CZECHOSLOVAK MEDIA TREATMENT OF THE UNITED STATES DURING 1975

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP86T00608R000200120001-7
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: C
• Document Page Count: 34
• Document Creation Date: December 19, 2016
• Document Release Date: July 26, 2005
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: September 19, 1975
• Content Type: MEMO

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 FOIAB3B1
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FOREIGN BROADCAST INFORMATION SERVICE
SPECIAL MEMORANDUM
CZECHOSLOVAK UTA TREATPUIT O THE UNITED STATES DURING 1975
19 SEPTEMBER 1975
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CONFIDENTIAL
This propaganda analysis report is based
exclusively on material carried in foreign
broadcast and press media. It is pub-
lished by FBIS without coordination
with other U.S. Government components.
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CONL'J.DEN'CIAL F R7.S S1.'ECT:l.T, 11fSD101(A1;DiJti
19 SEPTEMBER 1975
,CZECHOSLOVAK' P?fl)IA TRE!ITP' I'fT OF THE UNITE) STATES DURING 1975
CONTENTS
I. General Observations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
II. Background of Czechoslovak Anti-U.S. Resentment . . . . . . . . 2
III. Comparison of Czechoslovak and Other East European Media . . . . 3
U.S. Role in World War II . . . 3
Contrasting Treatment of U.S. Domestic Problems . . . . . . . 4
East European Treatment of U.S. Foreign Policy . . . . . . . . 4
APPENDIX:
Examples of Czechoslovak Media Treatment of the United States
I. U.S. World War TI Role . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Al
II. U.S. Domestic Problems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A5
III. U.S. Foreign. Policy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . All
Mayaguer. Incident . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . All
CIA Role in Foreign Affairs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A13
U.S. Military Budget . ? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A14
Secretary of Defense Schlesinger . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A15
President Ford's Visit to Spain . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A16
Portugal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A17
New York TIMES Editorial of 12 August . . . . . . . . . . . A19
Helicopter Incidents of 15 and 17 August . . . . . . . . . . A19
giroshima Anniversary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A22
USSR Grain Purchases . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A22
Implicit Criticism of Sinai Accord . . . . . . . . . . . . . A24
NOTE: The Appendix to this memorandum is unclassified and may be used
as such w7 hen detached from the body of the text.
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CONFIDLNJJ1AL l'BIS SPEC]:Ata M M ~~c,~.~;?~1;?r
19 SLPiEM?3E1: 1975
CZECHOSLOVAK MEDIA TIfi TIEWF OF TIME UNITED STATES DURI1 1975
I. GENERAL OBSERVATIONS
The Czechoslovak media have displayed a markedly more pronounced anti-
American bias in 1975 than the media of other East European countries.
The most extreme phases of Prague's anti-U.S. stance '.his year
occurred in connection with the 30th anniversary of V-E Day and
Czechoslovak liberation, the Mayaguez incident-off Cambodia in May,
and the 15 and 17 August incidents in which East German refugees were
airlifted out of Czechoslovak territory to West Germany by a
helicopter piloted by an American citizen, Barry Meeker. There was
also a steady diet of negative material on U.S. int:i:rnal problems.
The Appendix to this report contains numerous illusLrations of
Czechoslovak media treatment of the United States, arranged in categories
related to the U.S. role vis-a-vis Czechoslovakia `Ln World War II, U.S.
domestic problems, and 1975 U.S. foreign policy issues.
When dealing with U.S. leaders, the Czechoslovak media carried negative
as well as positive comment on President Ford, while the other East
European countries were predominantly favorable to the President. Prague's
criticism of U.S. foreign policy was harshest in connection with
statements by Defense Secretary Schlesirger, who was viewed generally
in the same category as John Foster Dulles as an advocate of cold war
policies. Secretary of State Kissinger was subjected to at least one
notably harsh attack by Prague, for his remarks on Portugal in a
14 August speech. The Prague radio portrayed the Secretary as warning
the USSR, in blunter terms than was actually the case, to refrain from
supporting the Portuguese Communist Party.
To a greater extent than did the media of other East European countries,
U.S. foreign policy was portrayed by Prague as dominated by the Central
Intellige.ice Agency, notably with regard to Portugal and Chile, and
helicopter pilot Meeker was also linked with the CIA. Czechoslovak
comment on revelations of alleged U.S. domestic surveillance activities
by the CIA and FBI, like other East European comment, drew heavily on
material appearing in the U.S. press on this subject and was not notably
harsher than that by the other countries. Uniquely hostile Czechoslovak
comment, however, was directed at U.S. crime, recession, unemployment,
and other domestic problems, and a notably vitriolic article in RUDE
PRAVO on 5 June assailed allegedly oppressive treatment of Puerto Rico
by the United States.
Czechoslovakia belatedly acknowledged, in a 28 August Bratislava PRAVDA
article, that charges had appeared in the U.S. press regarding an
"alleged anti-American campaign" being carried on in the Czechoslovak
press, radio, and TV.
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CONF1DENTIAf. FBIS SI'L;CIA.,
19 SEPTEMBER J-975
Prague's anti-U.S. campaign has been waged largely in press and broad-
cast continent, while the top Czechoslovak leaders, notably CPCZ Genera
Secretary and CSSR President Gustav Husak, have remained generally
moderate in their references to the United States. In his Prague
liberation anniversary rally speech on 7 May, attended also by the
Ci'SU's Kirilenko, IIusak avoided any mention of the United States. After
lavishing praise on the Soviet role in Czechoslovakia's liberation, he
added briefly that "we thank the other fraternal nations, other allies
and combatants against fascism who participated in" Czechoslovakia's
liberation.
On the issue of the August helicopter incursions, Husak manifested
both anger and restraint: After noting in a 30 August speech that
the American pilot had gained his experience in the "dirty" Vietnam
war, the CSSR president stopped short of directly blaming the United
States by stressing that the pilot was merely "irresponsible." In
contrast to Husak's relative restraint, a 22 August RUDE PRAVO article
strongly implied official U.S. backing for Meeker, charging that he had
been paid for the flights "just as" he had been paid for "his blooey
service in the Vietnam slaughter." Meeker was directly linked to the
CIA in Prague radio commentaries on 19 August and 9 September. At an
8 September Prague dinner honoring visiting Syrian President al-Asad,
Husak's strong implicit endorsement of al-Asad's rejection of the
Egyptian-Israeli Sinai disengagement accord was registered without any
direct mention of the accord, Secretary Kissinger, or the United States.
II, BACKGROUND OF CZECHOSLOVAK ANTI--U.S. RESENTMENT
The notably harsh treatment of the United States by Czechoslovak media
during 1975 occurred against a background of increasing influence in the
Husak regime from hardliners such as Vasil Bilak since the November 1974
CPCZ plenum. That plenum took place in the immediate wake of an incident
involving a letter sent by deposed leader Alexander Dubcek in October to
the Czechoslovak Federal Assembly, detailing repressive policies against
Dubcek and other 1968 liberals by the Husak regime after Husak succeeded
Dubcek as party leader in April 1969. Submission of the letter, and its
publication in the United States and other Western countries, strengthened
the hardliners' pressure on Husak to retreat from his moderate stance
and led to hie harsh public denunciation, in a 16 April 1975 speech,
of Dubcek, Smrkovsky, and other liberals, as well as of "the West" and
"bourgeois reaction" for publishing their documents.
The climate of resentment in Prague over what was construed as Western
support for the deposed 1968 liberals was focused more directly on the
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CONFfl)ENTIAL FB]:S SPECIAL MI NOEANDUM
19 SEPTEMBER 1975
United States following the adoption of the Long-Gravel amendment
to the trade bill passed by the U.S. Congress in December, which
imposed a condition on implemantation of the 5 July .1974 Prague-
Washington agreement on return of Czechoslovak gold and the granting
of most-favored-nation status--a condition requiring Prague to pay
100 cents on the dollar to settle U.S. r.itizens' property claims
against Czechoslovakia. Evidently sensitive to economic practicalities,
Prague's direct comment on the "discriminatory" amendment was relatively
muted, stressing regret over the action and voicing hope that realism
would ultimately prevail in U.S. trade policy toward the socialist
countries. An authoritative article by "Vaclav Dolezal" (thought to be
a pseudonym for the CPCZ Presidium) in the 2 January RUDE PRAVO in fact
included an appeal to the United States to return the gold on the
strength of the World War II alliance between the two countries. The
fact of the U.S.-Czechoslovak alliance in World War II had been largely
ignored by the post-April 1969 Husak regime, in contrast to the line
of the liberal Dubcek leadership in 1968, which seemed to be that,
while the USSR deserved prime credit for the 1945 liberation, the
positive U.S. role could not be passed o'rer in silence. Prague's policy
of silence on the U.S. role shifted to one of open hostility in 1975,
when resentment over the U.S. trade bill and alleged U.S. support for
Czechoslovak dissidents was overtly channeled instead into harsh attacks
on the U.S. World War II role in connection with the 30th anniversary
of V-E Day and the Czechoslovak liberation on 9 May, on U.S. foreign
policy, and on domestic conditions in the United States.
III. COMPARISON OF CZECHOSLOVAK AND OTHER EAST EUROPEAN MEDIA
U.S. ROLE IN Czechoslovakia is the only Warsaw Pact country in
WORLD WAR II whose liberation U.S. forces, as well as the Soviet
army, played a significant role. In contrast with
Prague's attacks last spring on the U.S. role, the East German media
merely left unmentioned the fact that U.S. forces had advanced into
what is now CDR territory at the end of the war. Prague, on the other
hand, not only failed to give the U.S. forces credit but actively
assailed U.S. bombing of Czechoslovak cities and its military strategy
in the country as being aimed at destroying the economic base of the
country and preventing its joining the socialist camp.
Prague's failure to include any counterbalancing credit for U.S. forces
and its assignment of sole credit to the Soviet army for the country's
liberation was objected to t., Yugoslavia, in a bitter media altercation
during the latter part of April and early May. The 14 May issue of
TRIBUNA, the hardlining CPCZ weekly for ideology and politics, broadened
the attack to include the U.S. bombing of Dresden, now in the GDR, and
Hamburg and Schweinfurt, now in the FRG, as well as Czechoslovak cities.
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19 ShI T1LMBEIt 197
By contrast, the Clt's NEUES DEUTSC1LAND commemorated only briefly
the 30th anniversary of the bombing of Dresden by U.S. and British
planes on 13-14 February 1945. Also, this event, whose anniversary
had been a staple on East: German calendars in past years, disappeared
from the calendar issued by NEUES DEUTSCHLAND for 1975. Other East
European countries gave effusive praise to the Soviet army for the
World War II victory but, unlike Prague, refrained from indictments of
the U.S. role. Brerlmev,
in his 30th V-L Day anniversary speech in
Moscow on 8 May, favorably
mentioned the United States as a member of
the anti-Hitler coalition.
CONTRASTING TREATMENT OF
The
Czechoslovak media's critical treat-
U.S. DOMESTIC PROBLEMS
ment
of U.S. internal. problems in 1975
has
been more intensive than that by
the other East European countries in frequency of items, number of
original commentaries, and in the harsh tone of the commentaries.
Whereas the media of Czechoslovakia's Warsaw Pact allies have merely
continued in 1975 their past practice of publicizing, on a fairly
regular basis, brief items on U.S. internal problems based on U.S.
sources, Prague shifted in May from preoccupation with the U.S. World
War II role to an intensive preoccupation with U.S. domestic conditions.
Thus, RUDL PRAVO since early May has carried an average of three reports
or commentaries daily on such U.S. topics as growing social. tension,
rising unemployment and youth delinquency, inflation, economic stagnation,
child labor, increased suicide rate, and racial discrimination. These
topics were treated even more voluminously in the weekly TR1BUNA, which
carried major articles on the U.S. internal scene, most of them covering
a full page or more.
By contrast, the Polish v'edia refrained almost entirely from negative
comment on U.S. internal problems, with the exception of a Broniarek
article in TRYBTJNA LUDU on 18 June--almost six'weeks prior to President
Ford's visit to Poland--scoring American industry for profiteering at
the expense of the environment. The only other East European country to
approach Czechoslovakia in its frequency of treatment of U.S. domestic
problems was East Germany. However, whereas Czechoslovak media used
U.S. news reports as the basis for snide commentaries of their own, the
GDR media generally confined themselves to reporting the U.S. news
material in a straightforward manner in brief daily press items and
longer press reports once or twice a week. Thus far in 1975 there have
been no original commentaries in NEUES DEUTSCHLAND attacking the United
States on the basis of its internal problems.
EAST EUROPEAN TREATMENT Critical treatment by Prague of U.S. foreign
OF U.S. FOREIGN POLICY policy under the leadership of the Ford
Administration during 1975 has contrasted
with such treatment by the media of other East European ccuntries,
which was more in tune with the climate of past-West detente. Thus,
in coverage of President Ford's 9 June press conference, the Prague
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radio focused exclusively on. the President's "refusal" to make public
the portion of the Rockefeller Commission report dealing with alleged
CIA plans for assassination of foreign political figures. A Hungarian
TV report, on the other hand, noted at the outset that "President
Ford struck a note of emphatic optimism" about prospects for the
European Security Conference (CSCE) summit in Helsinki and about
U.S.-Soviet relations, and it dealt only secondarily with the issue
of alleged CIA assassination plans, pointing out that they occurred
"before the Ford Administration." Budapest's positive emphasis was
in line with the treatment given the press conference by TASS.
Prague's criticism of Defense Secretary Schlesinger was more extreme
and frequent than that by the other East European countries. Prague
assailed the defense secretary for his "threats against the oil-producing
countries, his "pressure" on the Western allies to increase their
contributions to NATO,' and his "shocking" statement in May about first
use of nuclear weapons in an East-West conflict. The Prague radio on
2 September also assailed Mr. Schlesinger's "dangerous war game" in
connection with his just concluded Far East tour.
In contrast to continued Prague attacks on the United States in regard
to Vietnam, an article on Vietnam in the 3-4 May issue of the Polish
party daily TRYBUNA LUDU, for example, refrained from attacks on the
U.S. role. Polish media, at the opposite end of the spectrum from
Czechoslovak media, carried preponderantly favorable comment on the
United States, especially in connection with President Ford's visit to
Warsaw, en route to Helsinki, in late July.
Of the maverick countries--Yugoslavia and Romania--which also hosted
visits by Mr. Ford, the Belgrade media's treatment of U.S. foreign
policy was largely favorable, while the Bucharest media generally
refrained from any comment on the United States except for warmly
favorable treatment of Mr. Ford's visit and the granting of most-
favored-nation status to Romania.
East German media this year have continued the moderate posture shown
toward the United States since the establishment of U.S.-GDR diplomatic
relations on 4 September 1974. The hard line which the GDR took on the
issue of freer access across borders in the wake of the Helsinki CSCE
conference merely stressed that antagonism still existed between the
socialist and capitalist systems, rather than attacking the United
States directly. In the wake of the August helicopter incidents
involving the airlifting of East German nationals to the FRG, the GDR
media--unlike Prague--refrained from identifying the pilot as an
American. The Bulgarian media were restrainedly favorable toward the
United States regarding detente and ties with the USSR, alluding only
to the "contradictory" aspect of President Ford's support for detente
as opposed to the Mayaguez incident and his support for NATO.
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CONFTDENTaAL Ff318 SPECIAL NI:Ii'JIANIMM
:1.9 SEPTEMBER 1975
In an exception to the Prague media's generally hostile stance toward
Washington, RUDE PRAVO on 9 September evinced a willingness to reserve
judgment regarding the U.S. role at the NBFR talks in Vienna: Citing
a statement by President Ford in a CBS interview, to the effect that
the West was shifting to new positions, the paper conceded grudgingly
that "if Ford's statement should mean that the negotiations in Vienna
will start moving, it would be a welcome thing." On the operations of
the U.S.-financed Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty, Czechoslovak
comment has been more frequent than that of the other. East European
countries, in reaction to the alleged role of liberal Czechoslovak
emigres in these operaticiis.
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A P P E N D I X
EXAMPLES OF CZECHOSLOVAK MEDIA TREATMENT OF THE UNITED STATES
The following excerpts are typical. examples of the treatment of the
United States its Czechoslovak media during 1975, in the areas of the
U.S. role in the 1945 liberation of Czechoslovakia, U.S. domestic
problems, and U.S. foreign policy issues.
I. U.S. WORLD WAR II ROLE
Prague RUDE PRAVO, 14 February, page 3
[Article: 'American Bombs Against Prague"]
American bombs destroyei 93 buildings, heavily damaged 190 and did light
damage to 1,545. These are the facts as described in the World Almanac.
Other sources list slightly different data. However, there is one point
on which they all. agree?--this air raid destroyed no military or
industrial objectives . . . . Why, then, was the raid carried out'
Various explanations appeared right away. According to one version,
the airmen mistook Prague for Dresden; according to another, they
intended to destroy the railroad station and the bridges but missed
their targets. However, as the following raid, which took place on
25 March and destroyed factories in eastern Prague clearly demonstrated,
those airmen knew how to aim. The March bombings could have had no
effect on the outcome of the ware--only on the postwar restoration of
the country.
Prague LIDOVA DEMOKRACIE, 14 February, page 3
[Article: "Nonsensical Blow Against Prague"]
The March air raid against the Vysocany factories was dictated by a perverse
type of logic, similar to that which had sent Anglo-American airmen to
bomb Gottwaldov and Plzen: Czechoslovakia had been liberated by the
Soviet armies, and raids against industrial objectives in the Czech lands
during the last weeks of the war were the result of the thinking of
those Western . statesmen who, at the time that the anti-fascist war was
coming to a close, were looking for an opportunity to paralyze the
industrial potential of countries which were about to enter into friendly
relations with the Soviet Union. And thus, those Anglo-American air
raids against Czechoslovakia thirty years ago really were forerunners of
the long-lasting cold war which followed.
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Prague TRACE, 14 February, page 5
[Article: "Treacherous Bombs Over Prague"]
At the very end of World War 11, the Anglo-American air force carried
out a raid against Liben and Vysocany on 25 March which heavily
damaged the factories of key Prague industries. Let us also remember
the very last big air raid of World War T.T. in Europe: This was the
25 April. 1945 raid against Plzen in which approximattAy 500 heavy
American bombers turned the famous Skoda Works into a heap of rubble.
Also the raids against Zlin, Kralupy, Most and other Czecloslovak
cities could definitely no longer be regarded as part of the
Anglo-American air force military strategy, nor as its mistakes. In
all these cases it was not a military purpose which was the primary
issue--after all, Hitler's Germany was already facing certain defeat at
that time. These raids were part of a postwar strategy of Liie Western
powers, directed against the Czechoslovak Republic because it was
embarking can a road toward progressive democratic development.
Prague PRACE, 25 March, page 5
[Article: "Attack Against the Economic Strength of New Czechoslovnik.ia"]
. . . There arises the question as to why the American air force carried
out these raids at a time--only several weeks (and in the case of Plzen
only several days) before the end of the war--when they could no longer have
had any military purpose. it is true that after the loss of theic
industrial basins in the Ruhr and it Upper Silesia the Nazis depended
exclusively on the industry concentrated on Czechoslovak territory, but
by March and Apri-' 1945 the dissolution of Hitler's "thousand-year"
Reich 1'3d progressed so far that there could not be the least doubt about
its imminent fall. The real purpose of the boml 'ng of industrial. targets
in Czechoslovakia in the concluding phase of the war cannot be found in
purel;r military considerations but lies primarily in political ones. The
spring months of 1945 were no longer just a period during which Anglo-
American forces struck decisive blows against the Western front--it was
already the opening phase in the development of a new political strategy
to be employed in postwar Europe. Part and parcel of these politico-
strategic combinations was?wt_houc any doubt also the bombing. of certain
key factories in Czechoslov,.:kia by the American air force: By carrying
out the destructive raids in the last hours of the war, the monopolistic
circles of the West intended to break up the strength of the liberated
Czechoslovak Republic, make it dependent, economically and politically,
and thus obstruct its development toward progressive democracy.
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Prague RUDE PRAVO, 12 April., page 4
"Vladimir Briclitti article: "Fight for a New Czechoslovakia"]
The revolutionary organs of the people operating in parts of West
Bohemia :tad difficulty in overcoming the efforts of the American command
which tried to prevent our people from reaping the fruits of victory to
whicl-, they had so greatly contributed. In West Bohemia the fight for
liberation culminated at the beginning of May 1945. On 5 May, the
revolutionary uprising of the people toppled the fascist power in Plzen
The Plzen uprising, like uprisings everywhere else, was based on the
results of the struggle against fascism in which the key role was played
by the Soviet Union . . . . But unlike other are~is where the people's
power was supported by the arrival of the Red Army . . . , the Plzen
movement was confronted by obstacles everywhere American units set fooL.
In fact the attitude of the Americans caused considerable difficulties
for the revolutionary movement of the people and its organs. The American
army was a tool of imperialism whose interests ran counter to the interests
of our workers. And thus, in addition to the military actions carried out
by the Americans at the very end of the war (bombing of the Skoda Works,
destruction of the railroad system, and other unnecessary damage caused by
air raids), there was other activity designed to obstruct reconstruction of
the national economy and its development.
The most important, however, were the measures directed against the
revolutionary power. For example, in Plzen, the Americans proscribed the
activity of the revolutionary national committee and the publication of
its paper. Moreover, Plzen was no exception in this respect; the same
happened throughout West Bohemia. What this meant was that imperialism
was mounting a counterattack, the purpose of which was to stop the
revolutionary process which was the legitimate culmination of the
systematic anti-fascist fight in our country.
Today, 30 years after May 1945, we can really rejoice in the fact
that these imperialist plans were thwarted and that even West Bohemia--
thanks to the liberating role of the Soviet army--eientually developed,
along with the rest of the republic, toward progressive democracy and
socialism.
Prague TRIBUNA, 16 April, page 2
[Article: "We Stand for the Truth"]
During the war; the Americans gave us only minimal help. The Soviet
Union, on the other hand, signed the Agreement for Mutual Aid and Postwar
Cooperation with us (on 12 Dece'nber 1943), supported our resistance
movement with materiel, as well as men, and treated us as equals. In
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contrast, the American: bombed our l.avgost industrial factories in ti..t
spring months of 1.945 (and especially in April)--at. a time when those
factories were of no further use to the Nazis. Their reason: to
undermine our postwar potential. In territory liberated by the Americans,
they established the position of. District Executive Officer (okresni
hejtman) and dissoived the then nascent national committees--in
contravention of the decision of the Czechoslovak government and
against the joint decision of all Czechoslovak political parties.
What can we add to that? The legal.ly-recognized government was suddenly
unrecognized, the [Soviet-sponsored] Kosice resolution ignored, the
established national committee simply waved aside and the principal
district function given to an offic{.al without regard to his past.
[In trying to ascribe a more favorable role to the Americans, the 1968
reformers had only one aim:] . . . to distort reality . . . . No one need
be surprised that we, for our part, have also put a stop to such lies and
made it impossible for their disseminators to speak. For we support only
the truth, not the lie.
Prague RUDE PRAVO, 22 April, page 3
[Zdenek Novak article: "People Were Asking: Why?"]
The months of. April and May 1945 were the culmination of the battle
against Hitler fascism and at the same time a start of the building of
a new, free, socialist society in our country. Already then, imperialism
revealed its true face as far as our country was concerned and demonstrated
its attitude toward the road on which our people were embarking. Covered
by a mask of transparent hypocrisy, it had given us a cruel lesson in its
never-changing political strategy. That was the real reason for the
bombings of the Skoda Works on 17 and 25 April 1945. We shall never forget
it!
Prague RUDE PRAVO, 23 April, page 1
[Article: "Preparations for the Prague Operation"]
In view of the fact that since 17 April 1945 U.S. Army troops were
standing on the western border of Czechoslovakia, it became necessary
to delineate the operational areas of the two allied armies on Czechoslovak
territory and to determine their line of contact. On 24 April the chief
of the General Staff of the Soviet Army, General Antonov, in a letter
informed General Eisenhower of the Soviet Army's intention to clear the
right bank of the. Vltava valley of enemies. Eisenhower agreed with the
Soviet proposal. In the last days of April the contact line between the
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Soviet and U.S. armies was fixed by a Karlovy Vary-Plzen-Ceske
Budujovicn_ line. On 1 and 2 May the supreme command of the Soviet
Army gave directives to the First, Second and Fourth Ukrainian Front
on carrying out the Prague operation.
On 30 April. W. Churchill wrote a letter to U.S. President Truman asking
that the U.S. troops should occupy the largest possible pant of Bohemia,
including Prague. It was obviously under this influence that Eisenhower.
announced to the Soviet command on 4 May that -should the situation
demand it, the U.S. troops, which on that day had crossed the borders
of Boheiala, would advance as far as the Vltava and Elbe rivers. In
view of the fact that such an American advance would have greatly
complicated the prepared Soviet Army operation, the Soviet supreme
command asked Eisenhower to comply with the agreed procedure.
Prague RUDE PRAVO, 13 May, page 7
[Dusan Rovensky commentary: "Historical Lessons"]
Before February 1948 Czechoslovak reaction distorted the ue class
role of the American Army in the final. stages of World 1.- II. As it
demonstrated particularly in western Bohemia, the American Army served
the clearcut class aims of the bourgeoisie. We know examples of
American military bodies obstruct:Lng the activity of the national
committees which were established in accord with the Kosice Government
Program. They obstructed Czechoslovak citizens in the latters'
efforts to go to the assistance of the Prague uprising and it is also
a fact that under the patronage of American military commanders the
bureaucratic structure of the pre-Munich bourgeois republic was set up
in places.
These political forces, to whom the Soviet Union's victory in World
War II and the historical role of the Soviet Army in liberating the
subjugated nations is a thorn in the flesh, tried to misuse the
anniversary of the end of the World War in Europe toward clouding the
fact that the May days of 1945 signified not only the defeat of Nazism,
the defeat of Hitlerite Germany, but also a strong blow against inter-
national imperialism in general.
H. U.S. DOMESTIC PROBLEMS
Prague RUDE PRAVO, 9 May, page 4
[Editorial comment: "Two Kinds of Views"]
The American economic journal BUSINESS WEEK has published a chart giving
the income of the 15 best-paid managers in the U.S. during the past year.
They are headed by the president of the Revlon Company, M. Bergerac,
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whose yearly income is of iicial.ly admitted by him) amounted to
1.595 million dollars. Even the last man on this list had;in
income last year which amounted to more than half a million dollars.
The magazine adds that the income of these men has risen "generally
in relation" to the increase in prices. At the same time American
authorities released the latest data on unemployment in the country.
Out of the total of 84,100,000 working Americans, 8,900,000 were out
of work in April which is 0.2 percent more than in March. This is the
highest figure since 34 years ago at which time the. United States found it
difficult to recoup from a previous economic depression. A. Greenspan,
consultant to President Ford, is of the opinion that certain stabilization
should occur in the coining quarter, and that the official unemployment
figure, which stands at present around 7.5 million persons, should start
to decrease.
However, American workers find it hard to believe such predictions.
There have been quite a few of these predictions in recent years and
all of them have somehow disappeared from public view. For otherwise
it would be necessary for the economists to invent some kind of an
official justification for the deepening crisis and the lengthening
lines in front of the employment agencies.
Prague RUDE PRAVO, 15 May, page 6
[Milos Krejci Washington dispatch: "What Cannot Be Denied"]
I have talked to an American woman trade unionist. She told me: "My
factory is in a very conservative town, in Vermont. Our people were
totally unemployed as far back as 2 years ago. Then an agreement with
the USSR was signed and the factory received orders. The workers were
saying: Now we have our jobs hack. And the Soviet Union, no matter
whether we agree with its policies or not, is giving us work. Thousands
of workers returned to the factory. Now they are very interested in what
is happening, not only in the Soviet Union but in all the socialist
countries. There are leaflets and publications which talk about trade
with them. In essence it all comes to this: It means work for the
American people. And the more advanced workers, moreover, also ask how
is It possible that those are socialist countries which are providing
the work, and how is it that in those countries industry and everything
is being expanded while here we have unemployment?"
Prague TRIBUNA, 21 May, page 3
[(G.H.) article: "Two Worlds"]
The first December week of last year was the worst so far for the
inhabitants of the American city of Detroit. At that time, 60,000 workers
were dismissed at once. In all, 20 factories, most of them automobile
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19 S1:111YEM11)il . 1.9 / 5
factories, closed their gates. The reason? In their warehouses,
1,700,000 cars are waiting in vain for customers. Today, 280,000
Detroit inhabitants are out of work, which means almost 15 percent.
The hardest hit are the black Americans. Among them, the unemployment
figure is 30 percent, which is soon expected to rise to 40 percent.
As stated in the Western press, 3.00,000 Detroit inhabitants go to
sleep hungry every night,
In front of the employment office crowds are forming as early as
5 A.M., 3 hours before the arrival. of the staff. Very few of those
who stand long hours in front of the building on Connor Road have any
chance of succeeding. And if they do not need them at the employment
office, then they do not need them anywhere. The only thing to do is
to wait, live from clay to day, and hope for better times. Better times,
however, are not coming. In September of last year. Henry Ford II tried
to calm down tens of thousands of workers by saying that Detroit would
again see prosperity, as soon as the consequences of the energy crisis
are overcome. According to him, 1975 was supposed to be a jump-off
point for the American automobile industry to a new prosperity. This
prediction has not come true. The unemployed are getting more
numerous . .
So much has changed.. Dr. Bruce Danto is the chief of the Detroit institute
for the prevention of suicide. The institute's confidential telephone
line is in use now much more often than before. During the spring months
of this year, on the average 1,250 potential suicides called during a
30-day period. That is a 50 percent increase over last year. The most
frequent callers are young blacks. They have nothing to do, nowhere to
go. Their fate interests no one.
The unemployment, the fear about one's work, however, is a good thing
for the monopolies. When thousands stand outside the factory gates,
their shadow falls even on those who have not yet lost their jobs.
These workers become more receptive to the lie that only low wages and
a still higher intensity of their efforts can again revive the capitalist
economy. Reality is different, however. What is reviving is primarily
financial capital, with the mammoth banks in the lead. While many
Detroit citizens go to sleep hungry, the banking companies of the United
States are gleefully announcing that their profits have increased still
more.
During the first quarter of this year, as announced by M.A. Shapiro and
Company, the profits of 60 U.S. commercial banks have ~ncreased,in
comparison with the same period last year, by more than 20 percent.
Record profits were achieved by the Chase Manhattan Bank, the third
largest in the world, which secured for its stockholders for Easter a
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net Profit of 62.3 million dollars in comparison to 36.3 million
dollar;; in the first quarter of last year. Its head, Rockefeller,
has really put in some effort.
Such is the sysr.e;,; of the capitalist "division of labor.." Because of
the economic cr.i;i.s, Dr. Bruce Danto finds it difficult to explain to
thousands of Americans the senselessness of suicide. Despite his
efforts he by far cannot save them all. The stockholders of American
banks, however, are not interested in the desperate discussions which
go on on the confidential telephone lines of Detroit, New York or
San Francisco. They are only interested in profit.
On th' one hand, the United States is accumulating ever greater riches;
on the other hand, there is ever greater desperation and poverty. The
unbridgeable difference between the capitalist world and the worker
world is deepening.
Prague RUDE PRAVO, 5 June, page 6
[Radomir Jungbauer article: "For the Freedom of Puerto Rico"]
Among the still. dependent territories, a specific place is helrl by
Puerto Rico, which in number of inhabitants has been for several
decades the largest colony ia, Latin America and simultaneously also the
most populous possession of the United States in the world.
The United States had seized Puerto Rico in 1898 as a result of the
Spanish-American war, called by Lenin the first imperialist military
encounter for the redivision of the world. For a long time this island
in the Caribbean with its almost 3 million inhabitants had been a classic
colony. On U.S. initiative, a new. law was enacted in 1952 (in the
Uni`.d Nations) under which Puerto Rico became a so-called freely
associated state. This neocolonial maneuver was also approved the next
year by the then-existing pro-American majority of the UN General
Assembly.
In fact, however, Puerto Rico has continued against the will of its
people to be a U.S. colony. The highest legislative power in Puerto
Rico belongs to the American Congress; Puerto Rico has one single
representative in the House of Representatives and he only possesses an
advisory vote. Puerto Ricans cannot take part in the American
presidential or congressional elections. They are allowed to "elect"
their governor but his jurisdiction, as well as the jurisdiction of
other local organs, is limited to resolution of only some matters of
internal interest. In the island the monetary and postal'system of the
United States has been introduced. The field of ideology, culture and
education, which is in an especially critical state, is under strong
imperialist influence.
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The island is subject to racial discrimination and under the pretext
of overpopulation and excess numbers American neo-Malthus us are
enforcing and carrying out mass sterilization of Puerto Rican women.
Moreover, more than one third of Puerto R.cans are living at present
in the United States as a result of the American policy of enforced
emigration; in the U.S. they are subjected to humiliation and often
prevented from returning home.
The backward economy of the country is completely controlled by American
monopolies, helped by local stooges. Puerto Rico is a warning example
of the brutality, greed and rapacity, characteristic of American
imperialism. In recent years, especially, there have been cases of
blatant denial of trade unionist rights, of steady decreases of wages
and an increase in unemployment, which now amounts to about 20 percent . . . .
Essentially, Puerto Rico is a huge strategic North American military
base, out of which imperialism had threatened Venezuela in 1958, organized
a sortie into the Dominican Republic in 1965, and planned armed assaults
and sabotage actions against Cuba. American nuclear, air and rocket
bases, built ca some of the best agricultural soil of this island, are
at the same time a threat to world peace and security. This circumstance
underlines the international. import. itir_ e of the struggle for the
independence of. Puerto Rico which is closely connected to the effort
for maintenance of world peace. . . .
The change in world balance of power and the prevalent tendencies to
lessen international tension create favorable conditions for intensification
of International solidarity with the struggle of the colonial and oppressed
nations; this struggle is one of the most pressing problems of the
contemporary world and requires an immediate solution.
Prague TRIBUNA, 9 July, pages 16-17
[Article:
"The New York Variant"]
Advertisements intended to recruit young Americans for military training
centers are apparently right when they proclaim that "in our country
you must be a real man." You become convinced of this fact as soon as
you enter a hotel where special notices inform guests how they s1,ould
behave in case they are assaulted in their room by an armed bandit.
However, assaults take place most frequently in public areas. First
place in this is held by the central railway station, closely followed
by platforms and trains of the subway, apartment houses and elevators
in hotels, as well as in private houses. . . .
Fascinating, contradictory, terrifying and shocking is the American
metropolis of New York. It is a reflection of the society which has
created it. It is the concentrated focal point of contradictions which
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19 SE1"1IEM.BER 1.975
are plaguing the leading capitalist power. For that very reason it
is an important starting point for the struggle against injustice,
poverty and the dark forces which control it at present. And this
struggle is growing in intensity.
Prague RUDE PRAVO, 19 August, page 6
[CTK New York dispatch: "Tragedy of the Ghettos"]
. . . Unfortunately, this situation [in the Watts suburb of Los Angeles]
is no different from that which exists in most of the black ghettos in
other American cities. The statistics are somber. These ghettos have
been exceptionally hard hit by the economic slump; unemployment there,
according to official. data, is twice as high as among the white Americans.
But even these data give a better picture than the actual situation
really is. If we take into consideration those who are employed only
part-time and those who have given up and do not register as unemployed,
then real unemployment in Watts amounts to almost 50 percent.
Prague RUDE PRAVO, 19 August, page 6
[CTK Washington dispatch: "They Long To Return Home; Discontent of
South Vietnamese Dragged Into the U.S."]
"I am longing to go back home, to Vietnam, to my family which needs mey"
announced Cao Van, one of the many thousands of South Vietnamese who had
been dragged by force into the United States. Now he is in the American
refugee camp on the island of Guam.
The chairman of a subcommittee of the House of Representatives of the U.S.
Congress, J. Eilberg, who had recently made an inspection trip to Guam,
announced that over 1,600 South Vietnamese in the refugee camps on this
island are asking for repatriation.
Cao Van and numerous of his compatriots had been fraudulently transported
to U.S. territory through the American military base of Utapao in
Thailand. The Pentagon has already been forced to admit that some South
Vietnamese who had no wish to leave their country were given drugs and
then dragged away by force.
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IBIS SPECiAI, PIl?M!1,'1!d !)lii1.9 SEPTEMBER 1,975
III. U.S. FOREIGN POLICY
Ma a ,uez Incident
Prague Domestic Service in Czech, 1.6 May
[Editor Jan Rezac commentary]
Three Cambodian patrol boats sunk, several other vessels severely,
damaged, devastation following American bombing of the Cambodian
airport of P.eam near the port of Kompong Som, and of course losses of
human lives. This is the still incomplete balance sheet of the U.S.
military operation against Cambodia. The pretext for this action was
the seizure of the U.S. vessel Mayaguez in Cambodian territorial
waters.
A number of members of the American Congress have condemned this
military intervention, for this was a violation of the law forbidding
the use of U.S. armed forces in Indochina without congressional consen.t.
According to a statement by Mansfield, leader of the Democratic
majority, a considerable number of leading congressmen were not informed
about the action that was being prepared. Was the American operation
in the Gulf of Thailand so urgent that the President did not have tima
to inform the Congress about it? Certainly not. Democratic Senator
Edward Kennedy remarked that the Administration acted with unjustifiable
haste without making full use of all diplomatic channels to settle the
conflict.
This raises another question. Was the United States entitled to take
such an action? Here, too, the answer is the same. The vessel
Mayaguez, carrying weapons, was seized in Cambodian territorial waters
because, in accordance with the valid norms of international law,
every state is entitled to take the necessary measures if its
sovereignty and peace are being threatened. This was the case with
regard to the Mayaguez.
The reason for the barbaric attack on Cambodian territory must; however,
be sought somewhere else. It reveals that the United States intends
to continue to interfere in the internal affairs of Cambodia and other
states in Southeast Asia. This is a curious approach to the promised
reassessment of U.S. foreign policy, proclaimed by President Ford and
Secretary of State Kissinger. This is why bombs dropped on Cambodia
have generated real indignation throughout the world. Even London's
the GUAi2DIAN, which decidedly does not rank among the progressive
newspapers, described the U.S. military operation near the Cambodian
coast. as precipitate and senseless.
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Prague in English to Africa, 16 May
[Unattributed commentary]
Arid here now is a short comment by a Radio Prague news analyst.
discussing a recent incident which took place off the Cambodian coast.
United States President Gerald Ford, says our news analyst, has made
a very concise statement to the effect that the United States merchant
vessel Mayaguez, seized by the Cambodian Navy_on Monday, had been
returned yesterday morning and that its crew had been released. True,
the Mayaguez was seized by a Cambodian naval vessel. But it is equally
true that this alleged United States merchant vessel carried weapons
and that it was seized not off New York, but in Cambodian territorial
waters. In its own territorial waters any country may take the necessary
steps if its Fecurity and peace are in jeopardy. All the more so with
regard to the fact that only recently 5 years of a United States dirty
war, interference and aggression have ended in Cambodia. Although the
United States had caused the conflict, it was the United States which
felt hurt, blamed Cambodia for a hostile act, failed to make use of
diplomatic channels and on orders of its President launched a military
operation . .
And so this deplorable act of violence has again shown to the world and
to United States. citizens as well that even with the process of easing
international tension being in progress, ruling United States circles
do not refrain from military force, especially if their imperialist
interests are threatened.
,3ratislava PRAVDA, 17 May, page 7
[Pavol Cipka commentary: "Foreign Policy Note: A Clear Act of Aggression."]
The intimidation by the advent of ships of the 7th Fleet was not all--bombs
were dropped in the Gulf of Siam, Cambodian patrol boats were hit and sunk--
the American military machinery used the fresh "opportunity" to demonstrate
what it could do. In order not to let things stop with ships they also
bombed Ream airport in the vicinity of the port of Kompong Som, that is,
sovereign Cambodian territory. In a word, it was an act of aggression
with all its appurtenances. The shocked world is rightly asking itself
whether these are to be the conclusions drawn by the United States from
its defeat in Indochina. Only a few days ago both American President Ford
and Secretary of State Kissinger called on the American public not to look
back any more, to let the past be that is the failure in Indochina), but
rather to look toward the future and concentrate on the forthcoming tasks
of the United States. This was just talk, while the concrete acts show
the practice of a policy of strength, the application of "limited armed
intervention" from which it is no more than one step toward a real
conflict, with results which cannot be in any way limited. In view of the
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threat posed to peace, the classification into small or big aggressions
no longer holds good. Aggression always constitutes a great threat,
particularly in an area where peace is just a few clays old. Concerning
the heart of the matter, the general view is that the whole: matter could
and should have been settled by peaceful means. Words and not bombs
should have been dropped. Thus by "one stroke" the White House not
only committed aggression against Cambodia but, in the framework of
this operation, violated the sovereignty of neighboring Thailand, where,
without the approval of the Thai Government, it used the military
base of U Tapao. The sharp protest of the Thai Government and the
wave of anti-Americanism in the country will not be the only results
of this step. The response in the world and in Asia in particular
shows that many countries, including Japan, consider this act at the
least an inappropriate attempt of the United States to regain lost
prestige, an attempt which will just precipitate the decision of certain
countries to revise their orientation toward the United States. They
have learned again that when the United States asserts its power
interests it is not particular about the means; on the contrary, it
prefers force and in this connection does not pay any regard to the state
sovereignty of other countries,
CIA Role in Voreign Affairs
Prague Domestic Service in Czech, 10 June
[Miloslav Ambr;is dispatch]
At his press conference yesterday, President Ford refused to release for
publication 80 pages from the 299-page report of the special investigating
commission headed. by Vice President Rockefeller on the illegal activities
of the well-known espionage agency CIA. It is this very part which
forms the core of the report on which the Rockefeller commission worked
a full 5 months. Yet, according to President lord, it did not manage
to complete its investigation of alleged plans for assassination of
certain statesmen unacceptable to the United States. President Ford
contends that there is no intention of hushing up the matter, and special
committees of the Senate and House of Representatives will continue the
investigation. Ford said literally that the aforementioned 80 pages
contained incomplete studies and dealt with exceptionally sensitive
matters. This is why, allegedly, he decided not to allow their
publication. According to some reports, what is described are plans
for the assassination of such statesmen as Fidel Castro, Rafael Trujillo,
Patrice Lumumba and others. Washington POST commentator Joseph Kraft
reflects on the deeper consequences of the affair. He says that in the
days of the cold war CIA was in its element and regarded it as quite
natural to use such weapons against the threat of communism. CIA has
not yet been able to adapt itself to a policy of detente in international
relations.
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Prague in English to Africa, 11 June
Discussing the CIA scandal in the United States a Radio Prague
commentator said today that the shattered image of American democracy
has further been damaged by recent disclosures of the Washington POST,
the INTERNATIONAL HERALD TRIBUNE and TIME magazine about the United
States intelligence agency CIA frequently resorting to murder as a
means of diplomacy and former United States presidents knowing about
this. CIA, continued our commentator, also had a plan for the
liquidation of the Cuban premier, Fidel Castro. U.S. President
Gerald Ford's press conference on Monday was to provide an answer to
the question whether a green light will be given to the publication
of all these facts. For the time being President Ford refused to
release 80 pages from a 300-page report of a special committee headed
by Vice President Rockefeller investigating these facts. The reason
given by President Ford was that investigations had not yet been
closed and that these passages touch especially sensitive questions.
But there exists no excuse for CIA vlots with the blessings
of former U.S. presidents. In connection with the 80 pages withheld
out of the Rockefeller report, the American press said that, for example,
the CIA is to blame for the murder of Dominican President Trujillo
and of the Congolese president Patrice Lumumba. It is hardly surprising
that such dirty methods applied in U.S. foreign policy are causing
widespread indignation in the United States and in the world at large.
Let us quote from the Washington POST: To play a part in the murder
of a leader of a state with which our country is not at war, wrote the
Washington POST, is an abject confession of both moral and political
bankruptcy. Far from being the mark of a great power, such acts are a
demonstration of impotency, the more so when they are directed, as they'
apparently were, against the leaders of small, weak nations.
U.S. Military Budget
Prague CTK in English, 1 July
The new American military budget is no contribution to international
detente, or to the deepening of mutual confidence of the United States
and the Soviet Union, the Slovak Communist Party daily PRAVDA writes
today.
The imperialists should realize that the times of Truman and Dulles have
passed aid any return to the era of "cold war" would mean for the United
States total disruption of exi.sting values. The widei.? context of the
present difficulties of America's policy in the world confirusthis fact.
In the present international. situation, in which the balance of forces
is steadily developing to the benefit of socialism, peace and progress,
the American imperialists naturally cannot build on a direct thermonuclear
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confrontation with the Soviet Union, as they are well. aware of its
aftermath. However, this does not mean that the U.S. has completely
given up the nuclear war conception. On the contrary, it is doing
all to rehabilitate it, PRAVDA says.
Secretary of: befense Schles9.n er
Prague Domestic Service in Czech/Slovak, 29 June
[Stanislav Hruska commentaryl
As U.S. President Ford and Secretary of State Kissing: traveled around
Europe, Pentagon chief Schlesinger made: two very significant statements.
He said that despite the great risk, the United States is prepared to
strike first in an atomic attack. The second statement i~a closely
connected with the first: It concerns Schlesinger's refusal to allow
a reduction in the 7,200 U.S. tactical atomic weapons positioned in
Western Europe. It is logical that someone who intends to use nuclear
arms will not transport them back to arsenals in the United States.
Like Eastern Europe, the countries of Southeast Asia and the Middle
East were not spared the Pentagon's threeat_s in the past. At the s:Ime
time, of course, Schlesinger cannot be considered a man who does not
knuw what he is doing. He has studied nuclear strategy and is well
aware of the fact that the first explosion of what is known as a
mininuclear weapon can lead to fast escalation and world catastrophe.
So what is it that leads him to his hazardous reflections bordering on
lunacy? At present, it is becoming cheaper and more effective for
imperialism to produce nuclear missiles than to equip, for example,
a military air force with a sufficient number of up-to-date fighter
bombers. Under the influence of this vision, Schlesinger, as well as
the NATO generals, succumb to the temptation to increase the nuclear
strength of their armies by nuclear armaments. As long as the Pentagon
produces atomic weapons, while fully aware that they can be used, it
also begins to threaten the socialist countries with them.
Schlesinger's threats are not merely threats, but also a shocking
attack on the treaties concluded so far between the Soviet Union and
the United States whose meaning has been and is to limit, as far as
possible, the danger of a nuclear catastrophe.
Prague in English to Africa, 2 September
[Unattributed commentary]
The United States defense secretary, James Schlesinger, returned to
Washington yesterday after a week-long tour of the capitals of America's
two Far Eastern allies, South Korea and Japan. Though formally the
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FI3IS SI11;CIAL M%MUTANDUM
19 SEPTEMBER 1975
tour was described as consultations with the leaders of the two
countries on so-called military cooperation, it is no secret to
anyone that President Ford's Pentagon chief was acting as the
principal spokesman and exponent of America's current Asian policy
in a show of strength in the Far East in particular and in the
attempt to boost the morale of United States militor.y allies with
renewed commitments to more intensive and massive war preparations
in the area.
After all, it was primarily Mr. Schlesinger who lately frequently
uttered various bellicose statements, including threats to use nuclear
weapons against the People's Democratic Republic of Korea and the
carrying out of the completely bankrupt concept of containment
invented by the late John Foster Dulles and his pre:enit-day disciples
in Washington. Hence, unsurprisingly, apart from reiterating the
continued presence of 42,000 United States troops, Mr. Schlesinger
promised full support to the Seoul dictator's $3 billion war preparation
plan, plus an undisclosed loan to buy American arms together with
further United States investments and technological. aid.
In Tokyo, in pursuance of the Forcl-Miki agreement last month the talks
centered on Japan's rearmament program, including increasod str.engtli
of the Japanese Self-Defense Toros and a contingency military plan
within the framework of the Japanese-U.S. military alliance. In other
words, the Miki government was assigned a new role to strengthen
American positions which have been affected by the Indochina debacle.
Thus, Mr. Schlesinger's dangerous war, game and tension building showed
that the American administration has failed to draw any lesson from its
increasing isolation in post-Vietnam Asia, and can think of nothing more
realistic than a return to its militaristic dogmas of the past.
Such a policy not only runs counter to the very spirit of international
detente, as well as to the aspirations of Asian nations for peace and
security, but all the more it is at total variance with the view of the
large majority of the American people, who see the Vietnam lesson as
evidence of the failure of the United States posture as a world policeman,
which is exactly what Mr. Schlesinger intended to revive once again
during his Far Eastern tour.
President Ford's Visit to Spain
Prague CTK in English, 23 May
The American military presence in Spain may become the cause of grave
political situations, says _[Bratislava] PRACA today commenting on the
planned visit to Spain of U.S. President Gerald Ford who will seek
Franco's consent for continued use of military bases in Spain by the
United States.
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A', PJ.-.N U1.,. '1'f1
Hil'S S1'TSCTAI.
1.9 SJsf'TJ 3hlt 1975
It is impossible to take seriously tlit. "argument" that the NATO bases
in Spain are to provide protect-ion against the "Soviet threat." At
the present time of general relaxation of tension, a process initiated
precisely by the Soviet Union, tais claim lacks logic.
"On the contrary, foreign bases in Spain jeopardize the security of
nations in the Western part of the Mediterranean . . .; they are a
serious threat to the revolution in Portugal a:: well a;; the political
movement in Spain itself. Thus if we leave out of account the
interests of NATO, the American bases on Spm.ifsh territory arc in
fact needed only by Franco and his lackeys," says PRACA.
Portugal
Prague RUDE PRAVO, 14 August, page 7
fVaclav Dolezal commentary: "The Final. Act C,! J-Iclsinki and Portugal:
The Time of Tests"]
In Helsinki the final act was signed by 35 top state representatives.
With their signatures they confirmed their political will to take part in
its implementations Loc.) . But the ink has sc ~2 cely had time to dry ell
the signatures on the document and things have alrady started happening
which 'can be called peculiar, to say the least . . . .
It is an unusual situation. From the viewpoint of international reaction
the Portuguese affair calls for an intervention in internal affairs.
But how should one organize things so that "the wolf would eat 'and the
goat remain whole"? The regulation says that regardless of their mutual
relations, "the participating states will refrain from any direct or
indirect, individual. or collective intervention in the domestic or
foreign affairs falling under the intrastate jurisdiction of another
participating state . . . ." This regulation is not palatable, or
scarcely palatable for the NATO wolves, armed to their teeth.
President Ford also has problems. Only recently he quite openly
complained in the U.S. NEWS AND WORLD REPORT: "It is a tragic thing
that the American CIA intelligence service cannot organize secret
operations in Portugal." Even if we can justly doubt that the CIA
agents would be mere spectators in the developments in this country,
we must recognize two objective circumstances which make the CIA's
secret operations difficult: first, the revelations about CIA
participation in preparing the counterrevolutionary and fascist
putsch in Chile, which have concentrated attention on the CIA's "beneficial"
activity; and second, the fact that in Helsinki President Ford signed
his name under the text which states, among other things, that the
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APPEND] X TO
FBIS SPECIAL M1110RANDUM
19 SEPTEMIilsll 1975
participating countries "will refrain, apart: from other things,
from directly or indirectly supporting, the terrorist activity or
subversive or other activity aimed at forcibly overt'. hrowing the
regime of another participating stute."
Prague in English to Africa, 15 August.
[uinattri.buted commentary
The U.S. Secretary of State, 1)r. Kissinger, in his speech in Alabama
warned the Soviet Union that, we quote, its support for the minority
Communist Party in Portugal is incompatible with the principles of the
Helsinki declaration on European security and cooperation. Unquote.
Such an allegation is,, mildly said, ignorant and absolutely unjustifiable
because the Soviet Union strictly meets its international commitments.
Dr. Kissinger's speech is most likely aimed at diverting the world public's
attention from the direct CIA interference in the Portuguese internal
development. This interference is proved. Let us recall what General
Otelo Carvalho, the chief of COPCON, said in October 1974 after. the
abortive counterrevolutionary -.oup in Portugal. He blamed agents of the
CIA for their active support for General Spi.nol.a and other coup leaders.
There is a proverb saying "a thief cries catch the thief" and this is
the case with various allegations about the socialist countries'
interfe -nice in Portugal's internal affairs.
Prague in English to Africa, 26 August
Developments in Portugal are widely discussed by the dailies and other
information media. A Prague radio commentator today examined activities
of the United States intelligence agency, CIA, in present-day Portugal,
citing American sources which admit that CIA agents are active in
Portugal. The CIA, emphasized our commentator, is working under the
guise of alleged democracy and liberalism. In addition to acts of
terror, the sphere of economy offers itself as a tool for subversive
activity.
CIA activities in Portugal are in absolute contravention of the Helsinki
act, especially of its passages calling for noninterference in the
internal affairs of other countries. The CIA activities may lead towards
catastrophe. This is corroborated by the CIA-backed coup in Chile and
the current reign of terror of the Chilean military junta.
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ANPEIDTX '1U
FB1.S SVE'G 'AT,
1.9 SEP'1'1?MLEIt .1.975
Now York TTI-JES Xdl.torh-il of 1.2 August.
Prague RUDE PRAVO, 20 August, page 6
[Zden(,.k lloreni article in Helsinki conference]
Thc:3e days we have liter.. l.ly felt the breath of cold weir when the halter
New York TIMES published on its pages an article containing slanderous
attacks against the head of our state, an article saturated with hat;-ed
for our country, its social system, the policy of detente (that is,
of the easing of tension) and, within this framework, also hatred toward
the endeavors to achieve an American--Cs.cchoslovak normalization.
Let us merely remark in passing that it is claimed that General
Eisenhower is being called "Hitler's collaborator" in Czechoslovakia,
and so forth. Thepamphlet [the New York T1MESeditor.ial] mentioned al-.love
is simply overflowing with such lies and insults, as though they were
reprinted from the fascist organ of the john Birch Society.
lleli.c911ter Incidr nts of 15 nnd IV Au if-,t
Prague Domestic Service in Czech, 20 August
[Commentary by station reporter]
Our state border in the Lipno recreation area has been the scene of a
piratical attack, which by its preparation and course was reminiscent
of James Bond-type spy horror stories. During last week there were two
incursions by an American-made armed helicopter aimed at illegally
carrying off across our state border to the West a number of citizens
of a third state.
How was it possible for such an act to ;,e repeatedly committed just
when the whole world had heaved a sigh of relief with the good news
from Helsinki? Who is behind this a-t which has caused public concern
not only in this country but throughout the world? Much can be
deduced from the statement of one of the organizers of the operation
who was arrested by our security officers. He has given us significant
fats and continues to make extensive statements about his activities.
A number of details on the background of the whole operation have also
been disclosed--perhaps unwittingly, according to the version published
by the Western press--by the helicopter's pilot, Barry Meeker,.a former
captain of special units of the United States Army Air Force, who
today is allegedly undergoing an operation in Traunstein Hospital in
the FRG for wounds inflicted by bullets which allegedly hit him. All
this is, of course, their version.
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111BIS SPECIAL loll;^iouAND(111
1.9 SFL'11MLFR 1975
Let us look at the facts. This is not the first act of this kind
carried out by Meeker. If we arc to believe reports of Western
agencies that Barry Meeker was the pilot of the pirate helicopter,
then vieknow that after a short spell with Random House, New York
publishers, a man of this name joined the U.:1. Army special commandos
and from 1.969 to 1.970 served in Vietnam as a captain fighting against
the Vietnamese people. In 1.970 he was detailed to a special head-
quarters of the U.S. Air Force in Ludwigsburg, West Germany and we
may be sure this war not clone without a purpose. lie was a man already
holding a number of awards for special tasks, and his records at the
CIA center in Langley spoke very eloquently for him.
Prague RU1)1: PRAVO, 22 August, page 2
[ZPK article: "Killer from Vietnam at Lipno"]
I know them from Vietnam. They took off from the Ai-tu Airbase not
far from the city of Quang Tri. They had many other concrete runway:,
throughout the South, but the Ai-tu Airbase primarily served helicopters.
Tons of death-dealing cargo were brought here and distributed, and the
helicopters with appropriate quantities took off over rice paddies, over
the. siirfnt:cs of rivers and searched stealthily over the juni r1e treetops.
Everything that. came intc, their sights they slaughtered with their onboard
cannons. They murdered innocent people on sight without mercy and in
cold blood. Here I saw the tortured, devastated land they left behind,
full to the brim with tears.
One of these murderers was Barry Meeker. When he left Vietnam in 1970,
he was not yet 30 years old. This son of a New York businessman
received a Bachelor of Arts degree from Columbia University--what an
irony in view of the prestige of this school--before he entered the
U.S. Army. In the army, he underwent training in the "Special Forces"
and with the rank of captain, as well as being a helicopter pilot,
commanded a helicopter unit. All this was not given free in Vietnam.
Let us return once again to the book by Mark Lane, "Conversations With
Americans." It is full of blood and the monstrous bestiality of
the American soldier. Barry Meeker also spilled this blood, for he
murdered.
In 1970, he appeared in Ludwigsburg not far from Stuttgart in the FRC
with an American army air unit. When he left the army about 2 years
later, he ,settled in Munich as a helicopter pilot.
When he landed his repainted helicopter belonging to a "certain civilian
company" -specializi.g in "rescue work"--to transport several persons
from the Lipno Lake area to the FRG, he was prepared to shoot his way
out just as he had done for months over Vietnam's rice paddies. He also
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i'i IS Sil.'1-;C' aAI,
1.9 1975
fired from the cockpit of the West German helicopter, without regard Lc
the fact that he Wright kill. His second landing did not come off with
impunity. Ile returned to Traunsteiu in the FRG via Austrian territory
with shattered bones in his arm and leg.
Suddenly; no one from the other side of the border wants to admit to this
act of air piracy and the. grossest violation of state sovereignty.
Suddenly, everything, according to them, was of course solely the work
of one person, a killer trained for Vietnam. In Traunstein hospital he
allegedly revealed that lie had received 1.0,000 West German marks for
this piracy, just as he used to receive money for his bloody service in
the Vietnam slaughter.
Prague TVORBA, 27 August, page 2
[Article: "Threat to Good Neighborly Relations; Pirate Action on Lipno
Lake")
The pilot of the helicopter was Barry Meeker, an American citizen, veteran
of the Vietnam war and member of special units of the U.S. Army, a man
with a college education who had left his job in a New York publishing
firm, Random House, in order to exchange his work of handling books for
the murdering of Vietnamese people. For his criminal activity in Victnaii
he was many times decorated and became a captain of the special units of
the U.S. Army. He became an experienced killer and a specialist in
helicopter assault actions. That was an excellent recommendation for
the CIA and its activities in Europe. Probably ". that reason, Meeker
was transferred in 1970 to the special units of e U.S. Army in
Ludwigsburg, West Germany and in 1972 he "retired." However, he stayed
in West Germany, lived in Munich and worked for a certain "private
company" whose occupation was to "save people with the help of helicopters."
Whom he saved and where and how he was saving them could be the subject
of another entire study, but for the moment let us content ourselves with
the statement that within one year he had received, according to his
own admission, $4,000 or 10,000 West German marks.
Prague Domestic Service in Czech, 9 September
Officials of the investigation commission of the CSSR Federal Interior
Ministry this morning briefed Czechoslovak newsmen on the conclusion of
investigations into the gross violation of Czechoslovak airspace and
sovereignty by U.S. pilot Barry Meeker and his associates. The findings
of the investigation clearly prove that Barry Meeker, and his associates
were employed by an organization headed by a certain K. Mierendorf and
operating on the territory of the FRG and West Berlin.
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i'lij:s ;JJ1;c lA1, AlENOl;ANllUM
19 Sl;l''J'1;111;EF 1.975
This organization, which was set up in 1971, had the task of organi.z i ns;
the illegal tr;~nsport and abduction of parsons from the soc:i_ali.Ft 't:at'os
to the Federal Republic of Germany. At first it nbu:.ed :i.nternati.onr.nl
haulage transport. Later, it forged travel documents of the socia.lic,L
states. Finally, it concent.rated on :illegal flights to the socialist
states using small aircraft and helicopters. It is iuter.esting to note
that all activities by the Micrendorf organization, just as those
arranged by a number of similar gangs, were regularly eval.uatec1 by the
U.S. CIA. All 'of Nier.endorf's agents were ecluj.pped with firearms that
they were to use again:;t citizens of socialist states in the event of
attempts to detain them on socialist territory. Thus i?leclccer.'s firing
on our citizens was no coincidence.
Hiroshima Ann:1versar _
Bratislava PRAVDA, 28 August, page 3
[11. Kosina article on 30th Hiroshima anniversary]
Several days ago the progressive press throughout the world carried trany
different articles, features and reflections in connection with the 30th
anniversary of the dropping of atomic bomb, on thn. Japan_+~-e ci..ti.es of.
Hiroshima and Nagasaki. The mass communications media in Czechoslovakia
carried them too. Our PRAVDA has also commemorated this shocking
anniversary. This has considerably irritated certain bourgeois
ideologists. And thus it was not. only the American press that suddenly
carried extensive articles about alleged anti-American propaganda in
the Czechoslovak press, radio and television. This allegedly anti-
American campaign is being simultaneously connected with the recently
signed documents of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe,
that was held in Helsinki. Some of these propagandists regard information
about the Hiroshima tragedy as r violation of the signed agreements.
What a nonsensical paradox.
But other aspects exist also. The ideologists of psychological war count
above all on influencing the young generation. They assume that it is
less informed about what actually happened in 1945 in Hiroshima. And
so they look for arguments to prove that dropping atomic bombs was one
of the most humane feats of World War II.
USSR Grain Purchases
Prague RUDE PRAVO, 5 September, page 6
[Nibos Krejci Washington dispatch: "A New Anti-Soviet Lie"]
Reactionary forces in the United States have made use of the well-known
fact that the American inflation rate has now reached approximately 14
percent and that prices are soaring for attempts to accuse the Soviet
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11.1 BiS SPL;CIL I., NISIJu UANDUA1
1.9 51.9 7 5
Union of causing this brerikdown of the United Staten' own economic
system.
It: is known that the United States is the largest producer and exporter
of grain in the world. 1 lowuver, as far hack as the 7.972-1973 fiscal
year, when the Soviet Union made large grain purchases in the United
States, well-known anti-Soviet politicians like Senator Jackson and
reactionary trade union bosses like George ?leany began to shout about
the price increases which this would produce, thus misleading the
American public.
Although the Soviet purchases are smaller than they were 2 years ago,
this year Neany even went so far as to declare--together with the
International Longshoremen's Association, which is part of his Aiieri.can
Federation of Labor--a boycott of the ships loading grain for the
Soviet. Union on the east coast.
On the other hand, Harry Bridges, president of the International Longshoremen's
and Warehousemen's Union on the west coast, declared that his trade union
will be glad to load cargo for the So,iieL Union. "This will be a great
thing for our country, for our. workers on the west coast," Br-idgas said,
and T hope it will. benefit: the cause of peace and the socialist state--the
Soviet Union."
'feany claimed that the boycott is in the interests of American consumers.
But even the bourgeois press has proved him to be a liar. For instance
the Washington POST pointed out in its editorial that Meany's trade
unions and the shipbuilding industry have been working hand in hand for
some time to get contracts for the largest possible consignments for ships
belonging to American companies. The crux of the matter is that American
shipowners have the highest charges in the world and nobody wants to pay
them who need not do so. The purpose of Meany's patriotism is to force
the government to push through the largest possible participation of
American shipowners in the grain contracts.
The other aspect of the great lie about the influence of. Soviet purcnases
on inflation and prices in the United States is illustrated by a few
facts. First, the United States has a tradition of exporting grain and is
also exporting one-third of its total production. Like every state, the
United States also depends on exports, in the interests of its own trade
and payments balance and in the interests of its farmers, who are
unambiguously in favor of the sales to the Soviet Union, which they esteem
as a good customer.
But neither Mr. Jackson, Mr. Meany, nor the other people like them
shouted that the high prices in the United States had been caused by
exports to Western Europe or to Japan.
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FBVi.s SI'FX:J.A1, l1h;NoitAl'I UPI
1.9 11, E' 1975
By Lh^ way, what would they want American farmers to do? Should they
h-arvec;t the peal! rued than burn i.r:, as wan done before the war? Not:
long ac;co--t&.::Levi.ci.On showed t:h?t.s and newspapers wrote about this only
last year--Anler.i.r_rin farmers slaughtered their calves because they
could not pet r.eas,onable hricen for the cattle from food concerns
that dictate price:;.
I remember about three years ago articles In the local press about how
certain farming cities stored grain on the streets because they had no
more storage space for it. Soviet purchases were. a heaven-sent
opportunity for them.
Imj licit Criticism of Sinai Accord
Prague RUDE PRAVO, 9 September, pages 1-2.
[1Iusak toast at 8 September Prague dinner for Syrian President al-Asad]
The achievement of a lasting and just peace in the Middle East demands
Israel's unconditional withdrawal from all. Arab territories occup:i.ed in
1.967, full respect and the safeguarding of the Palestinian pecple's
national rights, including their right to have. their ownl state, as well.
as the safeguarding of the security and sovereignty of all slates in
this area.
We fully identify ourselves with the standpoint of the Syrian Arab
Republic and the other progressive Arab countries, namely that the
settlement of the situation in the Middle East demands the comprehensive
solution of all its basic questions.
Solution of individual problems alone, and only in the interests of
certain. states, cannot bring the peace which is so desirable for this
area. On the contrary, it can merely put off the final just solution.
We are also convinced that anti-imperialist unity is imperative for the
successful completion of the just struggle of the Arab states; this is
twice as valid now, when the forces of world imperialism and Zionism
are trying to disintegrate the unity of the Arab national liberation
movement.
On this occasion I would like to stress that the close cooperation of the
Arab countries with the countries of the socialist community, and
particularly with the USSR, is in the interests of the successful
completion of the Arab countries' just struggle.
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