SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA: MAJOR ISSUES IN AFRICAN-US ECONOMIC RELATIONS

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June 1, 1985
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Directorate of Intelligence Sub-Saharan Africa: Major Issues in African-US Economic Relations Confidential ALA 85-10061 June 1985 Copy 3 9 5 -- - --- --L Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 iILI I I Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 f Confidential Directorate o Intelligence Sub-Saharan Africa: Major Issues in African-US Economic Relations Operations. This paper was prepared byl the Office of African and Latin American Analysis. It was coordinated with the Directorate of Division, ALA, Comments and queries are welcome and may be directed to the Chief, Regional Issues Branch, Africa Confidential ALA 85-10061 June 1985 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Confidential Sub-Saharan Africa: Major Issues in African-US Economic Relations Key Judgments In the near term, there are two key issues-South Africa and aid-that Information available magnify the importance to the United States of its relatively small as of 30 May 1985 economic ties with Sub-Saharan Africa: was used in this report. ? The US economic stake in South Africa is a controversial political issue because it is widely viewed in black Africa as bolstering the racist policies of the white government. South Africa is by far the largest US export market in Sub-Saharan Africa, although bilateral trade has declined since 1980. Almost one-half of US investment on the subcontinent is in South Africa, even though US investment in the country has stagnated since 1980. Private US lending to South Africa has tripled since 1980 to more than $4.6 billion in 1984, almost 40 percent of total US lending to the subcontinent. We foresee a moderate reduction in the overall US economic stake in South Africa during the remainder of the 1980s because we believe the likelihood of slow economic growth in South Africa will reduce the opportunities for US investment and exports. A continuation or worsening of black unrest and violence in South Africa could lead to a further decline in South African-US trade and to a falloff in investment and lending. ? US economic aid to Africa has tripled since the mid-1970s to an overall average of more than $730 million annually; disbursements by multilat- eral agencies totaled almost $12 billion during 1980-83, of which the annual US contribution was approximately $400-500 million. We expect that most Sub-Saharan countries will remain heavily dependent on US and other Western aid for many years and that African requirements just for food and other emergency aid-in addition to aid needed to stimulate economic growth-will continue to increase. In addition to these two critical areas, there is a second tier of economic is- sues that come into play in bilateral and regional dealings with Sub- Saharan Africa: ? US purchases of African minerals will continue to center on the reliability of South Africa as a supplier. Although other Sub-Saharan countries in the aggregate provide a number of minerals, the United States could adjust reasonably well to a cutoff from any of these smaller producers. While any major mineral disruption would be painful in the short run, over the longer term, technological advances and growing mineral production in such non-African LDCs as Brazil and China will enable manufacturers to substitute cheaper raw materials for at least some African minerals. Confidential ALA 85-10061 June 1985 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Confidential ? US imports of African oil make Nigeria the most important US economic partner in Africa aside from South Africa, but the United States has reduced its oil purchases from Nigeria by more than three- fourths since 1980 and, therefore, its vulnerability in the event of economic or political disruption there. The potential does exist, neverthe- less, that any major move by Lagos could send shock waves to other OPEC producers. US oil imports from Angola, Cameroon, Congo, Gabon, Ivory Coast, and Zaire combined now exceed those from Nigeria, largely because US oil companies have increased their investment in those states. Even so, the continuing surplus of oil on the world market makes a recovery in Nigerian-US oil trade or further significant increases in US oil imports from other African producers unlikely before 1990, in our view. ? The US trade position in Africa has improved sharply. The United States has cut its trade deficit with Sub-Saharan Africa by more than one-half since 1980 largely because of the steep decline in US oil imports from Ni- geria. Any significant additional improvement in the US trade deficit with Sub-Saharan Africa is unlikely, however, because there is little further room to reduce the trade deficit with Nigeria-which totaled only about $2 billion in 1984-and because US businesses will find it in- creasingly difficult to compete in African markets against European and Japanese exporters as a result of the high price of the US dollar in terms of African currencies. US exporters also face long-established trade patterns that enable European countries to dominate most African import markets, resulting in a net flow to Europe of funds earned by Af- rica from exports to the United States. ? The US debt exposure in Africa has increased since 1980, as has the vul- nerability of US lending institutions to late repayment of loans by African states; the debt service ratios of many Sub-Saharan countries have risen to at least 40 percent. The consequences for the United States have been limited by the small size of both African-US trade and African debt to US lenders and by a combination of rescheduling agreements and IMF financial help to African countries. Confidential iv Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Confidential In our judgment, all of these issues will continue to affect African-US relations to one degree or another for much of the next decade. Over the longer term, as now, we expect that relations with South Africa-including dependence on minerals-and Africa's need for foreign aid will be the dominant issues, in no small part because of their political overtones. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Confidential Key Judgments iii US Dependence on African Raw Materials 2 Agricultural Commodities 5 US Debt Exposure in Africa Prospects and Implications for the United States Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 -- Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Confidential Mediterranean Sea o. Cage Verde ~Prala The Gtmbja aniu Ivory Togo Coast Ghana Abidjan Accra Equatorial Guinea/ Sao Tome and Principe. ,r Sao Tome South Atlantic Ocean Central African Republic Zambia Lusaka Namibia * Windhoek Bujumbur Shaba Region Gaborone Harare Pretoria Mbabane South Sw, ,,,,~~Mgser Africa \tIs ho Addis Ababa Ethiopia jibouti hiibout Boundary representation to not neceeearily authoritative. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Confidential Sub-Saharan Africa: Major Issues in African-US Economic Relations In our view, the significance of African-US economic relations is less a function of the levels and fluctua- tions of trade, investment, lending, and aid than of a few key issues. This paper analyzes what we believe are the major issues and assesses the effects of economic trends since 1980 on US interests in Sub- Saharan Africa.' The paper also explores the pros- pects for US economic equities in Africa during the remainder of the decade and discusses, as appropriate on particular issues, the African political context. South Africa is by far the largest US export market in Sub-Saharan Africa (see table 1),1 but bilateral trade with Pretoria has declined since 1980 (see table 2) because South Africa has been grappling with foreign exchange shortages and economic austerity. US ex- ports to South Africa, which totaled $2.4 billion in 1980, fell to about $2.3 billion in 1984, still account- ing for slightly more than half of total US exports to all Sub-Saharan countries combined.' A noticeable dropoff in the sale of US transport equipment and machinery and other manufactured goods-from $1.8 billion in 1980 to $1.4 billion in 1984-stood behind the overall export decline. On the import side, the 1980-82 economic recession in the United States temporarily cut US demand for South African miner- als and metals. US imports of such products from South Africa have recovered since 1982 but were still ' In this paper, the terms "Sub-Saharan Africa" and "Africa" refer to all of the continental and island countries off the coast of Africa-including South Africa-except the northern countries of Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Mauritania, Morocco, Sudan, Tunisia, and Western Sahara. dix C. ' Except where otherwise indicated, the statistics and other factual data in this paper were derived from official publications of the United States, other OECD countries, and Sub-Saharan African countries and from a number of DI publications that report on down by 30 percent in 1984 compared with 1980. Overall US imports from South Africa totaled about $2.5 billion in 1984-consisting of a diversified mix of raw and semifinished commodities-placing Pretoria as a very close second among Sub-Saharan countries to Nigeria, which registered $2.6 billion in sales to US markets. Although US investment in South Africa has stagnat- ed since 1980, official statistics show that the net book value of US direct investment in South Africa equals at a minimum about $2.3 billion and accounts for almost one-half of total US investment in Sub- Saharan Africa. US citizens and firms own as much as an additional $8 billion in stocks in South African mining companies, according to estimates by a South African firm. Moreover, European subsidiaries of US firms also have substantial direct investments in South Africa. Over 300 US firms own branches, subsidiaries, or affiliates in South Africa. Because of its lucrative domestic market, which is the largest in Sub-Saharan Africa, South Africa is the only Sub-Saharan country in which the value of direct investment by US companies in manufacturing and services (more than $1.5 billion) is greater than that in minerals or petroleum production for export (less than $1 billion). Indeed, according to the South African press and US Embassy reporting, US companies lead in South African markets for high-technology items such as computers and are major competitors with European and Japanese companies in large segments of the consumer and capital goods markets, such as automobiles, home appliances, petroleum products, farm and construction machinery, and manufacturing technology, plant, and equipment. Large US mineral companies also have major investments in South African mining and minerals processing, and two 25X1 major US petroleum companies own and operate refineries in South Africa. i1-; -1- Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Confidential Importance of US Economic Ties to Sub-Saharan Africa African-US economic relations are relatively small, from the US perspective, but they loom large for most Sub-Saharan African countries, a reflection of the vast difference in size between the US economy and Sub-Saharan Africa: ? Sales to the United States account for almost one- third of Sub-Saharan exports, and export indus- tries are the main source of employment outside of subsistence agriculture and the civil service in most Sub-Saharan countries. ? Sub-Saharan countries also rely on the United States for 10 to 15 percent of their imports (see table 18). ? The United States is the primary source of foreign investment in Angola and Liberia and is an impor- tant secondary source in about 20 other Sub- Saharan countries. ? US aid programs are particularly important in agricultural research, development, and investment designed to improve farm productivity and rural living conditions in Africa, where farming is still the principal livelihood for the great majority. Sub-Saharan Africa also benefits from economic relations with the United States to the degree that US trade, investment, lending, and aid contribute to African economic and political development. Al- though the contribution to political stability is large- ly intangible and unquantifiable, we believe that US aid has been crucial to the economic survival of drought-stricken countries such as Kenya, Mozam- bique, Niger, and Somalia. Moreover, US lending probably has been critical to rescuing the Zairian Government from insolvency. The year-to-year eco- nomic performance of Nigeria, South Africa, Zaire, Zimbabwe, and other oil- and mineral-exporting countries is also affected by cyclical economic fluctu- ations in the United States and other Western coun- tries and Japan. South African foreign debt owed to private US institutions such as banks has tripled since 1980 to more than $4.6 billion in 1984, almost 40 percent of total US lending to all Sub-Saharan African coun- tries. Press reports indicate that only about $340 million of the South African debt consists of loans by US banks to the government and to government- owned companies such as the South African Electric- ity Supply Commission; US bank loans to private South African businesses account for most of the debt. Lending by US Government agencies to Pre- toria has not been significant. Pretoria has repeatedly applied tough economic aus- terity measures since the early 1970s in order to reduce import demand and the need for foreign borrowing because it fears that heavy foreign debt would provide a potential source of leverage to foreign critics of the South African racial system. At the same time, Pretoria has long sought to encourage the expansion of US trade and investment in South Africa in order to gain access to US goods and investment and also, we believe, to gain respectability for the regime and to discourage Washington from taking punitive economic measures. The broad issue of US dependence on Sub-Saharan raw materials has arisen on several occasions over the past decade in the context of three specific subjects: ? The wisdom and feasibility of economic sanctions against South Africa. ? Armed incursions and turmoil in the Shaba Region of Zaire in 1977 and 1978. ? Recurring problems of political instability in Nigeria. According to international trade statistics, the most important Sub-Saharan suppliers of minerals to the United States are South Africa and Zaire; the largest Sub-Saharan supplier of crude oil to the United States is Nigeria. Twelve other Sub-Saharan coun- tries supply significant quantities of nonoil minerals, 25X1 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 - 1 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 crude oil, and agricultural commodities to the United States. US strategic interests are also affected by the reliability of mineral supplies to key allies. In this regard, Western Europe and Japan depend on these 15 plus seven other African countries for a broad range of specialized raw materials. Minerals South Africa accounts for about 90 percent of non- Communist production of platinum, two-thirds of gold, about 60 percent of vanadium, one-half of chromium, and one-fourth of manganese and dia- monds, according to the US Bureau of Mines. This makes South Africa the dominant Sub-Saharan- indeed, world-supplier of these six minerals to the United States, Western Europe, and Japan (see tables 3 and 4). The United States relies on South Africa for one-half or more of its supplies of chromium and platinum and roughly one-fourth of its industrial diamonds, manganese, vanadium, tin ore, and fluor- spar. South Africa also is the world's third-largest uranium producer and, together with Namibia, which is still under South African control, is a major source of uranium for the United States, the United King- dom, and West Germany. The United States, the United Kingdom, West Germany, and Japan depend on South Africa for asbestos. South African nickel supplies are important to the United States, Belgium, France, and West Germany. The South African Government's public statements indicate that it is well aware of the importance of its mineral exports to the United States and other OECD nations, and, we believe, Pretoria feels confident that this dependence will play an important role in any Western policy discussions about the possible use of economic sanctions to increase the pace of racial reform in South Africa. We believe that raising the level of Western minerals dependence is an important South African policy objective. Raw material production is not limited to South Africa. Ten other Sub-Saharan countries-Botswana, Congo, Gabon, Guinea, Liberia, Madagascar, Nige- ria, Zaire, Zambia, and Zimbabwe-are also impor- tant sources of nonoil minerals for the United States and other Western countries. Zimbabwe shares South Africa's mineral richness on a smaller scale and is an important source of chromium, vanadium, asbestos, and nickel. Zaire is an important source of cobalt for the United States and most other Western and Japa- nese industrial users. Zaire also supplies copper, tin, and manganese to Western Europe and is one of the world's largest producers of industrial diamonds. Zambian copper and cobalt-from the same ore 25X1 reserves that extend into Zaire-make up a signifi- cant share of Japanese and US imports of these metals. Other mineral dependence includes: ? Nigeria is an important source of US columbium imports. ? Guinea is a major source of bauxite for the United States, France, and West Germany. ? Western countries and Japan look to Congo and Gabon for manganese, to Liberia for iron ore, and to Madagascar for chromium. ? Botswana has joined South Africa, Zaire, and the USSR as one of the world's four major producers of diamonds since the opening of a new large diamond mine there in 1982. International trade statistics show that US imports of most Sub-Saharan minerals have fluctuated from year to year, depending on the ups and downs of the business cycle. Even though these short-term move- ments are important, longer term trends are also at work. The most significant long-run change in US dependence in recent years has been, in our judgment, a decline in reliance on Zairian cobalt since the 1978 25X1 invasion of Shaba and the resulting upsurge in world cobalt prices. US industries have substituted alterna- tive materials and technologies for a number of cobalt applications and have increased cobalt imports from Zambia. Consequently, US consumption of cobalt has declined by roughly one-fifth, and Zairian production has dropped by about one-fourth. Crude Oil According to international petroleum statistics, Nige- ria has slipped from second to a distant sixth among 25X1 worldwide sources of US oil imports since 1980. US oil imports from Nigeria totaled over $11 billion at their peak in 1980, more than one-half of the total value of Sub-Saharan exports of all commodities to the United States at that time. By 1984, however, the Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Ten of the 14 non-oil minerals imported in significant quantities by the United States from Sub-Saharan Africa have been identified by the US Geological Survey as being "strategic" to US industry. The 10 are: ? Chromium, manganese, vanadium, nickel, columbi- um, and cobalt, which are used in the alloying of steel and nonferrous metals to increase strength and resistance to corrosion, heat, and abrasion. Many of these alloys are used in military applica- tions such as jet engines and airframes. ? Platinum, which is used as a catalyst in the chemi- cal and petroleum industries, in emission controls on automobiles, and in glass production. ? Aluminum (produced from bauxite) and tin, which are used mainly in the manufacture of finished products for both civilian and military uses. ? Gold, which is used in electrical connections in advanced technological products such as computers and in dentistry, coinage, jewelry, and glass produc- tion as well as a speculative commodity on interna- tional foreign exchange markets ? Fluorspar is used in the manufacture of hydro- fluoric acid, which is the key ingredient in the flourine chemicals used in the aluminum,.flouro- chemical, and uranium industries. It is also used in ceramics, glassmaking, and in the iron and steel industry. ? Diamonds and asbestos are used, respectively, for applications that require extremely hard cutting surfaces such as drill bits and for heat insulation. While none of these minerals is irreplaceable in the long run, all are critical to existing industrial pro- cesses. Substitute materials and technologies are available for a number of the industrial applications in which Sub-Saharan minerals are employed, but Western countries and Japan have no readily avail- able domestic ore reserves that could be developed quickly to produce equal quantities at comparable costs. Although many of the substitutes could find their way into commercial processes fairly quickly if sharp price increases for Sub-Saharan minerals were to provide sufficient economic stimulus, such changes would result in substantially increased production costs in most cases. Of the four "nonstrategic" mineral imports: ? Antimony is used in batteries and is alloyed with lead for use in industrial chemical pumps and pipes, tank linings, roofing sheets, and cable sheaths. United States had cut its imports of Nigerian oil to less than $3 billion. This decline was the result of the sharp drop in US demand for imports of crude oil from about $62 billion to less than $37 billion over the same period, Nigeria's reluctance during 1980-82 to lower its oil prices to make them competitive with those of other international producers, and support by the United States for the expansion of oil production in Mexico, which is now the main US source of oil imports. The United States has also diversified its sources of Sub-Saharan oil. US oil companies have almost dou- bled their combined investment in Angola, Cameroon, Gabon, Ivory Coast, and Zaire since 1980 to about $1.2 billion (see table 5), despite a decline in the pace of investment in these countries since 1983 as a result of the surplus of oil on world markets. As a result, US Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Confidential oil imports from these countries and Congo have almost tripled during this period to about $4.4 billion in 1984. Angola-where US oil companies dominate the petroleum sector-and Congo, Gabon, and Ivory Coast accounted for more than 80 percent of the increase. Cameroon and Zaire also increased exports of crude oil to the United States. Agricultural Commodities Except for dependence on cocoa, US dependence on African agricultural commodities has declined slight- ly since the mid-1970s, but agricultural imports from Africa still are important to the United States, West- ern Europe, and Japan (see tables 6 and 7). For example: ? The United States, Western Europe, and Japan are dependent on African supplies of robusta coffee, which are used to produce instant coffee and to blend with better quality South American grades of arabica coffee. The major African exporters are Cameroon, Ivory Coast, Kenya, Uganda, and Zaire; Indonesia is the only significant non-African world exporter of robusta coffee. In addition, Ethiopia exports arabica coffee, including minor amounts to the United States. ? High-quality cocoa from Cameroon, Ghana, Ivory Coast, and Nigeria is important to US and Europe- an chocolate manufacturers. ? Kenya supplies over 10 percent each of tea imports by the United States and the Netherlands and about one-third of the tea imported by the United Kingdom. ? The United States and European countries rely on the Comoros, Madagascar, and Tanzania for cloves and vanilla. In addition, there are a number of products from Sub- Saharan Africa that are important to European mar- kets alone. Mauritius and Reunion, for example, supply about one-third of French sugar imports, and European countries depend heavily on Cameroon, Gabon, Ivory Coast, and Liberia for tropical hard- woods for their housing and furniture industries. Some African states have attempted to protect and increase their commodity exports by participating in international marketing arrangements such as those for coffee, cocoa, and copper, and African sugar producers have applied strong diplomatic pressures to try to protect their quotas in the US sugar market. US demand for African commodities generally has been driven by market forces, however, which are beyond the control of marketing arrangements or African governments. A review of international trade statistics shows that the United States has significantly reduced its trade deficit with the subcontinent from more than one-half of the total US foreign trade deficit with all countries in 1980 to only about 6 percent in 1984. The main reason for the reduction-of $7.2 billion-in the US trade deficit with Africa was an $8.6 billion decline during this period in US imports of Nigerian oil. The US trade position in the Sub-Saharan market, compared with that of other OECD countries, has improved since 1980, although the US trade deficit with the subcontinent remains-at $6.4 billion in 1984-the largest of any OECD country. The com- bined trade deficit of other OECD countries in Sub- Saharan Africa increased from $1.5 billion in 1980 to $1.6 billion in 1984. Total Sub-Saharan imports from all OECD countries fell from $42.3 billion in 1980 to $27.6 billion in 1984 (see table 8) mainly because of a combination of falling export earnings and the rise in Sub-Saharan expenditures for debt service, which reduced the amount of foreign exchange available for purchasing imports. The increases in oil prices in the late 1970s, which forced the net oil-importing African countries to transfer foreign exchange expenditures from manu- factured goods exported by OECD countries to petro- leum from OPEC countries, also contributed to the decline. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Confidential The US share of the Sub-Saharan import market increased from about 13 percent in 1980 to 16 percent in 1984, in part because a sharp rise in the cost of US dollars in terms of most African currencies kept the dollar value of US exports of machinery and transport equipment high despite a decline in sales. Another factor was high US food exports, which accounted for about one-fifth of total Sub-Saharan imports from the United States, a substantially greater percentage than from any other OECD country. Food has been the only nonoil category of Sub-Saharan imports to in- crease since 1980, largely as a result of drought and other food production problems in African countries. US Debt Exposure in Africa The LDC debt crisis, although largely centered in Latin America, has called attention to US bank exposure in Africa as well. According to financial statistics, US private and official lenders hold about 15 percent of Sub-Saharan African foreign debt, which totaled over $75 billion in 1983, the latest year for which detailed data are available (see table 9). If preliminary bank statistics are any guide, we believe that Sub-Saharan debt continued to grow in 1984 and probably now exceeds $85 billion.' South Africa, Nigeria, Ivory Coast, and Zaire accounted for almost three-fourths of the $11.7 billion owed to US private and official agencies in 1983 and for more than one- half of the total Sub-Saharan foreign debt owed to all lenders worldwide. No other Sub-Saharan country owed over $500 million to the United States, and about 30 of the 45 African countries owed less than $100 million each to US lenders. Private US banks and companies accounted for three- fourths of total US lending to Sub-Saharan African countries in 1983, of which over one-half went to South Africa and almost one-fourth to Nigeria. Of the debt owed to US Government agencies, Zaire owed over $850 million-the largest official exposure by Washington in Sub-Saharan Africa. We believe that these estimates of Sub-Saharan foreign debt are conservative. Nigerian debt, for example, may have totaled $22-23 billion in 1983, according to Embassy reporting, compared with our gascar exceeded 80 percent. South Africa's debt service ratio (the percentage of export earnings required to meet medium- and long- term principal payments plus interest payments on debt of all maturities) is relatively low-about 15 percent-but for many other Sub-Saharan countries the burden of servicing foreign debt has increased sharply since 1980 (see table 10). The debt service ratio exceeded 20 percent for 20 African countries in 1983, compared with only seven countries in 1980. Ten countries-Guinea-Bissau, Ivory Coast, Mada- gascar, Malawi, Senegal, Somalia, Togo, Uganda, Zaire, and Zambia-faced debt service ratios of almost 40 percent or more, and the ratio for Mada- Debt service problems induced 13 Sub-Saharan coun- tries to sign rescheduling agreements with Washing- ton, other Western governments, and Western banks in 1983 and 1984. Ten of these countries, plus three that did not reschedule, also signed agreements to acquire standby loans from the IMF. Aid has been an overriding issue in African-US relations since shortly after World War II. The United States is the second-largest bilateral donor of economic aid to Sub-Saharan Africa (after France), the largest source of funding to multilateral aid institutions, and the largest source of emergency aid to Africa, according to official government statistics. The US budget for economic aid to Sub-Saharan Africa during fiscal year 1985 totals about $790 million. In addition, the US Congress agreed in March 1985 on emergency appropriations of $400 million in food aid to famine-stricken African nations and $150 million for disaster and refugee assistance to Aside from emergency aid, most US economic aid programs, according to policy statements by adminis- tration officials, are directed toward four goals that Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Confidential are designed to stimulate economic stabilization and reform and to increase food production. These include: ? Inducing African governments to cut budget defi- cits, reduce bloated bureaucracies, abandon unreal- istic exchange rates, and enact other economic reforms that are essential to regain economic growth. ? Encouraging African governments to increase pri- vate-sector economic incentives, particularly for the small farm owners who make up the largest group in the African private sectors. ? Strengthening institutions such as agricultural ex- tension agencies in order to increase the effective- ness of development initiatives. ? Improving donor coordination in order to reduce duplication of effort and competition among donors for scarce manpower. At present, about 60 percent of US development assistance is earmarked for the agricultural sector. Much of the remainder of US aid disbursements is designated for economic support to help ease balance of payments and to relieve the debt burdens of African countries. Thirteen countries have been tar- geted for these economic support funds this year: Botswana, Chad, Djibouti, Kenya, Mauritius, Niger, Senegal, Seychelles, Somalia, Sudan, Zaire, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. The United States also has made available additional funding for programs in support of policy reform in Mali, Malawi, Rwanda, and Zambia. Besides normal reviews of the role and strategies of aid in promoting economic development, the United States has initiated programs designed to increase the importance of private US investment in stimulating economic growth in African countries. Cameroon, Senegal, and Zaire, for example, have signed formal agreements, called Bilateral Investment Treaties, with the United States that provide a number of legal guarantees to potential investors, including protection against nationalization without due compensation and free transfer of profits and dividends. Ivory Coast, Liberia, and a number of other African countries are considering similar treaties, according to Embassy reporting. African policymakers in a number of countries are taking steps encouraged both by US aid programs and by the IMF to improve economic incentives to farm- ers, turn government enterprises over to private hands, and adjust unrealistic foreign exchange rates: ? Mali, Senegal, and Zambia have been leaders among African countries over the past several years in reducing governmental involvement in grain mar- keting in order to improve farm prices. ? Among the most recent examples of "privatization" have been steps being taken by Tanzania to disman- tle the government-owned Tanzania Sisal Author- ity, which has allowed sisal production in Tanzania to decline from about 230,000 metric tons annually in the mid-1960s to less than 50,000 tons in 1984, according to Embassy reporting. In Togo, foreign entrepreneurs have taken over from the government the former National Steel Mill and the country's oil refinery within the past year, and other foreign firms are investigating investment possibilities in the state-owned textile, marble, recording, dairy, and fruit-processing industries, according to Embassy reporting. ? IMF standby agreements signed by Zaire, Zambia, and a number of other African countries have included arrangements for devaluations. The decline in Africa's economic performance has continued despite disbursements of more than $15 billion in economic aid to Sub-Saharan countries by the United States and multilateral agencies since 1980. Aid has not overcome the debilitating effects of unfavorable climatic conditions, poor natural re- sources, warfare, political instability, limited human training and education, and ill-conceived government policies that have restrained private economic incen- tives and opportunities. As a result, economic growth Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Confidential across the subcontinent has averaged less than 1 percent annually so far in the 1980s, and per capita income has declined to less than the level in 1970, according to World Bank statistics. Key Issues In our view, of all these issues, South Africa and the region's need for foreign aid will dominate relations with the United States for much of the next decade. We expect a moderate reduction in South African economic ties during the remainder of the 1980s, although South Africa is likely to remain the focal point of nonoil US investment and trade in Sub- Saharan Africa. A slow decline in South African production of gold-the country's major export-will induce Pretoria to keep a tight rein on economic growth (unless large increases in gold prices occur) and thereby slow the expansion of the South African consumer market and reduce opportunities for foreign investment and for sales of finished consumer and capital goods to South Africa by US business. In our judgment, however, South African nongold mineral exports to the United States are likely to continue to regain lost ground as long as the US economy records strong growth. Pessimistic market assessments based on political considerations could lead to the shelving of planned US investments or the sale of existing assets in South Africa by US companies and to reduced lending by US banks to Pretoria. In any event, Pretoria's conservative approach to financial management will probably cap the extent of South African debt. Although US lending to South Africa probably represents the most secure US debt exposure in Africa in terms of South Africa's solid track record in repaying debt on time and its moderate debt service ratio, the security of these loans would be reduced in the event of widespread violence or a reduction in the ability of the Afrikaner elite to maintain control. The Sub-Saharan region's demand for US economic aid is almost certain to continue increasing in the years ahead. In the near term, aid deliveries will be needed to replenish seed stocks and to tide drought- stricken African populations over until new crops are harvested. Even after the current drought subsides, many Sub-Saharan nations will continue to depend on foreign aid to meet food needs. Funding requirements for infrastructure development as well as balance-of- payments support will also remain high. We doubt whether aid alone will significantly improve Africa's bleak economic prospects during the remain- der of this decade. To date, aid programs have been unable to bring about sustained improvement in most of the deficiencies in African education, skills, or physical plant and equipment. The political pressures that have spawned counterproductive economic poli- cies in many African countries will continue to slow reforms needed to improve economic incentives and productivity, thereby reducing the impact of aid programs. Questions of aid, however, go beyond just the econom- ic benefits and into the area of East-West competi- tion. In our view, the economically depressed African states will seek aid and other Western capital with promises to make Western-oriented policy reforms and economic adjustments, in some cases playing off the need for assistance against threats of turning to the Soviet Bloc for help. Such an opportunistic process is already under way in formerly hardcore leftist states such as Guinea, Benin, and Congo. Whether closer links are established with the West depends in no small measure on the perceived gains and losses that each country views as associated with Western assistance. Secondary Issues This is not to say that the remaining issues of raw material dependence, the US trade position in the region, and debt levels will not draw attention in the years ahead. Indeed, these are areas that always have the potential to flare up or to attract long-term policy attention-such as that currently devoted to Africa's debt problems-and affect African-US dealings. 25X1 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Confidential exist. For all practical purposes, US reliance on Sub- Saharan Africa for strategic minerals will continue to center on the reliability of South Africa as a supplier. Although other Sub-Saharan countries in the aggre- gate provide a large number of raw materials, the United States could adjust reasonably well to a cutoff from any of them. None of them provides nearly as wide a range of raw materials as South Africa, and only Zaire and Zambia dominate Western imports of any single commodity-cobalt, for which substitutes Some factors point toward a possible slackening of US/Western dependence on Sub-Saharan Africa's nonoil minerals by the end of the decade: ? Mineral exploration projects now under way in such LDCs as Brazil and China may result in the development of alternative sources for a number of minerals now obtained from Africa, such as colum- bium, manganese, fluorspar, and antimony. ? Technological advances may slow the rate of in- crease in US demand for some African minerals. New production techniques and operating processes enable manufacturers to substitute cheaper raw materials or synthetics for some metals and to use existing metals more efficiently. The development of fiber optics and of satellite transmission systems, for example, probably will result in a sharp reduction in the consumption of copper in communications sys- tems. Processes such as multiplexing, which enables users to send multiple conversations through a single wire, will reduce demand for additional wire hookups. ? Technologies such as composites, rapid solidification technology, hot isostatic pressing, and powder met- allurgy could permit engineers to replace traditional strategic metals with new materials in the event of sharp price increases for African minerals. ? Increased recycling-in part an offshoot of techno- logical advance-is likely to lower the demand for raw materials. For example, the US National Min- erals Advisory Board estimates that technological innovations could make possible within 10 years the recycling of 5 percent of the chromium used in US metallurgical applications, 6 percent of that used for chemical purposes, and 65 percent of that used in linings of US metallurgical furnaces. Looking beyond strategic minerals to oil supplies, few analysts project any serious implications for US oil imports from conditions in Sub-Saharan Africa. The decline in US dependence on oil imports from Nigeria already has reduced sharply US vulnerability in the event of economic or political disruption there. Even though US oil imports from other Sub-Saharan sources have increased, total US oil imports from the subcontinent are likely to remain at the current relatively insignificant level-only about 1 percent of US oil consumption in 1984-for the foreseeable future, barring a major disruption in the Persian Gulf. We believe that the trends established so far in the 1980s in US relations with the oil-producing Sub- Saharan states are likely to continue through the end of the decade, but at a more moderate pace. Nigeria's attention over the past year or so to keeping its oil prices competitive will end the erosion of Lagos's competitive position against other world suppliers, slowing the decline in the share of Nigerian oil in the makeup of US oil imports. At the same time, the continuing oil surplus on world markets reduces the chance that foreign oil companies will resume the high pace of investment in new African oilfields outside of Nigeria that they recorded early in the 1980s. Even so, the experience that US oil companies have gained in Africa probably has given many of them confidence that they can weather instances of African political instability without major damage to the profitability of their operations. We expect that financially pressed African states will continue to welcome oil exploration by US and other foreign oil companies in the hope of striking it rich; exploration is under way in a fairly large number of African countries that do not now produce oil. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Confidential The generally unfavorable international market out- look for agricultural commodities means that Sub- Saharan African producers are likely to fall further behind Latin and Asian producers that are able to expand and diversify their export production. African sugar producers, for example, will have increasing difficulty competing against Brazil and other Latin producers to maintain exports to the shrinking US market, where sugar consumption is declining as a result of the successful marketing of sweeteners de- rived from corn. Tanzania and Madagascar have little chance of regaining world dominance in clove exports against growing Indonesian competition. A number of African coffee producers, such as Angola, Ethiopia, and Zaire, which have suffered from years of internal conflict and economic mismanagement, are unlikely to gain ground in international coffee markets. As a result, we believe that African countries will be unable to depend on agricultural commodity exports as in the past to fuel economic growth. Any major further improvement in the US trade position with Sub-Saharan Africa will be highly unlikely, in our judgment. There is little room for additional large reductions in the US trade deficit with Nigeria in view of the relatively small size of the current deficit-about $2 billion in 1984 compared with more than $10 billion in 1980-and the Nigerian push to maintain its oil prices at competitive levels. Moreover, the high price of the US dollar in terms of African currencies will continue to diminish the at- tractiveness of US-manufactured goods against com- petitive products from Europe and Japan. US food exports to Sub-Saharan countries will probably be at concessionary prices under the terms of aid agree- ments. US exporters also face long-established trade patterns that enable European countries to dominate most African import markets, resulting in a net flow to Europe of funds earned by Africa from exports to The skyrocketing foreign debt service obligations since 1980 of many African countries have increased the vulnerability of US private and public lending institutions to late repayment of loans. The long-run implications of this vulnerability are more serious for the United States than the immediate consequences: ? In the short run, African borrowers will be able to meet contracted repayment schedules through a combination of rescheduling agreements and IMF financial help. The smallness of African debt to US lenders limits the consequences for US banks and financial institutions. ? Over the longer term, we doubt that the existing system of debt rescheduling and IMF agreements will enable Sub-Saharan countries to rid their econ- omies of onerous debt burdens or to resume higher growth because these financial mechanisms do not address the inherent weaknesses of African econo- mies, such as scarce resources, small markets, and poor prospects for exports. As a result, Sub-Saharan countries will be likely to look to the United States and other Western countries for increasing amounts of aid to deal with their debt problems and to stimulate growth. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 ill.l.....I. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Confidential Appendix A The US Economic Stake in Africa Africa. US economic interests in Sub-Saharan Africa are quite small as a proportion of total US foreign trade, investment, lending, and aid. According to official economic statistics, the region accounts for about 3 percent of total US imports, 2 percent of US exports, 3 percent each of the stock of US foreign direct investment and foreign lending, and 15 percent of net bilateral aid disbursements. The United States also provides substantial additional aid through multilater- al institutions, which since 1980 have channeled about 15 percent of their disbursements to Sub-Saharan US trade with Sub-Saharan Africa has fallen by more than one-third since 1980, but investment, lending, and aid have all increased: ? Reduced US oil imports from Nigeria and a one- fifth decline in US trade with South Africa-the two largest US trading partners in Africa- accounted for virtually all of the drop in US-African trade. ? US oil companies led the increase in investment, but this began to taper off last year because the soft oil market had reduced incentives to expand production. ? A $3.2 billion increase in South African borrowing from private US banks and companies accounted for most of the rise in US lending to Africa. and balance-of-payments situations. ? Aid disbursements rose as a result of a strong increase in US efforts to help African countries reverse their worsening food production, budget, Trade Ten of the 45 US trading partners in Sub-Saharan Africa accounted for almost 90 percent of the $15 billion in Sub-Saharan trade (exports plus imports) with the United States during 1984 (see table 11). These included the region's seven principal oil- producing countries-Nigeria, Angola, Congo, Cam- eroon, Gabon, Ivory Coast, and Zaire; Ethiopia, be- cause of the delivery of two new Boeing passenger aircraft to Ethiopian Airlines in mid-1984 and of emergency food to victims of the drought; Zambia, because of increased US imports of copper and cobalt; and South Africa, where US companies have a large economic stake. Total trade by the United States with the other 35 African trading partners equaled only $1.7 billion in 1984. Primary products from Africa and finished goods from the United States account for over 90 percent of bilateral trade flows. The United States imports petroleum, minerals, metals, coffee, cocoa, sugar, rubber, tobacco, vanilla, cloves, and tea from the subcontinent. In return, the United States supplies foodstuffs and finished manufactured goods such as bulldozers, trucks, farm machinery, aircraft, and computers (see tables 12 and 13). The balance of trade with the United States is heavily in Sub-Saharan Africa's favor (see table 14) because of European dominance of African import markets. Only eight of the non-oil-producing countries (Bur- kina, Djibouti, The Gambia, Guinea-Bissau, Mali, Senegal, Somalia, and Tanzania) have run trade deficits with the United States consistently since 1980. These countries have been unable to increase exports enough to offset rising food imports from the United States. South Africa and a small number of other countries have experienced periodic fluctuations from surplus to deficit and back. Investment All but three of the top 10 recipients of US invest- ment in Sub-Saharan Africa are among the top 10 US trading partners there (see table 15). The exceptions 25X1 25X1 -T-- Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 - Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Confidential are Congo, Gabon, and Ethiopia, where the domi- nance of long-established French (Congo and Gabon) and Italian (Ethiopia) companies and hostile govern- ment policies toward foreign private investment (Ethi- opia) have tended to limit opportunities for and the interest of US investors. The net book value' of US direct investment in Sub- Saharan Africa declined slightly to $5.2 billion in 1983, the latest year for which detailed data are available, because of the impact of the weak oil market on the willingness of US oil companies to maintain their rate of investment in Africa. Nearly one-half of US investment in Sub-Saharan Africa in 1983 was in South Africa, and about one-third more was distributed among the seven principal oil- producing Sub-Saharan countries. A substantial number of African countries have attracted only a few million dollars each in US investment. South Africa is the only Sub-Saharan country in which US investment is distributed widely throughout the manufacturing, mining, and services sectors of the economy. In the rest, most US investment is concentrated in facilities to extract and export oil and other minerals. Nonetheless, the increased wealth that has accompanied earnings from oil exports by the oil- producing countries has begun to increase the attrac- tiveness of investment in nonoil industries in these states as well. For example, US construction, manu- facturing, and service companies have expanded sig- nificantly in Nigeria, and total US investment in the Nigerian economy equals about $500 million despite a steep decline in the inflow of US investment there following the drop in oil revenues during the past few years. In Congo, exports from US plants and from the European corporate affiliates of US companies domi- nate the small Congolese farm machinery market, according to Embassy reporting. Ghana, Liberia, Kenya, and Zambia are the only non- oil-producing Sub-Saharan countries aside from South Africa with more than $100 million each in US ' Net book values are the cumulative values of holdings on compan- ies' accounts and generally reflect the cost after depreciation of investment and reinvestment of earnings less liabilities. While we believe that net book values are subject to a large degree of error and are likely to understate current values of investment, we have used them in this report because they are more uniformly defined direct investment. In Kenya, US automobile and other manufacturing companies own assembly plants, and affiliates of US banks, hotel chains, and other service companies are located there and in Liberia. The US stake in Liberia is also based on rubber production and minerals extraction and in Ghana and Zambia largely on minerals. As in the oil-producing Sub-Saharan states, US companies in these countries have invested in transportation and other services to serve their production facilities. US corporations are also prominent in Botswana, Namibia, and Zimbabwe. Mining is the principal US investment in all three countries, but US corporate affiliation in manufacturing, petroleum processing and distribution, and services in Zimbabwe is second among Sub-Saharan countries only to that in South Africa, though a distant second. A substantial propor- tion of US corporate names in Zimbabwe, Botswana, and Namibia reflect investment initiatives by the South African affiliates of US companies. Although some Sub-Saharan countries have discour- aged and in a few cases nationalized US-owned facilities because of their perceptions of "imperialist" or "neocolonialist" behavior by the United States, most have recognized the potential benefits of foreign investment and are open to additional projects. Ango- la, Ghana, and Liberia accommodate and encourage US firms that are their major sources of foreign exchange. Aid US net bilateral economic aid to Sub-Saharan Africa has averaged about $730 million annually during 1980-83, three times the level in the mid-1970s (see table 16). At current rates, the Sub-Saharan countries are absorbing about 15 percent of total US bilateral economic aid, although they represent less than 1 percent of the population of all developing countries. The top five recipients of US-African economic aid have been Kenya, Zaire, Liberia, Somalia, and Zam- bia-in that order-together having received almost one-half of the total disbursed in Sub-Saharan Africa by the United States since 1980. 25X1 25X1 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 - Ai- Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Confidential Liberia has fared best on a per capita basis, with its inhabitants annually gleaning nearly $35 each from the United States during 1980-83. Seychelles was the second-largest recipient of US bilateral aid on a per capita basis, but its very small population-only about 66,000-skew these data, in our judgment, although most of the other top per capita aid recipients also had small populations of I million or less. Even so, Somalia, Zambia, and Senegal-with populations of more than 6 million each-have also been among the major per capita beneficiaries during 1980-83. Multilateral institutions have disbursed almost $3 billion annually (excluding standby and other balance- of-payments aid by the IMF) to Africa during 1980- 83, of which the annual US contribution was approxi- mately $400-500 million (see table 17). Five of the top 10 recipients of multilateral aid-Somalia, Kenya, Senegal, Tanzania, and Zaire-were also among the top 10 beneficiaries of US bilateral aid. The disburse- ment of multilateral aid has been more diffuse than US bilateral flows, with the top 10 African beneficia- ries receiving only about one-half of total multilateral assistance to the area. On a per capita basis, many of the small-population countries that ranked among the top US bilateral aid recipients-Botswana, The Gam- bia, Lesotho, Mauritius, Seychelles, and Swaziland- were also major multilateral per capita beneficiaries. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 III I ___ _ I Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86TOO589ROO0200270005-2 Confidential Appendix C Statistical Tables Table 1 Table 2 South African Share of Sub-Saharan South Africa-United States: Economic Ties With the United States a Trade, Investment, and Loans Sub-Saharan Africa South Africa (billion US $) Billion US $ Percent US imports 10.7 2.5 23 US exports 4.3 2.3 53 US investment 5.2 2.3 44 US loans 11.7 4.6 39 a Export and import data are for 1984, and investment and loan data are for 1983. 1980 1984 South African exports 3.5 2.5 Of which: Raw and semifinished minerals and metals 2.0 1.4 South African imports 2.4 2.3 Of which: Machinery and transport equipment 1.4 1.1 Other manufactured goods 0.4 US investment 2.4 2.3 US loans 1.4 4.6 a Export and import data are for 1984, and investment and loan data are for 1983. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86TOO589ROO0200270005-2 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Confidential Table 3 Sub-Saharan Africa: US Mineral Dependence by Country a South Africa Madagascar Chrome ore and 41 76 Chrome ore and 4 concentrates concentrates Manganese ore and 30 7 Manganese ore and 23 concentrates concentrates Tin ore and 15 28 concentrates i Ant mony ore and 6 13 concentrates Platinum b 57 38 Gem diamonds b 23 13 Industrial diamonds b 25 21 Asbestos 5 6 Fluorspar 27 25 Zaire a Percent of total US imports of each mineral. South Africa for its supplies, would increase US dependence on b Data do not reflect accurately the degree of US dependence on South Africa for this mineral to almost 60 percent in 1983. South African diamond and platinum supplies and on Zairian Similarly, Zairian cobalt purchased by the United States from cobalt because of marketing arrangements that channel a portion of Belgium would increase US dependence to 52 percent in 1983. these minerals through third countries. The addition of US plati- num imports from the United Kingdom, which relies exclusively on Source: US Bureau of Mines. Confidential 18 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Table 4 Sub-Saharan Africa: Primary Mineral Dependence by Western Europe and Japan, 1983 a b Belgium France Netherlands United West Japan Kingdom Germany Nickel 7 6 3 2 5 1 Zaire Percent of total imports of each mineral. for example, indicate that Belgium imports substantial quantities of b Data do not reflect accurately the degree of European and South African chrome ore, vanadium ore, and asbestos, but such Japanese dependence on Sub-Saharan minerals both because of imports are not listed in Belgium's trade data. marketing arrangements that channel a portion of these minerals through third countries and because of deficiencies in available Sources: European and Japanese trade statistics. trade data. Industry sources available to the US Bureau of Mines, Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Confidential Table 5 Million US $ Table 6 Sub-Saharan Africa: Sub-Saharan Africa: Primary Agricultural US Investment and Dependence by the United States a Oil Imports Invest- m nt US Oil Im t Invest- t a US Oil I t b e por s men mpor s Ni ria 18 11 209 2 516 2 559 3 ge , . , . Non-Ni erian NA 1 624 9 1 182 4 393 0 g , . , , . Of which: An ola 26 531 1 178 888 0 g . . Con o NA 87 1 26 670 0 g . . Cameroon 205 566 6 400 b 930 0 . . Gabon 133 276 5 121 921 0 . . Zair 164 163 6 169 315 0 e . . Ivor Coast 135 0 288 669 0 y . a Investment data are for 1983. b Estimated. Ivory Coast 13 28 Nigeria 6 4 Sugar 8 1 Mauritius 1 0 Cloves 81 50 Madagascar 24 33 Tanzania 56 0 Vanilla 86 82 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Confidential Table 7 Sub-Saharan Africa: Agricultural Dependence by Western Europe and Japan, 1983 a Belgium France Netherlands United Kingdom West Germany Japan Cameroon 1 6 3 1 2 2 Kenya 3 1 2 7 6 NEGL Tanzania 1 1 0 1 4 2 Uganda 1 4 4 10 2 3 Zaire 1 7 1 1 1 NEGL Ghana 1 3 2 21 7 38 Mauritius 1 20 0 0 0 0 Wood (in the rough) 16 85 50 48 41 Congo 1 2 0 0 4 NEGL Gabon 1 34 9 0 4 NEGL Ivory Coast 4 36 6 24 11 NEGL Liberia 1 4 3 16 7 NEGL Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Confidential Table 8 Sub-Saharan Africa: Imports From OECD Countries OECD 42.3 27.6 United States 5.2 4.3 Other OECD 37.1 23.3 Canada 0.5 0.4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86TOO589ROO0200270005-2 Confidential Table 9 Sub-Saharan Africa: Foreign Debt, 1983 Total US Exposure a Total US Exposure a Foreign Foreign Debt Total Official Private Debt Total Official Private Ivory Coast 6,046 630 85 545 Botswana 457 39 23 16 Zaire 4,495 927 852 75 Burkina 430 - NEGL - Zambia 3,254 340 220 120 Mauritius 422 48 14 34 Kenya 2,902 382 213 169 Mozambique 317 b - 30 - Cameroon 2,513 318 114 204 Burundi 259 - NEGL - Tanzania 2,200 192 123 69 Central African 250 - 4 - Senegal 1,909 87 35 52 Republic Madagascar 1,786 - 23 - Swaziland 244 - 10 - Zimbabwe 1,780 258 28 230 Rwanda 213 - I - Congo 1,689 56 8 48 Chad 196 NEGL NEGL 0 Ghana 1,635 199 185 14 Lesotho 182 - NEGL - Guinea 1,317 117 93 24 The Gambia 167 - NEGL - Mali 1,130 - 5 - Guinea-Bissau 142 - NEGL - Somalia 1,125 - 145 - Comoros 80 - NEGL - Ethiopia 1,063 - 136 - Seychelles 59 - NEGL - Gabon 1,011 171 8 163 Djibouti 49 - NEGL - Malawi 864 108 33 75 Equatorial Guinea 5 b - - - Togo 882 - 3 - Reunion 1 b - - - a Data that are unavailable (indicated by "-") for exposure by private US banks total $211 million, 2 percent of total US exposure by private institutions in Sub-Saharan Africa. b Data exclude official debt owed to foreign governments other than the United States. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86TOO589ROO0200270005-2 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Confidential Table 10 Sub-Saharan Africa: Foreign Debt Service Million Us$ Percent a Million US$ Percent a Million US$ Percent a Million Us$ Percent a Madagascar b 85.0 17 321.1 86 Benin 8.9 2 63.0 19 Guinea-Bissau 3.2 16 12.8 51 Chad 2.4 3 11.3 19 Zaire b 403.6 19 724.2 47 Mauritius 46.1 8 82.8 17 Malawi b 99.4 27 135.5 45 Burkina 23.0 11 28.2 16 Ivory Coast b 1,003.8 27 1,237.1 44 Burundi 9.7 12 20.1 16 Somalia b 23.2 11 106.8 40 Ethiopia 42.4 7 93.7 16 Togo b 73.4 14 127.9 40 Ghana d 134.6 10 145.5 16 Uganda 17.7 5 159.1 40 South Africa 3,845.9 15 2,981.1 16 Senegal c 249.9 32 282.9 37 Gabon 441.0 18 329.9 15 Zambia b 427.6 29 468.9 37 Central African 3.6 2 21.9 14 Congo 136.9 13 413.3 34 Republic d Mali d 34.9 13 73.9 34 The Gambia d 7.0 10 12.6 13 Zimbabwe 54.7 3 497.3 34 Liberia 38.6 6 62.8 13 Sierra Leone b 60.7 23 56.8 28 Botswana 39.9 5 82.3 11 Tanzania 151.4 21 203.2 27 Comoros 0.4 3 1.9 9 Kenya 277.1 13 407.3 25 Seychelles 9.9 11 5.9 8 Niger b 103.6 16 '108.0 25 Swaziland 22.2 6 29.5 8 Guinea 120.2 21 139.1 24 Lesotho 5.7 2 24.9 7 Cameroon 248.9 12 387.2 23 Rwanda 7.5 4 8.1 5 Nigeria c 986.6 4 2,879.7 21 Djibouti 3.4 3 5.2 4 a Ratio of total debt service (medium- and long-term principal payments plus interest payments on debt of all maturities) to exports of goods and services. b Countries that rescheduled foreign debt and signed IMF extended fund or standby agreements in 1983 or 1984. c Countries that rescheduled foreign debt in 1983 or 1984. d Countries that signed IMF agreements in 1983 or 1984. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Confidential Table 11 Sub-Saharan Africa: Trade With the United States a Total South Africa Nigeria Angola Congo Cameroon Gabon Ivory Coast Ethiopia Madagascar Uganda Senegal Botswana Somalia Sierra Leone Mauritius African Exports African Imports Total Trade Percent 18,855.3 5,243.8 24,099.1 100.00 3,549.0 2,446.2 5,995.2 24.88 11,316.1 1,143.0 12,459.1 51.70 558.8 110.9 669.7 2.78 95.2 21.8 117.0 0.49 638.3 89.7 728.0 3.02 293.0 48.0 341.0 1.41 302.9 184.7 487.6 2.02 91.1 71.9 163.0 0.68 96.9 7.4 104.3 0.43 131.4 11.6 143.0 0.59 9.5 41.0 50.5 0.21 105.0 20.3 125.3 0.52 0.6 55.8 56.4 0.23 80.0 20.8 100.8 0.42 54.8 21.7 76.5 0.32 African Exports African Imports Total Trade Percent 10,710.4 4,276.3 14,986.7 100.00 2,547.3 2,317.1 4,864.4 32.46 2,599.6 554.2 3,153.8 21.04 1,038.6 84.0 1,122.6 7.49 998.2 10.9 1,009.1 6.73 752.7 67.6 820.3 5.47 684.0 34.9 718.9 4.80 477.8 60.0 537.8 3.59 85.0 175.6 260.6 1.74 74.2 41.4 115.6 0.77 99.3 3.3 102.6 0.68 3.0 96.0 99.0 0.66 58.9 16.4 75.3 0.50 1.0 72.0 73.0 0.49 40.4 19.6 60.0 0.40 49.1 7.6 56.7 0.38 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Confidential Table 11 Sub-Saharan Africa: Trade With the United States a (continued) Tanzania Togo Mozambique Malawi Rwanda Swaziland Burkina Guinea-Bissau Chad The Gambia Mali Benin Lesotho Burundi Djibouti Namibia Reunion Central African Republic Comoros Equatorial Guinea Niger African Exports African Imports Total Trade Percent 34.4 61.7 96.1 0.40 16.7 19.1 35.8 0.15 112.8 69.1 181.9 0.75 29.0 3.7 32.7 0.14 70.4 5.4 75.8 0.31 64.6 0.7 65.3 0.27 0.3 20.3 20.6 0.09 0.2 22.6 22.8 0.09 NEGL 1.9 1.9 0.01 0.1 4.5 4.6 0.02 0.5 6.7 7.2 0.03 NEGL 14.9 14.9 0.06 0.2 0.9 1.1 NEGL 42.1 2.9 45.0 0.19 NEGL 11.6 11.6 0.05 10.0 15.0 25.0 0.10 7.2 1.6 8.8 0.04 8.3 0.7 9.0 0.04 3.3 0.2 3.5 NEGL NEGL NEGL 0.1 0.01 NEGL 11.3 11.3 0.05 African Exports African Imports Total Trade Percent 12.0 39.3 51.3 0.34 37.1 14.2 51.3 0.34 25.1 20.7 45.8 0.31 31.6 3.3 34.9 0.23 17.4 8.7 26.1 0.17 25.0 1.1 26.1 0.17 NEGL 21.8 21.8 0.15 1.0 20.0 21.0 0.14 NEGL 14.2 14.2 0.09 NEGL 14.2 14.2 0.09 1.0 13.1 14.1 0.09 NEGL 12.0 12.0 0.08 1.0 10.9 11.9 0.08 2.0 9.8 11.8 0.08 NEGL 7.6 7.6 0.05 3.0 3.3 6.3 0.04 5.0 1.1 6.1 0.04 3.0 1.1 4.1 0.03 2.0 1.0 3.0 0.02 1.0 0.4 1.4 0.01 NEGL 1.1 1.1 0.01 a Excluding Cape Verde. b Estimated. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Confidential Table 12 Sub-Saharan Africa: Selected Commodity Exports to the United States Of which: Petroleum 37.8 12,834.1 6,952.3 Nigeria 37.2 11,209.2 2,559.3 Cameroon 0 566.6 930.0 Gabon 0 276.5 921.0 Angola 0 531.1 888.0 Congo 0 87.1 670.0 Ivory Coast 0.6 0 669.0 Zaire 0 163.6 315.0 Minerals and 197.0 2,681.9 1,951.5 Zambia 1.7 202.4 121.1 Guinea 0.1 93.8 115.6 Zimbabwe 0.1 23.4 50.2 Liberia 17.2 40.8 28.4 Sierra Leone 1.4 12.5 10.9 Nigeria 2.9 21.8 4.4 Coffee 329.3 620.1 519.2 Ivory Coast 60.1 93.0 188.4 Uganda 45.8 131.2 102.0 Kenya 11.2 11.8 31.2 Sierra Leone 3.6 11.8 26.4 Madagascar 14.4 63.8 15.6 Cameroon 20.0 43.9 14.4 Rwanda 0 65.0 14.4 Zaire 8.1 30.4 2.0 Angola 64.1 26.9 1.2 Burundi 21.1 41.8 1.2 Ivory Coast 25.0 178.7 219.6 Ghana 84.9 40.1 18.5 Nigeria 17.7 72.5 17.5 Sugar 15.6 254.0 85.1 Mauritius 2.2 33.9 16.4 Zimbabwe 0 7.8 13.1 Mozambique 0.3 65.4 _ 12.0 Malawi 0 16.0 10.9 South Africa 13.1 130.9 32.7 Rubber 26.7 77.5 65.5 Tobacco 0.1 18.2 23.6 Malawi 0.1 8.2 19.2 Zimbabwe 0 10.0 4.4 Tea 14.5 18.0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Confidential Table 13 Million US $ Sub-Saharan Africa: Selected Commodity Imports From the United States Grain 70.3 685.0 946.9 Finished manufactured 9 goods 66.1 3,975.7 2,516.7 Machinery and 6 transport equip- ment 00.5 2,449.4 1,740.0 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Confidential Table 14 Sub-Saharan Africa: Trade Balances With the United States Total 13,611.5 6,434.1 South Africa 1,102.7 230.2 Togo -2.4 22.9 Nigeria 10,173.2 2,045.4 Mozambique 43.6 4.4 Angola 447.9 954.6 Malawi 25.3 28.3 Congo 73.4 987.3 Rwanda 65.0 8.7 Cameroon 548.6 685.1 Swaziland 63.9 a 23.9 Gabon 245.0 649.1 Burkina -20.0 -21.8 Zaire 216.8 413.4 Guinea-Bissau -22.3 -19.0 Ivory Coast 118.2 417.8 Chad -1.9 -14.2 Ethiopia 19.2 -90.6 The Gambia -4.4 -14.2 Zambia 106.8 37.1 Mali -6.2 -12.1 Others Benin -14.9 -12.0 Liberia 35.7 2.2 Lesotho -0.7 8 -9.9 Guinea 61.6 81.8 Burundi 39.2 -7.8 Zimbabwe 22.9 7.6 Djibouti -11.6 -7.6 Kenya -70.6 -5.5 Namibia -5.0 a -0.3 Madagascar 89.5 32.8 Reunion 5.6 3.9 Uganda 119.8 96.0 Central African Republic 7.6 1.9 Senegal -31.5 -93.0 Comoros 3.1 1.0 Ghana 87.8 1.1 Equatorial Guinea NEGL 0.6 84.7 42.5 Niger -11.3 -1.1 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 __ _ Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86TOO589ROO0200270005-2 Confidential Table 15 Sub-Saharan Africa: Net Book Value of US Direct Investment Total 4,218 4,881 5,531 5,189 South Africa 2,350 2,619 2,513 2,319 Nigeria 18 219 492 516 Cameroon 205 115 325- 400- Ivory Coast 135 283 419 288 Liberia 335 258 213 252 Ghana 166 178 180 181 Angola 26 201 375- 178 Zaire 164 140 173 169 Kenya 125 120 131 144 Zambia 138 142 146 140 Gabon 133 144 163 121 Botswana NA NA 92 96 Zimbabwe 27 47 52 44 Tanzania 20 29 30 41 Niger 42 14 37 36 Senegal 18 22 25 29 Congo NA NA 51 26 Malawi 18 23 22 17 Namibia 32 28 17 14 Chad Other Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86TOO589ROO0200270005-2 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Confidential Table 16 Sub-Saharan Africa: Net Disbursements of Bilateral Official Development Aid by the United States a 1974-76 1983 1980-83 Annual Average Total (million US $) (million US $) Total Per Capita (million US $) (US $) Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Confidential Table 16 Sub-Saharan Africa: Net Disbursements of Bilateral Official Development Aid by the United States a (continued) 1974-76 1983 1980-83 Annual Average Total (million US $) (million US $) Total Per Capita (million US $) (US $) 1 13 43 18.53 a Countries for which data are not available or for which no aid has been provided include Cape Verde, Equatorial Guinea, Namibia, Sao Tome, and South Africa. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Confidential Table 17 Sub-Saharan Africa: Multilateral Economic Aid Disbursements a 1980 Total 1983 Total 1980-83 (million US $) (million US $) Total (million US $) Per Capita (US $) Zimbabwe 46 68 326 10.94 Ghana 108 47 322 6.67 Uganda 73 100 321 5.78 -r- Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86TOO589ROO0200270005-2 Confidential Table 17 Sub-Saharan Africa: Multilateral Economic Aid Disbursements a (continued) 1980 1983 1980-83 Total Total (million US $) (million US $) Total Per Capita (million US $) (US $) Togo 71 62 184 17.29 Benin 58 45 180 12.61 Liberia 62 41 176 22.42 40 24 105 22 23 104 17 29 87 Gabon 9 16 51 11.59 Seychelles 6 3 25 98.04 a Data include disbursements by OPEC countries. Countries for which data are not available or for which no aid has been provided include Cape Verde, Equatorial Guinea, Namibia, Sao Tome, and South Africa. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86TOO589ROO0200270005-2 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Confidential Table 18 Sub-Saharan Africa: US Share of Foreign Trade Million US $ Share of African Countries Trade (percent) Ivory Coast 303 11 Major nonoil producers 3,910 24 South Africa 3,549 26 African imports from the United States 5,244 11 Million US $ Share of African Countries Trade (percent) 371 19 2,332 22 2,099 22 4,276 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2 Confidential Confidential Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/04/19: CIA-RDP86T00589R000200270005-2