PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS: CENTRAL AMERICA WEDNESDAY MAY 9 1984

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP86M00886R001900170010-6
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 20
• Document Creation Date: December 21, 2016
• Document Release Date: August 29, 2008
• Sequence Number: 10
• Publication Date: May 8, 1984
• Content Type: REPORT

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1 car., c L. c. A.
May 8, 1984
9:30 a.m.
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS.: C_ ; RAL AMERICA
~;EDNESDAY, MAX 9, 1984
My fellow Americans, last week I was in Beijing and
Sham? ai 3 weeks -ow I will be preparing to leave for
Dublin and London, for the annual Economic Summit, then Normandy.
I am pleased that cur trip to China was a success. Though
our two countries are very different, we are building a strong
relationship in a genuine spirit of cooperation,-and that is good
fog the cause of peace.
This was our second trip to Asia in the last 6 months. It
demonstrates our awareness of America's responsibility for
leadership in the Pacific Basin -- an area of tremendous economic
vitality. I believe our relations with our Asian allies and
friends have never been better.
But that isn't what I want to talk to you about.
I asked for this time to tell you of some basic-decisions
which are yours to make. I believe it is my constitutional
responsibility to place these matters before you. They have to
do with your national security and that security is the single
most important function of the Federal Government. In that
context, it is my duty to anticipate problems; warn of dangers,
and act so as to keep harm away from our shores.
Our diplomatic objectives will not be attained by goodwill
and noble aspirations alone. In the last 15 years the growth of
Soviet military power has meant a radical change in the nature of
the world we live in. This does not mean, as some would have us
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believe, that we are in imminent- danl:ger of nuclear war. We are
not.
As-long as we maintain the strategic balance and make it
more stable, by reducing the level of such weapons on both sides,
than we can count on the basic prudence of the Soviet leaders to
avoid that kind of-challenge to us. They are presently
challenging us with?a different. kind of weapon, subversion and
the use of surrogate forces, Cubans, for example. We have seen
it intensifying during the last 10 years as the Soviet Union and
its surrogates moved to establish control over Vietnam, Laos,
Cambodia, Angola, Ethiopia, South Yemen, Afghanistan, and
recently, closer to home in Nicaragua and now El Salvador. It is
the fate of this region, Central America, that I want to talk to
you about. tonight.
Let me say first what the debate on Central America is not
about. It is not about harbor mining, or about procedures of
consultation with the Congress. It is definitely not about plans
to send American troops into combat in Central America.
The issue Is our efforts to promote democracy and economic
well-being in the face of Cuban and Nicaraguan aggression, aided
and abetted by the Soviet Union. Each year, the Soviet Union
provides Cuba with $4 billion in economic assistance; and it
sends tons of weapons to foment revolution in our hemisphere.
The defense policy of the United States is based on a simple
premise: We do not start wars. We will never be the aggressor.
We maintain our strength in order to deter and defend against
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aggression -- to preserve freedom and peace. We help our friends
defend Themselves.
Central America is a region of great importance to the
United States. Central America is America, it is at our
doorstep, and it has become the stage for a bold attempt by the
Soviet Union, Cuba,. and Nicaragua to install communism by force
throughout the hemisphere.
When half `o-f our shipping tonnage and imported oil passes
through Caribbean shipping lanes, our well-being-is at stake.
.When two-thirds of all our foreign trade passes through the
Panama Canal and Caribbean waters, America's economy is at stake.
Right now in El Salvador, Cuban-supported aggression has
caused more than 400,000 men, women, and children to flee their
homes. And in all of Central America, there are more than
850,0n0 refugees. Concerns about millions of refugees fleeing
communist oppression to seek.entry into our country are
well-founded..
It is not hard to imagine the consequences of a sequence of
communist take-overs throughout Central America. What we see in
El Salvador is an attempt to destabilize the entire region, and
eventually move chaos.and anarchy toward the American-border.
If we do nothing or if the Congress continues to provide too
little help, our choice would be a communist Central America with
communist military bases on the North American mainland, and
communist subversion spreading southward and northward. As the
National Bipartisan Commission on Central America, chaired by
Henry Kissinger, agreed, this communist subversion poses the
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thraz that 100 million people from Panama to the United States
border could come under the control of pro-Soviet regimes. It's
important to remember that we have a 2,000-mile open border with
Mexico.
if we come to our senses too late, when our vital interests
are even more directly threatened, and after a lack of American
support causes our friends to lose the ability to defend
themselves, the the risks to our security.and our way of life
will be infinitely greater.
But there is a way to avoid these risks, the one recommended
by the National Bipartisan Commission on Central America. It
requires long-term American support for democratic development,
economic and security assistance, and strong-willed diplomacy.
We have given careful and continuing attention to diplomacy
through my Administration. There have been a number of high
level bilateral meetings with the Nicaraguan government where we
have presented specific proposals for peace. I have appointed
two special Ammbassadors who have made more than trips to the
region in pursuit of peace during the last months. And we
continue to support the objective of the regional countries
working through what is called the Contadora process.
This is the course our Administration has chosen to follow
and for which we have asked congressional cooperation. We can
and must help Central America. It's in our national interest to
do so, and, morally, it's the only right thing to do. Helping
means doing enough -- enough to protect our security and enough
to protect the lives of our neighbors so that they may live in
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peace and democracy without _e threat of communist aggression
and subversion. This has been the policy of our Administration
.for more than 3 years.
But making this choice requires a commitment from our
Administration, the American people, and the Congress. The
Congress has not yet made that commitment. Congress has provided
just enough aid to avoid outright disaster, but not enough to
resolve the crisis, so El Salvador is being left to slowly bleed
to death.
Part of the problem, I suspect, is not that Central America
isn't important, but that some people think our Administration
may be exaggerating the threat we face. Well, if that's true,
let me put that issue to rest.
I want to tell you a few things tonight about the real
nature of the Sandinista regime in Nicaragua.
The Sandinistas who rule Nicaragua are communists whose
relationship and ties to Fidel Castro of Cuba go back to 1960. A
number of the Sandinista commanders were trained in terrorist
camps supported by Cuba, the Soviet bloc, and the PLO. It is
important to note that Cuba, the Sandinistas, the Salvadoran
communist guerrillas, and the PLO have all worked together for
many years. And in 1978, the Sandinistas joined the PLO in a
"declaration of war" against Israel.
The Cuban-backed Sandinistas made a major attempt to topple
the Somoza regime in Nicaragua in the fall of 1978. They failed.
They were then called to Havana, where Castro cynically
instructed them in the ways of successful communist insurrection.
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I -e them to tell the world they were fighting for political
democracy. But most important, he instructed them to form a
broad alliance with the genuinely. democratic opposition to the
Somoza regime. He explained this would deceive western public
epnion, confuse potential critics and make it difficult for
western democracies to oppose their revolution without causing
great dissent at home.
You see, that's how Castro managed his re.volutioni. And we
have to confess he fooled many people here in our own country or don't you-.remember when he was referred to as the George
Washington of Cuba.?
The Sandinistas returned to Nicaragua and promised to
establish democracy. They promised in writing to the OAS -- the
Organization of American States -- that they were for free labor
unions, freedom of speech, religion, and press, and that they
would hold elections within a few months of their takeover, in
July 1979. Because of these promises, the OAS asked Somoza to
step down and prevent further bloodshed, which he did. This was
a negotiated settlement based on power sharing between communists
and genuine democrats like the one proposed by some for
El Salvador today. Because of these promises, the Carter
Administration and other Western governments tried, in a hopeful
way, to encourage Sandinista success.
It took some time to realize-what was actually taking place;
that almost from the moment the Sandinistas and their cadre of
50 Cuban covert advisors took power in Managua in July of 1979,
the internal repression of democratic groups, trade unions, and
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civic groups bezan. Dissent was squashed: Freedom of the press
and freedom of became virtually nonexistent. There was
an outright refusal to hold genuine elections coupled with the
continual promise to do so. soon, by 1985. There has been an
attempt to wine an entire culture, the Miskito Indians,
thousands of whom have been slaughtered or herded into detention
camps, where they have been sta=ved and abused.
The Sandinistas persecuted Jewish rabbis and engaged in
particularly vicious forms of anti-Semitism. And they persecuted
the Catholic' church and publicly humiliated individual priests.
When Pope John Paul II visited Nicaragua last year, the
Sandinistas organized public demonstrations, hurling insults at
him and his message of peace. On this Good Friday, some 100,000
Catholic faithfuls staged a march of defiance. Bishop Pablo
Antonio Vega said, We are living with a totalitarian ideology
that no one wants."
We must not be duped about the true nature of the Sandinista
rule. It is a co_.;..=mist Reign of Terror. Many of the soldiers
who fought alongside the Sandinistas saw their revolution
betrayed; they were given no place in the new government, some
were imprisoned, others exiled. Many of the soldiers who fought
with the Sandinistas have taken up arms against them and are now
called the Contraas. They are freedom-fighters.
What the Sandinistas have done to Nicaragua is a tragedy.
But we Americans rust understand and come to grips with the fact
that the Sandinistas are not content to brutalize their own land.
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They seek to export their terror to every other country in the
region.
I ask you to listen closely to the following quotation:
"The revolutionary process of Central America is. a single
process, the triumphs of one are the triumphs of the other .
Guatemala will have its hour. Honduras its, Costa Rica, too,
will have its hour of glory. The First note was heard in
Nicaragua." That was the statement of Cayetano Carpio, who was
then the leader of the Nicaraguan and Cuban-backed guerrillas in
El Salvador-.
.Within weeks of taking power, the Sandinistas -- in
partnership with Cuba and the Soviet Union -- began. supporting
aggression against El Salvador, Honduras, Costa Rica, and
Guatemala. The Sandinistas opened training camps for guerrillas
-frorn'El Salvador so they could return to their country and attack
its- government.. The camps still operate. Nicaragua, is still the
headquarters for various communist guerrilla movements. Since
1980, Nicaraguan agents and diplomats have been caught in Costa
Rica and Honduras supervising attacks carried out by communist
The role that Cuba has long performed for the Soviet Union
is-now also being played by the Sandinistas. They have become
Cuba's Cubans. Weapons, supplies, and funds are shipped from the
Soviet bloc to Cuba, from Cuba to Nicaragua, from Nicaragua to
the Salvadoran guerrillas.- These, facts were confirmed by a
bipartisan majority of the House and Senate Intelligence'
Committees.
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The Sandinista. regime has been waging war against its
neighbors since August of 1979. This has included military raids
.into Honduras and Costa Rica which still continue today. And
they're getting a great deal of help from..their.friends.
Today ,
there are roughly 11,000 Cuban and "Soviet bloc
personnel in Nicaragua, with about 40 percent having military and
security functions. We're being criticized for having
55 military trainers in El Salvador. Manpower support is also
coming from other parts of, the terror network: the PLO has sent
men and so has Libya's dictator Quadaffi.
"Nicaragua's own military forces have grown enormously.
Their trained forces increased from 10,000 to 100,000. Last
year, communist countries provided over $400 million in new
military assistance, including tanks, artillery, rocket
launchers, and helped with.the construction of more than 40 new
military bases and support facilities.
Why does Nicaragua need this power? Why did this country of
only 2.8 million people build a military force larger than those
of all other Central American countries combined?
They claim the buildup is the result of the anti-Sandinista
forces. But that is a lie. The Sandinista military buildup
began 2-1/2 years before thaanti-Sandinista freedom-fighters had
taken up arms.
They claim the buildup is because they are threatened by
their neighbors. That, too, is a lie. Nicaragua's next door
neighbor, Costa Rica, doesn't even have an army. Another
neighbor, Honduras, has a small army of 16,000.
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They claim the buildup.is in response to American
aggression. That is the most cynical lie of all. The truth is
they announced at their first anniversary, in July 1980, that
their revolution was going to spread beyond their own borders.
when the Sandinistas were fighting the.Somoza regie, the
United States' policy was: hands off. We did not attempt to
p=op up the regime... The United States did everything to show its
openness toward-the Sandinistas, its friendliness, its
willingness to become friends. The,Carter Administration
provided the Sandinistas more economic assistance in the first
2 years of its life than any other country. But the Carter
Administration suspended economic aid to Nicaragua in. January
1981, because it concluded that the Sandinistas were arming the
Salvadoran guerrillas.
As soon 'as I_ took office, we- attempted to show friendship
and our willingness to resume economic aid. But it did no good.
They kept on exporting terrorism. Thay kept on treating us as
their party anthem describes us, as the United States, the enemy
of all mankind.
So much for our misconceptions and our fond but unrealistic
hopes that if only we'd try harder to be friends, Nicaragua would
flourish in the.glow of our friendship and install liberty and
freedom for their people..
The truth i's: They haven't.
In 1958, Fidel Castro pledged that, once his revolution had
triumphed, he would start a much longer and bigger war -- a war
against the Americans. That war, Castro said, will be my true
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destiny. For 26 years, during Republican- and Democratic
administrations, Castro has kept to his own path of revolutionary
violence. Today, Cuba even provides safe passage for drug
traffickers who poison our children. In return, Castro gets hard
curren-cy to buy more weapons of war.
We are in the midst of what President John-F. Kennedy called
long twilight struggle" to defend freedom in the world. He
understood the problem of Central America. he understood Castro.
And he understood the long-term goals of the Soviet Union in this
region.
Nearly'23 years ago, President Kennedy warned against the
threat of communist penetration in our hemisphere. He said, "I
want it clearly understood that this government will not hesitate
in meeting its primary obligations which are to the security of
our nation.,". And the-House and Senate supported him,
overwhelmingly, by passing a.*law calling on the United States to
prevent Cuba from extending its aggressive or subversive
activities to ani part of this hemisphere. Were John Kennedy
alive today, I think he would be appalled by the gullibility of
some who invoke his name.
I have told you that Cuba's and Nicaragua's prime target is
El Salvador. And I want to talk to you about that country
because there is a lot of misunderstanding about it.
El Salvador, too, had a revolution and is struggling
valiantly to achieve a workable democracy, and, at the same time,
to achieve a stable economic system and to redress historical
injustices. But their yearning for democracy has been met by
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Cuban-trained and armed guerrillas, leading a camoaign of
violence against people, and destruction of bridges, roads, power
stations,. trucks, buses, and other vital elements of their
economy. Destroying this infrastructure, has brought more
unemployment and poverty to the people of El. Salvador.
Some argue that El Salvador has only two political
extremes -- the communist left and the violent right. Nothing
could be more wrong. Democratic political parties range from the
democratic left, to center, to conservative. Trade unions,
religious organizations, civic groups, and business associations
are numerous and flourishing. There is a small, violent
right-wing as opposed to democracy as are the guerrillas, but
they are not part of the government, and we have consistently
opposed both extremes.
Land reform-is moving forward. Since March 1980, the
program has benefitted about 525,000 peasants, nearly half of the
formerly landless population. But many of these. can't farm this
land for they will-be killed by the guerrillas if they do.
The people of Central America want democracy and freedom.
They want and hope for a better future. Costa Rica. is a
well-established and healthy democracy. Honduras made a peaceful
transition to democracy in 1982. And in Guatemala, political
parties and trade unions are functioning. An election is
scheduled for July, and there is a real prospect that country can
return to full constitutional.government in 1985.
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of the region's population, are democracies or striving to become
democracies. But they are vulnerable.
By aiding the communist guerrillas in El Salvador, Nicaragua
is'trving to overthrow the duly-elected government of a
neighboring country.. The government of El Salvador was born of
revolution, but unlike Nicaragua it has held 3 elections, the
most recent a presidential election last Sunday. It has made
great progress toward democracy. In this last election,.
percent of the people of El Salvador braved communists
threats of "Vote today, Die tonight" to vote for peace in
freedom.
The government of El Salvador has offered amnesty to the
guerrillas and asked them to participate in the elections and
democratic processes. The guerrillas said no, they want to shoot
their way into power and establish totalitarian rule.
By contrast, the freedom-fighters in Nicaragua have offered
to lay down their weapons and take part in democratic elections;
but there the communist Sandinista government has refused.
Therefore the United States has been supporting -- and
properly so -- not only the elected government of El Salvador,
but also the thousands of Nicaraguans resisting a totalitarian
takeover of their homeland.
If the communists can start war against the people of
El Salvador, then El Salvador and its friends are surely
justified in defending themselves by blocking the flow of arms.
If the Soviet Union can aid and abet subversion in our
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In -fact, 26 of 33 Latin American countries with 90 percent
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hemisphere, then the United States has a?legal right and a moral
duty to help resist it. This is not only in our strategic
interest; it is morally right. It would be profoundly immoral to
.let peace-loving friends depending on our help be overwhelmed by
brute force if we have any capacity to prevent it.
If our political process pulls together, Soviet- and
Cuban-supported' aggression can be defeated. On this, the
centennial anniversary of President Harry Truman's birth, it is
fitting to recall his words spoken to.a joint session of the
Congress in a similar situation: "The free peoples of the world
look. to us for support in maintaining their freedoms. If we
falter . . . we may endanger the peace of the world, and we shall
surely endanger the welfare of this Nation."
The speech was given in 1947. The problem was 2 years of
Soviet-supported indirect aggression against Greece. The
communists were close to victory. President Truman called the
Congress to provide decisive aid to the Greek Government. The
Republican minority rallied. behind President Truman's call.
Democratic forces succeeded and Greece became a parliamentary
democracy.
Communist subversion is not an irreversible tide. We've
seen it rolled back in Venezuela, the Dominican Republic, and
most recently, in Grenada. The tide of the future can be a
freedom tide. All it takes is the will and resources. to get the
job done.
In April 2983, I addressed a joint session of the Congress
and asked for bipartisan cooperation on behalf of our'policies to
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protect liberty and democracy in Central America. Shortly after
that speech, the late Senator Henry Jackson encouraged the
appointment of a blue-ribbon, bipartisan commission to chart a
long-term course for democracy, economic improvement, and peace
in Central America. I appointed twelve distinguished Americans
from bosh political parties to the National Bipartisan Commission
on Central America people like Henry Kissinger, former
Democratic Party Chairman, Robert Strauss, and'AFL-CIO President,
Lane Kirkland.
The Bipartisan Commission rendered an important service to
all Americans -- all of us from pole to pole in this Western.
Hemisphere. Last January, the Commission presented positive
recommendations to support democratic development, improve living
conditions, and bring the long-sought dream for peace to this
troubled region so close to home.. The recommendations reinforce
the spirit of our Administration's policies that help to our
neighbors should be primarily economic and humanitarian, but must
also include sufficient military aid.
In February I submitted a comprehensive legislative proposal
to the Congress which would implement the Commission's
recommendations. And since this report presented a bipartisan
consensus, I was hopeful that the Congress would take prompt
action. This proposal calls for an increased commitment of
resources beginning immediately and extending regularly over the
next 5 years. The program is a balanced combination of support
for democracy, economic development, diplomacy, security
measures, with 70 percent of the dollars to be used for economic
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a
and social development. This program can"get the job done. But
so far, the Congress has failed to act. Meanwhile, evidence
mounts of Cuban intentions to double Salvadoran opposition and
bring down that newly-elected government in the fall. Unless the
Congress provides the resources, the communists will likely
prevails
The National Bipartisan Commission on Central America has
done its work. Our Administration has done its work. For more
than .2 months, the Congress has had the opportunity to do its
work. But it hasn't.
The simple questions are: Will we support freedom in this
hemisphere or not? will we defend our vital interests in this
hemisphere or not? Will we stop the spread of communism in this
hemisphere or not? Will we act while there's still time?
There are those in this country who would yield to the
temptation to do nothing. They. are the New Isolationists, very
much like the isolationists of the late 1930's, who knew what was
happening in Europe but chose iot to face the terrible challenge
history had given them. They preferred a policy of wishful
thinking that if they only gave Hitler one more country, allowed
him just one more international transgression, then surely sooner
or later his appetite would be satisfied.
Well, they didn't stop Hitler -- they emboldened him. They
didn't prevent war -- they guaranteed it. .
They were victims of the isolationist delusion:
paraphrasing Churchill, if you feed the alligator, he won't eat
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Lecislation is before the Congress that will carry out the
reco;:urendations of the ::stional Bipartisan Commission. Requests
for interim appropriations to give the freedom fighters in
Nicaragua, and the soldiers fighting for their country in
El Sal-vador, the tools they need also await action by the House
of Representatives..
For the last 4 years,, Congress has provided only half of the
military aid I h`ad.r,equested for El Salvador -- even though total
aid for El Salvador is only 3 percent of our world-wide
assistance. - I am asking the Congress to provide, in full, the
funds I have requested for fiscal year 1984 and also to enact the
entire Henry Jackson Plan for democracy, economic development,
and peace in Central America.
As I talk to-you tonight, there are young Salvadoran
soldiers in the field facing the terrorists and guerrillas in
El Salvador with the clips in their rifles the only ammunition
they have. The lack of evacuation helicopters for the wounded
and the lack of medical supplies if they are evacuated has
resulted in one out of three of the wounded dying. This is no
way to support friends -- particularly when supporting them is
supporting ourselves.
[Last week, as we returned across the vast Pacific to
Alaska, I could not help being struck again by how blessed has
been our land. For 200 years, the oceans have protected us from
much that has troubled the world. But clearly, our world is
shrinking. We cannot pretend otherwise if we wish to protect our
freedom, our economic vitality, and our precious way of life.]
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Its up to all of us, you as citizens and your
Representatives in the Congress. Believe me, the people of
Central America can succeed if we provide the assistance I have
requested from the Congress. Let the Congress know we want no
hostile, communist colonies here in the Americas: South,
Central, or North.
Thank you, God bless you, and good night.
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