
nst Rizzo in 1975.
Still allied i
i
"
re
te
e-
vision spots accusing the incumbent of
n c
ty politics with
reform"
forces hostile t
h
poor
attendance in the House. One Marino co
o t
e ex-mayor, Foglietta was
paired in redi
t
i
i
mmer-
cial complained about Foglietta voti
f
s
r
ct
ng with Joseph F. Smith, an
old-line machi
D
ng
or a
House pay raise but failing to show u
for
ll
ne
emocrat and Rizzo loyalist.
Rizz
'
p
a ro
call on jobs legislation
o
s support helped make Smith competi-
tive in heavil
It
li
S
.
A month before Election Da
th
25
y
a
an
outh Philadelphia. But
it also brou
ht
t
l
y,
e
-year-
old challenger seemed to be closin
i
g
ou
a
arge vote for Foglietta
from blacks and C
g
n on
Foglietta, and the incumbent himself t
ld
enter City liberals disdainful
of Rizzo's law-and
d
o
re-
porters he might be in trouble
"I assu
d h
-or
er politics. Mayor Wil-
liam J. Green, a Foglietta ally suffering a
l
i
.
me
e
was just a nice kid," Foglietta said. "I was very
wrong."
popu
ar
ty slump, wisely stayed clear of the
1982 primary.
As it turned out, Foglietta was overreact-
Smith's majoriti
i
"
ing. A few days later, a newspa
er di
l
d
es
n his home
river
wards" were not h
p
sc
ose
that Marino had been caught tr
in
t
f
eavy enough for him to win
districtwide
Ov
ll
F
y
g
o pay
or
help on a college exam. By Electio
D
h
.
era
,
oglietta won 13 wards to
Smith's 10 -
h
n
ay t
e
challenge had collapsed. Foglietta wa
t
even t
ough Smith had the
s re
urned
with 72 percent of the vote.
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Committees
Campaign Finance
A Services (lath of 28 Democrats)
Receipts
Expend.
Military Installations and Facilities; Readiness; Seapower and
ic and Critical Materials.
to
Receipts
from PACs
Nuns
g
$tra
t Marine and FbMrIes (14th of 25 Democrats)
Foglietta(D)
$420,489
$142,763
(34%)
$345,162
COW Guard and Navigation; Merchant Marine; Panama Canal
and the Outer Continental Shelf.
1180
Foghatte
I)
6145.050
$14450
(10%)
$142.635
Myers (D)
$44,156
$19,900
(45%)
$45,926
Thomas (D)
103,626
(72%)
Voting Studies
Mignel Marino (R)
i
38,155
(27%)
P residential Party Ceneerratlw
Support Unity Comm"
mary
712 Pr
Thomas
(D)
Sit D
33,683
(52%)
Year S 0 $ 0 a
0
)
josep
1,277
3
(48%)
1112 32 56 81 5 18
77
Will Oefle
1Mt 25 58 80 8 13
73
Thomas Foglietta (I)
58,737
(38%)
Miguel Myers (D)
52,956
(34%)
Key Votes
Robert Burke (R)
37,893
(24%)
Reagan budget proposal (1981)
N
Dietrki Vote For President
Legal services reauthorization (1981)
Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981)
Y
Y
1110 1171
Index Income taxes (1981)
N
D 117,737 (61%) D 137,596
(66%)
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982)
7
P 60,347 (31%) R 67,057
(32%)
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982)
N
1 11.420 ( 61/6)
Delete MX funding (1982)
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982)
Y
N
Campaign Finance
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983)
Interest Grou
Ratin
s
Y
ftomps tEgWAI-
p
g
Receipts Iron PACs Naves
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO
CCUS
1S2
Foglistta (D) $420,489 $142,763 (34%) $345,162
1112 85 19 100 20
111111111 90 21 87 11
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 Approved For Release 2009/11/25: CIA-RDP87B00342R000400900008-7
1 Roy Dyson (D)
Of Great Mills - Elected 1980
Rom Nov. 15, 1948, Great Mills, Md.
Education: Attended U. of Baltimore, 1970-71; U. of
Maryland, 1971-72.
Occupation: Lumber company executive.
Family: Single.
Religion: Roman Catholic.
Political Career. Md. House, 1975-81; Democratic
nominee for U.S. House, 1976.
Capitol Office: 224 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-5311.
In Washington: When the House voted
down three separate budget proposals on a
single day in mid-1982, few members enjoyed
the experience. But Dyson may have been the
most disappointed. He was the only one in the
House to back all three, voting with the Budget
Committee Democrats, the Republican leader-
ship and a bipartisan group of moderates trying
to craft a compromise.
Dyson explained that the economy could
not begin to recover without quick passage of
something. "There's no light at the end of the
tunnel as long as there's no budget," he said.
But Dyson's unusual combination of votes
also reflected the tough spot he found himself
in for much of his first term - trying to please
his conservative constituents while still main-
taining some identity as a national Democrat.
Concerned about a comeback attempt by right-
ist Republican Robert Bauman, whom he had
beaten in 1980, Dyson had little room to ma-
neuver.
Under intense pressure to support Presi-
dent Reagan's economic proposals, Dyson went
along with Reagan on the 1981 budget and tax
bills.' But he gave the Democratic leadership
several well-chosen votes. He agreed with more
liberal Democrats in trying to keep specific
budget cuts from affecting Social Security and
other social programs. He voted for emergency
jobs legislation in 1982.
Dyson is a' bottom-rung member of the
Armed Services Committee, and he has had
little opportunity to make a name for himself
there. He wanted to give up his seat on the
committee in 1983 in exchange for one on
Appropriations, but his pro-Reagan votes in
1981 were no help to him in that effort. The
appropriations slot went to Steny Hoyer, a
fellow Maryland Democrat junior to him.
Dyson has used his seat on Armed Services
largely to lobby for district interests. His post
on the Military Installations Subcommittee al-
lows him to secure funds for construction
projects on bases within his district, and he has
stressed Navy contracts as a way to help the
depressed shipbuilding industry through hard
times. Dyson did have one Armed Services.
related success on the House floor in the 97th
Congress: He managed the House version of a
successful bill declaring "National POW/MIA
Day" in 1982.
On the Merchant Marine Committee,
Dyson has agitated against Reagan's proposal
to impose Coast Guard user fees and worked to
funnel research and maintenance dollars to
projects on the Chesapeake Bay.
At Home: Part of a family whose roots
date back 300 years into Maryland history,
Dyson comes from a long line of politicians.
Eight members of his family had preceded him
as state legislators when he launched his politi-
cal career.
Dyson made no secret of his desire to
follow family tradition, leaving Maryland after
only two years of college to work in Washington
on the Democratic National Committee's 1972
voter registration drive. Shortly thereafter,
Dyson became a legislative assistant to a House
Education and Labor Subcommittee, but he
returned home in 1974 to win a berth in the
House of Delegates.
Dyson was known there as a back bencher,
solid in his service to his rural southern Plary-
land constituency but quiet on most issues of
statewide import. His most visible action dur-
ing his two-term stint in the Legislature was his
sponsorship of a controversial bill to create a
statewide hazardous waste disposal siting
board. He also attracted some attention by
supporting a constitutional amendment to
grant voting representation in Congress to the
District of Columbia, a unique stand among the
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Roy Dyson, D-Md.
Maryland 1
The stubborn, independent Chesa-
peake Bay watermen symbolize the conser-
vatism of the 1st District and Maryland's
Eastern Shore. Chronically opposed to gov-
ernment limits on their catches, they set off
every day in ancient boats to bring back
bushels of crabs and oysters from the bay.
Sitting on either side of Chesapeake
Bay, this Southern-oriented district has a 3-
to-1 Democratic registration, but its deep-
seated conservatism generally gives it to the
GOP in federal elections. Jimmy Carter lost
the district in both 1976 and 1980, and the
area sent Republicans to the House from
1962 until 1980.
The once isolated Eastern Shore has
experienced substantial growth in the 30
years since the Chesapeake Bay Bridge
linked it conveniently to the rest of Mary-
land, but on the whole it remains farm
country. The shore raises tomatoes, straw-
berries and poultry. Frank Perdue houses
the headquarters of his chicken business
there.
The area of fastest growth is along the
Atlantic Ocean. Condominium towers give
Ocean City, which tripled in population
during the 1970s, a Miami Beach appear-
ance. Tourism animates the beach towns'
economy, although there has been an in-
crease in year-round residence.
Blacks, many of whom work on the
farms, make up a sizable proportion of the
residents in most counties of the district.
state's rural legislators.
Two years into his first term as a delegate,
Dyson made his move for a seat in Congress,
challenging Bauman, the brilliant but acerbic
conservative who was the leading GOP par-
liamentary strategist on the House floor.
The 1st had a solid Democratic advantage
in registration, but its conservative voters had
not sent a Democrat to the House since 1960.
Dyson appealed to party loyalty and tried to tie
the incumbent to federal bureaucratic growth
under GOP presidents Nixon and Ford. Dyson
reduced the normal rate of Democratic defec-
tions, but Bauman won with 54 percent of the
vote.
When Dyson set his sights on Bauman
again in 1980, few gave him a chance of unseat-
ing the incumbent. But in early October, Bau-
Eastern Shore;
Southern Maryland
But while they comprise nearly 20 percent
of the population districtwide, they are
rarely a decisive force politically.
Southern Maryland, on the western
side of Chesapeake Bay, has the same rural
ambiance as the Eastern Shore. Tobacco
farming predominates throughout this re-
gion. Charles County, though, is gradually
being drawn into the orbit of suburban
Washington, D.C. Shopping centers and
subdivisions have sprung up in Waldorf.
The largest town in Charles County, Wal-
dorf doubled in population during the last
decade.
On either side of the bay, shellfish have
a special place in Maryland life - and
politics. The Chesapeake's yield makes pos-
sible that celebrated Maryland event, the
crab feast, conducted around long tables
covered with paper and laden with crusta-
ceans, corn on the cob and beer. Crab feasts
are vital stops for local politicians.
The district also contains the rural
eastern half of fast-growing Harford
County, home of the Aberdeen Proving
Grounds. There are two other military in-
stallations - the Patuxent Naval Air Cen-
ter and the Indian Head Naval Ordnance
Station, both in southern Maryland.
Population: 526,206. White 422,847
(80%), Black 97,779 (19%). Spanish origin
5,170 0%). 18 and over 369,721 (70%), 65
and over 54,049 (10%). Median age: 30.
man was charged with soliciting sex from a
teen-age boy. Dyson surged ahead in the polls
overnight. Skirting the morality issue, he
painted the incumbent as an oil company
stooge, and held on to win by 6,000 votes as
Bauman struggled to redeem himself to the
voters.
The Democrat had barely taken office on
Capitol Hill when local GOP leaders began
preparing to unseat him in 1982. But.Dyson
built a good constituent service operation and
went to great lengths to publicize his conserva-
tive voting record. He also staved off an at-
tempt by state legislators to remove his home-
town from the 1st in redistricting.
It appeared for a time that the 1982 con-
test would be a rematch between Dyson and
Bauman. The Republican re-emerged telling
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Roy Dyson, D-Md.
voters he had overcome the drinking problem
he said had triggered his homosexuality, and he
urged voters to replace Dyson with a more
experienced legislator.
But Bauman drew a Republican primary
challenge from former state Sen. C. A. Porter
Hopkins, and the strain proved too much for
him. He dropped out of the contest in mid-
Committees
Armed Services (19th of 28 Democrats)
Procurement and Military Nuclear Systems; Seapower and
Strategic and Critical Materials.
Merchant Marine and Fisheries (16th of 25 Democrats)
Fisheries and Wildlife Conservation and the Environment; Mer-
chant Marine.
1992 General
Roy Dyson (D)
89,503
(69%)
C. A. Porter Hopkins (R)
39,656
(31%)
1990 General
Roy Dyson (D)
97,743
(52/.)
Robert Bauman (R)
91.143
(48%)
District Yob For president
1990 1976
D
75.300 (42%) D 76,207
(49%)
R
94,343 (52%) R 78,180
(51 %)
I
9,912 ( 6%)
Campaign Finance
Receipts Expand-
hom PACs HUM
summer, accusing Hopkins of resurrecting the
homosexuality issue.
Hopkins proved as sharp-tongued as Bau.
man, but not as capable of drawing votes. With
the GOP vote split between Hopkins support.
ers and diehard Bauman loyalists, Dyson but.
ied the Republican in November by better than
2-to-1, carrying every county in the district.
INC
Dyson (D)
Bauman (A)
$166.794
587157
(52Y.).
1167,558
$364,613
$76,907
(21v.)
$358,058
Voting Studies
Presidential
Support
party
Unity
Conwrvattw
Coalition
Year
8
0
8
0
8
O
1992
55
43
68
29
62
37
1991
61
39
52
48
92
8
S - Support 0- Opposition
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981)
Legal services reauthorization (1981)
Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981)
Index Income taxes (1981)
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982)
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982)
Delete MX funding (1982)
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982)
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983)
Interest Group Ratings
Dyson (D)
Ho
kins (R)
$204,999
$227
$130,387
(64%)
$192,984
Year
1992
ADA
35
ACA
39
AFL-CIO
70
CCUS
43
p
,557
$7,965
( 4%)
$222,069
1981
30
58
80
47
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 Approved For Release 2009/11/25: CIA-RDP87B00342R000400900008-7
Michigan - 14th District
14 Dennis M. Hertel (D)
Of Detroit - Elected 1980
Born: Dec. 7, 1948, Detroit, Mich.
Education: Eastern Mich. U., B.A. 1971; Wayne State
U., J.D. 1974.
Occupation: Lawyer.
Family: Wife, Cynthia S. Groascup; four children.
Religion: Roman Catholic.
Political Career- Mich. House, 1975-81.
Capitol Office: 218 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-6276.
In Washington: Hertel is one of the few
new members of Armed Services in recent years
who has taken a skeptical view of large in-
creases in defense spending. He says that he
simply questions the excesses and that his
views are somewhere between the panel's pro-
military majority and its dissident forces. But
committee hawks tend to lump him in with the
lonely group of Pentagon critics.
It did not take long for the Armed Services
leadership to begin wondering about Hertel.
Worried that the 1981 supplemental defense
authorization was spending too much money
too soon, he cast the only vote in committee
against reporting it to the floor.
It was a strikingly independent move for a
junior member, and it left Hertel isolated from
the mainstream of committee activity. As the
97th Congress wore on, however, sentiment
grew for limiting defense spending, and Hertel
found himself with more company. He intro-
duced a floor amendment to the 1983 defense
authorization bill requiring a report to Con-
gress on the unit cost of each major defense
system. Eventually he withdrew it in favor of a
similar, but less rigid measure pushed by an-
other committee member.
. Hertel's streak of independence has shown
up on non-defense matters as well, and it has
caused him some problems. In the 97th Con-
gress, he voted against a congressional pay raise
and President Reagan's 1982 tax increase, op-
posing the Democratic leadership on both is-
sues.
Tolerant of Democrats who differ with it
out of political necessity, the leadership was
less so with Hertel, whose seat is considered
safe. When Hertel decided to try for a place on
the Energy and Commerce Committee in 1983,
he had to do it without any high-level backing;
his bid went nowhere.
At Home: The three Hertel brothers dom-
inate politics on the northeastern side of De-
troit. Dennis Hertel spent six years in the state
Legislature. His older brother, a former state
senator, is a Wayne County commissioner and
his younger brother was elected to Dennis'
state House seat in 1980.
The political success of the Hertel family is
a reflection of the way their moderate, labor-
oriented politics fits the ethnically diverse area.
It also is a tribute to their grass-roots organiza-
tion.
Running for the seat given up by Demo-
cratic Rep. Lucien N. Nedzi in 1980, Dennis
Hertel assembled a volunteer force 2,500 strong
to counter the money and polish of his Republi-
can opponent, Vic Caputo. A former television
news anchorman and host of a morning talk
show on Detroit's CBS affiliate, Caputo made
up for his lack of political experience with
oratorical polish and districtwide prominence.
With help from the national GOP, he mounted
a high-spending effort that relied largely on the
media to push his candidacy across to voters.
Hertel's strategy was simpler. Lacking the
money and the flair of his opponent, he concen.
trated on personal visits with voters, wearing
out four pairs of shoes walking through the
precincts. He pointed to his successful drive to
outlaw double-bottom tankers on Michigan's
highways, and passage of his bill to require
mandatory jail sentences for criminals who use
handguns.
The Democratic organization on the east
side galvanized its supporters to get out the
vote, and on Election Day, Hertel walked-off
with a comfortable 53-46 percent victory.
"If Vic Caputo can't win that district," the
state GOP chairman had said during the cam-
paign, "I don't know if a Republican ever can."
No GOP candidate even challenged Hertel in
1982.
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Dennis M. Harhl, D-Mich.
1Vlichigan 14
The 14th is a 15-mile corridor with an
ethnic and social diversity that takes in the
rumbling auto plants of Warren, the grace-
ful old mansions of the Grosse Pointes, the
kielbasa of Hamtramck and the p4tanque
games of Detroit's Belgian neighborhoods.
At the district's far eastern end, the
mansions and estates lining Lake Shore
Drive in Grosse Pointe Shores and Grosse
Pointe Farms - the Ford family estate is
among them - offer the kind of Republi-
canism associated with corporate board
rooms and casual access to political power.
To the west stretches northeast Detroit,
an ethnic quilt of solid working-class neigh-
borhoods where a Democrat stumping for
votes can spend his time productively at the
corner bar. Poles, Germans, Italians and
Belgians all settled here, drawn by the auto
industry.
The center of Polish activity is Ham-
tramck, a city-within-a-city. Its neat seas of
two-story frame houses, broken only by the
spires of Catholic churches, were once home
Committees
Armed ServIcea (20th of 28 Democrats)
Military Installations and Facilities; Readiness; Research and
Development.
Merchant Marine and Flatteries (15th of 25 Democrats)
Faheries and Wildlife Conservation and the Environment; Pan-
ama Canal and Outer Continental Shea.
Select Aging (29th of 38 Democrats)
Health and Long-Term Care.
1112 General
Dennis M. Hertel (D) 116,421 (95%)
Harold Dunn (LIB) 6.175 ( 5%)
1110 General
Dennis M. Hertel (D) 90,362 (53%)
Vic Caputo (R) 78,395 (46%)
District Vote For President
1110 1176
0 97,621 (43%) D 99,782 (46%)
R 114,356 (501/6) R 114,792 (53%)
I 13,568 ( 6%)
Campaign Finance
Receipts from PAACCs hum
Detroit Suburbs -
Warren
to 50,000 people. Most of them worked at
the huge Dodge plant at the southern end of
town. Now down to 21,000, Hamtramck is
dependent these days on jobs at smaller
factories, turning out auto parts, steering
wheels and toilet seats.
North of Detroit the 14th takes in a
small part of Oakland County and south-
western Macomb County, and these areas
have nearly half the district residents. Mid-
dle-class ethnics live in East Detroit, Hazel
Park and northern Warren, and lower mid-
dle-class Appalachians reside in the shadow
of steel plants and auto parts factories in
southern Warren. The combination makes
this area the socially conservative heart of
Democratic strength in the northeastern
Detroit suburbs.
Population: 514,559. White 478,987
(93%), Black 25,311 (5%), Asian and Pa-
cific Islander 5,610 (1%). Spanish origin
4,993 0%). 18 and over 372,422 (72%), 65
and over 58,019 (11%). Median age: 31.
111o
Hertel (D)
Caputo(R)
$162,355 $74,027 (46%) $160,600
$221,214 $58,491 (26%) $216,117
Voting Studies
Presidential party Conservative
support Unity Coalition
Year 8 0 $ 0 $ 0
1162 32 64 80 9 21 68
1111 25 64 80 12 27 73
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981) N
Legal services reauthorization (1981) Y
Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y
Index Income taxes (1981) N
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) N
Delete MX funding (1982)
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) Y
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) Y
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCU8
1112 75 14 100 15
1111 80 29 79 6
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3MaAlyn Lloyd (D)
Of Chattanooga - Elected 1974
Born: Jan. 3, 1929, Fort Smith, Ark.
Education: Attended Shorter College, 1958-60 and
1962-63.
pupation: Radio station owner and manager.
Family: Divorced; nine children.
Religion: Church of Christ.
political Career. No previous office.
Capitol Office: 2334 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-3271.
in Washington Thrust into politics over-
night when her husband was killed in an air-
plane crash while campaigning for Congress,
Lloyd has developed gradually into a clever
protector of her district's interests, limited in
her goals but good at achieving them.
She spent most of the Carter administra-
tion defending Tennessee public works projects
against White House assaults and rarely lost.
This was partly because of the influence of her
more senior Democratic allies, but it was partly
through her own legislative infighting.
The most important project has the been
the Clinch River nuclear breeder reactor, which
is in her district. President Carter wanted to
terminate the project - he said it was too
expensive and would lead to the proliferation of
nuclear weapons. He tried twice to end it, but
both times was turned down, with Lloyd lobby-
ing for Clinch River both in the Science Com-
mittee and on the floor.
When Carter left office, she felt she had
little to fear, not only because Ronald Reagan
backed Clinch River, but also because she be-
came chairman of the Science Subcommittee
that authorizes its funding. In May of 1981,
however, she ran into an ambush in the full
committee, as environmentalists teamed with
fiscal conservatives in a vote to kill the $3.2
billion project, forcing her to try to reverse the
decision on the House floor.
At the same time, Lloyd was drawn into
the budget battle as both Democrats and Re-
publicans, knowing of her Clinch River inter-
est, promised her they would fund it. She voted
for the first Reagan budget plan but switched
and voted later with the Democrats on specific
spending cuts, saying she objected to Reagan
reductions in social services.
In 1982, with deficits climbing,. the full
House for the first time voted to kill the
project. In the Senate, funding survived by one
vote, and most, though not all, of the Clinch
River money was restored in conference. This
Tennessee - 3rd "bid
time, credit for keeping the reactor alive went
not to Lloyd, but to Senate Majority Leader
Howard H. Baker Jr., R-Tenn.
Equally important to Lloyd has been the
Tellico Dam, once halted by the Endangered
Species Act because it threatened the tiny snail
darter fish. Despite President Carter's threat to
veto any legislation providing for further work
on Tellico, the House insisted on voting money
for it, and in 1979 Carter signed the bill au-
thorizing that the dam be finished, snail darter
or no snail darter. That was in large part the
result of floor lobbying by Lloyd and other
Tennessee and Alabama Democrats, who of-
fered votes on other issues to members who
would back them on the dam.
Protecting the nuclear facilities in her dis-
trict, Lloyd steered a nuclear waste bill through
her subcommittee, the first bill to reach that
far in the 97th Congress. Her bill did not
address some of the more controversial waste
disposal issues; it mainly created a new waste
disposal test facility. Critics called her bill too
narrow in scope, but she showed little patience
with them. "We've got to get this bill moving,"
she told one Democrat. "I've gone as far as I
can. It's about time you started working with
me."
Shortly after that, though, she wrote a
broader bill, one that had a better chance of
clearing the full Science Committee. The Com-
merce and Interior Committees also wrote nu-
clear waste bills, and the three panels, along
with Rules, negotiated until late in the 1982
session, finally emerging with a bill that in-
cluded Lloyd's provision calling for a test facil-
ity. It became law at the end of the Congress.
Experience on the nuclear waste bill gave
her some background in defense issues, and
when a Democratic vacancy on Armed Services
opened up in late 1982, because Bob Stump of
Arizona had switched to the Republican party,
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Marilyn Lloyd, 0-Tenn.
Tennessee 3
Although the 3rd usually votes Repub-
lican in state and national elections, Lloyd
has proven that it can be friendly territory
for a conservative local Democrat willing to
stand up for nuclear power.
A pro-nuclear stance is a must for any
legislator representing this constituency.
Many jobs are tied to the nuclear research
and production facilities at Oak Ridge, to
the Clinch River breeder reactor and to the
Sequoyah nuclear plant in northern Hamil-
ton County.
The population center of the 3rd is
Chattanooga, a heavily industrialized city
producing iron, steel and textiles. Chatta-
nooga and surrounding Hamilton County
hold 56 percent of the 3rd District's resi-
dents. There has been some racial tension
between Chattanooga's working-class
whites, many of whom come from rural
backgrounds, and blacks, who make up
about one-third of the population - a high
percentage by East Tennessee standards.
Hamilton County has voted Republican
in all but one presidential contest since
1952. In 1968 George C. Wallace finished
first there and Republican Richard M.
Lloyd took it. She had to give up her seat on
the Public Works Committee.
Lloyd is at home on the House floor among
the southern Democrats who gather at the back
of the chamber. She votes with them on most
issues, and she has a tongue salty enough to
make her "one of the boys." Her conservative
record has disappointed the AFL-CIO, which
provided considerable help in her early cam-
paigns, but it has been no problem at all in her
district.
At Home: Marilyn Lloyd's husband Mort,
a well-known Chattanooga newsman, had little
trouble winning the 3rd District Democratic
nomination in 1974. When he died a few weeks
later in a plane crash, the district's county
chairmen chose his widow as the nominee.
She had owned and operated a radio sta-
tion with her husband, but had no political
experience. It was generally assumed that Mort
Lloyd's death ended any Democratic hopes of
denying GOP Rep. Lamar Baker a third term.
But Marilyn Lloyd turned out to be sur-
prisingly aggressive, and she found a successful
Southeast -
Chattanooga; Oak Ridge
Nixon second. In 1980 Democrat Lloyd
managed to run even with Ronald Reagan in
Hamilton County, taking 56 percent of the
vote. She matched that in 1982.
The district's most loyally Democratic
counties are Anderson and Roane in the
northern part of the 3rd. That area's major
city is Oak Ridge. Nearly 18,000 people
work at Union Carbide's three Oak Ridge
plants, which build weapons components
and enrich uranium for use in reactors.
The government workers and scientific
intelligentsia at Oak Ridge have tradition-
ally been the most consistent Democratic
voting bloc in East Tennessee, but that is
changing as the GOP takes the leading role
in promoting nuclear energy. In 1976,
Jimmy Carter won 56 percent in both An-
derson and Roane counties, but in 1980 he
averaged only 38 percent there. His attempt
to shut down the Clinch River breeder reac.
tor was widely unpopular.
Population: 516,692. White 449,455
(87%), Black 63,870 (12%). Spanish origin
3,701 (1%). 18 and over 370,457 (72%), 65
and over 55,994 (11%). Median age: 31.
combination of issues in the Watergate election
year: opposition to busing, more rights for
women and criticism of President Ford's par-
don of former President Nixon. She unseated
Baker with 51 percent of the vote.
In her first term, Lloyd built a following
with question-and-answer town hall meetings
and covered-dish suppers. Baker tried a come-
back in 1976, but Lloyd defeated him by a
margin of more than 2-to-1. After the 1978
election, in which she drew nearly 90 percent of
the vote, Lloyd married Joseph P. Bouquard, a
Chattanooga engineer. They were divorced in
1983.
In both 1980 and 1982, Lloyd's Republican
opponent was dentist and physician Glen M.
Byers. Byers tied his 1980 campaign closely to
Ronald Reagan and asked voters to reject the
Carter-Lloyd ticket. But while Reagan was car-
rying the 3rd District with 56 percent of the
vote, Lloyd won 61 percent - lower than the.
other Tennessee Democrats, but still a comfort-
able margin. She dispatched Byers with greater
ease in 1982, winning 62 percent.
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Committees
i $ rvkes (21st of 28 Democrats)
procurement and Military Nuclear Systems; Sapower and
prategiC and Critical Materials.
olance and Tec? (7th of 26 Democrats)
g w,gy Research and roduction (chairman); Energy Develop-
pient and Applications.
Select aging (10th of 38 Democrats).
1ltrnh and Long-Term Care.
s12 General
Marilyn Lloyd (D)
$4,967
(62%)
own Byers (R)
49,$85
(36%)
1112 Primary
Marilyn Lloyd (D)
48,002
(82%)
Stephen Roberts (D)
10,437
(18%)
1111 General
Marilyn Lloyd (D)
117,355
(61%)
Glen Byers (R)
74,761
(39%)
pwbus Winning Percentages:
197$
(89%) 1176
(68%)
W4 (51%)
District Vote For President
1110 1m
D 74,677 (41%) D 85,514 (51%)
R 101,094 (56%) a 79,510 (48%)
1 4,202 ( 2%)
1112
Lloyd (D)
$221,317
$90,550
(41%)
$221,598
Byers (R)
$75,582
$3,850
( 5%)
$64,323
Campaign Finance
Receipts from Eau
INC
Lloyd (D)
$136,283
$48,910
(36%)
$159
440
Byers (R)
643,834
$1,788
(.041%)
,
$43,236
Voting Studies
Presidential
$opw
Party conservative
erinNy coalition
veer
a
0
$ 0
$ 0
1112
47
47
56
36
73 22
1111
57
36
55
41
83 12
1110
53
42
46
52
96 14
117111
49
47
51
46
83 12
1171
37
46
36
50
73 7
1177
58
42
40
60
88 12
1971
41
59
44
56
84 16
1175
29
71
53
47
74 26
S - Support
0
- Opposition
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981)
Legal services reauthorization (1981)
Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981)
Index income taxes (1981)
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982)
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982)
Delete MX funding (1982)
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982)
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983)
Interest Group Ratings
Veer ADA ACA AFL-ClD CCU$
1992 25 50 60 52
1991 30 50 67 37
1110 22 54 53 72
1m 21 40 37 71
1978 15 68 53 so
1977 10 63 52 65
1m 10 61 65 50
1m 32 64 65 35
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4Norman Sisisky (D)
Of Petersburg - Elected 1982
Born: June 9, 1927, Baltimore, Md.
Education: Va. Commonwealth U., B.S. 1949.
Military Career. Navy, 1945-46.
Occupation: Beer and soft drink distributor.
Family: Wife, Rhoda Brown; four children.
Religion: Jewish.
Political Career. Virginia House, 1974-82.
Capitol Office: 1429 Longworth Bldg. 20515; 225-6365.
The Path to Washington: After a decade
of intraparty friction and under-financed cam-
paigns, Democrats united behind the wealthy
Sisisky in 1982 to win a House seat they felt
should have been theirs all along. Sisisky com-
bined a large campaign treasury and an affable
campaign style to oust veteran GOP Rep. Rob-
ert W. Daniel Jr.
The son of Lithuanian immigrants, Sisisky
was born in Baltimore. But his family moved
during the Depression to Richmond, where his
father found work in a delicatessen. Sisisky was
raised in the Virginia capital and attended a
local college.
During the campaign, Sisisky described
himself as a self-made businessman. Critics
said he simply married into a wealthy Peters-
burg family and took over management of its
soft drink company. But regardless of how he
got his start, Sisisky is a natural salesman who
turned the operation into one of the most
successful Pepsi-Cola distributorships in the
country. He has served as chairman of the
board of the National Soft Drink Association.
Sisisky has also been a local philanthro-
pist. Many of the high school football stadiums
in the Petersburg area have been built with
funds raised through the sale of soft drinks
provided at little or no charge by Sisisky's
company. He developed ties to the black com-
munity by serving on the board of visitors of
predominantly black Virginia State University.
After years as a pillar of Petersburg's busi-
ness community, Sisisky entered politics in
1973 by winning a seat in the state House. With
Virginia politics then in a state of flux, Sisisky
ran as an independent. But he caucused with
the Democrats in Richmond and in 1975 ran for
re-election as a Democrat.
Sisisky was actively involved in child advo-
cacy legislation, sponsoring a measure that es-
tablished a children's agency within state gov-
ernment. But he was best known as a master
compromiser, the man for legislators to see
when putting together a coalition. He often
served as an intermediary between conservative
Southside legislators and their more liberal
northern Virginia counterparts.
Sisisky was widely recognized as his party's
strongest potential challenger against Daniel in
1982, but his candidacy was almost blunted.
Eight years earlier, black activist Curtis W.
Harris had run as an independent, drawing
enough black votes to re-elect Daniel. When
Harris announced in early 1982 that he might
run as an independent again, Sisisky threat-
ened to pull out of the race. Only when Harris
promised to step aside did Sisisky resume his
campaign.
Once Sisisky got moving, however, he was
indefatigable. He campaigned non-stop for six
months, logging more than 25,000 miles. On
election eve he claimed that he had lost his
voice and 30 pounds. He also had lost part of
his fortune. Of a $520,000 campaign budget,
nearly $350,000 was provided by personal loans
from the candidate.
Daniel, a millionaire plantation owner
himself, accused Sisisky of trying to buy the
election. Sisisky contended that since he was
not well-known outside the Petersburg area, he
had to spend heavily on media in order to be
competitive.
Sisisky charged that Daniel's pro-Reagan
administration record did not represent blacks
(who comprise 40 percent of the distkjct's
population), farmers or the blue-collar workers
of the industrial Tidewater area. He chided
Daniel for opposing extension of the Voting
Rights Act.
Daniel countered that his opponent was
too liberal for the district, but any voters
with lingering worries seemed reassured by
Sisisky's personality. While Daniel was schol-
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Norman Sishky, D-Va.
District Vote For President
Armed Bervices (22nd of 28 Democrats)
1680
1976
Military Installations and Facilities; Seapower and Strategic and
D
91.716
(5(r/.)
D
96,396
(56%)
Critical Materials
R
63,955
(46%)
R
69,501
(41%)
35th
f 38
4,589
( 3%)
(
o
Retirement,
ployment.
and Employment.
Meal Walnae (19th of 26 Democrats)
Campaign Finance
Export Opportunities and Special Small Business Problems;
General Oversight and the Economy
R
Receipts
IoM
PAC
PACs
Rures
Sisisky(D)
$528,142 $55,530
(11%)
$523,960
Daniel(R)
$327,318 $113,479
(35%)
$307,311
1662 General
Norman Sisisky (D)
80,695
(54%)
Key Vote
Robert Daniel Jr. (R)
67,708
(46%)
Adopt nuclear
freeze
(1983)
N
Virginia 4
With Portsmouth's large black popula-
tion and blue-collar work force joining die-
hard rural Democrats, the 4th is solidly
Democratic on paper. It was the only Vir-
ginia district to give Jimmy Carter a major-
ity in 1980. Democrat Charles S. Robb won
60 percent here on route to election as
governor in 1981. But there are enough
Republicans and Byrd-style independents
to keep it close in many elections.
Portsmouth is 45 percent black and
casts about a quarter of the district vote.
The city is oriented toward the naval and
shipbuilding economy of Norfolk, Hampton
and Newport News. The neighboring city of
Chesapeake, slightly larger than Ports-
mouth, is less black and less industrial;
Ronald Reagan managed to carry it in 1980.
Many who work in Portsmouth's shipyards
and factories have homes in Chesapeake.
There is some industry in the smaller
cities of the 4th, which together make up
another 20 percent of the district's popula-
tion. Suffolk processes peanuts, Petersburg
makes tobacco products and Hopewell calls
arly and introverted, Sisisky was exuberant and
outgoing. "He's like a friendly bear," one re-
porter said.
Sisisky carried 15 out of 20 jurisdictions in
the district, but built up most of his margin in
Petersburg and the blue-collar city of Ports-
mouth, where he established his headquarters
Southeast - Chesapeake;
Portsmouth
itself the chemical capital of the South. Of
these towns, Carter lost only Hopewell in
1980. The most reliably Democratic of the
smaller cities is black-majority Petersburg,
which gave Sisisky a margin of nearly 4,000
votes over Republican incumbent Robert
W. Daniel Jr. in 1982.
Peanuts and tobacco are the important
crops in the farm lands of the 4th, where
more than one-third of district's residents
live. Democratic ties are still strong there.
Sussex County, for example, gave Lt. Gov.
Richard J. Davis 58 percent as the Demo-
cratic Senate nominee in 1982. Rural popu-
lation exodus, a trend that has virtually
ended elsewhere in Virginia, still plagues
this area; four agricultural counties lost
population in the 1970s.
Population: 533,703. White 317,266
(59%), Black 212,598 (40%), Asian and
Pacific Islander 3,170 0%). Spanish origin
5,735 0%). 18 and over 377,071 (71%), 65
and over 53,225 (10%). Median age: 30.
and campaigned extensively. The coattails of
Lt. Gov. Richard J. Davis, the unsuccessful
Democratic Senate candidate, provided Sisisky
a big boost in the populous eastern portion of
the district. A former Portsmouth mayor, Davis
carried the 4th by 25,000 votes, almost double
the size of Sisisky's districtwide margin.
Committees
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3. Richard Ray (D)
Of Perry - Elected 1982
Born: Feb. 2, 1927, Fort Valley, Ga.
Education: Attended U. of Ga.
Military Career. Navy, 1944-45.
Occupation: Exterminator; Senate aide.
Family: Wife, Barbara Elizabeth Giles; three children.
Religion: Methodist.
Political Career. Perry City Council, 1962-64; mayor of
Perry, 1964-70.
Capitol Office: 514 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-5901.
The Path to Washington: Over a decade
as administrative assistant to Democrat Sam
Nunn, now Georgia's senior senator, Ray estab-
lished himself as the quintessential detail man.
He read each letter ready to go out and rejected
any with the smallest imperfection. Nunn's
large staff lived by the manual Ray wrote,
detailing everything from permissible dress to
procedure for turning the lights out.
A demanding supervisor and a devout
Christian, Ray once made an effort to stop an
aide from swearing. His office always was clean
at day's end, and he seldom appeared without a
jacket and tie.
In many ways, Ray's personal values and
discipline suggest a similarity to Jimmy Carter,
who lives in the 3rd District and who cam-
paigned for him in 1982. But unlike the former
president, Ray has been modest on ambition,
spending most of his career working diligently
in the shadow of another public figure.
Ray and Nunn both come from Perry, a
town of just under 10,000 in central Georgia. As
mayor of the town in the 1960s, Ray appointed
Nunn, a local lawyer, to an advisory panel on
race relations. Nunn grew to admire Ray's
organizational abilities, and when he ran for
the U.S. Senate he enlisted Ray as one of his
top campaign aides. Ray served on Nunn's
transition team' in Washington and likes to
recount that the first time he heard he would
be in charge of the staff was the occasion Nunn
mentioned it to reporters.
The product of a family farm, Ray tried
agriculture for a while before going into the
pest-control business. His company expanded
until Getz, the Atlanta-based exterminating
concern, bought it out. He worked as the firm's
southeastern regional manager before signing
on with Nunn.
Ray is a conservative Democrat in the
mold of retired Democrat Jack Brinkley, his
predecessor. He favors a constitutional amend.
ment to balance the federal budget and a hard.
line stand on crime. To demonstrate his law.
and-order views, Ray aired a campaign
commercial that showed him slamming shut a
jail cell door.
When the Democratic Congressional Cam.
paign Committee passed word to him that a
condition for receiving national money was to
be a "loyal" - i.e., non-Boll Weevil - Demo-
crat, he publicly denounced such a quid pro
quo. The campaign committee ended up giving
him just $250. Early in 1983, as a member of
the House, Ray was one of just six first-term
Democrats to vote against his party's budget.
Ray's religious background is an important
part of his personality. Shortly after joining
Nunn in Washington, he set up the U.S. Senate
Staff Prayer Fellowship Group. During the
1982 campaign, he read the Bible every night.
But he was careful not to appear sanctimonious
in public; he turned down campaign advice that
he make more of his Christianity. Troubled by
the Moral Majority's social agenda, he criti-
cized the fundamentalist group for its zealotry.
Ray's connection to Nunn, a power on the
Senate Armed Services Committee, allowed
him to claim the mantle of Pentagon-protector
that is traditional in the 3rd, where Fort
Benning and Robins Air Force Base are impor-
tant to the local economy. The political action
committees of such defense contractors as
Lockheed and General Dynamics gave to to
Ray campaign.
As Nunn's administrative assistant, Ray
dealt mainly with work flow and constituent
service. Because he had little to do with policy,
he admitted during his House campaign that he
was weak on national issues. Still, he had
established firm ties to local officials in the 3rd
and, when he announced his candidacy, was
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Richard Ray, D-Ga.
Georgia 3
The 3rd District's most prominent citi-
zen is former President Carter, whose
hometown of Plains is in Sumter County on
the district's southern border. Carter won
61 percent of his home county's vote in
1980, a substantial decrease from his 1976
showing, when he took 72 percent.
The 3rd, like other Georgia districts,
has a formidable black population - 34
percent - and is influenced by the military
and textiles. The district is heavily agricul-
tural, although its output lags behind tex-
tiles and the federal military payroll in its
share of the district's annual gross product.
The dominant cities in the 3rd are
Columbus (Muscogee County) and Warner
Robins (Houston County), located at either
end of the district. Both are closely tied to
local military installations.
Located on the Alabama border, Co-
lumbus (population 169,441) is the district's
commercial center, with textiles the main-
stay of the local economy. Columbus' his-
tory as a manufacturing center dates back
to the Civil War, when it supplied uniforms,
arms and food to the Conferderate Army.
clearly formidable. Other Democratic aspirants
folded their plans to run for the seat.
Republicans, however, figured they had a
good chance to elect a successor to Brinkley.
The GOP candidate, lawyer Tyron Elliott, was
smoother and better spoken than Ray, and
received ample financing from the national
party, which sent in several big-name Republi-
Committees
Armed Services (23rd of 28 Democrats)
Investigations; Procurement, and Military Nuclear Systems.
Small Weineas (26th of 26 Democrats)
General Oversight and the Economy.
1882 General
Richard Ray (D)
74,626
(71%)
Tyron Elliott (R)
30,537
(29%)
1982 Primary
Richard Ray (D)
50,346
(63%)
James Cantrell (D)
23.677
(30%)
E. J. "Bud" Bagley (D)
5,733
( 7%)
West Central -
Columbus
These days the city's military ties are to the
Army's Fort Benning, which is a national
basic training center and employs about
5,000 civilians.
Warner Robins, on the district's east-
ern border, is home to Robins Air,Force
Base, a major air transport and Air Force
supply center. The base employs a total of
19,000 civilian and military personnel.
Reagan showed considerable strength
within Columbus and Warner-Robins in
1980, but still lost both Houston County
and Muscogee County to Carter.
Outside the cities, the land gives way to
the peanut, peach and pecan farms charac-
teristic of west-central Georgia. The tradi-
tionally Democratic, heavily black counties
here remained loyal to their favorite son in
1980, allowing him to draw 60 percent of the
vote districtwide.
Population: 540,865. White 347,373
(64 %), Black 185,763 (34% ). Spanish origin
8,810 (2%). 18 and over 376,128 (70%), 65
and over 53,146 (10%). Median age: 28.
cans to help him.
Yet the area's sagging farm economy,
Nunn's active campaigning for Ray and the
natural Democratic inclinations of the 3rd
(which is 34 percent black) conspired to give
Elliott a drubbing. Ray swept every county,
including Muscogee (Columbus), where Elliott
had expected to do well.
District Vote For President
11180 1976
D 85.268 (60%) D 92,186 (70%)
R 52,307 (37%) R 39.699 (30%)
Campaign Finance
Receipts Expend-
Receipts from PACs Rures
Ray (D) $467,294 $95,002 (207.) $320,630
Elliott (R) $205,409 $36,550 (18%) $212391
Key Vote
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) N
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5 John M. Spratt Jr. (D)
Of York - Elected 1982
Born: Nov. 1, 1942, Charlotte, N.C.
Education: Davidson College, A.B. 1964; Oxford U.,
M.A. 1966; Yale U., LL.B. 1969.
Military Career. Army, 1969-71.
Occupation: Lawyer.
Family: Wife, Jane Stacy; three children.
Religion: Presbyterian.
Political Career. No previous office.
Capitol Office: 1118 Longworth Bldg. 20515; 225-5501.
The Path to Washington: With three
academic degrees and a background as a bank
president, Spratt is not the obvious represen-
tative for a district made up mostly of poor
textile towns and dusty farms. But if his career
provided ammunition for his 1982 opponents, it
did not bother the voters. On Election Day they
gave Spratt 68 percent, more than any candi-
date with major opposition had received in this
district since 1968.
Spratt, in fact, worked hard to turn his
elitist credentials into an asset. "People are
glad to see a candidate with these qualifica-
tions," he said. "That's my come-on." If his
style on the stump remained somewhat schol-
arly and his answers to questions detailed, no
one but his advisers seemed to mind.
Besides his degrees from Yale and Oxford,
Spratt has an 830-acre farm, a legal practice
that includes York County among its clients
and the presidency of the bank of Fort Mill,
S.C. But in the time it took to amass those
prizes, a political career was never far from his
mind.
When Democratic Rep. Ken Holland an-
nounced his decision to retire just a week
before the filing deadline in April of 1982,
Spratt jumped for the Democratic nomination.
He was joined by three others, including John
Winburn, a former aide to Holland, and state
Rep. Ernie Nunnery.
Nunnery noted. that he was the only one
with a record in elective office, while Winburn,
referring to his Capitol Hill years, called him-
self "the congressman you won't have to train."
Spratt stressed that he had spent the last 11
years at home in York County, practicing law.
When Winburn called him "a millionaire
banker, lawyer and hobby farmer" who could
not relate to ordinary people, Spratt said his
work with small-town clients and depositors
had given him an understanding of their cir-
cumstances. "I wouldn't have kept my job if I
couldn't relate to these people," he said.
Winburn inherited Holland's organize.
tional contacts, and Nunnery had a strong base
in Chester County, but Spratt was able to
match them by calling on friends made during
his work for 1974 gubernatorial candidate
Charles D. Ravenel. In addition, his banking
interests and his law practice - through which
he helped York County reorganize its govern.
ment - gave him strong connections in politi-
cal and business circles throughout the 5th. By
the end of the primary, large portions of the
party leadership were quietly behind him.
The primary was a cliffhanger - but not
for Spratt. He took 38 percent of the vote,
leading both Winburn and Nunnery by nearly
9,000 votes. The question was who would come
in second and earn a runoff berth. Eventually.
Winburn's 312-vote lead over Nunnery was
allowed to stand. But it made little difference;
Spratt won the runoff with 55 percent.
In the general election, Republican John
Wilkerson, a longtime friend and legal client of
Spratt, criticized the Democrat's opposition to
constitutional amendments promoting school
prayer and a balanced budget. Wilkerson ac-
cused Spratt of being too liberal for the district.
But Spratt appealed to the district's partisan
loyalties, saying that he was "in the main-
Spratt had a clear organization edge. When
he visited county courthouses, rural areas and
factories, he often had a locally popular politi-
cal figure close at hand. Wilkerson had fewer
contacts; one source described his supporters asp
"the country club boys - the fellows who put
ice in their whisky."
In the final weeks of the campaign, unable
to rely on a county-by-county apparatus,
Wilkerson turned to a set of negative ads on
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John M. Sprott Jr., D-S.C.
South Carolina 5
Touching on four distinct regions of
South Carolina, the 5th sprawls from the
hills of Cherokee County to the low country
around Sumter, lacking a geographic center
or a clear political identity. To command a
districtwide media presence, a candidate
has to buy time in four cities outside the
district - Greenville, Columbia, Florence
and Charlotte, N.C.
The area is largely dependent on yarns
and cloth. The largest employer in the 5th is
Springs Mills, with plants in Lancaster,
Kershaw and Chester; the huge Du Pont
synthetic fibers plant in Camden runs a
close second. Most of the counties in the
central section of the district have at least
one town whose name ends in "Mills," and
millworkers form the base of the area's
labor-oriented Democratic vote.
The district's southern and eastern
counties remain primarily agricultural.
Chesterfield and tiny Lee County grow soy-
beans, corn, cotton and melons; their poli-
tics, centered around the courthouses in
Chesterfield and Bishopville, are rigidly
Democratic.
The largest city in the district is Rock
Hill, a declining textile town in York
television that implied that Spratt, during
Ravenel's 1974 campaign, had tried to buy votes.
The commercials galvanized Spratt sup-
porters, and caused grumbling even among Re-
North Central -
Rock Hill
County, some 25 miles from Charlotte, N.C.
The county's last cotton mill, located in
Rock Hill, closed early in 1982. Rock Hill
remains a blue-collar town, however, with a
strong Democratic loyalty. In the 1980
presidential balloting it gave Jimmy Carter
67 percent of its vote.
The rest of York County has been
growing quickly, and several suburban
Charlotte communities have sprung up near
the North Carolina border. Their residents
provide one of the few firm blocs of Repub-
lican strength in the district.
The bth's other GOP pockets are in
Sumter and Kershaw counties. Shaw Air
Force Base in Sumter has been a major
source of federal dollars and conservative
votes. Kershaw's county seat of Camden is
the home base of some of South Carolina's
most prominent Democratic politicians, but
its Du Pont executives and other wealthy
business people who live outside the city
back Republican candidates.
Population: 519,716. White 347,770
(67%), Black 168,599 (32%). Spanish origin
4,563 0%). 18 and over 357,907 (69%), 65
and over 51,693 (10%). Median age: 29.
publicans. After the ads were broadcast,
Wilkerson canceled all his engagements and
took to the road for a final round of personal
campaigning, but to no benefit.
Committees
Ernie Nunnery (D) 19,522 (26%)
Bill Home (D) 6,729 (9'/.)
Armed Services (24th of 28 Democrats)
Military Installations and Facilities; Military Personnel and Com-
District Vote For President
pensation.
1990 1916
Government Operations (23rd of 25 Democrats)
D 74,745 (53%) D 80,255 (59%)
Commerce, Consumer and Monetary Affairs; Manpower and
R 63,496 (45%) R 54,153 (40%)
Housing.
Campaign Finance
1992 General
John Sprott (D)
69,345
(68%)
RaeNpta
Receipts
from PACs
Eavend-
Itursa
John Wilkerson (R)
33,191
(32%)
1982
102 Primary Runoff
Sprott (D)
$379,941
$47.400
(12%)
$374,515
John Sprott (D)
30,859
(55%)
Wilkerson(R)
$237,696
$28.460
(12%)
$231,960
John Winburn (D)
25,302
(45%)
102 Primary
John Sprott (D)
472
28
(38%)
Key Vote
John Winbum (D)
,
19,865
(27%)
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983)
Y
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27 Solomon P. Ortiz (D
of Corpus Christi - Elected 1982
Born: June 3, 1937, Robstown, Texas.
Education: Attended Del Mar College, 1966-67.
Military Career. Army, 1960-62.
Occupation: Law enforcement official.
Family: Divorced; two children.
Religion: Methodist.
political Career. Nueces County Constable, 1964-68;
Nueces County Commissioner, 1968-76; Nueces
County Sheriff, 1976-82.
Capitol Office: 1524 Longworth Bldg. 20515; 225-7742.
The Path to Washington: For almost 20
years, Ortiz has been a ground-breaker for
Hispanics in South Texas politics, holding a
succession of offices previously closed to Mexi-
can-Americans. And he has managed to com-
pile an unbroken string of victories that dates
back to his election as a constable in 1964. He
became Nueces County's first Hispanic com-
missioner in 1968, and its first Hispanic sheriff
in 1976, when he took two-thirds of the vote.
Ortiz has been known for his tough law
enforcement stance and his efforts to modern-
ize the sheriff's office. Besides upgrading the
patrol division and training academy, Ortiz
organized a ten-county drug task force and a
regional enforcement network. The effort made
him popular in an area that has become a
bypass route for national drug traffic.
As soon as it was clear that reapportion-
ment would grant Texas three new House seats
for 1982, there was general agreement that one
of them would be in south Texas and that it
would have a Hispanic majority. As drawn by
the Legislature and then adjusted by a three-
judge federal panel, the new 27th offered an
excellent opportunity for a Mexican-American
Democrat. Its overall Hispanic population ex-
ceeded 69 percent.
Five candidates filed for the Democratic
primary, and four of them were Mexican-Amer-
icans. The one who attracted the most outside
attention was Jorge Rangel, a 34-year-old Har-
vard-educated lawyer whose conservative eco-
nomic views made him a favorite of business
political action committees in Washington as
well as in Texas. But Rangel's business connec-
tions were suspect to more traditional Demo-
cra o the Hispanic community, and as a first-
timandidate, he had no established political
base Ortiz had the loyal backing of the poorer
Hispanics in Corpus Christi who had sustained
his long political career, and that was enough to
bring him in first with 26 percent of the pri-
mary vote and earn him a spot in the June
runoff.
The second runoff position went to the one
non-Hispanic candidate in the contest, Joseph
Salem, a Corpus Christi jeweler and former
state representative. Despite his Lebanese
background, Salem spoke fluent Spanish, had
good ties to Mexican-Americans in his city and
was a favorite of organized labor throughout
the new 27th District.
The runoff thus had a different flavor from
the first primary. With Rangel out of the
contest, oil and other business interests turned
to Ortiz in an effort to stop Salem, whom they
regarded as too liberal. Meanwhile, some of the
more militant young Hispanics in the area
chose to ignore ethnic ties and side with Salem
on ideological grounds.
The decisive runoff votes were cast in
Brownsville, at the opposite end of the district
from Corpus Christi. Salem had some initial
appeal to the Hispanic majority there, but
Ortiz scored a coup by gaining the support of
state Pardon and Parole Chairman Ruben M.
Tones, who had been Brownsville's choice in
the first round of primary voting. Thanks to
Tones' support, Ortiz won about 60 percent of
the Cameron County (Brownsville) runoff vote,
allowing him to draw 52 percent of the vote
districtwide.
The general election simply ratified the
primary result. All major Hispanic groups
united behind Ortiz against Republican Jason
Luby, a former Corpus Christi mayor who had
already lost two previous congressional bids.
Ortiz ran as a law-and-order advocate, reiterat-
ing his earlier statements calling crime the
nation's major problem. Election Day brought
Ortiz 64 percent of the vote.
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Texas 27
The newly created 27th looks tidy and
compact: four whole counties and the bulk
of a fifth lined up along the Gulf Coast in
far southern Texas with the region's two
largest cities at either end.
But when the boundaries of the 27th
were released by federal judges, there were
grumblings in Brownsville, a Mexican bor-
der city in the Rio Grande Valley that has
never had a grewt deal of contact with
Corpus Christi, its much larger competitor
for tourists and seaport trade. Since about
55 percent of the district's population lives
in the Corpus Christi area, some Browns-
ville residents worry that their interests
may be overshadowed by Corpus Christi's in
the new district.
Among Texas ports, Corpus Christi is
second only to Houston in tonnage handled
yearly. The city has large petrochemical and
aluminum plants and seafood processing
facilities. Manufacturers of clothing and oil
drilling equipment are also important em-
ployers. Tourists are drawn to Corpus
Christi by its mild climate and direct access
Committees
Armed Services (27th of 28 Democrats)
Military Personnel and Compensation; Seapower and Strategic
and Critical Materials.
Merchant Marine and Fisheries (24th of 25 Democrats)
Fisheries, Wildlife Conservation and the Environment; Merchant
Marine; Panama Canal and Outer Continental Shelf.
SeNct Narcotic. Abuse and Control (14th of 16 Democrats)
1112 General
Solomon P. Ortiz (D)
66.604
(64%)
Jason Luby(R)
35,209
(34%)
1112 Primary Runoff .
Solomon P. Ortiz (D)
24.539
(526/6)
Joe Salem (D)
23,082
(48%)
1182 Primary
Solomon P. Ortiz (D)
Gulf Coast - Corpus
Christi; Brownsville
to the Padre Island National Seashore.
By comparison, Brownsville offers more
of a south-of-the-border flavor. Corpus
Christi's Nueces County is not quite half.
Hispanic, but in Brownsville and Cameron
County, nearly 80 percent of the residents
are Hispanic. Export-import trade with
Mexico is vital to the Brownsville economy,
and the bounteous harvests of the Rio
Grande Valley keep many workers em-
ployed processing fruits and vegetables.
Nueces and Cameron behave similarly
at the polls, as reflected in the 1982 guber-
natorial results. Democrat Mark White car-
ried both counties, 59-40 percent in Cam-
eron, 60-39 percent in Nueces. Democrats
generally win districtwide, although their
margins statewide were higher in the mid-
1970s than they have been recently.
Population: 526,988. White 417,540
(79%), Black 14,443 (21%). Spanish origin
324,120 (62%). 18 and over 341,512 (65%),
65 and over 46,546 (9%). Median age: 26.
Joe Salem (D) 18,784 (25%)
Jorge Ranges (D) 14,008 (191%)
Arnold Gonzales (D) 13,072 (17%)
Ruben Torres (D) 10,302 (14%)
District Vote For Mafdant
1180 1171
0 72,902 (51%) D 86,991 (61X)
R 69,306 (47%) R 54,623 (38%)
Campaign Finance
Receipts from PACs
Key Vote
Adopt nuclear freeze (1993)
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 1 wmi~ _ _ Georoe W. Darden (D-Ga. I at Tenn*
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010W .D. Nov. u, lwj, r+an000K 1io., ua.; Any.; Meth.;
Manetta.
Dish 7th, Pop., 545,913; Maj. Cities, Marietta Rome; Of-
.A'111111111111111111111 (ices, Marietta (Mary Hall, 404/422.4482); Rome
(Kathryn Padgett, 404291.7777).
Com'Mes: ARMED SVS. (Rsch.-DeVt; Readiness).
Aides Adm., Diane Pickett Press, Deborah Spector.
? Replaced Larry McDonald Nov. 8, 1983.
Georgia
Georgia State Rep. George W. "Buddy" Darden easily
defeated Democrat Kathryn McDonald in a. Nov. 8 special
House election runoff.
Darden replaced Democratic Rep. Larry P. McDonald,
Kathryn's husband, who died aboard the Korean Air Lines
jet shot down by a Soviet fighter plane Sept. 1. Kathryn
McDonald echoed her husband's militant conservatism and
his hostility to the national Democratic Party. Darden took
a more moderate approach.
Darden was the first candidate in a decade to challenge
successfully the coalition of national conservative organiza-
tions, local John Birch Society adherents and rural conser-
vatives that sparked Larry McDonald's campaigns. An ally
of powerful state House Speaker Tom Murphy, Darden was
able to pick up the support of a range of elected Democrats
and party officials despite the official neutrality of the
party itself.
The face-off between McDonald and Darden was set
up Oct. 18, when they finished first and second, respec-
tively, in the first round of the non-partisan special elec-
tion. McDonald's 30.6 % of the vote in the initial round was
far less than her supporters had hoped for, and it signaled
trouble for her campaign.
McDonald's initial weakness stemmed in part from
voters' doubts about her suitability to succeed her hus-
band. Originally from California, she had spent most of her
time after their marriage in Washington, D.C., and seemed
to have little in common with the voters of northwest
Georgia. Moreover, some tradition-minded voters ques-
tioned whether a widow with two young children should be
in Congress.
Darden campaigned as a "responsible conservative"
and labeled McDonald an extremist. The McDonald cam-
paign attacked Darden as a liberal for his support for the
Equal Rights Amendment and his financial backing from
organized labor.
Although McDonald carried the four northern counties
in the district - traditionally her husband's stronghold -
Darden picked up most of the vote in those counties that
had gone to other candidates on the first round.
Official results:
George W. "Buddy" Darden 56,267 59.1 %
Kathryn McDonald 38,949 40.9 1
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House Freshmen - 21
Albert G.
Bustamante
(D-23rd District)
Election: Succeeds Democratic Rep. Abraham Kazen Jr.,
whom he defeated in the primary.
Born: April 8, 1935, Asherton, Texas.
Education: Sul Ross State College, B.A. 1961.
Military Career. Army, 1954-56.
Occupation: Teacher.
Family: Wife, Rebecca Pounders; three children.
Religion: Roman Catholic.
Political Career. Bexar County Commissioner, 1972-78;
Bexar County Judge, 1978-82.
Background: Bustamante's election, guaranteed when he
ousted veteran Democratic Rep. Abraham Kazen Jr. in a primary
last May, marks another step in southwest Texas Hispanics' march
to wrest key offices from traditional "Anglo" control.
Bustamante grew up as a migrant laborer, picking fruit and
grain crops. Kazen, who is of Lebanese descent, comes from a
family associated with the Anglo establishment that has long
dominated many of southwest Texas' border towns.
Ethnicity was not the overt subject of the primary campaign
between them. Bustamante spent most of his time trying to paint
Kazen as an inaccessible and ineffective representative; Kazen
played up his seniority and cited signs of his influence.
But it was clear that Bustamante's primary chances would
depend on his ability to rally fellow Hispanics. "Help me on Cinco
de Mayo [May 5, a Mexican national holiday as well as Texas'
primary date] to declare our independence from an old political
family who has controlled the destiny of this area," Bustamante
told a mostly Mexican-American audience during the campaign.
Sufficient numbers of Hispanics heeded that cry to enable
Bustamante to score an impressive 59 percent of the primary vote
in the 23rd, where 1983 redistricting changes boosted the Mexican-
American population to more than 53 percent of the district's
total. Bustamante's victory made him one of only three challengers
to oust an incumbent in a 1984 primary.
He had no opposition in the general election, and in December
was elected president of the incoming Democratic freshman class.
Bustamante got his first full-time job in politics in 1968, when
he signed on as an assistant to U.S. Rep. Henry B. Gonzaley, a
pioneer among Hispanic Democrats in Texas politics. Bustamante
held that job for three years before his own political ambitions
caused a conflict with his boss. After Gonzalez dismissed him from
the staff, Bustamante ran successfully for a seat on the Bexar
County (San Antonio) Commission in 1972.
Bustamante took an active role in presidential politics, at-
tending the 1976 Democratic National Convention as one of six
Texas delegates pledged to the state's own Sen. Lloyd Bentsen. He
advanced his own career by abandoning his commission post after
one five-year term and won a Bexar County judgeship in 1978.
Bustamante developed a reputation as a tough-minded judge,
fond of publicity and unabashed in tangling with other public
officials. During negotiations over a suit filed to force improve-
ments in the local prison system, Bustamante threatened to go to
jail to protest what he viewed as excessive funding demands. He
later backed a bond issue to raise money for a new jail.
5RESS1ONAL OUaRTERIY INC
o. n - -w b, .dro.mi .Lm.
Jan. 5, 1985-PAGE 31
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ARKANSAS
Tommy Robinson
(D-2nd District)
Election: Succeeds Republican Rep. Ed Bethune, who ran
unsuccessfully for the Senate.
Born: March 7, 1942, Little Rock, Ark.
Education: U. of Arkansas at Little Rock, B.A. 1'976.
Military Career: Navy, 1959-63.
Occupation: Law enforcement officer.
Family: Wife, Carolyn; six children.
Religion: Methodist.
Political Career. Pulaski County (Little Rock) sheriff,
1980-84.
Background: Flamboyance and a populist pitch made Rob-
inson one of Arkansas' best-known politicians, but moderation
marked his congressional campaign. He is not prone to predictabil-
ity, and many wonder what he will be like as a congressman.
When the overcrowded state prison system delayed removing
its prisoners from his county jail, Sheriff Robinson handcuffed
prisoners to a fence at the state prison. He also made headlines for
arresting the Pulaski County judge and comptroller in a dispute
over funding for the sheriffs department. That swashbuckling,
tough-guy approach dismayed some of Little Rock's more urbane
residents, but made him a folk hero in working-class areas of
Pulaski County and in the seven mostly rural counties that
surround Pulaski. Those counties carried Robinson to victory; he
did not carry Pulaski in the primary, runoff, or general elections.
The son of a fireman, Robinson served in the Navy after high
school, then spent 16 years working his way up in law enforcement,
winning election as Pulaski County sheriff in 1980. He was easily
re-elected two years later, and in 1984 Robinson entered the 2nd
District race, surprising Democratic Secretary of State Paul Rivi-
ere, who had been building an organization for a year. GOP Rep.
Ed Bethune vacated the 2nd District seat to run for the Senate.
Robinson borrowed hundreds of thousands of dollars to fi-
nance his campaign, and he found an issue to seize on: When a
federal judge ordered consolidation of three public school districts
in Pulaski County, Robinson promised to work in Congress to limit
judges' power. Robinson shrugged off attacks on his finances,
explaining that a common man like himself lacked the money to
run for Congress and had to rely on friends for help.
Robinson won the primary and runoff easily. Republicans
nominated state Rep. Judy Petty. With nomination in hand,
Robinson shifted from right to center to attract disaffected moder-
ate-to-liberal Democrats. He said in August that he himself "may
be a liberal Democrat" on issues such as the Equal Rights
Amendment and GOP-proposed cuts in aid for the young and the
elderly. Petty, meanwhile, hewed to the GOP line, and there was
negative fallout from her speech at the national convention in
which she defended the party's foreign policy platform saying,
"There are some things worse than war."
Reagan carried Arkansas easily, but Robinson won by more
than 12,000 votes.
510NAL OVARY R!v ON,
pen eutepl by elee.w 1-
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2WMam L. Dickinson (R)
Of Montgomery - Elected 1964
Dom June 5, 1925, Opelika, Ala.
Education: U. of Ala. Law School, LL.B. 1950.
Military Career. Navy, 1943-46; Air Force Reserve.
Occupation: Lawyer, judge, railroad executive.
Family: Wife, Barbara Edwards; four children.
Religion: Methodist.
Political Career. Opelika city judge, 1951-53; Lee
County Court of Common Pleas and Juvenile Court
judge, 1954-58; 5th Judicial Circuit judge, 1958-63.
Capitol Office: 2406 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-2901.
In Washington: Viewed over most of his
career as a talented but lackadaisical member
of the Armed Services Committee, Dickinson
seemed to take on a new seriousness after he
became that committee's ranking Republican
member in 1981.
He worked closely with John G. Tower of
Texas, the GOP chairman of Armed Services in
the Senate, and took a sympathetic but some-
times critical view of the Reagan military
buildup. Early in 1981, he warned the adminis-
tration not to assume a permanent national
consensus for higher defense spending. "We
will only be able to retain public support," he
said, "if we can show that the funds are spent
wisely."
When the fiscal 1983 defense authorization
bill came to the House floor, Dickinson played
the most visible role of his career, putting up a
common front with committee Democrat Sam-
uel S. Stratton - with whom he had sometimes
quarreled in the past - to defend the MX
missile, chemical weapons and other controver-
sial programs against sustained attack.
Dickinson can be a tough, sarcastic de-
bater; when critics of chemical warfare tried to
argue that world opinion was against it, he
remarked, "If the Soviets start to roll and use
their chemical agents, we will hit them with an
opinion ' poll. That will atop them in their
tracks."
The Alabama Republican was effective on
a heavily lobbied issue, the proposed use of
reconditioned 747 airplanes rather than C-5A
cargo planes for international troop transport.
Dickinson took the lead for Armed Services in
backing the C-5A, arguing his case in a ram-
bling but convincing speech that provided some
of the more entertaining momenta of the de-
fense bill debate. "The whole idea of using 747s
comes from somebody who is trying to peddle
airplanes," he said. In the end, his side won
easily.
Dickinson's performance on the defense
bill erased some of the earlier perceptions of
him as a man who did not work hard enough to
win on important issues. He had suffered a
significant defeat in 1980, when he launched
one of his periodic drives to merge all military
helicopter training into one program - at Fort
Rucker in his district. Many Armed Services
specialists conceded the logic of this approach,
and Dickinson was thought to have a good
chance in 1980. But he lost a lobbying fight to
the obscure Earl Hutto, a freshman Democrat
from Florida whose district stood to lose under
the change and who simply outhustled Dickin-
son.
Dickinson has used his Armed Services
position to travel around the world and to
direct federal military spending into his dis-
trict. As a traveler, he achieved distinction
early. In his first six years in Congress, he
visited 29 countries. He has managed to keep
up the pace since then.
As for his district, Dickinson takes pride in
the comprehensive five-year development plan
for Maxwell-Gunter Air Force complex in
Montgomery and in the millions of dollars that
have gone into flight training at Fort Rucker,
even though the long-sought helicopter training
expansion has never taken place.
Dickinson also is the senior Republican in
years of service on the House Administration
Committee. Under party rules, however, he
could only be "ranking" on one panel, so he
yielded that position on House Administration
to Bill Frenzel of Minnesota
Outside his committee assignments, Dick-
inson tries to involve himself in measures of
interest to the cotton and peanut farmers of his
district. He sometimes testifies at the Agricul-
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William 1. Dickinson, R-Ala.
Alabama 2
Most of the 2nd District, which covers
the southeast corner of the state, Is rural.
But half the population is concentrated in
two urban centers at opposite corners of the
district.
At the northwest edge is Montgomery
County, with just under 200,000 people. The
city of Montgomery has long been a na-
tional Republican stronghold in Alabama,
voting for GOP presidential candidates as
far back as 1956.
Montgomery was the first capital of the
Confederacy, and to many the city repre-
sents the Fort Sumter of the civil rights
movement. In 1955 a black woman named
Rosa Parks refused to give up her bus seat
to a white man, and her arrest resulted in a
boycott led by Martin Luther King Jr. and
the end of bus segregation.
With the state capitol crucial to its
economy, Montgomery is largely a white-
collar town with a government-oriented
work force. Nearby Maxwell and Gunter Air
Force bases employ more than 6,000 people.
At the southeastern corner of the dis-
trict, near the Florida and Georgia borders,
is the Houston County seat of Dothan, a
city of nearly 50,000. Originally a cotton and
peanut market town, Dothan grew rapidly
after World War II - especially in the
1970s - by attracting new industries, in-
Southeast -
Montgomery; Dothan
eluding large plants run by Michelin and
Sony. Largely non-union, the Dothan plants
represent most of the heavy industry in the
2nd District.
Although fiercely loyal to George C.
Wallace, Houston County has been voting
regularly for conservative Republicans in
other contests over the last decade.
Fort Rucker, where many Army and Air
Force helicopter pilots and crews are
trained, is northwest of Dothan in Dale
County. More than 11,000 military and ci-
vilian personnel work at Fort Rucker.
Between these two population centers
are the Piney Woods of Alabama and a
portion of the state's Black Belt. Sparsely
populated, the area grows more peanuts
than almost any region in the country, al-
though cotton is still cultivated. As a testa-
ment to the success of peanuts, the town of
Enterprise in Coffee County erected a mon-
ument to the boll weevil, the insect whose
destruction of the cotton crop. in the early
part of the century convinced farmers to
switch to peanuts.
Population: 549,505. White 376,259
(68%), Black 168,913 (31 %). Spanish origin
5,731 (1%). 18 and over 383,150 (70%), 65
and over 64,624 (12%). Median age: 29.
ture Committee in favor of peanut price-sup-
port programs.
Dickinson's good-natured personal style
does not always come through in his rhetoric.
During his early years in Congress, strong
words caused him a considerable amount of
trouble.
In his first term, Dickinson took to the
House floor and denounced civil rights march-
ers in his home state as "human flotsam" and
"communist dupes," stirred up by outside agi-
tators and a biased press. Some members, of-
fended at the tone of his remarks, pointedly
walked out of the House chamber as he spoke.
His hometown newspaper criticized him pub-
licly; Dickinson conceded he may have erred.
Dickinson chooses his words a little more
carefully these days, at least in public, but his
basic political conservatism remains solid.
He warns against the spread of interna-
tional communism and speaks out for the na-
tionalist Chinese government on Taiwan. And,
as he has noted in his own list of accomplish-
ments, Dickinson "fights radical liberal efforts
to further lower moral standards in the U.S.
with such schemes as abortion on demand and
so-called homosexual 'civil rights."'
In the 97th Congress Dickinson renewed
his attack on the federal judiciary, introducing
a constitutional amendment requiring Senate
confirmation of federal judges every six years.
He said such a procedure would be "bound to
keep them a little more honest."
At Home: Like fellow Republican Jack
Edwards in the neighboring 1st District, Dick-
inson has worked his 1964 upset victory into a
long-term congressional career.
But while Edwards has had an easy time
holding his seat, Dickinson has rarely escaped
serious opposition. Six times he has won re-
election with less than 60 percent of the vote;
four times, he has been held under 55 percent.
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Alabama - 2nd Dishicl
Dickinson represents a primarily rural, tra-
ditionally Democratic area of Alabama. Some
of his conservative Democratic opponents have
drawn the active support of former Gov. George
C. Wallace, whose original home base is
Barbour County, at the eastern end of the 2nd
District.
Dickinson has embellished his conservative
credentials with blessings from prominent fig-
ures like Jerry Falwell, the national leader of
the Moral Majority, and has been able to
establish a solid base of support in the popula-
tion centers, Montgomery and Dothan.
Dickinson's urban base, however, was
barely enough in 1982. As Wallace's former
press secretary and president of the state Pub-
lic Service Commission, Democratic challenger
Billy Joe Camp had excellent name identifica-
tion.
Camp was not an aggressive campaigner
and did not have much money. But he benefit-
ted from Wallace's presence on the ballot as
gubernatorial nominee. That and a double-digit
unemployment rate were nearly enough to send
him to Congress. With Camp carrying nine of
the district's 13 counties, Dickinson had to run
more than 10,000 votes ahead in the Montgom-
ery and Dothan areas to eke out a 1,386-vote
victory. It was the smallest margin of his House
career.
Committees
Armed Services (Ranking)
Military Installations and Facilities; Military Personnel and Com-
pensation; Research and Development.
Moues Administration (2nd of 7 Republicans)
Services (ranking); Office Systems.
Elections
1982 General
William L Dickinson (R) 83,290 (50%)
Billy Joe Camp (D) 81,904 (49%)
1860 General
Wiliam L Dickinson (R) 104,796 (61%)
Cecil Wyatt (D) 63,447 (37%)
Previous Winning Pereentagis: 1876 (54%) 1976 (58%)
1974 (66%) 1972 (55%) 1970 (61%) 1996 (55%)
11196 (55%) 1864 162%)
District Vote For President
1980 1978
0 83,720 (44%) 0 88.208 (53%)
R 99,283 (53%) R 75,528 (46%)
1962
Campaign Finance
Receipts Expand-
Receipts from PACs dare
Dickinson (R) $300,186 $135,099 (45%) $281,971
Camp(0) $145,214 $55,600 (38%) $140.047
A Democratic circuit judge in Lee County
for four years, Dickinson quit the bench in 1963
to become assistant vice president of the
Southern Railroad. But his stay in the business
world was brief. He filed for the House just as
Barry Goldwater was launching his presidential
campaign, and when Goldwater swept Alabama
in November 1964, Dickinson easily unseated
Democratic Rep. George M. Grant.
Grant had a conservative record, but Dick-
inson managed to associate him with the na-
tional Democratic ticket, which not only was
unpopular in the state but was excluded from
an official position at the top of the ballot.
Dickinson has had a series of close re-
election campaigns since then. The strongest
challenger until Camp was state Sen. "Walk-
ing" Wendell Mitchell, who ran in 1978.
Mitchell said Dickinson had done little for
the district and had missed too many House
roll calls. Dickinson .was held to 54 percent of
the vote.
In the following two years, the Republican
devoted increased attention to his constitu-
ency. From his position on the Armed Services
Committee, he was able to win increased fund-
ing for Maxwell-Gunter. In 1980, with Republi-
cans running well statewide in Alabama, Dick-
inson won re-election with a comfortable 61
percent of the vote.
1160
Dickinson (R) $175,225 $60,979 (35?1.) $116,504
Wyatt (D) $23,496 $3,600 (15%) $23,492
Voting Studies
Preeldloctial conservative
Support Undy Coalition
Year B 0 9 0 $ 0
1882 75 14 76 11 89 4
1961 72 16 77 14 . 81 7
1960 32 56 80 11 79 5
1979 20 72 82 11 88 5
1878 21 62 74 12 84 5
1977 32 56 74 12 81 4
1976 76 18 Be 6 92 1
1975 64 27 78 10 85 4
1974 (Ford) 50 33
1974 60 28 77 8 82 2
1973 70 22 78 14 89 3
1972 43 24 74 8 77 2
1971 74 19 82 12 93 3
1970 52 32 71 18 89 -
1969 60 32 73 18 82 2
1996 35 48 67 9 7%,
1967 28 51 76 4 74
1966 15 46 61 0 59 0
1965 22 66 79 3 80 2
S - Support 0 Opposition
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981) Y
Legal services reauthorization (1981) X
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psapprove We of AWACI planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) N
index income taxes (1981) Y
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1962) y
palate MX funding (1982) N
retain existing cep on congressional salaries (1982) Y
Adopt nuclear from (1983) N
Interest Group Ratings
Vast ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCU$
1182 0 95 0 84
1181 5 76 27 100
William L. Dickinson, R-Alo.
11
93
10
81
5
Be
6
93
5
96
16
81
5
92
23
100
0
96
17
100
6
89
9
100
4
92
0
Be
4
96
9
100
0
95
0
100
3
86
17
8
94
0
89
0
69
0
0
96
0
-
0
96
0
100
0
100
0
0
96
-
100
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12
G. William Whitehurst (R)
Of Virginia Beach - Elected 1968
Born: March 12, 1925, Norfolk, Va.
Education: Washington and Lee U., B.A. 1950; U. of
Va., M.A. 1951; W.Va. U., Ph.D. 1962.
Military Career. Navy, 1943-46.
Occupation: History professor; broadcast journalist.
Family: Wife, Jennette Franks; two children.
Religion: Methodist.
Political Career. No previous office.
Capitol Office: 2469 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-4215.
In Washington: Whitehurst combines
strong support for a higher military budget
with a passion for saving the lives of animals.
His defense views flow naturally out of his
Norfolk constituency, which includes a dozen
military facilities; his concern for animals has
been fostered by his wife, Jennette, who spe-
cializes in the issue as his unpaid legislative
assistant.
Whitehurst was described as a political
moderate in his early days in Congress, but he
has gradually, almost imperceptibly, inched to
the right in recent years to meet the conserva-
tism of his party and his constituents.
In his first term, Whitehurst endorsed the
Equal Rights Amendment and referred to him-
self as a "Hatfield Republican." In the 1970s,
though, he became identified with different
sorts of causes. He became a leader in the
campaign against busing and a consistent oppo-
nent of foreign economic aid. He was the only
Virginian to earn a zero from the Americans for
Democratic Action (ADA) in 1980; in 1982 he
drew an ADA rating of 5.
Because of the military dominance in his
district, Whitehurst gravitated to the Armed
Services Committee in 1969 and is now the
panel's second ranking Republican member. He
is senior-GOP member of its Readiness Sub-
committee, which is headed by another Virgin-
ian, Rep. Dan Daniel.
Whitehurst is not one of the more aggres-
sive members at Armed Services, but he has
pursued military issues as a founding member
of the Military Reform 'Caucus, and as its
chairman in the 97th Congress. The caucus is
made up of about 50 members of Congress of
varying ideological viewpoints who worry that
the Pentagon places bureaucratic politics above
strategic concerns.
Most of the caucus members tend to be
liberal Democrats; Whitehurst's chairmanship
Vagina - 2nd District
gave the group credibility it needed on the
conservative side. One of the main themes of
the caucus has been that the United States
spends too much on acquiring expensive weap-
onry and not enough on maintaining what it
has.
Whitehurst was highly critical of Navy
readiness after the helicopter carrier USS
Guam broke down in the Philadelphia River in
1981, following a $23 million overhaul. "The
Navy just does not get a reasonable job done in
overhauls for the money expended," he said.
He insisted his comments were unrelated to the
fact that the Guam was repaired in the Phila-
delphia Naval Shipyard, rival to a repair firm
in his area.
Meanwhile, Whitehurst has been one of
the more outspoken defenders of U.S funding
for chemical warfare, including the highly le-
thal binary munitions program, which he says
is needed to counter a major Soviet effort in
that area.
In 1982, when chemical warfare critics said
world opinion would not support U.S. binary
munitions development, Whitehurst argued
that it seemed to tolerate Soviet use of chemi-
cal weapons in Laos and Cambodia. "Has world
opinion rushed to our side?" Whitehurst asked.
"I barely heard a peep."
For a weapons specialist, Whitehurst
found himself embroiled in an unusual argu-
ment in 1982 - against the Gun Owners of
America. The group sent out a fund-raising
letter that described itself as an "Official Con-
gressional District Survey on Violent Crime"
and used the official congressional seal as part
of an appeal against gun control legislation:
Whitehurst accused the group of "alarmist lan-
guage" and "scare tactics," and asked the Jus-
tice Department to investigate the use of the
seal.
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G. William Whitehurst, R-Va.
Virginia 2
The 2nd is composed of adjacent cities:
the fast-growing residential and resort
municipality of Virginia Beach and the
unionized port city of Norfolk, which lost 13
percent of its population during the 1970s.
The two cities present a stark political
contrast. Norfolk, which is 35 percent black,
gave Jimmy Carter a 52-41 percent edge in
1980. Virginia Beach, which is 86 percent
white, went to Ronald Reagan by nearly 2-
to-1. In the closely fought 1982 Senate race,
Democrat Richard J. Davis carried Norfolk
with 62 percent, and Republican Paul S.
Trible Jr. won Virginia Beach with 59 per-
cent of the vote.
Like the southern portion of the 1st
District, the 2nd is heavily dependent on
the massive concentration of naval installa-
tions, shipbuilders and shipping firms in the
Hampton Roads harbor area, which ranks
first in export tonnage among the nation's
Atlantic ports and is the biggest coal ship-
per in the world. There is a Ford truck
assembly plant in Norfolk, and the city also
processes seafood and makes fertilizer and
farm implements.
During the 1970s, many military fam-
ilies, business people and retirees settled in
That effort does seem consistent with
Whitehurst's second legislative role, as a friend
of animals. Whitehurst has taken the lead on
enactment of the Animal Protection Act (aimed
at setting humane standards for both zoos and
research labs) and the Horse Protection Act
(banning the practice of "soring" the hoofs of
Tennessee walking horses). The Whitehursts
also have worked on a bill to create a National
Zoological Foundation.
At Home: Whitehurst stepped directly
into Congress from, the dean's office at Nor-
folk's Old Dominion College, bypassing any
normal political apprenticeship.
A supporter of Democrat Lyndon B. John-
son for president in 1964, Whitehurst had not
even been active behind the scenes in Republi-
Norfolk;
Virginia Beach
Virginia Beach, changing its earlier identity
as a summer tourist center. The city's retail
and service trade has boomed in response to
this influx of affluence. After growing 52
percent in the 1970s, Virginia Beach
reached 263,000 residents in the 1980 cen- .
sus, just 4,000 people short of supplanting
Norfolk as Virginia's largest city.
One key to Democrat Charles S. Robb's
successful 1981 gubernatorial campaign was
his unusually strong showing in the 2nd
District. It was Robb's second best district
in the state, giving him 59 percent of the
vote.
The 2nd was slightly expanded by re-
districting in 1981. It picked up 35,000
people in the southern part of Virginia
Beach who had been in the 4th District.
Whitehurst's newly-acquired territory is a
solidly Republican and rural area into
which suburbia is encroaching.
Population: 529,178. White 389,088
(74%), Black 120,278 (23%), Asian and
Pacific Islander 13,719 0%). Spanish origin
11,234 (2%). 18 and over 383,036 (72%), 65
and over 36,388 (7%). Median age: 26.
can politics before his congressional bid. But he
was well-known in the Norfolk area as a news
analyst on a local television station.
Whitehurst might not have made it with-
out a bitter primary in the opposing party.
Veteran Democratic Rep. Porter Hardy retired
in 1968, and his allies backed conservative John
Rixey as his successor. But -when Rixey was
defeated in the Democratic primary by the
liberal Frederick T. Stant, numerous conserva-
tive Democrats voted for Whitehurst in the fall,
and the district went Republican with 54 per-
cent of the vote.
Democrats have never come close to re-
claiming the seat. Whitehurst's position was
solidified in 1972, when redistricting removed
Portsmouth and added Virginia Beach. He has
not had Democratic opposition since 1976. ?
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Committees
Armed Services (2nd of 16 Republicans)
Readiness (ranking); Military Installations and Facilities.
pleol Intelligence (2nd of 5 Republicans)
Legislation (ranking).
1992 General
G. William Whitehurst (R) Unopposed
1910 General
G. William Whitehurst (R) 97.319 (900/.)
Kenneth Morrison (LIB) 11,003 (10'/.)
previous Winning Percentages: 1979 (1000/.) 1976 (66/.)
1974 (60%) 1972 (73%) 1970 ( 62%) 1969 (54%)
District Vote For President
INC 1976
D 60.013 (41%) D 65.119 (49%)
R 75.443 (52%) R 62.692
I 8,163 ( 6'/.)
Campaign Finance
Receipts Expend-
Receipts from PACs itures
1992
Whitehurst (R) $76.900 $35.835 (47X) $64.740
INC
Whilehurst (R) $52.162 $17,650 (34%) $43,672
Voting Studies
Presidential Party Conservative
Support Unity Coalition
Year s 0 S 0 s 0
1912 69 22 78 16 90 4
1961 70 25 85 12 91 7
1980 38 50 76 12 93 0
1979 37 59 60 16 95 3
1976 34 62 78 17 89 7
1977 34 54 74 17 81 8
1976 71 20 77 13 84 8
1975 61 38 81 13 87 9
1974 75 21 75 9 87 6
1973 72 26 79 16 94 9
1972 73 24 83 8 89 5
1971 86 14 74 161 87 91
1970 65 26 53 38 75 7
1969 53 38 76 15 96 2
t Not eligible for all recorded votes.
S - Support 0 - Opposition
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981) Y
Legal services reauthorization (1981) Y
Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) ?
Index income taxes (1981) Y
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Y
Delete MX funding (1982) N
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) Y
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) N
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS
1992 5 87 16 76
1981 10 82 0 100
1960 0 87 12 74
1979 16 88 11 88
1978 15 89 25 78
1977 0 75 14 Be
1976 5 84 19 82
1975 5 82 9 82
1974 4 93 0 70
1973 0 88 18 100
1972 6 86 0 80
1971 17 79 36 -
1970 16 50 43 75
1969 7 67 30 -
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South Carolina - 2nd District
2 Floyd Spence (R)
Of Lexington - Elected 1970
Borg April 9, 1928, Columbia, S.C.
Education: U. of S.C., A.B. 1952, J.D. 1956.
Military Career. Navy, 1952-54.
Occupation: Lawyer.
Family: Widowed; four children.
Religion: Lutheran.
Political Career. S.C. House, 1957-63; S.C. Senate,
1967-71, minority leader 1967-71; Republican nomi-
nee for U.S. House, 1962.
Capitol Office: 2466 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-2452.
In Washington: Spence arrived in the
House determined to serve on the Armed Ser-
vices Committee, not only to protect the na-
tional security but to look after all the military
installations scattered over South Carolina by
the committee's longtime chairman, L. Mendel
Rivers of Charleston. He got the place, but he
soon had to pay for it by taking another assign-
ment he would have preferred to avoid - the
Ethics Committee.
More than a decade later, as the Ethics
Committee's senior Republican, Spence likes to
joke about the way Minority Leader Gerald R.
Ford told him ethics was a prestigious commit-
tee that would look good on his record, and it
rarely met.
At the time, Ford was telling the truth. But
in the changed political climate of the past few
years, the committee has met frequently and
has handled one difficult assignment after an-
other, including the Korean influence-buying
scandals, the censure of two members on kick-
back charges and the Abscam bribery affair.
Spence stays in his seat every Congress as most
of the committee membership changes around
him. No one else on the current committee has
been there even two terms.
Remarkably, given his seniority, Spence is
not a dominant influence on the panel. A
pleasant man with shiny golden hair and a soft-
spoken manner, he is no leader in strategy or
debate. Still, he has played a useful role. Well-
liked and trusted by House Republican col-
leagues, he has supported most of the tougher
actions of the committee and added a measure
of bipartisanship to them on the House floor.
In 1981, when some Democratic leaders
proposed splitting the ethics panel in two -
one group to bring charges against members
and the other to hear them - Spence was a
dissenter. He said the committee was function-
ing perfectly well as it was.
The Democratic side of the committee did
change dramatically in the 97th Congress, and
new chairman Louis Stokes of Ohio took less of
an activist approach toward pursuing errant
colleagues. But Spence remained cooperative
and brought some "institutional memory" to a
committee that badly needed it.
Meanwhile, Spence also has been building
seniority on the Armed Services Committee,
where he is now ranking Republican on the
Seapower Subcommittee. He works easily on
Seapower with Chairman Charles E. Bennett of
Florida, who was also his ethics chairman in the
96th Congress. Spence generally follows Ben-
nett's lead on naval issues and rarely challenges
him with Republican alternatives.
The Armed Services Committee offers
Spence a chance to look after the major mili-
tary installation in his district, Fort Jackson,
one of the Army's largest basic-training cen-
ters.
Reluctant to engage in debate either in
committee or on the floor, Spence does not
often stake out specific positions on weapons
controversies. But on the overall issue of de-
fense spending, he is a consistent hawk. In
1982, when liberal Democrats challenged the
massive increases in the defense authorization
bill, Spence chided them with a bit of un-
characteristic sarcasm. "Anything we do to
defend ourselves is provocative and destabiliz-
ing," he said, "and could upset our adversaries
to the extent that they might want to have
some kind of confrontation with us" ?
At Home: Spence has won seven terms by
margins that are comfortable but not over-
whelming. With a strong base in the Columbia
suburbs and nearby Lexington County, he has
been able to withstand several serious Demo-
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Floyd Spenc., A-S.C.
I
South Carolina 2
Perched in the center of South Caro.
lina, the 2nd is a diverse - some would say
polarized - district. It lumps together the
state capital of Columbia and its fast-grow-
ing suburbs with three largely rural, black-
majority counties. Republicans in Lexing-
ton County and neighboring Richland
County, which has Columbia at its western
edge, dominate the constituency. The votes
from these areas easily outstrip the margins
given Democrats in the rural, southern por-
tion of the district.
Lexington County provided nearly half
the district's growth in the 1970s. Lexing-
ton's new inhabitants are a mix of retirees,
white-collar workers who left increasingly
black Columbia, and employees of the glass,
cement and synthetic fiber companies that
have moved to the county in recent years.
Whatever brought them there, Lexing-
ton County residents are overwhelmingly
white, middle class and Republican. Lex-
ington is one of only three counties in the
state with a population less than 10 percent
black. Ronald Reagan carried the county by
a better than 2-to-1 margin in the 1980
presidential contest. Four years earlier,
when almost all of the rest of South Caro-
lina was lining up behind Jimmy Carter,
Lexington gave Gerald R. Ford 59 percent
of its presidential vote.
Neighboring Richland County is far
cratic challenges.
A star athlete at the University of South
Carolina and later a practicing lawyer, Spence
launched his political career by winning a state
legislative seat as a Democrat. But he quit the
Democratic Party in 1962, complaining that it
was too liberal, and immediately began cam-
paigning for Congress .as a Republican.
Stressing his opposition to the "socialistic"
Kennedy administration, Spence was a consen-
sus choice for the 1962 GOP nomination in the
open 2nd District. But he lost in the fall to an
equally conservative Democrat, state Sen. Al-
bert W. Watson, who edged him by 4,202 votes.
Watson himself switched parties in 1965,
and in 1970 ran for governor as a Republican.
At that point, Spence made his second cam-
Central -
Columbia
more balanced both politically and racially.
Th
e county has the largest black population
in the state, most of it concentrated in
Columbia, which is 40 percent black. State
employees and the 28,000 students and fac-
ulty at the University of South Carolina join
with blacks to give much of the city a
politically liberal hue and strong Demo-
cratic presence. But this influence is offset
by the suburban Republican vote, much of
it cast by military personnel and retirees
settled around Fort Jackson.
The southern portion of the district has
its political and geographic center at
Orangeburg, which is the site of South Caro-
lina State College, the traditional academic
center for the state's blacks. The middle-
class black community that has grown up
around the college has proved a potent force
in local politics, and Orangeburg County
and its two rural neighbors - Calhoun and
Bamberg counties - have consistently gone
Democratic at local and national levels.
Whites in the area, reflecting the
districtwide tendency, generally vote Re-
publican.
Population: 56212,(635 88. White 335,548
(64%), Black 181,0%). Spanish origin
6,623 0%). 18 and over 372,290 (71%), 65
and over 41,898 (8%). Median age: 27.
paign for Congress, stressing his opposition to
the busing decisions of the U.S. Supreme
Court. He defeated Democrat Heyward Mc-
Donald by 6,088 votes to keep the seat in
Republican hands.
Spence has never really been on the ropes
since then, but he has never drawn 60 percent
of the vote against a Democratic opponent. In
1974 he took 56 percent against Matthew
Perry, the first black to be nominated for
Congress by South Carolina Democrats. In
1982 his challenger was Ken Mosely, a physical
education teacher at South Carolina State Col-
lege in Orangeburg. Mosely carried black-ma-
jority Bamberg and Orangeburg counties, but
Spence's large majorities in the rest of the
district gave the incumbent 59 percent overall.
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South Carolina - 2nd District
Committees
Armed Services (3rd of 16 Republicans)
Readiness; Seapower and Strategic and Critical Materials
(ranking).
Standards of Official Conduct (Ranking Republican)
1112 General
Floyd Spence (R)
Ken Mossy (D)
1950 Oenml
(59%)
(41%)
Elections
71,569
50,749
Floyd Spence (R) 92,306 (56%)
Tom Tumipseed(O) 73,353 (44%)
Previous Winning Percentages: 1979 (57%) 111$ (58%)
1974 (56%) 1172 (100%) 1970 (53%)
District Vote For President
1990 1975
D 52,255 (43%) D 70,231 (51%)
R 66,522 (54%) R 66,194 (48%)
1 2,261 ( 2%)
Campaign Finance
Receipts
from PACs
Miles
Spence(R)
$190,813
$75,275
(39%)
$183,897
Mosely(D)
$49,780
$9,425
(19Y.)
$49,780
1110
Spence(R)
$274,344
$110,297
(409/.)
$272,010
Tumipseed (D)
$77,344
$28,176
(36%)
$74,598
Voting Studies
Presidential Party Conservative
Support Unity Coalition
Year S 0 8 0 S 0
1112 74 26 84 15 93 5
1111111111 74 26 92 8 96 4
1950
1979
191$
1577
11971
1175
m4(Foro)
4
1/73
1172
1171
43 56 87 12 96 3
32 68 68 11 98 2
30 88 60 18 93 6
37 61 87 7 90 1
75 25 87 11 94 3
53 42 83 14 91 5
70 26 69 9 93 6
68 30 86 12 95 3
62 35 62 8 90 2
72 19 74 12 86 2
S - Support 0 - Opposition
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981) V
Legal services reauthorization (1981) N
Disapprove saleof AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) N
index income taxes (1981) Y
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Y
Delete MX hording (1982) N
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) Y
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) N
Interest Group Ratings
ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS
0 87 5 86
0 92 13 69
11 83 16 79
5 96 5 94
15 89 20 72
0 88 17 88
5 93 22 88
11 89 22 76
9 93 0 100
0 85 18 100
0 95 11 100
0 92 13 -
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Maryland - 4th District
4 Marjorie S. Holt (R)
Of Severna Park - Elected 1972
Born: Sept. 17, 1920, Birmingham, Ala.
Education: Jacksonville U., B.A. 1945; U. of Fla., LL.B.
1949.
Occupation: Lawyer.
Family: Husband, Duncan Holt; three children.
Religion: Presbyterian.
Political Career. Circuit Court Clerk, Anne Arundel
County Court, 1966-72.
Capitol Office: 2412 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-8090.
. In Washington: Holt's field of vision has
been unusual for a woman who came to Con-
gress direct from a county clerk's office in
Maryland. She is always telling colleagues that
they are not looking at problems broadly
enough.
On the Budget Committee during the 95th
and 96th Congresses, she argued for starting
with national aggregate figures on revenue and
spending, then dividing the money up by cate-
gory. She introduced a bill requiring that pro-
cedure in 1978. The committee never agreed to
do it.
Holt also produced the first full-scale Re-
publican substitute budget on the House floor,
and came within five votes of seeing it passed
in 1978. She never had the votes to pass one
during Jimmy Carter's presidency, but she con-
tinued to offer them, and by 1980 the substi-
tutes had become part of a national GOP
political strategy.
By the end of 1980, when she left the
Budget Committee to concentrate on Armed
Services, Holt had had a measurable impact on
the budget process. And it seemed to have had
a significant impact on her.
Identified in her first two terms as a hard-
right crusader on social issues such as busing
and abortion, Holt seemed to grow more prag-
matic and less ideological as she specialized in
economics.
While most House Republicans made a
policy of voting against all budget resolutions
during the pre-Reagan years, Holt swung back
and forth, occasionally voting for a Democratic
product if she thought the alternative seemed
worse.
Holt's budget work reflected the interest in
defense that she brought with her in 1973,
when she signed up for Armed Services as a
freshman. She went to the Budget Committee
in 1977 to be the Armed Services spokesman on
it, and kept up that role for four years.
In 1977 the Budget Committee cut Presi-
dent Carter's defense request by $2.3 billion.
Holt offered a floor amendment to put back $1
billion in outlays and narrowly lost. In later
years, she argued for more money to pay and
house the volunteer army, citing low re-enlist-
ment rates and substandard living conditions
she said she had seen at military bases around
the world.
Holt has promoted those same issues at
Armed Services itself, to a considerably more
sympathetic audience. She has sometimes
pushed the committee to pay more attention to
the budget process, asking for higher defense
allotments even if it is clear the Budget Com-
mittee will chop them down. "Where are we
going to get additional budgetary authority,"
she once chided Armed Services colleagues, "if
we don't ask for it?"
In 1981, freed of budget responsibilities,
Holt moved back to a line-item concentration
on the weapons systems and other Pentagon
requests the Armed Services Committee con-
siders. She is ranking Republican on the sub-
committee on Procurement and Nuclear Sys-
tems, chaired by Samuel Stratton, the
temperamental New York Democrat. She
seems to have a better knack for getting along
with Stratton than most other committee mem-
bers. Holt has been a strong supporter of the
MX missile and B-1 bomber. She also argued in
1982 against a nuclear weapons freeze.
In her early terms in the House, Holt bad a
reputation as a conservative militant, especially
on busing. In 1974 she won House passage of an
amendment prohibiting the federal govern-
ment from withholding funds from a school
district to make it comply with desegregation
standards. She called the Justice Department's
desegregation policy "the new racism." The
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Maryland 4
The 4th unites suburbs of Baltimore
with those of Washington, D.C. In spite of
its 3-to-1 Democratic registration advan-
tage, it has a volatile political nature.
Anne Arundel County is the core of the
district, with 70 percent of the population.
Annapolis, the county seat and capital of
Maryland, has an electorate tilted toward
state government workers. It also contains a
large black community, which has been
there three centuries and composes a third
of the town; Kunta Kinte, Alex Haley's
forebear in the book Roots, landed there as
a slave. Annapolis has a growing population
of young professionals who find the quaint
old seaport a chic place to live.
Just north of Annapolis, suburban Bal-
timore begins and the Republican vote in-
creases. The GOP is in firm control in
Severna Park, where corporate executives
live in homes fronting Chesapeake Bay.
Farther inland, the new town of Crofton, a
bedroom community founded in the late
1960s, stays loyally Republican as well.
Spiro Agnew moved there after his resigna-
tion from the vice presidency.
Closest to Baltimore, the suburbs are
Ann Arundel, Southern
Prince George's Counties
not as wealthy. Glen Burnie and Linthicum,
near Baltimore-Washington International
Airport, are middle-income suburbs that
often favor Republicans. A band of blue-
collar Democratic towns occupies the north-
ernmost end of the district.
Southern Prince George's County, with
a large contingent of federal workers and
blacks, is the more liberal part of the 4th.
The blacks here have moved out of the
District of Columbia over the last decade,
settling in such suburbs as Oxon Hill and
Hillcrest Heights. The ensuing racial ten-
sions have turned some of the whites more
conservative.
In 1982 redistricting, Holt fought suc-
cessfully to keep Andrews Air Force Base in
the 4th; the military vote, concentrated out-
side Andrews in Camp Springs, tends to go
Republican.
Population: 525,453. White 404,506
(77%), Black 108,571 (21%), Asian and
Pacific Islander 8,046 (2%). Spanish origin
7,393 (1%). 18 and over 372,900 (71%). 65
and over 32,775 (6%). Median age: 29.
amendment was watered down in conference
with the Senate and had little practical effect.
After that, Holt was quiet on the issue
until 1979, when she stepped in to modify and
try to save an anti-busing amendment to the
Constitution. Brought to the floor by Ohio
Democrat Ronald Mottl, it was clumsily
drafted and appeared to ban long-distance bus-
ing for any purpose - even simple transporta-
tion. Holt cleaned up the language, but the
amendment fell far short of the two-thirds
majority it needed for passage.
Holt worked her way into the Republican
leadership after only one term, taking over the
Republican Study Committee, a legislative
think tank for conservatives.
In preparation for a campaign for the
chairmanship of the Republican Policy Com-
mittee, the third-ranking leadership position,
which fell vacant in 1981, Holt made an early
announcement of her interest in the post. For
most of 1980 she had no opposition, and she
made little effort to persuade colleagues to vote
for her. It was a fatal mistake.
Dick Cheney of Wyoming, a highly re-
garded freshman, entered the contest in the fall
of 1980 and outcampaigned his senior oppo-
nent. By the time of the balloting in December,
it was clear that Holt had let the office slip
away from her. She carried the contest to a roll-
call vote, but lost by an embarrassingly wide
99-68 margin.
. At Home: Although Holt held the insig-
nificant-sounding office of Anne Arundel
County Court Clerk when she ran for the
House in 1972, she had earned her chance
through long, hard work in the GOP vineyards.
Holt had been active in Republican politics
for 13 years before running for Congress, work-
ing up from precinct leader to a key role in the
Anne Arundel County campaigns of President
Nixon and the late Rep. William O. Mills.
Having proved herself a good vote-getter
in the 1966 and 1970 clerk elections, Holt ran
.
with the blessing of the local party organization
in 1972. She did not encounter the skepticism
that party leaders had voiced when she had -
contemplated a congressional race a decade
earlier. Nor was she hindered by other Republi-
can contenders. "In 1972 I saw the perfect
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4 0 .-m
Marjorie S. Holt, R-Md.
district - the timing was right," " she said. "I
started early, amassed support and muscled
them out."
Holt overwhelmed nominal primary oppo-
sition, and in the general election benefited
from the Nixon landslide to defeat her liberal
Democratic opponent, former state Rep. Wer-
ner H. Fornos, by nearly 28,000 votes.
Both candidates opposed busing, an emo-
tional issue in Prince George's County. But
Holt peppered Fornos as an ally of George
McGovern, whose plans for cutting the defense
budget she termed "a sellout of the American
people." Holt described herself as "a conserva-
tive, except where people are involved."
With her base in Anne Arundel County -
the most populous part of the district - and a
voting record tailored to one of Maryland's
Committees
Armed Ser Ices (4th of 16 Republicans)
Procurement and Military Nuclear Systems (ranking); Military
Personnel and Compensation.
District of Colwnbie (4th of 4 Republicans)
Fiscal Affairs and Health (ranking); Judiciary and Education.
Joint Economic
Investment. Jobs and Prices; Monetary and Fiscal Policy
Elections
1882 General
Marjorie Holt (R) 75.617 (61St)
Patricia Aiken (D) 47,947 (39%)
1180 General
Marjorie Holt (R) 120,985 (72%)
James Riley (D) 47,375 (28%)
Previous Winning Percentaan: 1171 (62%) 1871 (58%)
1174 (58%) 1872 (59%)
District Vol. For Prasldent
1850 1171
D 73,867 (41%) D 80,239 (50%)
R 89,510 (50%) R 80,601 (50%)
1 12,927 ( 7%)
Campaign Finance
Receipts
f1110001PAACCs
Expend-
1
1112
Holt(R)
$178,417
$51,393
(29%)
$180
743
Aiken (D)
$8,382
$264
(3%)
,
$9,292
1910
Holt(R)
$160,908
$46,245
(29%)
$147
170
Riley (D)
$9,225
$510
( 6%)
,
$9,225
more conservative constituencies - Holt has
had little difficulty winning re-election.
After the 1980 election, she announced
that she was considering a race for Democrat
Paul S. Sarbanes Senate seat in 1982. But a
year of political soundings convinced her that a
Senate campaign was not a good risk. She
concluded that as a conservative Republican
she could not pry loose enough votes in heavily
Democratic Baltimore city to have a chance
statewide.
That decision was the mark of the shrewd
politician that Marjorie Holt always has been.
Larry Hogan, the former U.S. representative'
who did finally get the GOP nomination, drew
only 36 percent against Sarbanes. Holt would
have done much better, but she almost cer-
tainly would not have unseated Sarbanes.
Voting Studies
Presidential Party Conservative
Support Unity Coe Rion
Year $ 0 8 o ? o
1852 66 17 69 19 81 11
11!61 75 21 75 14 84 3
1850 36 49t 78 11 77 9
1676 23 68 85 8 87 4
1876 21 77 85 11 90 7
11177 30 57 86 8 92 3
1678 71 24 83 10 89 6
1175 58 39 89 10 94 6
$74 (Ford) 44 54
$74 60 38 84 15 88 12
1173 69 30 85 14 94 5
tNot eligibleSfor - allrecor Supportded votes. - Opposition
.
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981) y
Legal services rsauthoriration (1981) N
Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) N
Index Income taxes (1981) Y
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982)
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) y N
Delete MX funding (1982)
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) N N
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) N
Interest Group Ratings
ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS
10 76 11 81
10 8822 29 84
0 100 16 72
5 85 16 100
5 85 20 72
5 84 23 94
5 82 t8 76
4 88
13 93
93 0 90
27 91
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50wood Hillis (R)
of Kokomo - Elected 1970
Born: March 6, 1926, Kokomo, Ind.
Education: Ind. U., S.S. 1949, J.D. 1952.
Military Career. Army, 1944-46.
Occupation: Lawyer.
Family: Wife, Carol Hoyne; three children.
Religion: Presbyterian.
political Career. Ind. House, 1967-71; candidate for
Howard County prosecutor, 1954.
Capitol Office: 2336 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-5037.
In Washington: One of the more anony-
mous House members for a decade, Hillis has
been making considerably more noise lately as
a spokesman for the auto industry, on which
his district depends.
Chrysler produces transmissions in Ko-
komo, and when the Chrysler loan guarantee
came to the floor in 1979, Hillis was active in
rounding up votes for it - work he does not
normally specialize in.
He also became co-chairman of the Con-
gressional Auto Task Force, made up of mem-
bers who, like Hillis, need the industry for their
constituents' livelihood and their own political
security. In 1980 Hillis and Democratic Rep.
William Brodhead of Michigan called a press
conference to release the group's 64-page study
of the industry's problems.
The study recommended federally im-
posed limits on Japanese auto imports and
relaxed environmental and safety regulations.
Hillis and Brodhead introduced a bill to place a
five-year quota on imports from Japan.
In 1981 Hillis joined Michigan Democrat
Bob Trailer in promoting revisions in the
Clean Air Act that would ease anti-pollution
standards for new cars. Officials of the auto
companies admitted the bill was an "industry
wish list"; among its provisions was a sharp
increase in the amount of carbon monoxide the
cars could produce.
"A laid-off auto worker will tell you he
wants to protect the environment," Hillis said.
"but you can't eat it or spend it or send your
kids to school with it." The changes in carbon
monoxide standards were considered and re-
jected by a Senate committee. They were ap-
proved in the House by the Energy and Com-
merce Committee, but no clean air bill of any
sort reached the floor.
Hillis also has worked to help the auto-
makers by adding "buy American" amend-
ments to defense bills. His 1981 proposal, to
prohibit the U.S. Army from purchasing for-
eign cars, passed the House but died in confer-
ence. A slightly different amendment passed in
1982 and became law. The main purpose is to
prevent the Army from buying Japanese
pickup trucks for use in Europe.
Hillis has spent more than a decade on
Armed Services, his major committee, but has
not been a central player there. He has been a
strong supporter of a military draft - as early
as 1978, he introduced an amendment to beef
up the Selective Service by reopening local
draft offices. "Our military is currently unable
to fight a protracted conventional war," Hillis
warned. "Either we will lose the war, or it will
go nuclear."
The amendment was defeated on the floor.
But President Carter recommended draft reg-
istration in 1980, and it was reinstituted later
in the year.
Hillis has shown some skepticism about
increasing defense spending to the levels the
Reagan administration wants. In 1982 Hillis
said the annual rate of increase should be about
5 to 6 percent, roughly half what the adminis-
tration was proposing.
Hillis' voting record has usually responded
to the unions in his district, especially but not
only the United Auto Workers. In 1975, for
instance, he voted for the common-site picket-
ing bill, to expand labor's right to picket con-
struction projects. President Ford later vetoed
the legislation. In 1977 Hillis joined the major-
ity of his Republican colleagues in voting
against it.
At Home: Quiet though he is in Washing-
ton, Hillis has built up a nearly invulnerable
position in Indiana - as he proved in 1980,
when he easily beat back what had been billed
as his strongest Democratic challenge in a de-
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sliwood Hillis, R-Ind.
Indiana 5
The 5th travels northwest from Ko-
komo, a small industrial center, to the sub-
urbs of Chicago in Lake County. It includes
three quite distinct political worlds that
share one common element - they vote
Republican.
The segment friendliest to Republicans
is in the southeast corner of the district,
near Kokomo and Marion, another indus-
trial city. Both have numerous small fac-
tories and a few very large ones, most of
them related to the automobile industry.
They also serve as major distribution points
for the area's agricultural output. The de-
cline in the auto industry has had as serious
an effect on these communities as on any in
the nation, with unemployment exceeding
15 percent in 1982 in several places.
Troubled or not, however, Howard
County (Kokomo) and Grant County (Mar-
ion) vote a nearly straight GOP line. Almost
a third of the district's vote comes from
these two counties, neither of which has
backed a major statewide Democratic candi-
date since 1974. That year Howard County
stayed in the Republican column, but
Grant, which has a slightly larger blue-
collar population, gave Democratic Sen.
Birch Bayh a 780-vote plurality.
Ninety miles to the northwest are the
cade. Hillis defeated Nels Ackerson, an aide to
Sen. Birch Bayh, with 62 percent of the vote.
Ackerson conducted a full-time door-to-
door campaign, charging that Hillis had not
done enough to deal with unemployment in the
district. But the incumbent had attracted at-
tention with his participation in the Chrysler
battle, and his political base in Kokomo and
the surrounding rural counties was never
threatened.
Hillis' strength continued into the 1982
election, despite some indications that he
might be in trouble, Redistricting had altered
Hillis' district so extensively that more than
half of his constituents were new to him. His
Democratic opponent, Allen B. Maxwell, at-
tempted to set up the contest as a referendum
on Reaganomics.
But the local economy was so bad that
Maxwell found all the normal Democratic
North - Kokomo
residents of southern Lake and Porter coun.
ties. These fast-growing suburban areas are
attracting some employees from the steel
mills along Lake Michigan, as well as former
Chicago residents who are escaping to what
they hope will be a slower-paced life.
Voters in Lake and Porter counties are
separated from the rest of the district pay.
chologically as well as geographically. They
watch Chicago television stations and read
newspapers from Chicago and Gary. Al.
though they hold more than a quarter of the
district's voting-age population, these coun-
ties had a low congressional turnout in 1982
and accounted for only about a fifth of the
district's vote. The area went strongly for
Ronald Reagan in 1980.
In between the small industrial cities
and the burgeoning outer suburban fringe,
among the corn and soybean fields, live
farmers who tend to vote a straight Repub-
lican ticket. Just under half of the district's
vote in 1982 came from the 10 rural coun-
ties, and all 10 supported both Hillis and
GOP Sen. Richard G. Lugar.
Population: 548,257. White 530,879
(97%), Black 11,875 (2%). Spanish origin
6,106 0%). 18 and over 380,248 (69%), 65
and over 55,952 (10%). Median age: 29.
fund-raising sources dried up. Even labor was
unable to provide him with more than token
help. And Hillis proved effective in dealing
with Maxwell's charges: The day after Hillis
had voted against a $1 billion Democratic jobs
bill, he flew home to tell voters that the bill
would provide no jobs for either Chrysler or
Delco, the district's largest employers. Hillis
won 61 percent of the vote.
A member of an established Republican
family in central Indiana - his father, Glen,
came within 4,000 votes of the governorship in
1940 - Hillis was a two-term member of the
Indiana House when Republican congressional
district leaders chose him to run for Congress
in 1970. GOP incumbent Richard Roudebush
had been renominated in the 5th District, but,.
he was later chosen by a state convention to
run for the U.S. Senate. Hillis won easily in
November.
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Indiana - Sth District
190 41 431 65 23t 69 17
1979 39 51 69 22 79 10
197$ 33 52 71 20 75 15
1977 51 42 65 23 77 13
197$ 57 29 60 29 72 16
1975 63 29 65 28 66 24
1974 (Ford) 50 33
1974 62 28 61 29t 67 23
1973 61 32 58 35 67 26
1972 65 14 51 28 57 26
1971 91 5 68 20 71 17
S- Support 0 - Opposition
t Not eligible for all recorded rotes.
Armed Services (5th of 16 Republicans)
yn,tary Personnel and Compensation (ranking); Seapower and
Strategic and Critical Materials.
veterans' Affairs (3rd of 12 Republicans)
Hospitals and Health Care (ranking); Oversight and Investiga-
tens (ranking).
192 General
Ewmd Hillis (R)
Allen Maxwell (D)
190 General
105.469 (61%)
67,238 (39%)
Elwood Hillis (R) 129.474 (62'/.)
Nets Ackerson (D) 80,378 (38%)
Mvioes Winning Percentages: 1978 (68X) 1979 (621%)
1874 (57%) 1972 (64%) 1970 (56%)
District Vote For President
1990 1976
0 68,760 (31%) D 81.118 (41%)
R 140,368 (63%) R 114.774 (58%)
9,677 ( 4%)
Campaign Finance
Receipts Expend-
Receipts from PACs Itwes
1992
Hillis (R) $190,050 $61,252 (32%) $169,586
Maxwell (D) $28,976 $13,025 (45%) $26,184
1980
Hillis (R) $148,974 $62,388 (421) $185,414
Ackerson(D) $115,126 $24,300 (21%) $115,086
Voting Studies
Presidential Party Conservative
Support Unity Coalition
year 8 0 S 0 S 0
192 65 30 71 22 81 11
191 68 24 72 18t 89 5
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981) Y
Legal services reauthorization (1981) N
Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y
IN
income taxes (1981) Y
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Y
Retain existing cap on (198
ressional salaries (1982)
Adopt nuclear freeze
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS
1982 10 83 20 67
1981 10 73 21 94
1110 22 70 35 78
1979 11 83 17 94
197$ 10 69 35 56
1977 25 62 41 65
1976 25 62 36 54
1975 26 59 43 67
1974 26 50 40 75
1973 16 72 50 70
1972 19 50 50 60
1971 11 76 33 -
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40 Robert E. Badham (R
Of Newport Beach - Elected 1976
Born: June 9, 1929, Los Angeles, Calif.
Education: Attended Occidental College, 1948-49; Stan-
ford U., A.B. 1951.
Military Career. Navy, 1951-54.
Occupation: Hardware company executive.
Family: Wife, Anne Carroll; five children.
Religion: Lutheran.
Political Career. Calif. Assembly, 1963-77.
Capitol Office: 2438 Rayburn Bldg. 20515; 225-5611.
In Washington: Badham, good-humored
and popular, is an insider in the affairs of his
state's delegation and a joiner in House Repub-
lican politics.
He was president of his GOP freshman
class and has been secretary of the California
Republican delegation. As a second-termer, he
helped organize the Travel and Tourism Cau-
cus, a bipartisan collection of more than half
the House; caucus members were concerned
that energy conservation measures would hurt
the travel industry. In the 97th Congress, he
spent a year as chairman of the Republican
Study Committee, a junior level GOP leader-
ship position.
And he is relatively close to Ronald Rea-
gan, whom he served as a loyal ally in the
California Legislature during Reagan's eight
years as California governor.
So far, however, Badham has been known
more for his access to power than for his use of
it. He has not undertaken any important legis-
lative initiatives. On the Armed Services Com-
mittee, Badham has earned a reputation as a
thoughtful student of military systems, inter-
ested in new technology. He votes with the
panel's hard-line GOP bloc, but he rarely shows
the stridency associated with that group; he is a
consistently courteous questioner.
On defense issues, Badham tries to protect
the interests of his home state. While the
House was divided over whether to buy Lock-
heed's C-5 or Boeing's 747 cargo airplanes,
Badham proposed eliminating funds for both
planes, leaving money for the smaller McDon-
nell Douglas C-17, which would be built in
California. That effort lost, but Badham won
an agreement from the Defense Department to
buy C-17s after the contract with Lockheed
expired. Badham also has been a forceful advo-
cate of the B-1 bomber.
As chairman of the study committee,
206
Badham usually tried to be conciliatory rather
than confrontational. In mid-1982, when a
study committee staff member issued a scath-
ing attack on environmentalists, Badham repri-
manded him, saying he was "too strident."
The Study Committee sometimes followed
Badham's lead in promoting defense issues.
With help from committee members, he
drafted a resolution urging that the Defense
Department declassify more defense informa.
tion, to make Americans better aware of the
Soviet threat.
Badham's work on the Tourism Caucus
was curtailed in the 97th Congress, after new
House rules limited the amount of private
funds caucuses could accept. An industry coun-
cil took over some of the functions of the
caucus, and laid much of the groundwork for
legislation of interest to the caucus. One prior.
ity in 1982 was visa waivers, which became part
of a larger immigration bill.
In 1981, as senior Republican on the Ac-
counts Subcommittee at House Administra-
tion, Badham led the debate on a GOP move to
slice all committee budgets 10 percent below
the previous year's spending. "Do we have a
better Congress than we did four years ago or
10 years ago?" Badham asked, paraphrasing
Reagan's 1980 campaign question.
After hesitating, Democrats finally came
up with a compromise, to cut the budgets by 10
percent below what was authorized for the
previous year, rather than what was actually
spent. ?
At Home: Badham comes from a hart of
Orange County where candidates still cam-
paign by invoking the name of Barry Goldwa-
ter. That is exactly what Badham did in 1976 to
win his House seat, taking it away from a GOP
incumbent who had been convicted of bribery.
Saying he shared the pro-defense views of
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California 40
It is difficult for candidates to be too
conservative for the voters of this central
part of Orange County. John G. Schmitz,
who in 1982 was removed from the execu-
tive council of the John Birch Society for
extremism, represented this area for a term
in the House. The Republican registration
in the 40th, 51.5 percent, is second only to
one California constituency - the 22nd.
Newport Beach, a wealthy enclave
noted for its luxurious housing, remains the
center of the district. A community of
62,556 people, Newport Beach regularly
provides Republican candidates with tre-
mendous margins. In 1980 Ronald Reagan
topped Jimmy Carter by 74 to 16 percent
there.
Many of the residents of the 40th either
commute to jobs in Los Angeles or are
employed by high-tech concerns that are
scattered throughout the district. The Uni-
versity of California Irvine Campus is lo-
cated in the 40th. But any liberal influence
from this academic center is hardly noticed
in the area.
The only two incorporated areas in the
district where registered Democrats out-
number Republicans are Costa Mesa and
Laguna Beach, two quite different places.
his "good friend, Barry Goldwater," and de-
scribing himself as an "inflation-fighting legis-
lator in the Goldwater mold," Badham easily
defeated Rep. Andrew J. Hinshaw and seven
other Republicans who wanted Hinshaw's seat.
Then he coasted to victory in November.
His campaigns since then have been rou-
tine. Badham's views appear perfectly matched
for his upper-class Orange County district.
Badham spent his childhood in Beverly
Hills, took a degree in architecture and ran a
hardware business in Newport Beach before
entering Orange Cbunty politics at age 33. He
won a seat in the Assembly and spent 14 years
dividing his time between Sacramento and the
hardware business.
He ran his office like a small-scale congres-
sional operation, handling constituent prob-
lems with state government and sending out a
newsletter three times a year. When it came
Coastal and Central
Orange County
Trendy Laguna Beach, which saw an
influx of counterculture types in the 1960s
and 1970s, today is home for many single
adults and couples without children. They
live in comfortable condominium complexes
along the ocean. Laguna has been described
in print as California's "grooviest beach
resort."
Costa Mesa, whose airport is named for
actor John Wayne, is not so groovy. Just
north of Newport Beach, it is home for
young families living in modest suburban
homes that sprouted in the 1950s and 1960s.
Although both communities supported Rea-
gan by smaller margins than the rest of the
district, they split on two policy questions in
1980. Costa Mesa opposed requiring non-
smoking areas in public places, and objected
to having the state purchase Lake Tahoe
land to preserve it from development. La-
guna Beach supported both ideas.
Population: 525,521. White 475,786
(91%), Black 6,751 (1%), American Indian,
Eskimo and Aleut 2,668 (1%), Asian and
Pacific Islander 22,356 (4%). Spanish origin
41,179 (8%). 18 and over 399,141 (76%), 65
and over 54,641 (10%). Median age: 31.
time to run for the U.S. House in 1976, Badham
was well-known and well-liked in his Assembly
district, which covered about half of the 40th.
Hinshaw had been convicted that January
and sentenced to a I- to 14-year prison term.
Admitting his chances of winning renomination
were "mediocre," Hinshaw nevertheless ran in
the primary. He finished in fourth place with
less than 7 percent of the vote. The real contest
was between Badham and John G. Schmitz,
who had won a special election in the district in
1970, only to be defeated in 1972 by Hinshaw.
Most party officials thought Schmitz was
too extreme in his conservative views. The year
he lost his House seat he ran for president on
the American Party ticket, accusing Presiaent
Nixon of liberalism. But Schmitz was a more
vibrant campaigner than Badham and he wase
at least as familiar to the voters. The decision
went to Badham, but by fewer than 2,000 votes.
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Robert E. ibadham, R-Calif.
Committees
Armed Serrkes (6th of 16 Republicans)
Procurement and Military Nuclear Systems; Research and
Development.
Mows Administration (3rd of 7 Republicans)
Accounts (ranking); Task Force on Telephone Configuration.
1182 General
Robert Badham (R) 144,228 (72%)
Paul Hneman (D) 52,546 (26%)
1110 General
Robert Badham (R) 213,999 (70%)
Michael Dow (D) 66,512 (22%)
Dan Mahaffey (LIB) 24,486 (6%)
Previous Winning Palest tages 1178 (66%) 1975 (59%)
District Veto For Preddsmt
Voting Studies
Year 8 0 a 0 8 0
1112 76 6 73 6 86 4
1111 63 13 78 9 80 4
1110 28 55 75 6 82 4
1879 21 66 82 5 83 4
187$ 19 55 75 7 82 4
1877 32 57 84 6 91 3
S - Support 0 - Opposition
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981) Y
Legal services reauthorization (1981) X
Disapprove tale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) 7
Index income taxes (1981) Y
Subsidies home mortgage rates (1982) N
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) a
Delete MX funding (1982) N
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) N
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) N
1110 1971
0 46,580 (21%) D 55,991 (31%)
R 155,576 (69%) R 123,924 (68%)
1 17,286 ( 8%)
1192
Campaign Finance
Percent of
ftcd
Receipts Re ACs
Rages
Badham (R) $147,466 $72,410 (49%) $114,702
Haseman (D) $8,622 $750 ( 9%) $9,924
1110
Badhem (R) $120,512 $43,747 (36%) $116,499
Dow (D) $16,790 $1,150 ( 7%) $15,863
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-C=O CCU$
1112 5 100 0 85
1111 0 79 15 100
1990 0 95 11 74
1179 0 96 11 94
197$ 10 100 21 100
1977 0 96 10 94
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3 Bob Stump (R)
Of Tolleson - Elected 1976
Born: April 4, 1927, Phoenix, Ariz.
Education: Ariz. State U., B.S. 1951.
Military Career. Navy, 1943-46.
Occupation: Farmer.
Family: Divorced; three children.
Religion: Seventh Day Adventist.
Political Career. Ariz. House, 1959-67; Ariz. Senate,
1967-77, president, 1975-77.
Capitol Office: 211 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-4576.
In Washington: For years, Republican
officials urged conservative Democrat Stump to
cross the aisle and run for office the way he
voted - in support of the GOP. "Any time he
wants to switch parties," Republican leader
and homestate colleague John J. Rhodes used
to say, "I can guarantee him the Republican
nomination."
In 1981, a few months after he backed
President Reagan in the critical tax and budget
decisions, Stump announced he would finally
make the move. He said he had been a Demo-
crat out of family tradition, but felt increas-
ingly alienated from his party after it began
withholding favors from members who strayed
from the leadership line too often.
Both parties wondered whether his deci-
sion would bring about aftershocks in the
House, prompting other disaffected Democrats
to join the GOP. That never happened. Only
one other Democrat left his party - Eugene V.
Atkinson of Pennsylvania - and he lost the
next election.
Perhaps the most important effect of
Stump's switch was a change in party rules. In
1982 Democrats pushed through a rule provid-
ing that any future member who leaves the
party in the middle of a session will lose his
Democratic committee assignments immedi-
ately. Stump had been allowed to keep his seats
on Armed Services and Veterans' Affairs
through the 97th Congress, despite his declared
intention to run as a Republican in 1982.
As it turned out, the party switch eventu-
ally forced him to give up his Veterans' Affairs
assignment. He won his place there in 1981,
when the Conservative Democratic Forum
pressured Speaker O'Neill to give prize Demo-
cratic committee assignments to conservatives.
But two years later, new party ratios in the
House altered the balance on each committee,
reducing the Republican membership of Veter-
ans' Affairs from 15 to 11. Stump, being last in
seniority, failed to win a place.
Stump can still pursue his interests in
national defense on the Intelligence and Armed
Services committees. He has been on Armed
Services since 1978 and is a member of its
Investigations and Research and Development
subcommittees. But he is not one of the more
active people there.
Stump seldom speaks on the floor, and he
introduces few bills. He has held one press
conference during his six years in the House -
the one at which he announced he would run as
a Republican in 1982.
But like all Arizonans in Congress, on
water issues Stump is a vocal protector of his
state's interests. When the Carter administra-
tion tried to impose on Western landowners the
stringent federal water controls of a long-ig-
nored 1902 law, Stump simply introduced a bill
to repeal major portions of the law. That bill
never went anywhere; a compromise on the
issue was finally reached after several years of
dispute.
While he was still a Democrat, Stump was
much in demand as a board member for na-
tional conservative organizations, to whose ef-
forts he lent a trace of bipartisanship. He is still
on some of the boards, such as that of the
National Right to Work Committee, but they
have one less Democratic name on their letter-
heads.
At Home: Secure in his northern Arizona
seat since his first election in 1976, Stump had
plenty of time to mull over his long-contem-
plated party switch. When he finally filed o0
the Republican side in 1982, it caused barely
ripple back home.
Stump said his decision would not cost him
any significant support in either party. He was
right. The middle-class retirees who have
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Bob Stump, R-Ariz.
IArizona3
Once dominated almost entirely by
"pinto Democrats" - ranchers and other
conservative rural landowners - the 3rd
has become prime GOP turf over the years.
The GOP has fared particularly well
here in recent presidential elections. Gerald
R. Ford carried the area within the bound-
aries of the 3rd by a comfortable margin in
1976; four years later Ronald Reagan racked
up 67 percent here, his best showing in the
state.
The majority of the 3rd's population
resides in the Maricopa County suburbs
west of Phoenix. Glendale and Sun City, an
affluent retirement community, are among
the most important towns politically. Both
produce mammoth Republican majorities.
Political organizations among the retirees in
Sun City contribute to turnouts of 90 per-
cent or higher in congressional elections.
In redistricting, map makers sent the
Hispanic areas of southern Yuma County to
the 2nd District. The 3rd kept the more
conservative northern section of Yuma
County. Residents of this section moved to
flocked to this Sun Belt territory in recent
years brought their Republican voting habits
along, and the conservative rural Democrats
who traditionally have formed the core of
Stump's constituency proved willing to move
across the aisle with him. Stump coasted to
victory with 63 percent of the vote, the only
House incumbent to switch and survive the
fight in 1982.
The ease with which Stump made the
transition owes a lot to his roots as a "pinto"
Democrat, a conservative of the type that dom-
inated state politics before the postwar popula-
tion boom. A cotton farmer with roots in rural
Arizona, Stump served 18 years in the state
Legislature and rose to the presidency of the
state Senate during the 1975-76 session. When
North and West - Glendale;
Flagstaff; part of Phoenix
set up their own local government in June of
1982, passing a ballot initiative that trans-
formed northern Yuma into brand-new
LaPaz County.
Mohave County, occupying the north-
western corner of the state, is home to three
groups in constant political tension - Indi-
ans, pinto Democrats in Kingman and Re-
publican retirees in Lake Havasu City. The
county split between Democrats and Re.
publicans has been close in recent statewide
elections.
Old-time Democratic loyalties persist
in Flagstaff, the seat of Coconino County
and the commercial center of northern Ari-
zona. But the heavily Mormon part of Coco-
nino County, closer to the Utah border, is
staunchly Republican.
Population: 544,870. White 468,924
(86%), Black 8,330 (2%), American Indian,
Eskimo and Aleut 27,538 (5%), Asian and
Pacific Islander 3,845 (1%). Spanish origin
64,414 (12%). 18 and over 389,150 (71%),
65 and over 79,881 (15%). Median age: 31.
Republican Rep. Sam Steiger tried for the U.S.
Senate in 1976, Stump decided to run for his
House seat.
In the 1976 Democratic primary, he de-
feated a more liberal, free-spending opponent,
former Assistant State Attorney General Sid
Rosen. Stump drew 31 percent to Rosen's 25
percent, with the rest scattered among three
others. In the fall campaign, Stump's GOP
opponent was fellow state Sen. Fred Koory, the
Senate minority leader. Stump wooed conser-
vative Democrats by attacking his party's vice
presidential nominee, Walter Mondale.
Stump was helped in the election by a
third candidate, state Sen. Bill McCune, a
Republican running as an independent, who
drained GOP votes away from Koory.
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Committees
Armed 11a vices (7th of 16 Republicans)
tnvestigation$; Research and Development.
~m oe t4 Authorization. and )
Voting Studies
1192 surwtsi
Bob Stump (R) 101,198 (63%)
Pat Bosch (D) 68,644 (37%)
1180 Oerwrel
Bob Stump (D) 141,448 (64%)
Bob Croft (R) 65,845 (30%)
Sharon Hayse(LIB) 12,529 (8%)
Previous tinting Percentages: 1171 (85%) 1171 (48%)
District Vote For President
1180 1171
D 48,133 (24%) D 63,232 (39%)
R 132,455 (67%) R 95,078 (58%)
1 13,103 ( 7%)
Campaign Finance
Meslpts EapeM
Receipts km PACs dNwse
1982
Stump (R) $280.713 $128,290 (46%) $280,331
Bosch (D) $90,319 $58,250 (64%) $87,927
1189
Stump(D) $144,326 $59,397 (41%) $85,154
Croft (R) $2,471 0 $5,228
SUPPon U C41how"fin
Year a 0 $ 0 a 0
1182 62 13 3 93 96 0
1181 74 18 17 81 97 0
1818 32 65 15 .92 93 4
$79 19 73 8 85 92 1
1678 20 65 14 74 92 4
1977 29 61 16 76 91 3
S - Support 0 " Opposition
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981) services Dpprove saleeoof Aut w Cs pl (1981)
Index income taxes (1981)s to Saudi Arable (1981)
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982)
Amend Constitution to require belanosd budget (1982)
Delete MX funding (1982)
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982)
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983)
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCU$
1192 0 95 0 89
1181 0 91 13 95
1180 0 83 17 71
1179 0 96 10 100
197$ 5 100 10 82
1171 5 100 9 100
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Now Jersey - 12th District
12 Jim Counter (R)
Of Hackettstown - Elected 1978
Born: Oct. 14, 1941, Montclair, N.J.
Education: Colgate U., B.A. 1963; Duke U., J.D. 1966.
Occupation: Lawyer.
Family: Wife, Carmen McCalmen; two children.
Religion: Methodist.
Political Career. Allamuchy Township attorney, 1975-
78.
Capitol Office: 325 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-5801.
In Washington: The only House Republi-
can to receive help from President Reagan in a
1982 primary, Courter did his share of work
both to deserve and to repay the honor.
When the House debated the fiscal 1983
defense authorization, Courter carried the ball
for Reagan on the chemical weapons issue. The
president had wanted $54 million to start pro-
duction of new lethal chemical weapons called
binary munitions, an idea that generated con-
siderable hostility in both parties. Courter of-
fered a compromise on the floor, accepted by
the administration, that would have allowed
production of the weapons as long as one
existing weapon was dismantled for each new
one produced.
Courter's plan, which one chemical weap-
ons opponent called a "smokescreen," was nar-
rowly defeated, and the money for chemical
weapons was removed, signaling Reagan's first
defeat on a major weapons system.
Courter resisted strong home state pres-
sure in 1982 and supported Reagan's request
for construction of the MX missile. He was the
only New Jersey legislator of either party who
backed. the MX. After Courter's side lost on
that issue, he offered to cut $118 million in
spending for ballistic missile defense, arguing
that the additional spending was unwise if
Congress did not know where the missiles
would be. He lost on a voice vote.
The New Jersey Republican also shares
Reagan's concerns about international terror-
ism. He attempted to stop aid for five years to
countries and. international organizations that
grant sanctuary to terrorists. He was thinking
specifically of the United Nations, which he
claimed was used as a conduit for terrorist
activities in the Middle East.
Courter joined the Armed Services Com-
mittee at the start of his first term, both
because he was serious about global military
strategy and also to protect the Picatinny Arse-
nal in Dover, which the Army had threatened
to close at times over the years. The arsenal u
now in the 8th District, but many of its employ.
ees live in the 12th.
In 1983 Courter joined the military reform
caucus, an informal group of House and Senate
members from both parties who share a suspi-
cion that the Pentagon often subordinates mili-
tary judgment to bureaucratic interests and
managerial efficiency.
An articulate, hard-working conservative,
Courter quickly attracted the attention of
party leaders on his arrival in the House in
1979. By the end of the year, he could claim a
dramatic - if short-lived - victory in floor
debate.
One Friday morning in October, as the
chamber was considering a routine Energy De-
partment authorization, Courter stunned the
House by winning approval of his amendment
lifting all federal controls on the price of gaso.
line. He had caught the Democratic leadership
napping. When the amendment came up for a
vote, there were 54 absentees, most of them
pro-control Democrats. Courter won by three
votes. .
Eleven days later, Democrats rallied ab-
sent troops, scheduled another vote and
dumped the Courter amendment by a healthy
margin. It was not until more than a year later
that President Reagan decontrolled gasoline
prices upon taking office.
After the 1979 episode, Courter said he
had anticipated defeat and considered the exer-
cise a kind of victory: He had focused attention
on a topic he thought should come before the
House.
He won more points from Republicans in
the summer of 1980, when the Pentagon dis-
closed that the United States was developing a
mysterious new "Stealth" bomber that would
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New Jersey 12
From the mansions of Far Hills to the
two.story Tudor houses of Morris Plains,
the ambience of the new 12th is Republican,
albeit not deeply conservative. Independent
presidential candidate John B. Anderson
made his second best New Jersey showing
here, winning nearly 10 percent of the vote.
At the same time, the district's party loyalty
placed it first in the state for Ronald Rea-
gan, who took 61 percent.
The pieces of Somerset, Morris and
union counties in the 12th have almost
equal populations, so no one county domi-
nates. The Union County section (covering
such towns as Union, Springfield and
Mountainside) and eastern Morris County
(Harding, Morristown, Hanover) are afflu-
ent bedroom suburbia, home for Republican
business executives. Western Morris County
suburbs in the 12th (Washington, Chester)
are more rural, with middle-class subdi-
visions springing up. The hunt country nes-
tles in northern Somerset, with the farms in
the southern half of the county giving way
to tract housing.
Some of Manhattan's largest corpora-
tions have moved their headquarters to the
rolling greenery of Morris and Somerset
counties. Ortho, Allied Chemical and AT&T
are among those shifting operations there.
Pockets of Democrats can be found in
be virtually invisible to enemy radar.
Like other House Republicans, Courter
said the Pentagon leak was a serious breach of
security and implied that it was a politically
motivated attempt by the Carter administra-
tion to escape criticism for canceling the B-1
bomber three years earlier. Courter introduced
a resolution to force a full Armed Services
inquiry into the leak, but it was rejected on a
party-line vote.
In the 97th Congress, Courter's one impor-
tant venture out of the defense field also
prompted his one significant difference of opin-
ion with the administration. Courter challenged
the Reagan policy of promoting offshore oil
drilling. He wrote to Interior Secretary James
G. Watt asking him to reconsider several leases
off the New Jersey coast. Getting no response,
Courter persuaded the House to vote for a ban
on oil and gas leasing off that coast.
North and Central -
Morristown
Somerset County in industrial Raritan and
Somerville, with their chemical and
pharmaceutical works, and in Kenilworth, a
blue-collar suburb near Elizabeth. Else-
where, the 12th is uniformly Republican.
Farming occupies the district's small
Hunterdon County segment as well as its
lake-dotted Warren and Sussex County por-
tions. In this rural territory, which was part
of Courter's old 13th District before re-
districting, conservatism is more intense
than in other parts of the district.
According to an old saying, there are
more millionaires within a one-mile radius
of Morristown Green than anywhere else on
Earth. That is no longer true, if it ever was.
The millionaires have moved to the hunt
country farther south in the 12th. Jacque-
line Kennedy Onassis maintains a mansion
in Peapack. Quaint Morristown nowadays
must content itself with a population of
commuters who work on Wall Street and
elsewhere in the everyday Manhattan busi-
ness world.
Population: 526,907. White 501,647
(95%), Black 16,567 (3%), Asian and Pa-
cific Islander 6,216 (1 %). Spanish origin
8,106 (2%). 18 and over 385,868 (73%), 65
and over 58,407 (11 %). Median age: 34.
At Home: Courter may be a bit more
conservative than his new district, but he has
thrived there so far. In 1982, a few months after
the district was drawn, he squelched a primary
challenge from a well-known local official
whose moderate views were thought to be more
in tune with the constituency.
Courter had to move into the new 12th
after the Democratic Legislature's remap
paired him with another Republican incum-
bent, Marge Roukema, in the neighboring 5th.
A second GOP colleague, Matthew J. Rinaldo,
moved from the 12th to the new 7th to clear a
district for Courter.
Courter's move thwarted the plans of Mor-
ris County Freeholder Rodney Frelinghuysen,
the aristocratic descendant of four U.S. sena-
tors and the son of retired GOP Rep. Peter
H. B. Frelinghuysen, who had once represented
much of the area. Courter possessed powerful
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Jim Courter, R-N.J.
allies: President Reagan delivered his rare pri-
mary endorsement as thanks for switching dis-
tricts in the interests of party harmony. Repub-
lican Gov. Thomas H. Kean, whose 1981
campaign Courter had chaired, also supported
him, as did the party chairmen in each of the
12th's counties - even the one in Frelinghuy-
sen's home base of Morris. Courter won every
county in the district, except Morris. The gen-
eral election was no problem for him.
Courter won his first term in the old 13th
District in 1978 by unseating Democratic Rep.
Helen Meyner, wife of former Gov. Robert B.
Meyner and a surprise winner in the Watergate
year of 1974. Helen Meyner had narrowly sur-
vived in 1976 and was a prime GOP target two
years later. Courter barely won a heated Re-
publican primary over former state Sen. Wil-
liam Schluter, the narrow loser to Meyner the
previous time out.
In the fall campaign that year, Courter
Committees
Armed $ervlcss (8th 01 16 Republicans)
Procurement and Military Nuclear Systems; Research and
Development.
Post Office and Civil Service (4th o19 Republicans)
Census and Population (ranking).
BOWWCt Aging (14th 0122 Republicans)
Health and Long-Term Care.
1982 General
Jim Courier (R) 117,793 (67%)
Jeff Connor (D) 57,049 (32%)
1182 Primary
Jim Courier (R) 39.354 (62%)
Rodney Frelinghuysen (R) 23.015 (38%)
1180 General
Jim Courier (R)
Dave Stickle (D)
152,862 (72%)
56,251 (26%)
District Vets For President
1180 1178
D 70,340 (28%) D 100,389 (41%)
R 151.143 (61%) R 141,684 (57%)
1 23,293 ( 9?/.)
Campaign Finance
Receipts Expend-
R ceipts from PACs Rune
Courier (R) $554,373 $104,418 (19%) $476,048
Connor(D) $99,358 $31,050 (31%) $91,394
blasted Meyner as a big-spending liberal whu
did not even live in the district. Despite Mey.
ner's protests that her record was being d 5.
torted - at one point, she called Courter .. naughty, naughty boy" - the Republican s
vailed by a small margin. He was popper
enough to keep the Democrats from running a
strong opponent against him in 1980.
Courter entertains ambitions for statewide
office, and Gov. Kean considered appointing
him to the U.S. Senate to succeed Democrat
Harrison A. Williams Jr., who resigned in 1982
after being convicted on Abscam bribery
charges. But Williams' resignation came less
than three months before the primary for the
seat, and, even as the appointed incumbent.
Courter would have had a hard time winning
nomination over U.S. Rep. Millicent Fenwick
and conservative activist Jeffrey Bell, both of
whom had campaigns under way. Both he and
Kean decided not to take the chance.
1180
Courier (A) $242,801 $ 68,301 (28%) $157,076
Stickle (D) $18,770 $ 2,600 (14%) $18,474
Voting Studies
Presidential Party Cens.rvatlve
Support Unity Ceeition
Year $ 0 S 0 8 0
1882 64 25 65 24 78 14
1181 63 32 77 19 80 13
1180 40 52 83 15 85 11
1178 38 61 85 14 89 10
S - Support O - Opposition
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981) Y
Legal services reauthorization (1981) Y
Disapprove sale of AWACS planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y
Index income taxes (1981) Y
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Y
Delete MX funding (1982) N
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) Y
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) N
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCU$
1812 10 77 22 75.
11181 15 76 7 95
1118 11 83 16 61
1879 11 81 21 94
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Kentucky ? 6th District
6Larry J. Hopkins (R)
Of Lexington - Elected 1978
Born: Oct. 25, 1933, Detroit, Mich.
Education: Attended Murray State U., 1951-54; South-
ern Methodist U., 1959; Purdue U., 1960.
Military Career. Marine Corps, 1954-56.
Occupation: Stockbroker.
Family: Wife, Carolyn Pennebaker; three children.
Religion: Methodist.
Political Career. Ky. House, 1972-78; Ky. Senate,
1978-79; Republican nominee for Fayette County
Commission, 1970.
Capitol Office: 331 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-4706.
In Washington: Legislators from this con-
servative district have always spent much of
their time protecting tobacco, and Hopkins,
who is an investment broker rather than a
farmer, has nevertheless stuck close to the
traditional role. Placed on the Agriculture
Committee, an assignment he asked for, he
lobbied the Agriculture Department virtually
non-stop to continue a program that showed
farmers how to save money and labor by pack-
aging their burley tobacco in a different way. If
it was a dull issue in Washington, it was a
significant one at home.
Named ranking minority member of the
Tobacco Subcommittee in his second term,
Hopkins was close to the action as tobacco
price supports survived a series of challenges
during the 97th Congress. As a Republican,
however, Hopkins did not play a decisive role;
House Democratic leaders essentially decided
to save the program to avoid political trouble
for their own members from tobacco-growing
states.
The program survived under the condition
that it operate at "no net cost" to taxpayers,
meaning that tobacco producers would pay any
losses on price support loans. Hopkins worked
with committee Democrats in 1982 to smooth
passage of a bill establishing a fee to cover
losses in the program.
Hopkins also tried unsuccessfully to help
tobacco farmers by limiting imports. He pro-
posed excluding tobacco from a bill granting a
trade advantage to products from the Carib-
bean Basin. "I think it is unfair," he said, "to
threaten the livelihood of tobacco farmers with
the possibility of increased imports." Critics
called his amendment protectionist, and it lost
on a voice vote.
Given a seat on the Armed Services Com-
mittee in the middle of his first term, Hopkins
has added a quiet vote to the panel's already
massive pro-Pentagon majority. He generated a
major news story one day in the 96th Congress
with repeated questioning of the Joint Chiefs of
Staff. The chiefs, summoned to testify on Pres.
ident Carter's defense budget needs, were re-
luctant to say openly that more money was
needed. Hopkins quietly asked the same ques.
tion over and over again until Joint Chiefs
Chairman David Jones conceded that a little
extra money would be useful, and that was
enough to produce front-page stories in most
papers the next morning.
Hopkins rarely involves himself in floor
debate on weapons systems. He did become
involved in one Armed Services floor dispute in
the 97th Congress, failing in an attempt to
bring about a conciliation. Trying to appeal
both to protectionist and free-trade advocates
who were debating a proposed ban on foreign
car purchases by the military, Hopkins sug-
gested requiring certification that no "suitable"
vehicles were available in the U.S. or Canada.
His idea appealed to neither side, and only 37
members went along with him. The ban, mean-
while, was approved.
Hopkins' basic approach to most federal
spending is simple: "Trying to get this govern-
ment and this Congress to stop spending
money," he said in 1982, "is like trying to put
hogs on a diet.... You just quit feeding them."
His distaste for the national debt has some-
times proved greater than his support foe Pen-
tagon programs - in 1982 he voted against ?
both nerve gas and the MX missile.
Earlier in his career, in 1979, he surprised a
few of his colleagues by voting to place strict
limits on the amount of money political action
committees (PACs) could contribute to con-
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Kentucky 6
The 6th is Kentucky as the rest of the
nation pictures it. Horses, tobacco and whis-
key are the mainstays of its culture and
economy.
Its centerpiece is Fayette County (Lex-
ington), home for 40 percent of the district's
residents. Lexington is best known for its
thoroughbred horse farms that regularly
produce Kentucky Derby champions. But a
diverse economic base has made it the most
prosperous part of the state outside Louis-
ville.
A large white-collar element enables
Hopkins and other GOP candidates to carry
the Lexington area. Fayette has voted Re-
publican in the last four presidential elec-
tions. Still, Fayette is no bastion of conser-
vatism. Ronald Reagan's 49 percent share of
the 1980 presidential vote in the county was
5 percentage points below Gerald R. Ford's
showing four years earlier.
The attraction of new businesses to the
Lexington area produced a population boom
in the 1950s and 1960s. But in the past
decade, the county has begun to curb resi-
dential and industrial expansion, spurring
population and manufacturing growth in
rural Bluegrass counties within commuting
gressional campaigns. Only 28 other Republi-
cans voted with him, and all of them were later
subjected to harsh criticism from then-Minor-
ity Leader John J. Rhodes. Hopkins had re-
ceived more than $124,000 from PACs in the
1978 campaign, more than any other member
who voted to restrict them. The extent of the
contributions had been a public issue in the
latter stages of that campaign.
At Home: The surprising defeat of Rep.
John B. Breckinridge in the 1978 Democratic
primary gave Republicans and Hopkins an
opportunity they had not expected.
Consideting Breckinridge unbeatable, nei-
ther Hopkins nor any other formidable Repub-
lican candidates had entered the GOP primary.
But after Breckinridge lost to a more liberal
Democrat, Republican leaders met and substi-
tuted Hopkins for the party's token candidate,
a 68-year-old former state auditor. As a popular
state senator from Lexington, the district's
largest city, Hopkins was able to mount an
expensive television campaign to make up for
North Central -
Lexington; Frankfort
distance of Lexington.
The most populous of the adjoining
counties is Madison (Richmond). Madison
voted for Reagan in 1980, while also backing
the Democratic congressional candidate.
The northern portion of the county is dot-
ted with bedroom communities whose resi-
dents work in nearby Lexington. The south-
ern portion revolves around Richmond, a
tobacco market and site of Eastern Ken-
tucky University. Ten percent of the district
population lives in Madison, making it the
second most populous county in the 6th.
The district's other major population
center is Franklin County, which includes
the state capital of Frankfort. The long
heritage of Democratic governors has pro-
duced a loyal pool of state workers who help
keep the county in the Democratic column.
Jimmy Carter won Franklin in 1980 with 60
percent of the vote, his top showing in the
district.
Population: 519,009. White 467,159
(90%), Black 48,249 (9%). Spanish origin
3,325 (1%). 18 and over 377,249 (73%), 65
and over 53,093 (10%). Median age: 29.
his late start.
Over the previous decade, he had built a
strong electoral base in his hometown. After
running unsuccessfully for county commis-
sioner, he was appointed county clerk of courts
and then elected to the state Legislature.
His well-organized congressional campaign
aimed its appeal at conservative farmers and
blue-collar workers. Hopkins portrayed his op-
ponent, maverick state Sen. Tom Easterly, as a
pawn of the unions. In return, Easterly labeled
the shuffling that put Hopkins in the contest a
Watergate-style maneuver.
But the Democrat was unable to heal the
party divisions that resulted from his campaign
against Breckinridge, and Hopkins outspent
him by more than 2-to-1. Winning Fayette
County (Lexington) by nearly 12,000 votes,
Hopkins captured the seat with 51 percent to
become the first Republican to represent the
district since 1930.
Easterly tried again in 1980, but the re-
match with Hopkins was anticlimactic. East-
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Larry J. Hopkins, R-Ky.
erly had offended some of his 1978 supporters
by attempting to mute his liberal image, and
Hopkins had solidified his base by developing a
good constituent service operation. The incum-
bent won re-election by nearly 3-to-2.
In 1982 Democrats counted on favorable
redistricting and the recession to give Hopkins
a scare. Democrat Don Mills, a former editor of
the Lexington Herald, shared Hopkins' home
base, but the incumbent won easily.
A one-time press secretary to Gov. Edward
T. Breathitt and an aide to Gov. John Y.
Brown, Mills drew the primary-eve endorse-
ment of three former Kentucky governors to
win the Democratic nomination easily. But his
Committees
Agrlcuftura (5th of 15 Republicans)
Tobacco and Peanuts (ranking); Livestock, Dairy and Poultry.
Armed Services (9th of 16 Republicans)
Investigations (ranking): Research and Development.
1982 General
Larry J. Hopkins (A)
Don Mills (D)
1980 General
68,418 (57%)
49,839 (41%)
Lorry J. Hopkins (R) 105,376 (59%)
Tom Easterly (D) 72,473 (41%)
Previous Winning Percentages: 1978 (51%)
District Vote For President
1980 1976
D 90,271 (49%) D 83,835 (52%)
R 83,127 (45%) R 74,110 (46%)
I 8,031 ( 4%)
Campaign Finance
Receipts Expend-
Receipts from PACs "urea
general election campaign was woefully under.
financed.
While the challenger ran almost even with
Hopkins in the rural counties of the Bluegrass
the incumbent swamped him by 16,000 votes in
the Lexington area.
Hopkins' string of victories in the politi-
cally marginal 6th has increased his attractive.
ness to GOP leaders as a potential statewide
candidate. But Hopkins has decided, at least
for the time being, to stay in the House. After
mulling over party overtures to return to Ken-
tucky and run for the GOP gubernatorial nomi-
nation in 1983, he decided that he would re-
main in Congress.
Voting Studies
Presidential Party Conservative
Support Unity Coalition
Year S 0 S 0 a 0
1982 58 39 77 22 78 21
1981 68 29 79 20 80 16
1980 40 56 85 13 89 7
1979 27 70 as 11 89 8
S- Support 0- Opposition
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981) y
Legal services reauthorization (1981) y
Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) N
Index income taxes (1981) y
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) y
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) y
Delete MX funding (1982) y
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) y
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) y
Interest Group Ratings
Hopkins (R)
$489,599
$175,980
(36%)
$442,478
Year
ADA
ACA
AFL-CIO
CCUS
Mills (D)
$110,963
$23,875
(220/e)
$96,385
1982
20
70
40
68
1980
1981
20
79
40
76
Hopkins (R)
$370,405
$122,288
(330/.)
$290,750
1980
6
87
22
73
Easterly (D)
$77,021
$19,204
(25%)
$79,344
1979
16
85
22
82
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Michigan ? I Ith District
11 Robert W. Davis (R
Of Gaylord - Elected 1978
Born: July 31, 1932, Marquette, Mich.
Education: Wayne State U. College of Mortuary Sci-
ence, B.S. 1954.
Occupation: Funeral director.
Family: Wife, Martha Cole; three children.
Religion: Episcopalian.
Political Career. St. Ignace City Council, 1964-66;
Mich. House, 1967-71; Mich. Senate, 1971-79.
Capitol Office: 1124 Longworth Bldg. 20515; 225-4735.
In Washington: Davis has spent his
House career catering to local interests in his
marginal Upper Peninsula district.
While most members were debating the
foreign policy implications of the Panama Ca-
nal treaties, Davis was looking at their impact
on the fish netting industry in northern Michi-
gan. Language in the bill implementing the
treaties would have canceled import duties on
fish nets, to the displeasure of the 12 firms in
Davis' district that manufacture them. Davis
successfully offered a floor amendment to the
legislation that had the effect of restoring the
duties.
Davis' district-first politics influences his
vote on a fair number of major issues. He
opposed a $10 billion Interior appropriations
bill in 1980 because it contained a provision
allowing the U.S. Forest Service to buy 25,000
acres of land owned by a private utility in his
district.
Attention to local problems in northern
Michigan has led Davis far from the conserva-
tism of his overall rhetoric, especially as unem-
ployment in his district has risen and he has
searched for federal help. In 1979, his first year
in the House, he opposed his party majority
only 24 percent of the time in votes on the
House floor. By 1982 that figure was up to 56
percent.
One of those 1982 votes was for automobile
"domestic content" legislation, a United Auto
Workers (UAW) priority that most Republi-
cans opposed but which Davis saw as a source
of jobs for his constituents. Davis also has
allied himself with the UAW in support of the
Trade Adjustment Assistance program, which
the Reagan administration has tried to elimi-
nate. The program provides extra unemploy-
ment benefits to workers laid off because of
foreign competition.
Davis introduced a bill in 1981 to extend
the coverage to those who work for companies
supplying raw materials to affected industries.
That would help the Upper Peninsula iron
miners, whose already depressed industry has
been hurt further by the decline in the automo-
bile industry's demand for steel.
In 1982 Davis was unwilling to commit
himself to the Reagan-backed budget until the
party could convince him that the budget
would include extended unemployment bene.
fits, something his state desperately needed. He
said he had gotten "a call from the president on
Thursday, from the vice president on Friday
and from my mother on Saturday," and he still
had not made up his mind. During the debate,
he got an assurance from Republican leaders on
the unemployment benefits, and he voted with
them.
On the Armed Services Committee, Davis
is generally a loyal supporter of the panel's
bipartisan pro-Pentagon majority. But his most
active crusade has been against the Pentagon,
on the issue of ELF, the proposed submarine
communications system that would string as
many as 100 miles of cable from telephone
poles in the Upper Peninsula. He cast a rare
vote against a defense bill in 1981 because it
included $35 million for ELF. He had per-
suaded the House to drop most of the funds for
the program, but the Senate left them in, and
House conferees agreed with the Senate.
Meanwhile, trying to protect the Grand
Marais Coast Guard station along Lake Supe-
rior, Davis has consistently backed increased
funding for the Coast Guard. He Ras also
sponsored legislation that would transfer the
Coast Guard from the Department of Trans-
portation to the Pentagon, believing that the
Coast Guard, "an armed force," has been "ne-
glected, and to my surprise, by an administra-
tion admirably dedicated to ensuring our na-
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Michigan 11
The vast, empty forests that cover the
470 miles from Ironwood on the Wisconsin
border to Tawas City on Lake Huron in-
habit a sparsely settled district that, despite
an abundance of natural resources, offers its
residents a depressed standard of living.
The 11th has only one city of over 15,000; of
the eight counties in Michigan that lost
population during the 1970s, six are here.
The 11th is contiguous only because of
the Mackinac Bridge. The third-longest sus-
pension bridge on the continent, crossing
the point where Lake Michigan and Lake
Huron meet, joins Michigan's Upper and
Lower peninsulas. The Upper Peninsula
(UP), attached by land to Wisconsin, has 62
percent of the district's residents, the bulk
of its Democrats and a rough-hewn pride of
place that induces occasional secessionist
grumblings among its partisans. People in
the western part of the UP root for the
Green Bay Packers, not the Detroit Lions.
The UP's once-busy mining industry is
in a slump. The only industries still pros-
pering are part of the new high-technology
enclave around Michigan Technological
University in Houghton and those dealing
with lumber and wood products, which feed
mills in Escanaba and Manistique.
The western UP generally has been the
Democratic stronghold of Michigan north of
Saginaw. Eastern European and Scandina-
vian immigrants brought in to mine copper
gave it a liberal, union-oriented tradition;
their descendants and other miners, mill
tional security." The Transportation De-
partment opposes his plan.
At Home: Davis' attention to the needs of
his district has paid off - particularly his
concern for the normally Democratic mining
areas at the western end of the Upper Penin-
sula. In 19$2, seeking his third term, he carried
all but one of the 28 counties in the district.
Taking Republican Rep. Philip Ruppe's
place initially was more difficult. Ruppe had
stepped down in 1978, planning to run for the
Senate seat of retiring Republican Robert P.
Griffin. When Griffin changed his mind and
decided to run again, it was too late for Ruppe
to get his old seat back. He sat on the sidelines
and watched nine candidates - including Da-
vis - battle for the congressional district he
Upper Peninsula;
Northern Lower Peninsula.
workers, loggers and longshoremen still
dominate politics in the UP's western coun-
ties. Five of the nine counties in the state
won by Jimmy Carter in 1980 are here.
The eastern UP is far more Republican
and representative of the part of the district
"below the bridge." Mackinac Island, a
tourist retreat, plays host every two years to
the state GOP's Mackinac Leadership Con-
ference.
The only major city in the eastern part
of the UP is Sault Ste. Marie, which sends
grain, ores and pulpwood eastward from the
port cities of Lake Superior. Thanks to the
presence of the Army Corps of Engineers
and the Coast Guard, much of Sault Ste.
Marie's workforce is on the federal payroll.
Most of Chippewa County and Mackinac
County are heavily dependent on tourism
and farming, and lacking in the industry
that creates Democratic sympathies farther
west.
The migration of former city dwellers
that has begun to transform the 10th Dis-
trict is also evident in the 11th below the
Mackinac Bridge. Retired auto workers
have settled in Emmet, Presque Isle and
Cheboygan counties, and Democrats have
begun to make inroads in local elections.
Population: 514,560. White 500,721
(97 %), Black 2,875 0%), American Indian,
Eskimo and Aleut 8,418(2%). Spanish origin
1,945 (0.4%). 18 and over 367,779 (72%), 65
and over 70,884 (14%). Median age: 30.
could have retained easily.
Davis had been a familiar figure in the
Michigan Legislature for years. In his first
Senate term he was picked to be GOP whip,
and later he served as the minority leader.
Among his more notable accomplishments was
passage of a bill that lowered the toll on the
Mackinac Straits Bridge.
The major problem for Davis was that he
was from the Lower Peninsula, while a majority
of the voters are from the Upper Peninsula
(UP). Even on his own turf Davis kad had
problems. He had been re-elected tote state
Senate in 1974 by only 1,270 votes out of 80,000
cast. But his congressional campaign strategy
was sound. He won the GOP primary on the
strength of Lower Peninsula support, then tem-
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Robert W. Davis, R-Mich.
porarily moved to the UP and stressed his
boyhood roots in that region.
Campaigning like an incumbent, Davis
contrasted his experience of a dozen years in
the Legislature with the record of Democrat
Keith McLeod, a savings and loan executive
Committees
Armed Services (10th of 16 Republicans)
Procurement and Military Nuclear Systems; Research and
Development.
Merchant Marine and Fisher es (6th of 14 Republicarn)
Coast Guard and Navigation; Merchant Marine; Panama canal
and Outer Continental Shelf.
1192 General
Robert W. Davis (R)
106,039
(61%)
Kent Bourland (D)
69,181
(39%)
1190 General
Robert W. Davis (R)
146,205
(66%)
Dan Dorrity (D)
75,515
(34%)
Previous Winning Percentage:
1978
(5s%)
District Vote For President
1190 1978
D 99.755 (42%) D 108,130 (48%)
R 119,100 (50X) R 112,569 (50%)
1 15,498 ( 7%)
and political neophyte. McLeod, from the Up.
per Peninsula, narrowly won that area, but
Davis did well enough there to assure a corn.
fortable districtwide victory. It was the first
time since 1888 that UP voters did not have
one of their own in Washington.
1190
Davis (A)
Dor
it
D
$138,895
$70,668
(51%)
8121,198
r
y(
)
$48,393
$9,234
(19%)
$48,624
Voting Studies
Presidential
Support
Party Conaervalive
Unity Coalition
Year
8
0
8
0
$ 0
1182
45
47
37
56
62 29
1991
59
36
69
26
84 12
1990
50
44
63
31
58 29
1979
35
62
72
241
82 15t
S - Support
0
- Opposition
1 Not eligible for all recorded votes.
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981)
Legal services reauthorization (1981)
Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981)
Index income taxes (1981)
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982)
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982)
Delete MX funding (1982)
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982)
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983)
Interest Group Ratings
Receipts
Receipts
from PACs
Expend-
Rwee
Year
ADA
ACA
AFL-CIO
CCUS
1192
1882
35
52
74
40
D
i
R
1191
15
74
40
74
av
)
s (
B
$95,820
$53,290
(56%)
$74,673
1190
39
55
67
68
ourland (D)
$24,249
$17,550
(72%)
$23,905
1979
6
76
35
89
Campaign Finance
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In Washington: Kramer came to Wash-
ington acting and sounding as if he hoped to
dismantle most of the edifice of liberal govern-
ment by the end of his first term. He was ready
with speeches and amendments by the basket-
ful, fighting proposals to create a new Depart-
ment of Education and improve relations with
mainland China. Few of his amendments
passed.
Since then, Kramer has grown less excit-
able and more selective, apparently willing to
wait for the best moments to offer his legisla-
tive ideas. But the ideas themselves have not
changed, and he is always ready to offer new
ones.
Besides tilting at bureaucratic windmills,
Kramer has become an active member of the
Armed Services Committee. In his words, his
district is "the No. 1 Soviet targeting priority in
all of the world" because it houses the North
American air monitoring system. He is fre-
quently looking for high-technology solutions
to defense problems.
Early in 1983, when President Reagan an-
nounced the development of a "superweapon"
to counter Soviet missiles, Kramer applauded
his "bold new initiative." Kramer also urged
Democrats - some of whom said the weapon
reminded them of the film "Star Wars" - not
to "make fun of what is perhaps the greatest
hope for mankind."
Coming from a district that contains the
U.S. Air Force Academy, Kramer has sought
ways to enlarge the role of that branch of the
service. He has found one in space. "To meet
the Soviet challenge," Kramer wrote in 1981,
"it is urgent that we devise a long-range space
program built around the defense of the Ameri-
can homeland."
Kramer proposed changing the name of
the Air Force to the U.S. Aerospace Force and
giving it the mission of centralizing military
space activity. In 1982 the Air Force created a
Colorado - Sth District
5Ken Kramer (R)
Of Colorado Springs - Elected 1978
Born: Feb. 19, 1942, Chicago, Ill.
Education: U. of Ill., B.A. 1963; Harvard U., J.D. 1966.
Military Career. Army, 1967-70.
Occupation: Lawyer.
Family: Divorced; two children.
Religion: Jewish.
Political Career. Colo. House, 1973-79.
Capitol Office: 240 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-4422.
new Space Command, fulfilling part of his goal.
If he is less visible than he was in his first
term, Kramer is no less a firebrand. He de.
fended the Army's plan to expand his district's
Fort Carson by 244,000 acres, warning that if
the House rejected the expansion, members
might "find the blood of American soldiers on
our hands in a few years." Speaking in favor of
civil defense evacuation plans, Kramer told his
colleagues that if the Soviet Union could evacu-
ate its cities and the United States did not, "an
American president would have no choice but
to virtually surrender." Early in 1982, Kramer
read secret information on Soviet laser technol.
ogy during an Armed Services Committee hear-
ing.
The subject of U.S. relations with China
came up in Kramer's first term, and it was an
issue that excited him. He offered an amend-
ment to reverse the entire direction of U.S.
friendship toward the People's Republic of
China and retain a mutual defense treaty with
Taiwan, calling for American involvement if
Taiwan was attacked.
Later, Kramer fought the legislation im-
plementing U.S. transfer of the Panama Canal.
He had an amendment to that bill which at-
tempted to block any U.S. role in a new Canal
Commission until after "free elections" in Pan-
ama.
On the domestic side, Kramer's ideas have
included eliminating the Education and Energy
departments and cutting back the role of the
Environmental Protection Agency, Occupa-
tional Safety and Health Administration and
Federal Trade Commission. He wants to re-
strict federal court jurisdiction over busing and
abortion.
"We are strangled by government red
tape," he has said, "and drowned by govern-
ment regulations administered by an ever-
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Colorado 5
The solidly Republican 5th revolves
around Colorado Springs (population
215,150), the state's second largest city and
the southern anchor of the rapidly growing
Front Range. It was originally a resort
whose sunny climate and proximity to Pikes
Peak drew tourists from the East.
Tourism remains the keystone of the
local economy. But after World War 11,
Colorado Springs emerged as a center of
military operations in the Rocky Moun-
tains. North of the city is the U.S. Air Force
Academy; east is Peterson Air Force Base;
south is Fort Carson; and deep in a moun-
tain to the west is NORAD (the North
American Air Defense Command), main-
taining a round-the-clock alert for an enemy
air attack.
Recently the economy has diversified
further, with electronics firms coming to the
area. Among the major employers are
Hewlett-Packard, TRW and Litton, which
have made Colorado Springs a rival to Boul-
der as Colorado's center of high technology.
Yet while the economic base has
changed, the politics of Colorado Springs
has remained consistently conservative. Al-
though there is a potentially decisive minor-
ity population - 8 percent Hispanic, 6
percent black and 2 percent Asian - the
city strays into the Democratic column only
during poor national Republican years.
The large military work force, aug-
growing, insensitive, unaccountable bureau-
cracy."
One cause in which he found company was
his effort to restrict the role of the Legal
Services Corporation. Citing "a virtual litany of
horror stories," he persuaded his colleagues in
1981 to ban lobbying by the agency. He was less
successful in requiring Legal Services to submit
its budget to the Office of Management and
Budget (OMB) for review, rather than directly
to Congress. Backers of the agency said OMB
would be more likely to kill it.
Kramer spent his first two terms on the
Education and Labor Committee, where as an
advocate of right-to-work laws, he was a sort of
gadfly against the panel's solid pro-union ma-
jority. In his second term, he became ranking
Republican on the Health and Safety Sub-
committee, where he spent much of his time
South Central -
Colorado Springs
mented by a sizable number of military
retirees, has made the Colorado Springs
area one of the most reliable bastions of
conservative Republicanism in the state. In
1980 Ronald Reagan drew 64 percent of the
vote in the city and surrounding El Paso
County, which together hold nearly two-
thirds of the district's population.
North of El Paso County are suburban
Denver communities in southwest Jefferson,
southwest Arapahoe and Douglas counties.
All have Republican voting habits, although
in the Jefferson County portion there are
more independents than Republicans. The
county's major community within the dis-
trict is Golden, the site of the Colorado
School of Mines, the Adolph Coors brewery
and Buffalo Bill's grave.
The rest of the 5th's voters live in
Elbert County, a cattle ranching area inhab-
ited by rock-ribbed Republicans, and in
sparsely populated mountain counties be-
tween Colorado Springs and the Continen-
tal Divide. Ranching, mining and tourism
are mainstays of the mountain economy.
Population: 481,627. White: 436,996
(91%), Black 19,829 (4%), American In-
dian, Eskimo and Aleut 2,457 (1 ?a ), Asian
and Pacific Islander 6,015 (1%). Spanish
origin 32,707 (7%). 18 and over 335,156
(70%), 65 and over 30,725 (6%). Median
age: 28.
criticizing the Mine Safety and Health Admin-
istration. In the 98th Congress, he left Educa-
tion and Labor to devote his full attention to
military issues.
At Home: Representing Republican-ori-
ented Colorado Springs and some of Denver's
most conservative suburbs, Kramer has one of
the safer seats in the Rockies. But even in these
congenial surroundings, his strident conserva-
tism has made him a popular target.
In 1982 Kramer drew an articulate chal-
lenge from political scientist Tom Cronin, a
widely respected student of the presidency!
Their contest was the liveliest House race in
Colorado in 1982 and drew some national press
attention.
Kramer described himself as well matched
to the district and described the Massachu-
setts-born Cronin as a liberal Eastern Demo-
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K.n Kromor, R-Colo.
crat. Cronin attacked Kramer as an ineffective,
inconsistent disciple of the far right. In the
halls of Congress, Cronin jibed, the incumbent
was an "E. F. Hutton in reverse.... When he
talks, nobody listens."
Cronin attracted a large cadre of volun-
teers, and editorial support from the Denver
Pose, which denounced Kramer as "the state's
least effective congressman." But the incum-
bent was able to point to his work on the
Armed Services Committee to assist the Air
Force Academy and other district military in-
stallations, and he claimed a role in bringing
the Consolidated Space Operations Center to
the district.
Benefiting from a large campaign treasury
and a district unemployment rate that was
about half the national level, Kramer carried
all but one small Democratic-leaning county
deep in the mountains. Cronin began talking of
a rematch in 1984, figuring his name identifica-
tion would be higher.
Kramer has his own roots back East. Born
in Chicago and educated at Harvard Law
School, he moved to Colorado Springs to prac-
tice law and soon entered GOP politics on the
Committees
Armed Services (11th of 16 Republicans)
Military Installations and Facilities (ranking); Procurement and
Military Nuclear Systems.
i
1982 General
Ken Kramer (R)
84,479
(60'A)
Tom Cronin (D)
57,392
(40%)
1980 General
Ken Kramer (A)
177,319
(72'/.)
Ed Schreiber (D)
62,003
(25%)
District Vote For President
1990 1979
D 47,248 (25%) D 64,460
(394ti)
R 121,490 (64%) R 94,920
(58%)
1 17,123 ( 9%)
Campaign Finance
Receipts Expand-
Receipts from PACs itures
precinct level. Only two years after he opened
his law office he had a seat in the state House
of Representatives.
Kramer was stubborn and sometimes bel.
ligerent in the Legislature, where he gained
notoriety for his efforts to push the more
moderate GOP leadership in a conservative
direction. He was active in promoting anti.
pornography and state right-to-work legisla.
tion.
When Republican William L. Armstrong
left the House seat in 1978 to run for the
Senate, Kramer campaigned for it against an-
other equally determined conservative Repub?
lican, state Rep. Bob Eckelberry. They waged a
bitter primary struggle, with Eckelberry calling
himself a rational conservative and portraying
Kramer as a wild man. When each candidate
claimed the other had distorted his voting
record, a representative from the national GOP
was sent in to cool things down. Kramer
emerged with a 2,700-vote victory.
Although there was lingering bitterness, it
did not prevent Kramer from winning a com-
fortable general election victory over a liberal
Democrat.
Voting Studies
Presidential Parry Conservative
Support Unity Coalition
Year S 0 S 0 S 0
1982 79 19 81 16 89 8
1981 71 28 85 11 85 11
1910 28 56 87 6 88 4
1979 21 78 93 6 94 3
S - Support 0 - Opposition
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981)
Legal services reauthorization (1981)
Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981)
Index income taxes (1981)
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982)
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982)
Delete MX funding (1982)
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982)
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983)
Interest Group Ratings
Kramer (R)
Cronin (D)
$383,831
$179,634
$109,437
$62,627
(29%)
(35%)
$384,915
$170,643
Year
ADA
ACA
AFL-CIO
CCU$
?
1980
1992
0
78
20
82
1991
0
87
21
94
Kramer (R)
$259.525
$71,868
(28%)
$233,016
1990
0
91
13
72
Schreiber(D)
$3,834
$175
( 5%)
$3,152
1979
5
96
10
94
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Colifornio - 45th District
4Duncan L. Hunter (R) 5
10
Of Coronado - Elected 1980
Born: May 31, 1948, Riverside, Calif.
Education: Western State U., B.S.L. 1976, J.D. 1976.
Military Career. Army, 1969-71.
Occupation: Lawyer.
Family: Wife, Lynne Layh; one child.
Religion: Baptist.
Political Career. No previous office.
Capitol Office: 117 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-5672.
In Washington: Hunter won his seat in
large part by trumpeting his pro-military views,
and he has pressed the Pentagon's cause in the
House with the fervor of a true believer.
As a junior Republican on the Armed Ser-
vices Committee, Hunter has had little chance
to distinguish himself from his more senior,
equally hawkish colleagues. But he has
emerged on the House floor as an energetic
defender of the committee leadership, ready to
step into a debate with a set of statistics or line
of reasoning to support the defense establish-
ment's view of things.
When the House debated a nuclear freeze
in early 1983, Hunter peppered Foreign Affairs
Chairman Clement J. Zablocki of Wisconsin,
the freeze sponsor, with a long string of hostile
questions about how the idea would work.
In the previous Congress, when some
House members moved to delete funding for
the B-I bomber, arguing that it should go to a
"Stealth" bomber, instead, Hunter was impa-
tient. The issue could be compared to a boxing
match, he said, in which "we are behind on
points, and instead of working to pile up points
with jabs and hooks and uppercuts, we are
waiting to throw our big Sunday punch ..
while our adversary wins round after round."
Hunter grows especially heated on ques-
tions involving the Japanese. Arguing in 1982
that Japan should pay for American forces
committed to its defense, he declared, "In
effect, we work our tail off so that the Japanese
can have a stable international economic envi-
ronment which they use to put Americans out
of work."
He also sponsored legislation imposing an
equity fee on Japanese cars unless Japan in-
creased its imports of U.S. farm products. In a
break with the Reagan administration, Hunter
backed passage of the "domestic content" bill
requiring a percentage of American labor and
parts in automobiles sold in the U.S.
At Home: Hunter has an unusual back-
ground for a conservative Republican. For the
three years before his House campaign, he lived
and worked in the Hispanic section of San
Diego. Running his own storefront law office,
Hunter often gave free legal advice to poor
people. When President Reagan called for abo-
lition of the Legal Services Corporation,
Hunter was one of the dissenters.
Hunter's work in the usually Democratic
inner city was one of the reasons for his 1980
upset victory over Democrat Lionel Van Deer-
lin, a nine-term House veteran. Running his
campaign out of his law office, Hunter at-
tracted volunteers and voters most GOP candi-
dates would have had to write off.
Another reason was Hunter's ceaseless
campaigning. He made endless rounds of the
compact district, popping up at defense plants
and on street corners, shaking 1,000 hands
every day while Van Deerlin remained in
Washington, assuming he would win by his
usual comfortable margin.
Hunter, who won a Bronze Star for flying
25 helicopter combat assaults in Vietnam,
blasted away at Van Deerlin's so-called "anti-
defense" voting record. He promised his own
pro-Pentagon stance would keep jobs in the
district, where the nation's largest naval base
and numerous defense industries are located.
"In San Diego," he said, "defense means jpbs."
In 1982 Democrats created a new district
in central San Diego, moving Hunter into the
new, stalwartly Republican 45th outside the
city. The change removed any pressures he
might have felt in the old district to moderate
his conservative beliefs.
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Duncan L. Huntar, R-Calif.
California 45
Crossing the entire southern border of
the state from the Colorado River to San
Diego's Sunset Cliffs, the 45th is sparsely
populated and overwhelmingly Republican.
The district was created in 1981 to give
Hunter a secure place to run. Democrats did
not want him to interfere with their plans to
elect a Democrat in the 44th, which includes
much of Hunter's old constituency. The
lines of the 45th should keep Hunter and all
other Republicans quite content. The dis-
trict supported Ronald Reagan with 62 per-
cent in 1980.
The 45th has two distinct parts. One is
in the eastern suburbs of San Diego, such as
Chula Vista and El Cajon, and the spit of
land - Coronado - that separates the
Pacific Ocean from the San Diego Bay.
Coronado is the home of many retired Navy
officers. They give the area a decidedly pro-
military, Republican flavor.
The other segment of the district in-
cludes California's Imperial Valley. Below
the level of both the Colorado River and the
Imperial Valley;
Part of San Diego
Pacific Ocean, the valley was relatively easy
to irrigate at the turn of the century and has
since become one of the most productive
farm areas in the country.
As farmers and other urban refugees
move in with their house trailers, the valley
is experiencing its first substantial popula-
tion growth in several decades. Just under
100,000 people now live there. Although
registered Democrats outnumber Republi-
cans by 56 to 34 percent, the electorate here
is conservative. In 1980, Reagan nearly re-
versed the registration figures, defeating
Jimmy Carter, 56 to 37 percent. Imperial
County has not voted for a Democrat for
president since 1964.
Population: 525,906. White 442,139
(84 %), Black 9,617 (2 %), American Indian,
Eskimo and Aleut 5,401 (1%), Asian and
Pacific Islander 15,017 (3%). Spanish origin
97,265 (19%). 18 and over 387,465 (74%),
65 and over 57,220 (11%). Median age: 30.
Committees
1900
Armed Services (12th of 16 Republicans)
Hunter (R)
$220,874
$27,575
(12Y.)
$208,596
Military Personnel and Compensation; Seapower and Strategic
and Critical Materials
Van Deerlin (D)
$105,367
$41,410
(39%)
$140,557
.
SNeet Narcotics Abuse and Control (8th of 9 Republicans)
Voting Studies
presidential Party Conwvathn
support Unity Coalition
Year 8 0 8 0 8
0.
1982 General
1902 83 14 84 10 90
5
Dunan L. Hunter (R)
117,771
(69%)
1981 74 25 89 11 95
5
Richard Hill (D)
50,148
(29%)
S s Support 0 - Opposition
118i10ennal
Duncan L. Hunter (R)
79,713
(53%)
Key Votes
Lionel Van Deerin (0)
69,936
(47%)
Diitriet Vote For President
Reagan budget proposal (1981)
Legal services reauthorization (1981)
Y
Y
1180 1978
'
Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981)
Index income taxes (1981)
Y
Y
D
50.729 (27%)
0 61,853
(42%)
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982)
N
R
115,923 (62%) R 82,830
(57%)
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982)
Y
I
16,616 ( 9%)
Delete MX funding (1982)
N
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982)
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) ?
Y
N
Campaign Finance
Receipt. ftoAC*tss Expand-
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS
1892 5 100 21 82
1181 10 75 27 89
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In Washington: Hartnett's country-boy
irreverence has quickly gained him an image as
a court jester in an institution he seems to feel
takes itself too seriously.
At times, Hartnett's brand of humor is
counterproductive. During a 1981 debate on
moving daylight-savings time forward two
months, Hartnett asked "who is going to wake
up the rooster that is going to wake up all the
farmhands?" Trying to adopt a more sober
tone a few minutes later, he repeatedly had to
appeal to his colleagues to take him seriously.
But if Hartnett strikes some House mem-
bers as buffoonish, he has won points for saying
bluntly what is on his mind. "We are all politi-
cal prostitutes, I guess," he mused during a
1982 debate on the MX missile. "We do what is
necessary to get the votes." That is a sentiment
frequently expressed in private on the House
floor, but rarely voiced aloud.
As a legislator, Hartnett is firmly in the
pro-military tradition of the late Democrat L.
Mendel Rivers, who represented the district for
30 years. In his first term, Hartnett landed a
'seat on the Armed Services Committee Rivers
once chaired; it has been his only assignment.
After the Reagan administration ordered
cutbacks in Army Corps of Engineers person-
nel, Hartnett sponsored a floor amendment to
keep open district offices of the Army Corps in
ports with major military installations. The
amendment, designed to prevent the closing of
the Charleston office, was included in a mili-
tary construction bill.
Hartnett is quick to point out what he sees
as coercion directed at his state and the South.
In 1981 he tried to amend the Voting Rights
Act to widen its "preclearance" provision to the
entire country, arguing that "our black broth-
ers and sisters in Montana and Utah and Idaho
and Iowa" should be covered by it. Later that
year, on daylight-savings time, Hartnett tried
and failed 'to have South Carolina - and any
other state whose legislature so desired -
exempted from the new provisions.
At Home: Hartnett made '-' first try for
Congress as a Democrat in he 1971 special
election to replace Rivers, who had died in
office. Then a three-term state representative,
Hartnett was not as well-known as either of his
two main primary opponents: Rivers' godson
and former aide, Mendel J. Davis, and Charles-
ton Mayor J. Palmer Gaillard Jr. Davis won the
primary and went on to take the seat.
But when Davis decided to retire in 1980 at
age 38, Hartnett was in the right party at the
right time. He had left the Democrats after
they nominated George McGovern for presi-
dent in 1972, moving up to the state Senate as a
Republican.
His chances in 1980 at first seemed little
better than i' '.971. i is opponent, Democrat
Charles D. "Pug" Ravenel, had run for gover-
nor in 1974 and for the U.S. Senate in 1978 and
was well-known throughout the district. But,
taking advantage of the Democrat's 10 years as
an investment banker in New York, Hartnett
saturated the media with a campaign tagging
him as a "carpetbagger." Ravenel was "a New
York banker with political ties to union bosses
and Wall Street liberals," one ad said. Ravenel
could not fight off the attack, and Hartnett
emerged with a 5,200-vote edge.
Democrats were back in 1982 with Davis'
former administrative assistant, W. Mullins
McLeod, a candidate potentially much stronger
than Ravenel in the rural areas of the district.
But in July, before the campaign had even
begun in earnest, McLeod was arrested for
drunken driving. He never managed to gain any
momentum after that.
1 Thomas F. Hartnett (R
Of Mount Pleasant - Elected 1980
Born: Aug. 7, 1941, Charleston, S.C.
Education: Attended College of Charleston, 1960-62.
Military Career. Air Force Reserve, 1963-69; 1982-.
Occupation: Real estate salesman.
Family: Wife, Bonnie Lee Kennerly; two children.
Religion: Roman Catholic.
Political Career. S.C. House, 1965-73; S.C. Senate,
1973-81; sought Democratic nomination for U.S.
House, 1971.
Capitol Office: 228 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-3176.
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Thomas F. Hartnett, R-S.C.
South Carolina 1
Henry James, describing the city's list-
lessness at the turn of the century, dispar-
aged Charleston as "effeminate." No more.
While James might still recognize the care-
fully preserved older streets and quaint
houses, the symbol of contemporary
Charleston is the defense industry and the
enormous postwar growth it has brought to
the area. More than a fifth of South Caroli-
na's new residents during the 1970s were
attracted to metropolitan Charleston.
The Charleston Naval Shipyard,
Charleston Air Force Base, Parris Island
Marine Corps Base and numerous other
military facilities place an estimated 35 per-
cent of the district's payroll in the hands of
the Defense Department and draw in pri-
vate military contractors and related busi-
nesses.
Most of the people moving into the area
have settled in the Charleston suburbs,
which have exploded in population in the
past decade. North Charleston, one-third
the size of its parent city in 1970, was
South -
Charleston
virtually equal with it in population in the
1980 census. Reflecting the Northern and
middle-class background of the new resi-
dents, these booming suburbs turn in solidly
Republican votes at the national level .-
and, when offered a GOP candidate, at the
local level.
In Charleston itself and in the poorer
rural towns to the south, the Democratic
presence remains strong. The city, 46 per-
cent black, is still governed by Democrats,
and blacks in the precincts north of Cal-
houn Street turn in an overwhelmingly
Democratic vote. But the white population,
which is beginning to encroach on formerly
black areas, is increasingly Republican in
national elections.
Population; 520,338. White 343,616
(66%). Black 168,058 (32%), Asian and
Pacific Islander 4,476 (19E ). Spanish origin
8,618 (2%). 18 and over 362,866 (70%), 65
and over 38,887 (7%). Median age: 26.
Committees
Armed Serrim (13th of 16 Republicans)
Military Installation and Facilities; Military Personnel and Com-
pensation; Seapower and Strategic and Critical Materials.
1862 General
Thomas Hartnett (R)
63,945
(54%)
Mullins McLeod (D)
52,916
(45%)
1860 General
Thomas Hartnett (R)
81,988
452'/.)
Charles Ravenel (D)
76,743
(48'%)
District Veto For President
1860
11176
D
65,690
(44%)
0
65,254
(53%)
R
78,592
(53%)
R
56,449
(46%)
1
3,146
( 20/6)
Campaign Finance
1992
Receipts
Receipt
from PACs
Expend.
thins
Hartnett (R)
$362,852
$141,072 (39%)
$322,402
McLeod (D)
$205,539
$27,633 (13%)
$174,741
1990
Hartnett (R)
,
,
)
223 145
Ravenel(0) $280,210 $56,684 (20%) $179,933
Voting Studies
Presidential Party Conservative
Support Unity Coalition
Year 8 0 8 0 8 0
1992 74 19 Be 8 Be 8
1111 79 17 83 9 92 4
S- Support 0 - Opposition
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981) Y
Legal services reauthorization (1981) N
Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) N
Index income taxes (1981) Y
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) N
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Y
Delete MX funding (1982) N
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) N
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983) N
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCUS
1992 10 100 5 71
11151 5 91 7 100
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$226
147 $105
540 (47%
S
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Now York - 26th Distrkt
26David as. Martin (R
Of Canton - Elected 1980
corn: April 26, 1944, Ogdensburg, N.Y.
Education: U. of Notre Dame, B.B.A. 1966; Albany U.
Law School, J.D. 1973.
Military Career. Marine Corps, 1966-70.
Occupation: Lawyer.
Family: Wife, DeeAnn Hedlund; three children.
Religion: Roman Catholic.
Political Career. St. Lawrence County Legislature,
1974-77; N.Y. Assembly, 1977-81.
Capitol Office: 109 Cannon Bldg. 20515; 225-4611.
In Washington: House GOP leaders liked
Martin's voting record and easygoing personal-
ity enough to make him an assistant whip in his
freshman term. But beyond low-visibility ser-
vice as a loyal party soldier, his activity was
limited to commenting on a few issues directly
related to his district.
Martin argued strongly in behalf of a mea-
sure aimed at keeping down costs for users of
the St. Lawrence Seaway, which connects the
Great Lakes to the Atlantic Ocean. Its head-
quarters are in Massena, a city in the 26th
District.
The St. Lawrence is the nation's only wa-
terway that was required by the federal govern-
ment to repay its construction costs through
collection of tolls. About $30 million of the debt
has been paid off since the seaway opened in
1959, but the financing scheme required an
accelerated repayment schedule beginning in
the mid-1980s.
Martin and other congressmen from areas
served by the seaway argued that meeting the
repayment obligation could force a rise in tolls
so dramatic that traffic on the waterway might
decrease significantly. The seaway's debt was
canceled by a provision in the Department of
Transportation's fiscal year 1983 appropria-
tions bill.
Acid rain is a hot topic in Martin's district
because hundreds of lakes in the Adirondacks
can no longer sustain fish populations. Martin
has been less militant on the acid rain issue
than most members of Congress from the
Northeast. In 1981 he said "there is wide differ-
ence of opinion as to whether these lakes are
valid evidence of an acid precipitation prob-
lem."
In 1982, however, he decided to support a
piece of legislation setting limits on the amount
of sulfur dioxide that industries can discharge.
Martin's only committee assignment in the
97th Congress was Interior. In 1983 he switched
to the Armed Services Committee. Martin is a
veteran of the Vietnam War and his district's
military facilities include a Strategic Air Com-
mand base. He was involved in the negotiations
over construction of a Vietnam Veterans Me-
morial, which was dedicated in Washington,
D.C., in 1982.
At Home: Martin follows the orthodox
Republicanism of his predecessor, Robert C.
McEwen, who retired in 1981 at the completion
of his eighth term.
After returning from Vietnam and gradu-
ating from law school, Martin entered politics
in 1973 at the county level. In 1976 he received
party backing for the state Legislature and
moved on to Albany. A regular Republican who
worked closely with the party leadership, Mar-
tin had the support of six of the seven county
GOP chairmen in his 1980 bid for the congres-
sional nomination.
Martin defeated a well-known Democrat
for the House seat - former New York Lt.
Gov. Mary Anne Krupsak. Krupsak moved into
the district in order to run, but could not break
the strong hold Republicans have maintained
in the area.
During the campaign, Martin proposed
adapting fellow New York Republican Jack F.
Kemp's proposal for "enterprise zones," de-
signed for high unemployment urbarrareas, to
his district's economically suffering rural areas
and small towns. Martin won handily and in-
creased his percentage in an easy 1982 re-
election contest.
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12 John R. Kasich (R)
Of Westerville - Elected 1982
Born: May 13, 1952, Pittsburgh, Pa.
Education: Ohio State U., B.A. 1974.
Occupation: Legislative aide.
Family: Divorced.
Religion: Roman Catholic.
political Career. Ohio Senate, 1979-1983.
Capitol Office: 1724 Longworth Bldg. 20515; 225-5355.
The Path to Washington: The Columbus
area is one of America's great test markets, but
it has conspicuously bucked national trends in
the last two congressional elections. In 1980,
upset winner Bob Shamansky was one of only
three Democrats in the country to oust a GOP
incumbent. Two years later, Kasich was the
only Republican in the nation to retire a Demo-
cratic incumbent - Shamansky.
According to Republicans, Kasich recov-
ered what was rightfully theirs. They consid-
ered Shamansky's victory a fluke, blaming vet-
eran GOP Rep. Samuel Devine for running a
complacent, lackadaisical 1980 campaign.
No one can accuse Kasich of complacency.
An energetic grass-roots campaigner, he upset a
veteran Democratic state senator in 1978 by
visiting every household in the district several
times. That was his political debut. His 1982
House campaign was a facsimile and featured
the slogan, "Walking our way to Congress."
Kasich's personal energy is combined with
a militant conservatism. He was a legislative
aide to conservative state Sen. Donald E. Lu-
kens and chairman of Philip M. Crane's 1980
GOP presidential campaign in Ohio. In the
Legislature, Kasich always allied himself with
the most conservative members.
While he is an opponent of abortion and a
supporter of the death penalty, Kasich's hall-
mark has been fiscal conservatism. He spon-
sored a resolution calling for a balanced federal
budget and consistently opposed increases in
legislative pay and state-taxes. During the 1982
campaign, Shamansky accused Kasich of fiscal
irresponsibility for voting against tax hikes
needed to balance the state budget.
Shamansky had the advantage of incum-
bency, but Kasich was well-positioned from the
start, thanks in large measure to a redistricting
plan that was passed by the Legislature in
March. Shamansky foolishly angered Ohio
House Speaker Vernal Riffe, a Democrat, by
endorsing state Attorney General William J.
Brown for the governorship at a time when
Riffe was considering running himself.
Riffe had substantial influence over the
subsequent remap, and the final product did
Shamansky no favors. Some heavily black
wards on Columbus' East Side were removed,
while the rural, predominantly Republican
western end of Licking County was added.
With the new district lines giving him a
good shot at Shamansky, Kasich received lav-
ish support from conservative, business and
party sources. President Reagan headed a long
list of administration officials who made cam-
paign appearances on his behalf.
But the president's visit in early October
touched off a controversy that was little help to
Kasich. Using information supplied by Kasich's
staff, Reagan charged that Shamansky had
opposed the B-1 bomber. Production of the B-1
meant some 7,000 new jobs at the local Rock-
well International plant.
Shamansky responded that he was on
record in support of the B-1, adding that the
president "was lied to and misused" by the
Kasich campaign. Kasich tried to argue after-
ward that Shamansky's vote for a nuclear
freeze proposal in August could be interpreted
as opposition to the plane.
The flap served to increase the decibel
level in a campaign that was already shrill.
Throughout the fall Kasich denounced
Shamansky, a wealthy lawyer, as a big-spend-
ing liberal who was out of touch with the
district. The incumbent responded by labeling
his young opponent as a "Jesse Helms clone"
who had "never been anything but a politician.
He's never been in the military," Shamansky
charged, "or the private sector."
Two years earlier, Shamansky had person-
ally financed a late media blitz that caught
Devine off-guard. But Kasich was not vulner-
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John R. Kasich, R-Ohio
Ohio 12
Columbus has not suffered from the
kind of economic collapse that has afflicted
most of Ohio's industrial cities in the past
few years. It is primarily a white-collar
town, one whose diverse industrial base is
bolstered by the state government complex,
Ohio State University, a major banking cen-
ter and numerous scientific research firms.
For most of 1982, Columbus and surround-
ing Franklin County had the lowest unem-
ployment rate in Ohio.
Nearly three-quarters of the 12th Dis-
trict vote is cast in Columbus and its Frank-
lin County suburbs. Democrats have to do
extremely well within the city to have a
chance districtwide. Blacks comprise 22
percent of Columbus' population, but they
are split evenly between the 12th and 15th
districts, reducing Democratic prospects in
both. As one moves east from the state
Capitol building along Broad Street (U.S.
Route 40), the black population goes down
and the Republican vote goes up.
About three miles east of the Capitol is
affluent Bexley, an independent community
of 13,405 surrounded by the city. While
normally Republican, Bexley has a large
Jewish population and'sometimes votes for
able to such a tactic. With effective grass-roots
organization and a complement of billboards
and television advertising, he survived the clos-
ing weeks without any serious erosion in his
support. Shamansky carried populous Franklin
County (Columbus), but his margin there was
Committees
Armed Services (16th of 16 Republicans)
Investigations; Readiness.
Elections
1982 General
John Kasich (R) 88,335 (51%)
Bob Shamansky (D) 82.753 (47%)
1912 Primary
John Kasich (R) 33,550 (83%)
Roy Ault (R) 7.086 (17%)
Northeast Columbus
and Suburbs
strong Democratic candidates. Two miles
farther east on Broad Street is Whitehall,
another independent town, Population,
21,299. Site of the Defense Construction
Supply Center, it has a large blue-collar
base and its voters are frequent ticket.
splitters.
Farther out are newer suburbs. Some of
these, such as Reynoldsburg and Gahanna,
are predominantly blue-collar. Residents
are employed at large plants like Rockwell
International (center of B-1 bomber pro-
duction) and Western Electric. Other com-
munities are mainly white-collar. Most are
reliably Republican.
The rest of the district is rural and
Republican, with a smattering of light in-
dustry. The half of Licking County in the
district gave Kasich a 3,500-vote margin
over Democratic incumbent Rep. Bob
Shamansky in 1982, and Delaware and Mor-
row counties are equally favorable to the
GOP.
Population: 512,925. White 429,815
(84 ), Black 77,633 (15%). Spanish origin
3,529 0 % ). 18 and over 365,406 (71 % ), 65
and over 42,538 (8%). Median age: 29.
reduced from nearly 13,500 votes in 1980 to
barely 4,000 in 1982. That did not leave him
enough to withstand Kasich's lead in the rural
Republican counties. Overall, the challenger
won by 5,582 votes out of more than 175,000
cast.
1960
80.267 (40%)
105,088 (53%)
9,861 ( 5%)
1979
D 78,361 (43%)
P 99,828 (55%)
Campaign Finance
Receipts
Receipts from PACs
Expend-
iture
Kasich (R) $375,521 $180,697 (48%) $369,749
Shamansky(D) $525,513 $160,850 (31%) $394,154
Key Vote
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983)
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 I
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House Freshmen - 20
Mac Sweeney
(R-14th District)
Election: Defeated Democratic Rep. Bill Patman.
Born: Sept. 15, 1955, Wharton, Texas.
Education: University of Texas, B.A., 1978.
Occupation: Former White House administrator.
Family: Wife, Cathy; no children.
Religion: Methodist.
Political Career- No previous office.
Background: In any year but 1984, Sweeney would have had
little hope of capturing a district held by a well-known Democrat
who had kept his fences mended among local conservatives. But
with President Reagan and GOP Senate-winner Phil Gramm on
the ballot, voters in this southeast Texas Democratic stronghold
abandoned their traditional ticket-splitting habits, and swept
Sweeney into office on a tide of straight-party Republican voting.
Sweeney, at 29, had never run for office. He replaces two-term
Democratic Rep. Bill Patman, son of the legendary Rep. Wright
Patman, who served Texas' 1st District in Congress for 48 years.
Before returning to the district to run for Congress, Sweeney
worked for two years as director of administrative operations at
the Reagan White House, managing a staff of 140 and a budget of
$8 million. Sweeney argued that his experience would make him
more effective at trimming the federal budget than Patman had
been.
Whether the argument was valid, the experience gave him
high-level political and fund-raising connections. After surviving a
three-way primary and winning the runoff, Sweeney proceeded to
outspend the incumbent, even though Patman was one of the
wealthier members of Congress. Sweeney spent about $435,000 on
his campaign (compared with Patman's $235,000), saturating the
district with campaign ads and Reagan's videotaped endorsement.
Thanks to the media presence, Sweeney's aggressive direct-
mail operation and his tireless door-to-door campaigning, few
homes in the district escaped his name. Meanwhile, the 57-year-
old Patman ran a more traditional campaign based on his constitu-
ent service, a 20-year record in the state Senate, and a reputation
as a rural populist. As a member of the House Banking Committee
(which his father had chaired for more than a decade), Patman was
known as an outspoken foe of high interest rates. He loudly
objected when Congress deregulated the intercity bus industry,
warning that -small towns and rural areas would lose service.
Patman was far from liberal on most issues in the House (his
1982 approval rating from the conservative American Security
Council was 90), but he had trouble deflecting Sweeney's attempts
to link him with national Democratic liberals. Sweeney repeatedly
attacked Patman for voting to raise taxes, increase spending and
allow busing for integration, saying, "He is wrong on all the
conservative issues of the day." Patman countered that he voted
against Reagan-backed tax increases, supported spending cuts and
had a "clear record" against busing.
One weakness that caught up to Patman was redistricting
after the 1980 census. The state Legislature had removed largely
Hispanic Corpus Christi from the 14th, depriving Patman of a
needed cushion of hard-core Democratic votes, and leaving a
heavily rural district. Sweeney won with 51 percent districtwide.
COPYRIGHT 1"5 CONGIIESSPO
uv,.a,,n., pd.,bwd . .A .I.., ., d
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1 Herbert H. Bateman (R)
Of Newport News - Elected 1982
Born: Aug. 7, 1928, Elizabeth City, N.C.
Education: College of William and Mary, B.A. 1949;
Georgetown U. Law School, LL.B. 1956.
Military Career. Air Force, 1951-53.
Occupation: Lawyer.
Family: Wife, Laura Yacobi; two children.
Religion: Protestant.
Political Career. Va. Senate, 1968-82.
Capitol Office: 1518 Longworth Bldg. 20515; 225-4261.
The Path to Washington Bateman re-
flects the fiscal values of the Byrd tradition in
Virginia. A self-described "mainstream ortho-
dox conservative," he has championed the in-
terests of the Tidewater business community
throughout his political career.
Bateman has been near the center of New-
port News' civic and political life since he set
up his legal practice in the city after law school.
He ran for the state Senate in 1967 as a
Democrat and won. He was re-elected three
times after that, twice as a Democrat and once
as a Republican.
But until 1982 he was blunted in his tries
for higher office. Bateman's strong support
from Virginia's conservative political establish-
ment was neutralized by a poor sense of timing.
In early 1976 he switched parties with an eye on
running for the Tidewater congressional seat of
retiring Democratic Rep. Thomas N. Downing,
only to find that a bard-working young county
prosecutor named Paul S. Trible Jr. had the
Republican nomination locked up.
In 1981 he was encouraged by prominent
GOP leaders, including outgoing Gov. John
Dalton and former Gov. Mills E. Godwin, to
run for lieutenant governor. But challenged
aggressively by a religious fundamentalist and
an ambitious young state legislator, he finished
second at the GOP state convention.
On both those occasions Bateman started
late and drew stiff. opposition from grass-roots
Republicans who resented his Democratic past.
1 am not an intense party partisan," he admit-
ted in 1982. "If I have any soft spots among
Republican Party leaders, it is that I am not as
much of a party-oriented activist as they might
prefer me to be."
The two rebuffs, coupled with a disap-
pointingly narrow re-election to the state Sen-
ate in 1979, seemed to turn Bateman a little
cautious on competing strenuously for higher
office. When GOP officials sought a House
successor for Trible, who was running for the
Senate in 1982, Bateman bluntly told them:
"I'm a candidate, if I'm the nominee." But they
agreed and Bateman was an easy winner at the
district convention.
The fall campaign was nearly as any. Although the district's sizable blue-collar and
black population gave the Democrats an open-
ing, their chances virtually evaporated in June
when state Rep. George W. Grayson quit the
ticket barely a month after winning the Demo-
cratic nomination.
Grayson cited the pressures of the cam-
paign, saying that they had forced him to turn
to sleeping pills and tranquilizers to cope with
the rigors of campaigning. His replacement -
William and Mary government Professor John
J. McGlennon - lacked Grayson's name iden-
tification and experience in elective politics.
Confident that he was well ahead,
Bateman never bothered.to move his campaign
into high gear. McGlennon ran a spirited effort,
but he lacked money and Bateman largely
ignored him.
Over 14 years in the Virginia Senate,
Bateman developed a reputation as a legislative
craftsman, but no innovator. He was most
comfortable with the nuts-and-bolts work of
perfecting legislative language and drafting
technical amendments. His speeches, though
well-researched, were often long-winded.
Bateman was a real catch for the GOP
when he crossed the aisle in 1976. As a member
of the most prestigious law firm in Newport
News, he had ties to the Tidewater business*
community. Since he was a prominent public
official, Republicans hoped that he would be in
the vanguard of a mass conversion of business-
oriented Byrd Democrats to the GOP. But that
did not happen. As one of only a handful of
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Virginia 1
Although this Tidewater constituency
has come loose from its traditional Demo-
cratic moorings, voting Republican for the
House four times in a row, it is still no
Republican stronghold. Its significant black
and working-class populations make it less
than predictable in most contests; and in
close statewide races, it is nearly always a
swing district. Jimmy Carter carried it with
51 percent of the vote in 1976. Four years
later Ronald Reagan finished 5 percentage
points ahead of Carter.
Half the people in the 1st live in two
cities at the district's southern end -
Hampton and Newport News, both ports of
the Hampton Roads harbor. These two cit-
ies frequently turn in Democratic major-
ities. In 1980, Carter won Hampton, while
Reagan eked out a 357-vote plurality in
Newport News.
Both cities are about one-third black,
and both economies are tied to extensive
military and shipbuilding facilities; the
Newport News Shipbuilding Company
alone employs 25,000 people.
East - Newport News;
Hampton
The balance of the district's population
is scattered among rural inland counties and
along the Chesapeake Bay. Colonial Vir-
ginia and its plantation economy were cen-
tered in this area; fishing, oystering, crab-
bing and the growing of corn, soybeans and
wheat are important today.
This conservative rural territory is
where Republicans have made their most
significant inroads into the district's tradi-
tional Democratic strength. Of the 18 coun-
ties outside Hampton and Newport News,
Reagan won all but four - Caroline, King
and Queen, Charles City and Northampton
- in 1980, accumulating an 11,000-vote
cushion. In 1982 Bateman also won virtually
all the rural counties an route to his election
by a 14,000-vote margin.
Population: 535,092. White 358,702
(67%), Black 167,559 (31%), Asian and
Pacific Islander 4,156 (1%). Spanish. origin
6,920 0%). 18 and over 384,328 (72%), 65
and over 53,578 (10%). Median age: 30.
Republicans in the state Senate, Bateman saw
his influence decline after he switched parties.
He did become a conduit between the Legisla-
ture and the state's Republican governors,
Godwin and later Dalton.
Bateman's conversion marked no change
in his business-oriented conservatism. In 1980
Committees
Merchant Maras and Fisheries (12th of 14 Republicans)
Fisheries and Wildlife Conservation and the Environment; Mer-
chant Marine; Oceanography.
Scinwy and Technology (12th of 15 Republicans)
Energy Development and Applications; Science Research and
Technology; Space Science and Applications.
he was in the forefront of opposition to a bill
that would have extended environmental pro-
tection in Virginia's coastal wetlands. Main-
taining that the bill would restrict business
development, Bateman succeeded in encourag-
ing Gov. Dalton to veto it over the objections of
environmentalists.
A 90,093 (50%) A 77,249 (47%)
1 7.440 ( 4%)
Campaign Finance
M
1Maipls tiAC* Aures
Elections
Bateman (R) $260,879 $99,266 (38%) $255,585
1812 General
McGlennon(D) $103,180 $44,545 (43%) $100060
Herbert Bateman (R) 76,926 (54%)
John McGlennon (D) 62,379 (44%)
District Yale For Pie" t
Inc II
Key Vote
D 60,434 (45%) 0 63,549 (51%)
Adopt nuclear freeze (1983)
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1 William Carney (R)
Of Hauppauge - Elected 1978
Born: July 1, 1942, Brooklyn, N.Y.
Education: Attended Fla. State U., 1960-61.
Military Career. Army, 1961-64.
Occupation: Air conditioning salesman.
Family: Wife, Barbara Ann Haverlin; two children.
Religion: Roman Catholic.
Political Career. Suffolk County Legislature, 1976-79;
Conservative nominee for Smithtown tax receiver,
1971.
Capitol Office: 1424 Longworth Bldg. 20515; 225-3826.
In Washington: Carney's penchant for
wisecracks easily fits the subculture of the New
York delegation, but his voting record is closer
to that of New Right Republicans from the Sun
Belt.
After a period of preoccupation with Long
Island issues and politics, Carney turned him-
self into a nationally visible conservative figure
in 1982, leading the movement in the House
against a nuclear weapons freeze. Trying to
counter the growing sentiment in favor of an
immediate freeze, he introduced his own reso-
lution in March of that year calling for a freeze
after parity was reached, at reduced levels.
President Reagan quickly endorsed Car-
ney's plan and lobbied extensively on its be-
half. Carney yielded to his more senior col-
leagues to manage the bill on the House floor,
but he pleaded for it in no uncertain terms: "Do
we support the president's bold arms reduc-
tions proposals?" he asked. "Or do we under-
mine his efforts, and do the Soviets' negotiating
for them?" The House approved Carney's ver-
sion of the freeze 204-202.
Early in 1983, the freeze issue returned to
the House floor. Strengthened by 26 new Dem-
ocratic seats, freeze proponents clearly had the
upper hand. But Carney and other critics as-
saulted Foreign, Affairs Chairman Clement J.
Zablocki with a barrage of amendments and
objections, forcing several marathon sessions
before the freeze was finally approved.
Meanwhile, as a member of the Science
Committee, Carney has been in the increas-
ingly lonely position of defending the Reagan
administration's budget cuts in the environ-
mental field.
In the 97th Congress, as senior Republican
on the Science subcommittee handling natural
resources and the environment, he persuaded
the House to go along with his plan to cut 18
percent from the Environmental Protection
Agency (EPA) research budget. Carney insisted
that the cuts would not preclude a commitment
to aggressive environmental protection.
The next year, amid concerns that EPA
was too lax in enforcing environmental laws,
the Science Committee rejected Carney's at-
tempt to add only $7 million to Reagan's re-
quest. Instead, the panel added more than $80
million. On the floor, Carney tried to cut that
figure drastically, explaining, "It is not often
the easiest thing to deal with protecting our
environment and at the same time to deal with
the economic factors of today." The House
finally decided on an amount much closer to
the committee preference than the figure Car-
ney and the White House wanted. Reagan
vetoed the bill.
Carney first earned his New Right creden-
tials in the House by vocally opposing the
Panama Canal treaties as a member of a special
Merchant Marine Subcommittee set up to deal
with the question. He argued vehemently
against legislation implementing transfer of the
canal from the United States to Panama. The
treaties, he said, were "ill-conceived, poorly
drafted and diplomatically bungled."
He charged that a House-Senate confer-
ence had removed the only significant protec-
tions the United States had in giving up the
canal - the right to impose substantial costs
on Panama and the requirement that Congress
approve the transfer of property to that coun-
try. But the bills implementing the transfer
became law in 1979.
Still, Carney has not given up on the issue.
In 1982, when the Panama Canal Subcommit-
tee was making technical changes in the imple-
menting legislation, Carney won approval of an
amendment demanding that Panama negotiate
"in good faith" with U.S. businesses whose
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William Carney, it-N.Y.
New York 1
The potato fields are giving way to
housing developments in eastern Suffolk
County, and commercial fishing grounds are
now dominated by pleasure boats. These
changes are the signs of growth. While New
York as a whole lost 3.8 percent of its
population during the 1970s, the 1st ex-
panded 29.1 percent, making it the most
populous district in the state before the
1982 remap.
Redistricting pared away large areas of
the district, but the changes did not alter its
solidly Republican character. The 1st last
went Democratic for president in 1964.
Republicans come in three varieties
here: the longtime residents who fish and
farm, the landed gentry living on inherited
wealth and the middle-income ethnics mov-
ing farther and farther from New York City.
The fishermen generally work out of
Montauk, while the remaining farmers are
found mostly around Southold. The rich
live in Sag Harbor and Shelter Island. Shir-
ley, Mastic and the Moriches host large
numbers of ethnic newcomers, especially
retired New York City policemen. Many of
the ethnics are Italian, and they are recep-
tive to Republican candidates.
Long Island -
Eastern Suffolk County
Advanced technology, especially in the
defense field, plays a major role in the
district's economy. Grumman builds mili-
tary aircraft at its G`alverton facility. The
nearby Brookhaven National Laboratory
conducts military-oriented research. And
the Shoreham nuclear plant - controver-
sial because of cost overruns and safety
concerns - site on the North Shore, await-
ing federal permission to begin operations.
The let's generally conservative con-
stituents have environmental anxieties be-
yond the Shoreham facility. They are also
concerned about pollution of the aquifer
beneath the Long Island pine barrens and
the disappearance of farm land.
The district's most significant patch of
Democrats is around the state university at
Stony Brook. The large gay enclave in Fire
Island's Cherry Grove would be a liberal
force if it stayed year-round, but it is pri-
marily a summer community that returns to
Manhattan long before election time.
Population: 516,407. White 486,111
(94%), Black 20,253 (4%). Spanish origin
18,408 (4 %). 18 and over 350,987 (68%), 65
and over 55,046 (11%). Median age: 30.
assets were seized by the Panamanian govern-
ment. One of the beneficiaries of that amend-
ment would be New York shipping magnate
Daniel Ludwig, one of America's richest men.
However, the bill never got out of subcommit-
tee.
At Home: Carney is the only registered
member of New York's Conservative Party ever
elected to Congress. His 1978 victory in a
multi-candidate Republican primary was made
possible by a deal between the Republican and
Conservative Party leaderships in Suffolk
County. The two parties agreed on a unity
slate, and Republican organization support for
Carney was part of the Conservatives' asking
price. Carney won the nomination with only
31.1 percent of the vote.
During his first term, the political situa-
tion at home changed radically. Much of the
old Republican leadership in Suffolk County
stepped down or was plagued by scandal, and
the new leaders were not favorably disposed to
Carney. While the GOP organization formally
endorsed him for renomination in 1980 in order
to preserve the party's alliance with the Con-
servatives, many Republican Party people
worked for Carney's primary opponent. Never-
theless, Carney easily prevailed and seems to
have made peace with the new Republican
leadership.
Carney entered politics after a business
career in which he was a sales representative
for a firm that made heavy equipment, includ-
ing air conditioners. He won a seat in the
Suffolk County Legislature in 1975 and was re-
elected in 1977, with the backing of boat the
Republican and Conservative parties. During
his time in the county Legislature, he dealt
primarily with transportation and land devel-
opment issues.
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Now Yerk ? 1st District
Committees
end FlsMdss (7th of 14 Republicans)
Panama Canes end Outei Continenta Shen (ranikg); Fisherlss
end WN6IH. tion end 9N Envkararrent; Merchant M.-
M CM
rw>.
$dsnce and TeeMrolo6y (4th of 15 Aspubllam)
Transportation, Aviation and Materials (ranking); Energy
1112 General
William Carney (R) 86,234 (64%)
Ethan Eldon (D) 49,787 (36%)
"M general
Wisdom Carney (R) 115,213 (56%)
Thomas Twomey (D) $5,629 (42%)
preldea WlnMrg -ereentege: 9671 (56%)
District Yale For President
1980 1178
D 61,867 (33%) D 85,138 (46%)
R 105,748 (57%) R 100,390 (64%)
I 15,180 ( 8%)
1180
Carney (R) $148,562 $65,552 (44%) $147,966
Twmney (D) $121,437 $2,655 (2%) $120,143
Voting Studies
811111W Unity commion
Year 8 0 8 0 $ 0
1162 75 21 69 20 81 11
1981 71 20 77 20 77 17
1118 36 59 so 15 82 11
11871 25 75 89 10 94 6
8 - Support 0 - Opposition
Key Votes
Keegan budget proposal (1981) Y
legal services reauthorization (1981) N
Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981) Y
Index inconne taxes (1981) Y
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982) Y
Amend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982) Y
Delete MX funding (1982) N
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (1982) N
Adopt nuclear hem (1 N
Campaign Finance
ftow
Reoalpb *am MACe 1
"a
Carney (R) $178,106 $77,254 (43%) $142,100
Eldon (D) $62,564 $13,700 (22%) $57,969
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO CCU$
1112 5 82 21 90
11181 5 82 20 89
1110 11 83 28 72
1818 0 85 15 100
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16 Lynn Martin (R)
Of Rockford - Elected 1980
Born: Dec. 26, 1939, Chicago, Ill.
Education: U. of Ill., B.A. 1960.
Occupation: English teacher.
Family: Divorced; two children.
Religion: Roman Catholic.
Political Career. Winnebago County Board, 1972-76;
Ill. House, 1977-79; 111. Senate, 1979-81.
Capitol Office: 1208 Longworth Bldg. 20515; 225-5676.
In Washington: Martin landed a seat on
the Budget Committee in her first term - a
choice opportunity for a newcomer - and from
there she has become known as a tough-talking
party loyalist on fiscal matters who knows
when to temper her conservative instincts with
a dose of pragmatism.
In her first weeks on the committee, Mar-
tin got into a heated exchange with Alice
Rivlin, head of the Congressional Budget Office
(CBO), who predicted that President Reagan's
three-year tax cut proposal would thwart at-
tempts to balance the budget by 1984. Martin
said the CBO's projections ignored the possibil-
ity that cutting taxes could stimulate the econ-
omy and thereby balance the budget. At one
point Martin accused Rivlin of being "out to
get us."
By September 1982, however, it was obvi-
ous that Reagan policy had brought no dra-
matic economic turnaround. The House Demo-
cratic leadership was pushing hard for a
federally funded jobs program, and Republi-
cans were scrambling to limit the damage that
unemployment would cause their party.
Minority Leader Bob Michel chose Martin
to offer the GOP's alternative jobs program,
partly because he felt she could adopt a biparti-
san approach that might lure some Democratic
support. She claimed the GOP plan "would
create twice the jobs at half the cost" of the
Democratic proposal, but momentum was
against her, and the Democratic plan won on a
party-line vote.
Beyond the realm of fiscal policy, Martin
often differs with the Reagan administration.
She favors the Equal Rights Amendment
(ERA) and legalized abortion, and she has
supported a nuclear weapons freeze.
On the House Administration committee,
Martin has made a minor specialty of fighting
sex discrimination on committee staffs. Early
in 1983, when chairmen came before House
Illinois - 16th Dbhi'ct
Administration to defend their staffing re-
quests, Martin asked each one how many
women worked for him, and how many of the
women were in professional jobs.
At Home: After teaching English in the
Rockford public schools, Martin launched her
political career in 1972 by winning a seat on the
Winnebago County Board. She moved to the
state House in 1976 by unseating a Democratic
incumbent, then advanced in 1978 by replacing
a Democratic state senator.
Her chance at Congress opened up in 1980,
when Republican Rep. John B. Anderson an-
nounced his White House candidacy. Martin's
toughest competition in the five-way GOP pri-
mary came from Rev. Don Lyon, who had used
help from national conservative organizations
to win 42 percent in a 1978 primary challenge
to Anderson.
Martin's asset was her name recognition in
Winnebago County, which cast about half the
district's vote. She delivered a middle-of-the-
road message combining fiscal conservatism
with support for legalized abortion and the
ERA.
The Illinois presidential primary and Mar-
tin's congressional primary were on the same
day. Many Democrats and independents
crossed over to help Anderson, and in the
congressional primary those crossover voters
generally preferred Martin to the more conser-
vative Republicans competing against her. She
won nomination with 45 percent.
Martin was favored from the outset of her
1980 general election campaign. Her Demo-
cratic opponent had trouble attracting atten-
tion or money and drew just 33 percent. In 1982
economic problems cut into her support. The
recession hit industrialized Rockford harder
than almost any other U.S. city, but she held on
to win 57 percent.
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ilynn Herrin, R-l11.
Illinois 16
Northwest - Rockford
Even though it includes the industrial
city of Rockford, the 16th has not elected a
Democrat to the House i
hi
The rest of the district is largely rural,
settled by Germans, Swedes and Y
n t
s century.
Redistricting changed it very little. While
districts all around it were undergoing ma-
jor surgery in 1981
the 16th
ankee
transplanted from New England. It ranks
first in the state in dairy farming. The
northwest corner of the district is a
,
was preserved
virtually intact. It continues to nestle com-
pactly in the northwest corner of the state.
Th
popular
vacation area, with antique stores and state
parks scattered throughout hilly Jo Davies
County
e most populous county in the 16th
is Winnebago, where about 50 percent of the
-vote is cast. Rockford
po
ul
ti
.
Two small towns in the 16th were home
to Ronald Reagan; he was born in T
,
p
a
on 139,712, is
the seat of Winnebago County and the
ampico
and grew up in Dixon. John B. Anderson
wh
i
second largest city in Illinois.
,
o
s from Rockford, represented the 16th
Rockford's large blue-collar PUJalion
is unionized in plants m
ki
as a Republican in Congress for 20 years
until he ran for president in 1980
a
ng machine tools,
automotive parts
a
ricult
l
. Ander.
son's neighbors in Winneba
o C
,
g
ura
implements
and defense-related aviati
g
ounty gave
him about 22 percent of their
r
id
on equipment.
Nearby Belvidere in Boone County has a
Chr
l
l
p
es
ential
vote - his second best county showing in
the nation
ys
er p
ant. Freeport, just west of Rock_
f
.
ord in Stephenson County, produces com-
puter parts and tires
But all th
Population: 519
035
Whit
.
ree of these
industrial counties vote consistently Repub-
,
.
e 484,432
(93 %), Black 24,906 (5%)- Spanish origin
13
lican in most state elections.
,405 (3%). 18 and over 364,824 (70%), 65
d
an
over 58,988 (11%). Median age: 30.
Committees
Task Forces: Education and Employment (ranking); Capital Re-
6-
ie
sources and Deelopm ens; Tax Policy.
MO
Martin (R)
Aurand (D)
$333,759
$41,537
$147,720
$11,550
(44%)
(28%)
$318,791
$41,535
se AdmilibbOtim (6th of 7 Republicans)
Accounts; Contracts and Printing; Task Force on Elections
Voting Studies
.
PNMc Works and Trisnportatlee (13th of 18 Republicans)
Economic Development Surface Transportation.
wptial
n
Joint Prbting
U
ity
Year $ 0 8 0 tll
1
0
112 49 48 65 31 58
Elections
1011 57 41 67 27 72
41
24
1112 General
Lynn Martin Carl Sdr-wdft
(R) 89,405
(57%)
S = Support O - Opposition
W
(D) 66.877
(43%)
1110 General
Lynn Martin (R) ( 132,905
Douglas Aurand DI
District Y01e For President
(67%)
Key Votes
Reagan budget proposal (1981)
Legal services reauthorization (1981)
Disapprove sale of AWACs planes to Saudi Arabia (1981
Y
Y
1110 1878
8
)
Index
Income taxes (1981)
Subsidize home mortgage rates (1982)
A
Y
0.910 A 1117,600 (28%) R 1115,618 (57%)
1 33,015 (15%)
mend Constitution to require balanced budget (1982)
Delete MX funding (1982)
Retain existing cap on congressional salaries (198211
Ad
Y
y
Campaign Finance
opt nuclear freeze (1983)
Y
ftowis PAC s ~
Receipt. born
Interest Group Ratings
Year ADA ACA AFL-CIO cCtltt
1M1 30 0 65 40 58
65 29 88
Martin (R) $225,569 $88,691 (39%) $194,823
Sch~dtleger(D) $61,755 $28,028 (45%) $60,156
Approved For Release 2009/11/25: CIA-RDP87B00342R000400900008-7