LETTER TO EDWARD P. BOLAND FROM WILLIAM J. CASEY
Document Type:
Collection:
Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST):
CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
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Original Classification:
K
Document Page Count:
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Document Creation Date:
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Document Release Date:
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Sequence Number:
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Case Number:
Publication Date:
October 25, 1984
Content Type:
LETTER
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Body:
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The Director of Central Intelligence
WashiVon.D.C20505
OLL 84-4080
25 October 1984
The Honorable Edward P. Boland, Chairman
Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence
U. S. House of Representatives
Washington, D. C. 20515
Dear Ed,
I'd like you to look through the much publicized text of the FDN manual
on pyschological operations together with the code of conduct prepared in
pocket size for every FDN soldier to carry with him at all times. You
will see that the thrust and purpose of this material is, as Senator Wallop
has said publicly, on the whole quite different from the impression that has
been created in the media. The ultimate distortion appeared in this morning's
NEW YORK TIMES editorial which speaks of the Agency "having to be stopped from
illegal minings and murders." This distortion of reality must be corrected.
Let me describe these documents and their contents to help you work your
way through them. They were prepared in the political section of the FDN
with the help of an advisor provided by the CIA. The code of conduct explains
that the objective of the FDN is the development of a democratic and pluralistic
government in Nicaragua. It describes the need to achieve a reconciliation
of the Nicaraguan family, to establish social justice and human rights in
Nicaragua, to restore the freedoms violated by the Sandinistas, and to achieve
economic reform and greater social mobility. The manual, entitled Psychological
Operations in Guerrilla Warfare, was prepared by and addressed to people who
had made the fateful decision to engage in armed combat in order to resist
oppression by a totalitarian regime. Its purpose is stated as assuring that
every combatant will be "highly motivated to engage in propaganda face to
face, to the same degree that he is motivated to fight." It aims to make
every FDN guerrilla "persuasive in face to face communication--a propagandist
combatant--in his contact with the people; he must be capable of giving 5 or
10 logical reasons why, for example, a peasant must give him fabric, needle
and thread to mend his clothes. When the guerrilla behaves this way, enemy
propaganda will never turn him into an enemy in the eyes of the population."
It goes on to deal with developing political awareness, using group dynamics,
interaction with the people "live, eat and work with the people," respect for
human rights, teaching and civic action.
There is a section headed "guerrilla arms are the strength of the people
against an illegal government." This deals with protecting the guerrillas
and citizens when a town is occupied. There is also a section on the training
and operations of armed propaganda teams, made up of six to ten members
charged with raising political consciousness within Nicaragua and personal
persuasion within the population. Again, the emphasis is on education,
avoiding combat if possible, "not turning the town into a battlefield."
That context puts into perspective the four passages with which the whole
document and the FDN psychological operations have been characterized. Two
of these four passages were deleted by the FDN.
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
Of the other two, one advises on how to explain to the population if
a guerrilla, having 'tried to stop the informant without shooting,' should
shoot that individual. The other uses the word 'neutralize' in dealing with
the problem of removing local officials on occupying a town.
It is important to note that these two passages are in the context of
entering or occupying a community and dealing with a situation in which
actual or potential resistance remains. They are preceded by admonitions
that the 'enemies of the people, the Sandinista officials or agencies, must
not be mistreated in spite of the criminal actions even though the guerrilla
forces may have suffered casualties" and also that 'whenever it is necessary
to use armed force during an occupation or a visit to a town or a village,"
the guerrillas are to 'explain to the population that first of all this is
being done to protect them, the people not the guerrillas themselves" and
that 'this action while not desirable is necessary because the final
objective of the insurrection is a free and democratic society where acts
of force are not necessary."
Enclosures
Distribution
Original - Addressee
1 - DCI
1 - DDCI
1 - EXDIR
1 - ER
1 - D/OLL
1 - DD/OLL
1 - OLL Record
1 - OLL Chrono
2
Sincerely,
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The Honorable Barry M. Goldwater
United States Senate
The Honorable John H. Chafee
United States Senate
Hyatt Regency Hotel
300 Light Street
Baltimore, MD 21202
The Honorable Joseph R. Biden
United States Senate
6021 J. Caleb Boggs
Federal Building
844 King Street
Wilmington, DelOWare 19801
The Honorable David F. Durenberger
United States Senate
375 Russell Senate Office Building
Washington, D.C. 20510
The Honorable Howard H. Baker, Jr.
United States Senate
The Honorable Robert C. Byrd
United States Senate
311 Hart Senate Office Building
Washington, D.C. 20510
The Honorable Malcolm Wallop
United States Senate
206 Russell Senate Office Building
Washington, D.C. 20510
STAT
he'll be at home Friday night (ETA c.";0 p.m
STAT
Friday - will be in office for interview
at 9:00 a.m.
The Honorable Daniel K. Inouye
United States Senate Out of town. Office will get to him
722 Hart Senate Office Building as soon as possible.
Washington, D.C. 20510
The Honorable Walter D. Huddleston
United States Senate
Attention: John Wallace
220 West Dixie Avenue
Elizabethtown, Kentucky 42701
The Honorable Richard G. Lugar
United States Senate
After 5:30 p.m. Friday (home)
(Thursday-in office till 6:30 pm;
306 Hart Senate Office Building)
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STAT
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The Honorable Jake Garn
United States Senate
505 Dirksen Senate Office Building
Washington, D.C. 20510
The Honorable Lloyd Bentsen
United States Senate
703 Hart Senate Office Building
Washington, D.C. 20510
The Honorable William V. Roth, Jr.
United States Senate
3021 Federal Building
844 King Street
Wilmington, Delaware 19801
The Honorable Sam Nunn
United States Senate
The Honorable William S Cohen
United States Senate
The Honorable Patrick J. Leahy
United States Senate
Deliver to his office by 5:00 p.m. Thursday
home address. (6:00 p.m. Thursday het:STATing
out of town)
STAT
The Senator will be there late Friday afternoon
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STAT
The ,- _
, Approved ForRelease2008/11/20 : CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
U. O. nuuse Vl nupi-esenLaLivc
Room 309
1550 Main Street
Springfield, Massachusetts 01103
The Honorable Louis Stokes
U. S. House of Representatives
Room 2947
1240 East 9th Street
Cleveland, Ohio 44199
The Honorable Romano L. Mazzoli
U. S. House of Representatives
Room 551
600 Federal Place
Louisville, Kentucky 40202
The Honorable Norman Y. Mineta
U. S. House of Representatives
Suite 310
1245 South Winchester Blvd.
San Jose, California 95128
The Honorable Wyche Fowler, Jr.
House of Representatives
1210 Longworth Hoiase Office Building
Washington, D.C. 20515
The Honorable Lee H. Hamilton
U. .S. House of Representatives
1201 East 10th Street (Room 107) A
Jeffersonville, Indiana 47130
The Honorable Albert Gore, Jr.
.r,c House of Representatives
Room 1131 Longworth Hbuse Office Building
Washington, D. C. 20515
The Honorable Dave McCurdy
U. S. House of Representatives
103 Federal Building
Lawton, Oklahoma 73501
The Honorable Bob Stump
U. S. House of Representatives
5001 Federal Building
Phoenix, Arizona 85025
The Honorable J. Kenneth Robinson
U. S. House of Representatives
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The Honorable G. William Whitehurst
U. S. House of Representatives
815 Federal Building
Norfolk, Virginia 23510
The Honorable C. W. Bill Young
U. S. House of Representatives
Suite 606
801 West Bay Drive
Largo, Florida 33540
The Honorable William F. Goodling
U. S. House of Representatives
The Honorable James C. Wright, Jr.
U. S. House of Representatives
9A10 Federal Building
819 Taylor Street
Fort Worth, Texas 76102
The Honorable Robert H. Michel
U. S. House of Representatives
Room 107
100 Northeast Monroe
Peoria, Illinois 61602
The Honorable Anthony C. Beilenson
U. S. House of Representatives
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The Director of Central Intelligence
Washington. D C.20505
25 October 1984
Mr. George F. Will
Dear George,
STAT
I'd like you to look through the much publicized text of the FDN manual
on pyschological operations together with the code of conduct prepared in
pocket size for every FDN soldier to carry with him at all times. You
will see that the thrust and purpose of this material is, as Senator Wallop
has said publicly, on the whole quite different from the impression that has
been created in the media. The ultimate distortion appeared in this morning's
NEW YORK TIMES editorial which speaks of the Agency "having to be stopped from
illegal minings and murders." This distortion of reality must be corrected.
Let me describe these documents and their contents to help you work your
way through them. They were prepared in the political section of the FDN
with the help of an advisor provided by the CIA. The code of conduct explains
that the objective of the FDN is the development of a democratic and pluralistic
government in Nicaragua. It describes the need to achieve a reconciliation
of the Nicaraguan family, to establish social justice and human rights in
Nicaragua, to restore the freedoms violated by the Sandinistas, and to achieve
economic reform and greater social mobility. The manual, entitled Psychological
Operations in Guerrilla Warfare, was prepared by and addressed to people who
had made the fateful decision to engage in armed combat in order to resist
oppression by a totalitarian regime. Its purpose is stated as assuring that
every combatant will be "highly motivated to engage in propaganda face to
face, to the same degree that he is motivated to fight." It aims to make
every FDN guerrilla "persuasive in face to face communication--a propagandist
combatant--in his contact with the people; he must be capable of giving 5 or
10 logical reasons why, for example, a peasant must give him fabric, needle
and thread to mend his clothes. When the guerrilla behaves this way, enemy
propaganda will never turn him into an enemy in the eyes of the population."
It goes on to deal with developing political awareness, using group dynamics,
interaction with the people "live, eat and work with the people," respect for
human rights, teaching and civic action.
There is a section headed "guerrilla arms are the strength of the people
against an illegal government." This deals with protecting the guerrillas
and citizens when a town is occupied. There is also a section on the training
and operations of armed propaganda teams, made up of six to ten members
charged with raising political consciousness within Nicaragua and personal
persuasion within the population. Again, the emphasis is on education,
avoiding combat if possible, "not turning the town into a battlefield."
That context puts into perspective the four passages with which the whole
document and the FDN psychological operations have been characterized. Two
of these four passages were deleted by the FDN.
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
Of the other two, one advises on how to explain to the population if
a guerrilla, having "tried to stop the informant without shooting," should
shoot that individual. The other uses the word "neutralize" in dealing with
the problem of removing local officials on occupying a town.
It is important to note that these two passages are in the context of
entering or occupying a community and dealing with a situation in which
actual or potential resistance remains. They are preceded by admonitions
that the "enemies of the people, the Sandinista officials or agencies, must
not be mistreated in spite of the criminal actions even though the guerrilla
forces may have suffered casualties" and also that "whenever it is necessary
to use armed force during an occupation or a visit to a town or a village,"
the guerrillas are to "explain to the population that first of all this is
being done to protect them, the people not the guerrillas themselves" and
that "this action while not desirable is necessary because the final
objective of the insurrection is a free and democratic society where acts
of force are not necessary."
Enclosures
2
Sincerely,
Wilidl(?Arasey
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The Director of Central Intelligence
;-
Washington. D. C 20505
25 October 1984
Mr. Robert L. Bartley
Editor
The Wall Street Journal
22 Cortlandt Street
New York, New York 10007
Dear Bob,
Here is the English translation text of the much publicized FDN manual
on pyschological operations together with the code of conduct prepared in
pocket size for every FDN soldier to carry with him at all times. You
will see that the thrust and purpose of this material is, as Senator Wallop
has said publicly, on the whole quite different from the impression that has
been created in the media. The ultimate distortion appeared in this morning's
NEW YORK TIMES editorial which speaks of the Agency "having to be stopped from
illegal minings and murders." This distortion of reality must be corrected.
Let me describe these documents and their contents to help you work your
way through them. They were prepared in the political section of the FDN ?
with the help of an advisor provided by the CIA. The code of conduct explains
that the objective of the FDN is the development of a democratic and pluralistic
government in Nicaragua. It describes the need to achieve a reconciliation
of the Nicaraguan family, to establish social justice and human rights in
.Nicaragua, to restore the freedoms violated by the Sandinistas, and to achieve
economic reform and greater social mobility. The manual, entitled Psychological
Operations in Guerrilla Warfare, was prepared by and addressed to people who
had made the fateful decision to engage in armed combat in order to resist
oppression by a totalitarian regime. Its purpose is stated as assuring that
every combatant will be "highly motivated to engage in propaganda face to
face, to the same degree that he is motivated to fight." It aims to make
every FDN guerrilla "persuasive in face to face communication--a propagandist
combatant--in his contact with the people; he must be capable of giving 5 or
10 logical reasons why, for example, a peasant must give him fabric, needle
and thread to mend his clothes. When the guerrilla behaves this way, enemy
propaganda will never turn him into an enemy in the eyes of the population."
It goes on to deal with developing political awareness, using group dynamics,
interaction with the people "live, eat and work with the people," respect for
human rights, teaching and civic action.
There is a section headed "guerrilla arms are the strength of the people
against an illegal government." This deals with protecting the guerrillas
and citizens when a town is occupied. There is also a section on the training
and operations of armed propaganda teams, made up of six to ten members
charged with raising political consciousness within Nicaragua and personal
persuasion within the population. Again, the emphasis is on education,
avoiding combat if possible, "not turning the town into a battlefield."
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
That context puts into perspective the four passages with which the whole
document and the FDN psychological operations have been characterized. Two
of these four passages were deleted by the FDN.
Of the other two, one advises on how to explain to the population if
a guerrilla, having "tried to stop the informant without shooting" should
shoot that individual. The other uses the word "neutralize" in dealing with
the problem of removing local officials or occupying a town.
It is important to note that these two passages are in the context of
entering or occupying a community and dealing with a situation in which
actual or potential resistance remains. They are preceded by admonitions
that the "enemies of the people, the Sandinista officials or agencies, must
not be mistreated in spite of the criminal actions even though the guerrilla
forces may have suffered casualties" and also that "whenever it is necessary
to use armed force during an occupation or a visit to a town or a village,"
the guerrillas are to "explain to the population that first of all this is
being done to protect them, the people not the guerrillas themselves" and
that "this action while not desirable is necessary because the final
objective of the insurrection is a free and democratic society where acts
of force are not necessary."
Sincerely,
'JUL)
William J. Casey
Enclosures
Orig Handcarried by arrangement with D/PA
2
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lhe Director of Central Intelligence
Washington. D. C. 20505
25 October 1984
The Honorable Daniel P. Moynihan
United States Senate
Washington, D. C. 20510
Dear Pat,
I'd like you to look through the much publicized text of the FDN manual
on pyschological operations together with the code of conduct prepared in
pocket size for every FDN soldier to carry with him at all times. You
will see that the thrust and purpose of this material is, as Senator Wallop
has said publicly, on the whole quite different from the impression that has
been created in the media. The ultimate distortion appeared in this morning's
NEW YORK TIMES editorial which speaks of the Agency "having to be stopped from
illegal minings and murders." This distortion of reality must be corrected.
Let me describe these documents and their contents to help you work your
way through them. They were prepared in the political section of the FDN
with the help of an advisor provided by the CIA. The code of conduct explains
that the objective of the FDN is the development of a democratic and pluralistic
government in Nicaragua. It describes the need to achieve a reconciliation
of the Nicaraguan family, to establish social justice and human rights in
Nicaragua, to restore the freedoms violated by the Sandinistas, and to achieve
economic reform and greater social mobility. The manual, entitled Psychological
Operations in Guerrilla Warfare, was prepared by and addressed to people who
had made the fateful decision to engage in armed combat in order to resist
oppression by a totalitarian regime. Its purpose is stated as assuring that
every combatant will be "highly motivated to engage in propaganda face to
face, to the same degree that he is motivated to fight." It aims to make
every FDN guerrilla "persuasive in face to face communication--a propagandist
combatant--in his contact with the people; he must be capable of giving 5 or
10 logical reasons why, for example, a peasant must give him fabric, needle
and thread to mend his clothes. When the guerrilla behaves this way, enemy
propaganda will never turn him into an enemy in the eyes of the population."
It goes on to deal with developing political awareness, using group dynamics,
interaction with the people "live, eat and work with the people," respect for
human rights, teaching and civic action.
There is a section headed "guerrilla arms are the strength of the people
against an illegal government." This deals with protecting the guerrillas
and citizens when a town is occupied. There is also a section on the training
and operations of armed propaganda teams, made up of six to ten members
charged with raising political consciousness within Nicaragua and personal
persuasion within the population. Again, the emphasis is on education,
avoiding combat if possible, "not turning the town into a battlefield."
That context puts into perspective the four passages with which the whole
document and the FDN psychological operations have been characterized. Two
of these four passages were deleted by the FDN.
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
, FM.
Of the other two, one advises on how to explain to the population if
a guerrilla, having "tried to stop the informant without shooting" should
shoot that individual. The other uses the word "neutralize" in dealing with
the problem of removing local officials or occupying a town.
It is important to note that these two passages are in the context of
entering or occupying a community and dealing with a situation in which
actual or potential resistance remains. They are preceded by admonitions
that the "enemies of the people, the Sandinista officials or agencies, must
not be mistreated in spite of the criminal actions even though the guerrilla
forces may have suffered casualties" and also that "whenever it is necessary
to use armed force during an occupation or a visit to a town or a village,"
the guerrillas are to "explain to the population that first of all this is
being done to protect them, the people not the guerrillas themselves" and
that "this action while not desirable is necessary because the final
objective of the insurrection is a free and democratic society where acts
of force are not necessary."
Sincerely,
William J. Casey
Enclosures
(Orig Handcarried by Arrangement with D/PA)
2
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THE BLUE AND WHITE BOOK
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DEDICATION
TO THOSE WHO HAVE DIED FOR THESE IDEALS.
TO THOSE WHO ARE READY TO DIE FOR THEM.
TO THOSE WHO WILL TURN THEM INTO REALITY ON THE VICTORY DAY.
1
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INTRODUCTION
1. NICARAGUA
2. NICARAGUAN
3. CONTINENTAL
TABLE OF CONTENTS
DEMOCRATIC FORCE
SOLIDARITY
4.
F.D.N.
MEANS NATIONAL CONCILIATION
5.
F.D.N.
MEANS DEMOCRACY
6.
F.D.N.
MEANS SOCIAL JUSTICE
7.
F.D.N.
MEANS VALIDITY OF THE HUMAN RIGHTS
8.
F.D.N.
MEANS THE SOLUTION TO THE ECONOMIC DISASTER
9.
F.D.N.
MEANS SOCIAL ADVANCEMENT
10.
F.D.N.
IS THE ROAD TOWARD PEACE
PRAYER OF THE CHRISTIAN NICARAGUAN
2
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i
I
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FDN
GOD
MOTHERLAND
DEMOCRACY
3
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INTRODUCTION
Democracy must be understood as an evolutionary process in
the political, social and economic orders, not as a static
condition, because the democratic system contains the improvement
factor which allows changes in a society; unlike communism, stated
by the Marxist dogmatism as the "perfect order" and hence stationary
and not subject to change.
That explains why, even in the most imperfect democracies
of the Western World, those societies are developing toward better
forms of social coexistence. In this way,. Spain has been carrying
out its democratic process in Europe, as well as the Dominican
Republic among the American states.
And during those same periods, toward which direction have
moved those regimes like Czechoslovakia or Hungary in Europe, or
Cuba in the American countries? By any chance, have not those
communist countries moved backward according to the economic and
social indexes, when compared with their democratic neighbors of
similar size and resources?
Since that standpoint, the solution for the underdeveloped
countries is to speed up their democratic process, because most of
them have not even arrived to the first stages of the capitalistic
economic system and they are societies leaning more on the economic
feudalism than to the democratic capitalism.
Otherwise, communist failure in those countries where they
have imposed their political regime shows that removing the
production means from the private sector is not a solution for those
societies; on the contrary, it aggravates their problems by
undermining the individual values. History has evidenced that in
the communist societies, the human productivity is lower; the lack
of satisfaction of their spiritual needs, their limited partisan
view of the universal culture and a centralized bureaucratic state,
paralyse the creative capacity of the human beings.
Hence, the evolutionary process of the countries must be
oriented to improve the democratic mechanisms to ensure alternation
in the political power, social mobility and a more equitable
distribution of riches.
Other aspects of the integral development of 'man as a human
being are implicit in those societies when the mentioned mechanisms
are accomplished. That means that the social well-being in
democracy is achieved through the system mechanisms, and not as the
result of a "planified" decision made by a powerful central "bureau".
4
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THE BLUE AND WHITE BOOK contains a group of the ideological
thoughts which make up the foundation for the NICARAGUAN DEMOCRATIC
FORCE struggle. And consistently with the pluralistic and
democratic features of our movement, it is a summary of the
political goals expressed in different manners by its bases, which
comprise thousands of Nicaraguans of varied democratic ideologies
from all the socio-economic sections of the country.
Thus, this book is a wide but incomplete review of
democracy as a means to work out a solution for the present
Nicaraguan problems. Here can be found the ideas supporting our
spiritual struggle; one of whose principles is just the right to
think in a different way, which leads to new points of view.
THE BLUE AND WHITE BOOK is also an instrument of political
formation. In case that the reader wants to use it for that reason,
it is advisable to begin with a perusal of it, to get a global
perspective of the F.D.N. ideology.
When used as a-political study for groups, each chapter can
be analyzed and discussed separately. They are organized according
to specific subjects to make them easily understood; to that end are
included phrases to start each chapter which help to remember them
and synthesize the political thought developed there.
This exposition system is also advisable for the partisan
spreading of concepts.
THE BLUE AND WHITE BOOK comprises ten chapters. The first
one points out the geopolitical aspects of Nicaragua and its
affiliation to the Western Christian culture. It also states our
national values and their symbols, their importance in the
Nicaraguan unity.
The second chapter develops the pluralistic and democratic
character of our movement, its political and military composition;
it summarizes the struggle motivations and the recommendations for
the F.D.N. freedom fighters behavior, in a way easily memorized.
The third chapter emphasizes the continental solidarity of
the free American countries, in the struggle against the Somoza's
dictatorship, as well as against the Sandinista totalitarian Marxism. /Go
The fourth chapter makes a political evaluation of the need
to obtain the reconciliation of the Nicaraguan family by means of
the genuine political pluralism.
The fifth chapter deals with the democratic system as the
political solution to the Nicaraguan problems and offers concrete
objectives as the integration of a Provisional Government and
summoning to free elections for a National Constitutional Assembly,
with the participation of all the political parties and the
democratic sectors of Nicaragua.
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The sixth chapter is devoted to the social justice
subjects, agrarian reform, the Nicaraguan workers' claims of labor
conquests, the distribution of public expenses and the need to
stimulate the workers' profit share in the companies, fair
opportunities to become business' shareholders.
The seventh chapter explains- the ways devised by the F.D.N.
to enforce the human rights in Nicaragua and to restore the public
freedoms violated by the Sandinista Marxism.
The eighth chapter offers the solutions developed by the
F.D.N. for the economic disarray brought about by the Sandinista
regime in Nicaragua. A democracy is proposed, where the great "
majority will become consumers, by coupling the economic needs of
the people with the economic market mechanisms, achieving the social
well-being as the objective of the economic system.
The ninth chapter evaluates the human advancement and the
social mobility, which are the goals of a democratic society. The
importance of the woman's role is stated, as well as that of the
youth in the new society and the establishment of a permanent social
peace and human solidarity.
The tenth chapter deals with the development of the
national and international peace in the region, by means of a
solution to the internal Nicaraguan problem, the later development
of a proper international policy and the democratic reorganization
of the Nicaraguan armed forces.
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After that, the "Prayer of the Nicaraguan Christian is
annexed; it is really very identified with the religious mind of the
Nicaraguans.
THE BLUE AND WHITE BOOK collects the democratic ideological
concepts issued by the bases of NICARAGUAN DEMOCRATIC FORCE through
their study groups, which combine the hard combat struggle with the
political formation.
The F.D.N. Command is, then, the author of this book and as
it was initially stated, it is open to further new notations stemmed
from dialogue, the study and discussion of subjects within the frame
of democratic re-evolutionary concepts, where change toward progress
through human freedom will be our better strength.
September, 1983
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NICARAGUA
We are Central Americans, our past and future are bound
to America. We are Christians, and we love our
motherland, the blue and white flag, and our national
anthem.
Nicaragua is in the central point of the Americas. The
history of our country is connected to that of the other isthmus
countries and the rest of the continent. In the same way, our
political, economic and social future is /inked to our brother
countries of America.
The Organization of American States (OAS) is a body
composed by the democratic countries of the Continent, based on
mutual commitments for defense, commercial exchange and culture.
These countries were a contributive factor to topple Somoza's
dictatorship with the XVIIth meeting, Resolution of the Ministers of
Foreign Affairs, which_contains democratic pledges which have not
been honoured by the Sandinista government.
Our nationality is Nicaraguan. Nicaraguans are all those
born in the national territory and the children of Nicaraguans born
abroad. The national characteristics of the Nicaraguan majority are
being Christian and identified with the Western culture.
Above all, we are Nicaraguans and must feel bound by this
tie which is beyond political, religious or ethnic differences.
Hatred among brethren' of the same nationality, because of class or
ethnic differences, is not acceptable for the Christian
Nicaraguans. That is why we love and support our Miskitos, Sumos
and Ramas brothers.
We acknowledge our respect for the patriotic symbols as
they represent our nationality and cannot, nor should they be
replaced or changed by others of political character:
The blue and white flag is the only one which deserves our
respect and reverence.
Our national anthem is the only one accepted by the
patriots as. our national symbol.
y
125/
Our founding fathers are those who forged our nationality;
that is, a motherland for all without political differences. They
are: Miguel Larreynaga, Jose Dolores Estrada and Andres Castro.
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NICARAGUAN NATIONAL ANTHEM
God bless you, Nicaragua, in your land the cannon
is not roaring any more, your glorious bicolor flag is not
being Stained with brethren's blood.
Peace is glowing gorgeously in your sky, nothing clouds
your immortal glory, work is the best crown for your
dignity and honor is the emblem of your triumph.
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NICARAGUAN DEMOCRATIC FORCE
We are Nicaraguan citizens of different democratic
ideologies, joined together in a political-military movement
determined to rescue Nicaragua from the Soviet occupation.
NICARAGUAN DEMOCRATIC FORCE, F.D.N., is essentially a
nationalistic political-military movement, that is, the defender of
national sovereignity struggling to free Nicaragua from the
totalitarian Marxist Sandinism, imposed upon our country by the
Soviet imperialism which has occupied it by means of an army of
thousands of internationalists.
F.D.N. is a pluralistic movement, because it is composed by
citizens of different democratic political ideologies belonging to
all the socio-economic strata, which enables it to assume the
organization of a new national government in Nicaragua.
F.D.N. is a civilian movement, because it aims to establish
in our country a genuine democratic government by means of free and
universal elections, which means with the participation of all the
citizens.
F.D.N. is a military movement too, because the
circumstances have forced it to resort to the armed struggle as the
way to obtain a political solution in Nicaragua. A great majority
of our forces is composed by armed civilians: 80% peasants,
workers, students, professionals; etc.; 19% from former Sandinista
militaries and 1% of former Nicaraguan militaries.
Once that our goal to rescue Nicaragua from the
totalitarian Marxist Sandinism has been achieved, the F.D.N. members
will join again the country's process of production in their own
ctivities or professions.
The commandos will have the option to participate in the
Armed Forces democratically reorganized or in any other activities
which request some military background, as police services,
supervision, coastguards, etc.
We all have a right to take part in the national politics,
be it within the currently existing parties or organizing new
parties, as well as labor unions or free professionals.
F.D.N. stems from the national need to provide a
pluralistic political platform, which was the initial plan of the
Nicaraguan Revolution, but whose power was illegally seized by the
Sandinista Front.
We advocate a new Nicaragua: WITHOUT SOMOCISM, WITHOUT
SANDINISM. And even when none of these factions make up an ideology
or political doctrine and they come from different leaders, those
minority groups have actually shared the same position toward
genocide, theft of the public treasure, moral corruption and to
surrender our nationality to foreign interests.
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Amidst these minorities which have polarized their struggle
for sectarian interests, we are more than millions of Nicaraguans
not identified with either of those factions; there is a place
opened for us in the NICARAGUAN DEMOCRATIC FORCE.
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I AM AN F.D.N. COMMANDO:
WHAT AM I FIGHTING FOR?
Because we truly love God
We are liberating our motherland.
We are fighting for
Her blue and white flag.
We are armed workers
Against the thousands of Cubans
Who occupy our country
And humiliate her.
In the F.D.N. we fight united as brothers
On behalf of democracy,
We demand human rights
For our wretched people.
Our goal is liberty
In all its glorious extent,
Elections and social justice
Free economy and free speech.
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I AM AN F.D.N. COMMANDO
HOW SHOULD I BEHAVE?
*With discipline and loyalty to the cause.
*With a complete respect toward the people.
*With a service spirit for everybody.
*With morality and good manners.
*Generous toward the needy.
*Determined to act with heroism.
*In solidarity with my comrades.
*Honest and fair in my actions.
*Respectful toward the prisoners.
*Keeping in mind my democratic thought.
*Keeping always Nicaragua in my heart.
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WE, THE DEMOCRATS, MUST SET THE EXAMPLE OF DEMOCRACY IN OUR ACTIONS
THIS IS THE BEST WAY TO OBTAIN THE SUPPORT OF ALL OF OUR PEOPLE:
TREAT EVERYBODY ELSE AS YOU WOULD LIKE TO BE YOURSELF TREATED BY
THEM.
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CONTINENTAL SOLIDARITY
The free countries of the world support the Nicaraguan people's
struggle, as it is the struggle of justice against injustice;
The conflict of the democratic men opposing the Communists.
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THE PREVIOUS POPULAR INSURGENCY
AND THE DEFEAT OF SOMOZA'S DICTATORSHIP
The Nicaraguan people from all the socio-economic strata
staged an upheaval against the Somoza dictatorship, backed by some
democratic countries and government of the world, including the
XVIIth OAS Resolution issued by the Consultations Meeting of its
Foreign Ministers, which was based not only on the "immediate and
definitive replacement of the Somoza regime", but also on the
"establishment of a democratic (pluralistic) government" in
Nicaragua, "to warrant the respect of the human rights of all
Nicaraguans without any exception" and "to carry out free elections
as soon as possible, which will lead to the restoration of a
genuinely democratic government to guarantee peace, liberty and
justice", as that Resolution reads.
From the four above-mentioned bases, only the first was
accomplished and the other three, the legitimate aims and rights of
the Nicaraguan people, were impaired since the Sandinista Front
seized the political and military power in the new government.
The popular insurgency of the Nicaraguan people, and the
international democratic support which followed it, were not
intended to replace a rightist dictatorship for a leftist
dictatorship, leaning even more on genocide, corruption and
repression than the previous one. Whereas, the governments
represented in the OAS have an unavoidable responsibility with our
people. The XVIIth OAS Meeting of Foreign Ministers is still open.
The democratic community of the American countries and
other people and governments of the world are endorsing the struggle
of our people against the totalitariam Marxist Sandinism, supported
by the Soviet Imperialism.
This continental and even international solidarity is
increasingly more noticeable, as the Sandinista government iS
perceived as a strategic pawn in the medium and long range designs
of the Soviet Imperialism to take over the American Continent and
the original project of the Revolution, which was to develop a
pluralistic democracy respectful of the human rights of every one
and all Nicaraguans, is being diverted far away from it.
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are embedded
the democratic solutions to peace, economic recovery of the country
and social justice.
A main factor in the failure of the Sandinista revolution
has just been the fact that it has systematised hatred as a
political and social practice a behavior shared by all the
Marxist-Leninist regimes. Hatred among classes, political parties
and ethnic groups.
Hate and political reprisal are feelings which should be
uprooted from the political future of Nicaragua. On the other hand,
the Christian feelings and social conciliation will be the
foundation of the new Nicaragua. A mutually bound and integrated
society implies a society without class hatred, or any other kind of
hostile feelings.
Even more, democracy is just based in the representation
and participation of the different political, social and economic
sectors of the commmunity to take decisions related to the
individuals and groups. National conciliation is democratic in its
essence.
We must advoCate a national reconciliation of all
Nicaraguans in one united society and the reincorporation of the
hundreds of thousands exiles to their home country's productive
process within an institutional and legal frame, which favors
national conciliation.
In this way, it will be possible that the honest and
democratic public employees working under the current regime can
stay in _their jobs working for the new government, as well as the
soldiers and policemen in active service who are not guilty of
crimes and have a democratic inclination, can be admitted when the
Nicaraguan armed forces be reorganized, once the Marxist sinister
forces are defeated.
Finally, all the measures leading to the Nicaraguan
reconciliation will be helpful in the democratization of the country
by means of a geniune political pluralism.
Democracy is truly the power which allows people to elect
and be elected. And democracy only exists when periodical, free and
universal elections are held.
Free and universal elections taking place periodically are
the democratic mechanism which guarantees to the people the
alternation in the public power and they embody the only political
solution in Nicaragua.
Regarding the forementioned, a provisional government
council and a government board will be established with the
participation of all the democratic parties and the active forces of
the country; their chief priorities will be to bring about the
conditions to call for and develop a democratic process to elect a
Constituent National Assembly and Municipal Authorities throughout
the country, which will take place within a period no longer than
one year after the Provisional Government has been installed-.
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The National Constituent Assembly, composed by the
representatives of all the different political parties and the
active forces of the country freely elected, will be the highest
body of the government, entitled to designate the authorities of
the Executive and Judiciary branches for the same period and issue a
new Political Constitution and the laws deemed necessary.
The Executive Power designated by the National Constituent
Assembly will convene to free and universal elections for the new
executive and legislative authorities for the new period of
government.
Social justice is the goal of every democratic process in
the free world, because political democracy is the foundation of
economic democracy.
A comprehensive agrarian reform will deliver to the
Nicaraguan peasants their full title deeds, not as the Commmunists
who only "grant" them the land to usufruct it. The democratic
concept determines that the peasant is the subject and beneficiary
of the agrarian reform, offering them the opportunity to till their
own land, be it in an individual way, cooperatively or any other
form of voluntary and-free association, managed by their members
with the technical, economic and cultural assistance of the State.
The agrarian reform programs will make use of the State
lands, latifundia or private lands which are not properly used.
In the democratic societies the workers have a wide range
of options, unlike the communist societies where the.only employer
is the State, the same one who determines the level of services to
be rendered by the workers.
In Nicaragua, the new Provisional Government will restore
the labor rights conquered by the Nicaraguan workers, as overtime
payments, the "thirteenth" month bonus and those other benefits
obtained by means of private collective bargaining.
PROFIT SHARE OF WORKERS: The development of profit share
for the workers will be stimulated, so that they can participate of
the benefits obtained by the companies where they work and have a
fair opportunity to become shareholders of them; it will be based on
a mutual agreement between capital and labor.
REORGANIZATION OF THE TAX SYSTEM: Taxation, as well
national and local, will be based on a rational and fair system,
that is, public expense will be related to income profits. Taxes
for real estate and mobile property Swill be progressive, so that who
owns more will pay more. There will be deductions for the houses
used as family homes, as well as for the handicapped and those
entitled for special consideration.
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F.D.N. MEANS VALIDITY OF HUMAN RIGHTS
Above all the individual and the respect for human rights,
because when man is not respected as an individual, he also is not
respected as a social entity.
We will respect and guarantee the validity of the Human
Rights recognized by the United Nations and by the Organization of
the American States in their American Declaration of Duties and
Rights. Specifically, there will be guarantees for the freedom of
thought, be it speech or written form, freedom of association,
freedom of conscience and religion, culture and for the minorities.
The abuses against such liberties will be punished
according to the laws.
Confiscations carried out by the Communist government of
Nicaragua will be invalidated, since they are by principle against
the Universal Declaration of Human Rights issued by the United
Nations and the general principles of Law; a special Tribunal will
be established to return the affected properties to their owners,
who must accredit their legitimate and honest entitlements. The
properties which cannot be given back for reasons of social
interest, will be compensated by the State.
The full civil and political equality of all Nicaraguans
will be guaranteed and the exercise of authority will be regulated
by constitutional or legal rules.
The education of children and youths will follow an
integral concept; both technical and cultural, and it is a right of
the Nicaraguan people and an unavoidable responsibility of the
State, which will provide it in a free compulsory form.
Nevertheless, it will be the parents right and their duty
to decide which kind of education they wish for their children and
contribute to their religious and cultural formation. In this
field, the educative action of the State will be limited to offer to
parents a wide range of free options.
Free worship will be guaranteed in its widest and absolute
way, and confiscated temples will be immediately returned.
Freedom for the labor unions will be guaranteed and
stimulated, as the best approach for them to obtain economic and
social improvements. It is acquainted that it contributes to the
democratic system by means of dialogue and negotiations. The
democratic unions are acknowledged as an effective protection tool.
Workers' basic rights will be recorded in constitutional rules,
especially the freedom to organize unions and collective contracts.
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Trust and security will be restored to the indigenous
communities, issuing the necessary legislation to protect their
rights. At the same time, the proper programs will be arranged and
developed to accomplish their social, cultural and economic
development. Likewise, there will be created the mechanisms through
which they can perceive and make use of the government financial
assistance to solve their problems, according to resolutions adopted
by the authorities.
The judiciary branch will be autonomous. This power will
be completely professional and its members cannot be active
politicians. The judiciary profession will be established and its
independence will be guaranteed. ?
The administrative corruption of the rightists and leftists
dictatorships will be uprooted. The civil service will be the
foundation of the public administration, which will be oriented
toward the common well-being in its maximum degree; it should be run
following strict rules of honesty and efficiency.
The Public Administration will be renewed according with
the social changes and decentralized, keeping the necessary unity of
the government action and the constitutional coordination.
The general Comptroller Office of the Republic will
investigate, judge and apply the sanctions for the administrative
felonies committed by the public servants. A special .Court of
Appeals will be created to determine in first instance the
responsibilities in each case.
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CHAPTER 8
FDN MEANS THE SOLUTION TO THE ECONOMIC DISASTER
Any policy of reorganization and recovery of the national
economy must be based on the economic strengthening of each of the
Nicaraguans as individuals.
Free enterprise and private property will be basic
foundations of the national economic system. However, private
property must fulfill a social function, and therefore its
possession and administration will be subject to the standards which
are required by the maintenance and progress of the social order.
Also, it may be earmarked for purposes of public benefit or social
interest, with fair compensation to the respective owner.
It will be the responsibility of the State to coordinate
and guide the economic activities for the purpose of achieving the
best and most rational utilization of the human and material
resources of the country, for the benefit of the entire Nicaraguan
people.
Policies of austerity in public expenditure will be
introduced, especially in those items which do not affect investment
in the social sector (education, health, etc.). At the same time,
policies of incentives for production will be developed, for its
increase and diversification, mainly aiming at export:
Investment projects will be stimulated and guaranteed, in
order that, they may contribute financially and technologically to
the development of the country and the diversification of its
production.
The State will protect and stimulate agricultural
activities.
Any type of monopolistic exploitation of private interest
will be prohibited.
The resources, production systems, and basic services of
the economic structure should preferably be of Nicaraguan ownership.
The democratization of the enterprise system will be
encouraged through the participation of the small investor.
The progressive industrialization of the country will be
promoted, on the basis of the maximum utilization of national raw
materials. The basic industries will be promoted, and the
processing industries will be favored, all in terms of the benefit
which they may represent for the economy of the country.
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CHAPTER 9
FDN MEANS SOCIAL PROGRESS
Private initiative is not the privilege of minorities. In
a democratic society, private initiative is the privilege which
permits the person to emerge from the majorities.
The respect, promotion, and recognition of human dignity as
the sublime manifestation of the Divinity will constitute the
foundations of the action of the State, for which reason it will
promote in every way the dignifying, total education, and technical,
cultural, and spiritual qualification of .the person.
The family, as the primary nucleus of society, will be
deserving of the protection and legal, economic, moral, and cultural
assistance of the State. Therefore, programs concerning the welfare
of the family, childhood, youth, and old age will be studied and put
into practice. The family will be strengthened, and it will not be
replaced in its functions by any organism.
The families which have been victims of the struggle for
the liberation of Nicaragua will enjoy the protection of the State,
through laws which will be enacted in this regard.
The political and civil rights of the woman will be
defended and promoted. Her participation in the fields which she
traditionally has not occupied will be encouraged. Her technical
and professional education will be intensified. Special legislation
will be enacted regarding the occupational risks which are peculiar
to the woman. Violations of the dignity and integrity of the woman,
the child, and the adolescent will be severely punished.
A policy will be developed which will convert the youth
into an engine of public administration, lining them especially to
social programs, such as those dealing with housing, education,
health, protection of the environment. Furthermore, the youth will
be integrated into the production process of the country.
Youth recreation programs and the technical and
professional education of youth will have priority.
The organization and operation of cooperatives will be
promoted and encouraged, as a dynamic and indispensable instrument
of economic and social improvement.
Priority attention will be given to the solution of
problems of urban and rural housing, especially through incentives
to investment in these areas and encouragement of programs of
individual effort and mutual help. Studies of the design and
construction of rural housing should occupy a prominent place, in
terms of the optimum utilization of local materials and methods, in
accordance with the climatological conditions of each zone.
Regulations will be enacted especially to favor the families of
limited income so that they may possess decent living quarters.
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The action of the State will be directed toward achieving
the highest degree of benefit for the large majority of the
Nicaraguan people. For this purpose, the state resources will be
analyzed and rationalized in order that they may reach those who
need them the most.
A permanent climate of social peace and human solidarity
will be promoted, based on a substantial increase of the national
wealth and the most fair redistribution of it, as a result of
policies which will combat poverty, ignorance, and unhealthiness,
thus defending the physical, mental, and spiritual health of all
Nicaraguans without exception.
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FDN IS THE PATH TOWARDS PEACE
Peace can only be achieved through
a pluralist democracy in which all
Nicaraguans can participate, (a
democracy) that has long-term objectives
which are compatible with our geopolitical
location.
We will seek to establish and maintain friendly relations
with all democratic peace-loving countries in the world, and we will
reject any form of intervention in the internal or foreign affairs
of other states.
We will struggle to restore Nicaragua's international
prestige, which has deteriorated seriously because of the
irresponsible actions of the present and previous governments, and
(we) will also adhere to the principles and regulations of
international law, particularly those which promote peace, the
peaceful solution of conflicts and the harmonious coexistence of all
peoples.
The Armed Forces would be constituted by the 'Army, Air
Force, Navy and National Police, with their respective commands
coordinating at the Cabinet level, and ultimately subject to the
civilian authorities that may be established at an opportune time.
Although their components may not carry out political activities
while they are in office, either individually or collectively, they
must be taught and motivated to adequately defend the democratic,
humanistic and Christian values of our national life.
The number of the Armed Forces will be limited in
proportion to the resources and needs of the country.
The Armed Forces will not be an institution dedicated
exclusively to maintain security and order and to defend the
national territory; rather, they will be a permanent school that
will enable. its members to have better knowledge of the problems of
the community and the way to contribute to their solution. In order
to better achieve these objectives, the members of the Air Force
will be educated in the professions and the liberal arts.
We will cooperate with the strengthening of the
inter-American system, for the defense and promotion of freedom,
human rights, the democratic system and free enterprise.
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In matters of foreign trade, we will seek to trade with all
countries as long as this is beneficial to the economy of our
nation. We will make every effort to obtain fair prices for
Nicaraguan exportable goods, and we will support all the regulations
of fairness in trade relations.
We will preserve and increase relations with the different
churches, based on the fact that the majority of the Nicaraguan
people have deep religious beliefs in diverse creeds, and it must be
in the interest of the State to intensify the spiritual values of
our people.
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PRAYER OF THE CHRISTIAN NICARAGUAN
Almighty God, hear our pleas and protect the Nicaraguan
people, who today are spread out around the world. We ask You to
give the strength of the Shepherds to our Bishops and Priests.
To those of us who live under the Marxist Sandinista
slavery, give us the strength to endure the yoke; protect us from
greater evils, and give us the power to defeat our enemies in the
faith.
? We pray for our children and our youth: open their minds
and their hearts to Love among all our people, and close them to the
hate between brothers.
As to those who live in exile, keep their love of their
homeland alive. Help them to be useful in the communities where
they now live, and give them Strength to rescue Nicaragua for the
Christian faith.
We pray for those fallen in the struggle. Lord, may they
all contemplate the light of Your face.
God and Holy Trinity, we offer You our pain and our
efforts. Bring closer the day in which, together in our land, we
may again receive the Vicar of Christ, to love Him, apologize to Him
and make amends for the offenses of a Communist and atheist
minority; and thus, vindicate the good name of our people in the
Heavens.
Almighty God, we promise You that every day we will carry
out an activity leading to the recovery of Nicaragua, which we
commend to Your Son, proclaiming Christ as our Liberator.
Grant us who profess the faith the freedom to praise You
fully, together in our land.
We ask You this in the name of the Father, and of the Son,
and of the Holy Ghost. Amen.
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FORM NO. REPLACES FORM 36-8 (47
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" It
...
TRANSMITTAL SLIP
DATE
TO: Fa fie
ROOM NO.
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BUILDING
REMARKS:
FROM:
ROOM NO.
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The Director of Central Intelligence
Ktshington.QC20505
OLL 84-4080
25 October 1984
The Honorable Edward P. Boland, Chairman
Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence
U. S. House of Representatives
Washington, D. C. 20515
Dear Ed,
I'd like you to look through the much publicized text of the FDN manual
on pyschological operations together with the code of conduct prepared in
pocket size for every FDN soldier to carry with him at all times. You
will see that the thrust and purpose of this material is, as Senator Wallop
has said publicly, on the whole quite different from the impression that has
been created in the media. The ultimate distortion appeared in this morning's
NEW YORK TIMES editorial which speaks of the Agency "having to be stopped from
illegal minings and murders." This distortion of reality must be corrected.
Let me describe these documents and their contents to help you work your
way through them. They were prepared in the political section of the FDN
with the help of an advisor provided by the CIA. The code of conduct explains
that the objective of the FDN is the development of a democratic and pluralistic
government in Nicaragua. It describes the need to achieve a reconciliation
of the Nicaraguan family, to establish social justice and human rights in
Nicaragua, to restore the freedoms violated by the Sandinistas, and to achieve
economic reform and greater social mobility. The manual, entitled Psychological
Operations in Guerrilla Warfare, was prepared by and addressed to people who
had made the fateful decision to engage in armed combat in order to resist
oppression by a totalitarian regime. Its purpose is stated as assuring that
every combatant will be "highly motivated to engage in propaganda face to
face, to the same degree that he is motivated to fight." It aims to make
every FDN guerrilla "persuasive in face to face communication--a propagandist
combatant--in his contact with the people; he must be capable of giving 5 or
10 logical reasons why, for example, a peasant must give him fabric, needle
and thread to mend his clothes. When the guerrilla behaves this way, enemy
propaganda willNnever turn him into an enemy in the eyes of the population."
It goes on to deal with developing political awareness, using group dynamics,
interaction with the people "live, eat and work with the people," respect for
human rights, teaching and civic action.
There is a section headed "guerrilla arms are the strength of the people
against an illegal government." This deals with protecting the guerrillas
and citizens when a town is occupied. There is also a section on the training
and operations of armed propaganda teams, made up of six to ten members
charged with raising political consciousness within Nicaragua and personal
persuasion within the population. Again, the emphasis is on education,
avoiding combat if possible, "not turning the town into a battlefield."
That context puts into perspective the four passages with which the whole
document and the FDN psychological operations have been characterized. Two
of these four passages were deleted by the FDN.
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
Of the other two, one advises on how to explain to the population if
a guerrilla, haring "tried to stop the informant without shooting," should
shoot that individual. The other uses the word "neutralize" in dealing with
the problem of removing local officials on occupying a town.
It is important to note that these two passages are in the context of
entering or occupying a community and dealing with a situation in which
actual or potential resistance remains. They are preceded by admonitions
that the 'enemies of the people, the Sandinista officials or agencies, must
not be mistreated in spite of the criminal actions even though the guerrilla
forces may have suffered casualties" and also that 'whenever it is necessary
to use armed force during an occupation or a visit to a town or a village,"
the guerrillas are to 'explain to the population that first of all this is
being done to protect them, the people not the guerrillas themselves" and
that "this action while not desirable is necessary because the final
objective of the insurrection is a free and democratic society where acts
of force are not necessary."
Enclosures
Distribution
Original - Addressee
1 - DCI
1 - DDCI
a-- EXDIR
1 - ER
1 - D/OLL
1 - DD/OLL
1 - OLL Record
1 - OLL Chrono
2
Sincerely,
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
The Honorable Barry M. Goldwater
United States Senate
The Honorable John H. Chafee
United States Senate
Hyatt Regency Hotel
300 Light Street
Baltimore, MD 21202
The Honorable Joseph R. Biden
United States Senate
6021 J. Caleb Boggs
Federal Building
844 King StreetA
Wilmington, DelOWare 19801
The Honorable David F. Durenberger
United States Senate
375 Russell Senate Office Building
Washington, D.C. 20510
The Honorable Howard H. Baker, Jr.
United States Senate
The Honorable Robert C. Byrd
United States Senate
311 Hart Senate Office Building
Washington, D.C. 20510
The Honorable Malcolm Wallop
United States Senate
206 Russell Senate Office Building
Washington, D.C. 20510
The Honorable Daniel K. Inouye
United States Senate
722 Hart Senate Office Building
Washington, D.C. 20510
The Honorable Walter D. Huddleston
United States Senate
Attention: John Wallace
220 West Dixie Avenue
Elizabethtown, Kentucky 42701
The Honorable Richard G. Lugar
United States Senate
STAT
he'll be at home Friday night (ETA 5:30 p.m,
STAT
Friday - will be in office for interview
at 9:00 a.m.
Out of town. Office will get to him
as soon as possible.
After 5:30 p.m. Friday (home)
STAT
(Thursday-in office till 6:30 pm;
306 Hart Senate Office Building)
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
The Honorable Jake Garn
United States Senate
505 Dirksen Senate Office Building
Washington, D.C. 20510
The Honorable Lloyd Bentsen
United States Senate
703 Hart Senate Office Building
Washington, D.C. 20510
The Honorable William V. Roth, Jr.
United States Senate
3021 Federal Building
844 King Street
Wilmington, Delaware 19801
The Honorable Sam Nunn
United States Senate
The Honorable William S. Cohen
United States Senate
The Honorable Patrick J. Leahy
United States Senate
Deliver to his office by 5:00 p.m. Thursday
home address. (6:00 p.m. Thursday he's SDVPg
out of town)
SI-AT
The Senator will be there late Friday atternoon
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
STAT
?
The Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
U. S.,nouse or Kepresermaraves
Room 309
1550 Main Street
Springfield, Massachusetts 01103
The Honorable Louis Stokes
U. S. Rouse of Representatives
Roam 2947
1240 East 9th Street
Cleveland, Ohio 44199
The Honorable Romano L. Mazzoli
U. S. House of Representatives
Room 551
600 Federal Place
Louisville, Kentucky 40202
The Honorable Norman Y. Mineta
U. S. House of Representatives
Suite 310
1245 South Winchester Blvd.
San Jose, California 95128
The Honorable Wyche Fowler, Jr.
House of Representatives
1210 Longworth Habse Office Building
Washington, D.C. 20515
The Honorable Lee H. Hamilton
U. 'S. House of Representatives
1201 East 10th Street (Room 107) A
Jeffersonville, Indiana 47130
The Honorable Albert Gore, Jr.
House of Representatives
Roam 1131 Longworth Huse Office Building
Washington, D. C. 20515
The Honorable Dave McCurdy
U. S. House of Representatives
103 Federal Building
Lawton, Oklahoma 73501
The Honorable Bob Stump
U. S. House of Representatives
5001 Federal Building
Phoenix, Arizona 85025
The Honorable J. Kenneth Robinson
U. S. House of Representatives
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
The Honorable G. William Whitehurst
U. S. House of Representatives
815 Federal Building
Norfolk, Virginia 23510
The Honorable C. W. Bill Young
U. S. House of Representatives
Suite 606
801 West Bay Drive
Largo, Florida 33540
The Honorable William F. Goodling
U S House of Representatives
The Honorable James C. Wright, Jr.
U. S. House of Representatives
9A10 Federal Building
819 Taylor Street
Fort Worth, Texas 76102
The Honorable Robert H. Michel
U. S. House of Representatives
Room 107
100 Northeast Monroe
Peoria, Illinois 61602
The Honorable Anthony C. Beilenson
U. S. House of Representatives
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010 22-6
. ...
_
- -
TRANSMITTAL SLIP
DATE
TO:
.7) Dc /
ROOM NO.
BUILDING
REMARKS:
FROM:
ROOM NO.
BUILDING
EXTENSION
FORM NO. ? REPLACES FORM 36-8 (47)
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIAIRDP86M00886R001300015022-6
The Director of Central Intelligence
NbArgamDCZNX
OLL 84-4080
25 October 1984
The Honorable Edward P. Boland, Chairman
Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence
U. S. House of Representatives
Washington, D. C. 20515
Dear Ed,
I'd like you to look through the much publicized text of the FDN manual
on pyschological operations together with the code of conduct prepared in
pocket size for every FDN soldier to carry with him at all times. You
will see that the thrust and purpose of this material is, as Senator Wallop
has said publicly, on the whole quite different from the impression that has
been created in the media. The ultimate distortion appeared in this morning's
NEW YORK TIMES editorial which speaks of the Agency "having to be stopped from
illegal minings and murders." This distortion of reality must be corrected.
Let me describe these documents and their contents to help you work your
way through them. They were prepared in the political section of the FDN
with the help of an advisor provided by the CIA. The code of conduct explains
that the objective of the FDN is the development of a democratic and pluralistic
government in Nicaragua. It describes the need to achieve a reconciliation
of the Nicaraguan family, to establish social justice and human rights in
Nicaragua, to restore the freedoms violated by the Sandinistas, and to achieve
economic reform and greater social mobility. The manual, entitled Psychological
Operations in Guerrilla Warfare, was prepared by and addressed to people who
had made the fateful decision to engage in armed combat in order to resist
oppression by a totalitarian regime. Its purpose is stated as assuring that
every combatant will be "highly motivated to engage in propaganda face to
face, to the same degree that he is motivated to fight." It aims to make
every FDN guerrilla "persuasive in face to face communication--a propagandist
combatant--in his contact with the people; he must be capable of giving 5 or
10 logical reasons why, for example, a peasant must give him fabric, needle
and thread to mend his clothes. When the guerrilla behaves this way, enemy
propaganda will never turn him into an enemy in the eyes of the population."
It goes on to deal with developing political awareness, using group dynamics,
interaction with the people "live, eat and work with the people," respect for
human rights, teaching and civic action.
There is a section headed "guerrilla arms are the strength of the people
against an illegal government." This deals with protecting the guerrillas
and citizens when a town is occupied. There is also a section on the training
and operations of armed propaganda teams, made up of six to ten members
charged with raising political consciousness within Nicaragua and personal
persuasion within the population. Again, the emphasis is on education,
avoiding combat if possible, "not turning the town into a battlefield."
That context puts into perspective the four passages with which the whole
document and the FDN psychological operations have been characterized. Two
of these four passages were deleted by the FDN.
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
Of the other two, one advises on how to explain to the population if
a guerrilla, having "tried to stop the informant without shooting," should
shoot that individual. The other uses the word "neutralize' in dealing with
the problem of removing local officials on occupying a town.
It is important to note that 'these two passages are in the context of
entering or occupying a community and dealing with a situation in which
actual or potential resistance remains. They are preceded by admonitions
that the "enemies of the people, the Sandinista officials or agencies, must
not be mistreated in spite of the criminal actions even though the guerrilla
forces may have suffered casualties" and also that 'whenever it is necessary
to use armed force during an occupation or a visit to a town or a village,"
the guerrillas are to "explain to the population that first of all this is
being done to protect them, the people not the guerrillas themselves" and
that "this action while not desirable is necessary because the final
objective of the insurrection is a free and democratic society where acts
of force are not necessary."
Enclosures
Distribution
Original - Addressee
1 - DCI
DDCI
1 - EXDIR
1 - ER
1 - D/OLL
1 - DD/OLL
1 - OLL Record
1 - OLL Chrono
2
Sincerely,
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
The Honorable Barry M. Goldwater
United States Senate
The Honorable John H. Chafee
United States Senate
Hyatt Regency Hotel
300 Light Street
Baltimore, MD 21202
The Honorable 'Joseph R. Biden
United States Senate
6021 J. Caleb Boggs
Federal Building
844 King Street'
Wilmington, DelOware 19801
The Honorable David F. Durenberger
United States Senate
375 Russell Senate Office Building
Washington, D.C. 20510
The Honorable Howard H. Baker, Jr.
United States Senate
The Honorable Robert C. Byrd
United States Senate
311 Hart Senate Office Building
Washington, D.C. 20510
The Honorable Malcolm Wallop
United States Senate
206 Russell Senate Office Building
Washington, D.C. 20510
The Honorable Daniel K. Inouye
United States Senate Out of town. Office will get to him
722 Hart Senate Office Building as soon as possible.
Washington, D.C. 20510
STAT
he'll be at home Friday night (ETA c.0 p.m.
STAT
Friday - will be in office for interview
at 9:00 a.m.
The Honorable Walter D. Huddleston
United States Senate
Attention: John Wallace
220 West Dixie Avenue
Elizabethtown, Kentucky 42701
The Honorable Richard G. Lugar
United States Senate
After 5:30 p.m. Friday (home) STAT
(Thursday-in office till 6:30 pm;
306 Hart Senate Office Building)
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
The Honorable Jake Garn
United States Senate
505 Dirksen Senate Office Building
Washington, D.C. 20510
The Honorable Lloyd Bentsen
United States Senate
703 Hart Senate Office Building
Washington, D.C. 20510
The Honorable William V. Roth, Jr.
United States Senate
3021 Federal Building
844 King Street
Wilmington, Delaware 19801
The Honorable Sam Nunn
United States Senate
The Honorable William S. Cohen
United States Senate
The Honorable Patrick J. Leahy
United States Senate
Deliver to his office by 5:00 p.m. Thursday
home address. (6:00 p.m. Thursday he's STATig
out of town)
STAT
The Senator will be there late Friday afternoon
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
STAT
The 1 Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
U. S. House ot Representatives
% Room 309
1550 Main Street
Springfield, Massachusetts 01103
The Honorable Louis Stokes
U. S. House of Representatives
Room 2947
1240 East 9th Street
Cleveland, Ohio 44199
The Honorable Romano L. Mhzzoli
U. S. House of Representatives
Room 551
600 Federal Place
Louisville, Kentucky 40202
The Honorable Norman Y. Mineta
U. S. House of Representatives
Suite 310
1245 South Winchester Blvd.
San Jose, California 95128
The Honorable Wyche Fowler, Jr.
House of Representatives
1210 Longworth House Office Building
Washington, D.C. 20515
The Honorable Lee H. Hamilton
U. S. House of Representatives
1201 East 10th Street (Room 107) A
Jeffersonville, Indiana 47130
The Honorable Albert Gore, Jr.
House of Representatives
Room 1131 Longworth Heuse Office Building
Washington, D. C. 20515
The Honorable Dave McCurdy
U. S. House of Representatives
103 Federal Building
Lawton, Oklahoma 73501
The Honorable Bob Stump
U. S. House of Representatives
5001 Federal Building
Phoenix, Arizona 85025
The Honorable J. Kenneth Robinson
U. S. House of Representatives
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
The Honorable G. William Whitehurst
U. S. House of Representatives
815 Federal Building
Norfolk, Virginia 23510
The Honorable C. W. Bill Young
U. S. Hbuse of Representatives
Suite 606
801 West Bay Drive
Largo, Florida 33540
The Honorable William F. Goodling
U. S. House of Representatives
The Honorable James C. Wright, Jr.
U. S. House of Representatives
9A10 Federal Building
819 Taylor Street
Fort Worth, Texas 76102
The Honorable Robert H. Michel
U. S. House of Representatives
Room 107
100 Northeast Monroe
Peoria, Illinois 61602
The Honorable Anthony C. Beilenson
U. S. House of Representatives
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
411,0',
TRANSMITTAL SLIP
DATE
TO:
cc/?
ROOM NO.
BUILDING
REMARKS:
FROM:
ROOM NO.
BUILDING
EXTENSION
FORM NO. RF1.1 Arrg CAPRA 1G_st
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
Approved ForRelease2008/11/20 : CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
The Director of Central Intelligence
NWhiqpmDC20505
OLL 84-4080
25 October 1984
The Honorable Edward P. Boland, Chairman
Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence
U. S. House of Representatives
Washington, D. C. 20515
Dear Ed,
I'd like you to look through the much publicized text of the FDN manual
on pyschological operations together with the code of conduct prepared in
pocket size for every FDN soldier to carry with him at all times. You
will see that the thrust and purpose of this material is, as Senator Wallop
has said publicly, on the whole quite different from the impression that has
been created in the media. The ultimate distortion appeared in this morning's
NEW YORK TIMES editorial which speaks of the Agency "having to be stopped from
illegal minings and murders." This distortion of reality must be corrected.
Let me describe these documents and their contents to help you work your
way through them. They were prepared in the political section of the FDN
with the help of an advisor provided by the CIA. The code of conduct explains
that the objective of the FDN is the development of a democratic and pluralistic
government in Nicaragua. It describes the need to achieve a reconciliation
of the Nicaraguan family, to establish social justice and human rights in
Nicaragua, to restore the freedoms violated by the Sandinistas, and to achieve
economic reform and greater social mobility. The manual, entitled Psychological
Operations in Guerrilla Warfare, was prepared by and addressed to people who
had made the fateful decision to engage in armed combat in order to resist
oppression by a totalitarian regime. Its purpose is stated as assuring that
every combatant will be "highly motivated to engage in propaganda face to
face, to the same degree that he is motivated to fight." It aims to make
every FDN guerrilla "persuasive in face to face communication--a propagandist
combatant--in his contact with the people; he must be capable of giving 5 or
10 logical reasons why, for example, a peasant must give him fabric, needle
and thread to mend his clothes. When the guerrilla behaves this way, enemy
propaganda will never turn him into an enemy in the eyes of the population."
It goes on to deal with developing political awareness; using group dynamics,
interaction with the people "live, eat and work with the people," respect for
human rights, teaching and civic action.
There is a section headed "guerrilla arms are the strength of the people
against an illegal government." This deals with protecting the guerrillas
and citizens when a town is occupied. There is also a section on the training
and operations of armed propaganda teams, made up of six to ten members
charged with raising political consciousness within Nicaragua and personal
persuasion within the population. Again, the emphasis is on education,
avoiding combat if possible, "not turning the town into a battlefield."
That context puts into perspective the four passages with which the whole
document and the FDN psychological operations have been characterized. Two
of these four passages were deleted by the FDN.
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
F,
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
Of the other two, one advises on how to explain to the population if
a guerrilla, having 'tried to stop the informant without shooting," should
shoot that individual. The other uses the word "neutralize" in dealing with
the problem of removing local officials on occupying a town.
It is important to note that these two passages are in the context of
entering or occupying a community and dealing with a situation in which
actual or potential resistance remains. They are preceded by admonitions
that the "enemies of the people, the Sandinista officials or agencies, must
not be mistreated in spite of the criminal actions even though the guerrilla
forces may have suffered casualties" and also that 'whenever it is necessary
to use armed force during an occupation or a visit to a town or a village,"
the guerrillas are to 'explain to the population that first of all this is
being done to protect them, the people not the guerrillas themselves" and
that "this action while not desirable is necessary because the final
objective of the insurrection is a free and democratic society where acts
of force are not necessary."
Enclosures
Distribution
Original - Addressee
- DCI
1 - DDCI
1 - EXDIR
1 - ER
1 - D/OLL
1 - DD/OLL
1 - OLL Record
1 - OLL Chrono
2
Sincerely,
Approved For Release 2008/11/20 : CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
The Honorable Barry M. Goldwater
United States Senate
The Honorable John H. Chafee
United States Senate
Hyatt Regency Hotel
300 Light Street
Baltimore, MD 21202
The Honorable Joseph R. Biden
United States Senate
6021 J. Caleb Boggs
Federal Building
844 King StreetA
Wilmington, DelOWare 19801
The Honorable David F. Durenberger
United States Senate
375 Russell Senate Office Building
Washington, D.C. 20510
The Honorable Howard H. Baker, Jr.
United States Senate
The Honorable Robert C. Byrd
United States Senate
311 Hart Senate Office Building
Washington, D.C. 20510
The Honorable Malcolm Wallop
United States Senate
206 Russell Senate Office Building
Washington, D.C. 20510
The Honorable Daniel K. Inouye
United States Senate
722 Hart Senate Office Building
Washington, D.C. 20510
The Honorable Walter D. Huddleston
United States Senate
Attention: John Wallace
220 West Dixie Avenue
Elizabethtown, Kentucky 42701
The Honorable Richard G. Lugar
United States Senate
STAT
he'll be at home Friday night (ETA S:30 p.m.
SI-AT
Friday - will be in office for interview
at 9:00 a.m.
Out of town. Office will get to him
as soon as possible.
After 5:30 p.m. Friday (home)
SI-AT
(Thursday-in office till 6:30 pm;
306 Hart Senate Office Building)
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
r'
.et
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
The Honorable Jake Garn
United States Senate
505 Dirksen Senate Office Building
Washington, D.C. 20510
The Honorable Lloyd Bentsen
United States Senate
703 Hart Senate Office Building
Washington, D.C. 20510
The Honorable William V. Roth, Jr.
United States Senate
3021 Federal Building
844 King Street
Wilmington, Delaware 19801
The Honorable Sam Nunn
United States Senate
The Honorable William S. Cohen
United States Senate
The Honorable Patrick J. Leahy
United States Senate
Deliver to his office by 5:00 p.m. Thursday
home address. (6:00 p.m. Thursday he's STATig
out of town)
SI-AT
The Senator will be there late Friday afternoon
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
STAT
r
The -ApproVedF-o-rRelea-se2'068/11/20:CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
U. S.,nouse or xepresernativus
Room 309
1550 Main Street
Springfield, Massachusetts 01103
The Honorable Louis Stokes
U. S. House of Representatives
Room 2947
1240 East 9th Street
Cleveland, Ohio 44199
The Honorable Romano L. Mazzoli
U. S. House of Representatives
Room 551
600 Federal Place
Louisville, Kentucky 40202
The Honorable Norman Y. Mineta
U. S. House of Representatives
Suite 310
1245 South Winchester Blvd.
San Jose, California 95128
The Honorable Wyche Fowler, Jr.
House of Representatives
1210 Longworth Holase Office Building
Washington, D.C. 20515
The Honorable Lee H. Hamilton
House of Representatives
1201 East 10th Street (Room 107) '
Jeffersonville, Indiana 47130
The Honorable Albert Gore, Jr.
House of Representatives
Room 1131 Longworth Fuse Office Building
Washington, D. C. 20515
The Honorable Dave McCurdy
U. S. House of Representatives
103 Federal Building
Lawton, Oklahoma 73501
The Honorable Bob Stump
U. S. House of Representatives
5001 Federal Building
Phoenix, Arizona 85025
The Honorable J. Kenneth Robinson
U. S. House of Representatives
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
V
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
The Honorable G. William Whitehurst
U. S. House of Representatives
815 Federal Building
Norfolk, Virginia 23510
The Honorable C. W. Bill Young
U. S. House of Representatives
Suite 606
801 West Bay Drive
Largo, Florida 33540
The Honorable William F. Goodling
U. S. House of Representatives
The Honorable James C. Wright, Jr.
U. S. House of Representatives
9A10 Federal Building
819 Taylor Street
Fort Worth, Texas 76102
The Honorable Robert H. Michel
U. S. House of Representatives
Room 107
100 Northeast Monroe
Peoria, Illinois 61602
The Honorable Anthony C. Beilenson
U. S. House of Representatives
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
PSYCHOLOGICAL OPERATIONS IN GUERRILLA WARFARE
Tayacan
1
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
2
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
PREFACE
Guerrilla warfare is essentially a political war. For this
reason, its area of operations goes beyond the territorial
limits of conventional warfare, penetrating the political being
'par excellence' itself: the 'political animal" defined by
Aristoteles.
.In effect, the human being must be considered as the
priority objective in a political war. And viewed as the
military target of guerrilla warfare, the most critical point
of the human being is the mind. Once the mind has been
reached, the "political animal" has been vanquished, without
necessarily having received any shots.
Guerrilla warfare emerges and grows in a political
environment; in the constant struggle to dominate that area of
the political mentality which is inherent in every human being,
and which collectively constitutes the 'environment" in which
guerrilla warfare moves, and which is precisely the arena in
which its triumph or defeat is defined.
This concept of guerrilla warfare as a political war turns
Psychological Operations into the factor that determines the
results. The target, then, are the minds of the population,
the entire population: Our troops, the enemy troops, and the
civil population.
This book is a guerrilla training manual for Psychological
Operations, and it is applied to the specific case of the
Christian and democratic crusade being conducted in Nicaragua
by the Freedom Commandos.
Welcome:
3
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
z Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
, 4
Approved For Release 2098/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
Approved For Release 2008/11/20: CIA-RDP86M00886R001300010022-6
CONTENTS
PREFACE
Introduction
II Propogandist-Guerrilla Combatants
III Armed Propoganda
IV Armed Propoganda Teams
V Developement and Control of Front
Organizations
VI Control of the Masses and Meetings
VII Grass Roots Massive Support Through
Psychological Operations
Appendix: Speech Techniques
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I. INTRODUCTION
1. General Background
The aim of this book is to introduce the guerrilla student
to psychological operation techniques, which will have an
immediate and practical value in guerrilla warfare. This
section is introductory and general in nature; the following
sections will cover every point mentioned here in more detail.
The nature of the environment in guerrilla warfare does not
allow sophisticated psychological operations, and it becomes
necessary for the group, detachment and squadron leaders to
carry out, with minimum direction from the upper echelons,
psychological action operations with the contacts who know the
reality from the roots.
2. Propagandist Combatant Guerrillas
In order to obtain the maximum results from psychological
operations in guerrilla warfare, each combatant must be highly
motivated to engage in propaganda face to face, to the same
degree that he is motivated to fight. This means that the
guerrilla's individual political awareness, the reason for his
struggle,- must be as acute as his capacity to fight.
Such a degree of political awareness and motivation is
obtained through group dynamics and self-criticism as a
standard teaching method for guerrilla training and
operations. Group discussions increase the spirit and the
unity of thought of the guerrilla squadrons,
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and they exert social pressure on the weaker members to perform
a better role in future training or in combat actions.
Self-criticism is made in terms of one's own contribution or
failures in one's contribution to the cause, the movement, the
struggle, etc., and this introduces an element of positive
individual commitment to the mission of the group.
The desired result is a guerrilla soldier who may justify
his actions persuasively when he is in contact with any member
of the Nicaraguan People, and especially to himself and his
guerrilla companions when enduring the vicissitudes of
guerrilla warfare. This means that each guerrilla will be
persuasive in face-to-face communication--propagandist,
combatant--in his contact with the people; he must be capable
of giving 5 or 10 logical reasons why, for example, a peasant
must give him fabric, needle and thread to mend his clothes.'
When the guerrilla behaves this way, enemy propaganda will
never turn him into an enemy in the eyes of the population. It
also means that hunger, cold, fatigue and insecurity will have
a meaning, psychologically, in the struggle for the cause,
because of constant orientation.
3. Armed Propaganda
Armed propaganda includes every action performed, and the
good impression which this armed force may give will result in
the population having a positive attitude towards those forces;
it does not include forced indoctrination. Armed propaganda
improves the behavior of the population towards its author, and
it is not achieved by force.
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This means that an armed guerrilla unit in a rural town
will not give the impression that its weapons are a force that
they hold over the peasants, but rather that they are the
strength of the peasants against the repressive Sandinista
government. This is achieved through a close identification
with the population, as follows: hanging up the weapons and
working alongside them in their fields, in construction,
harvesting the grain, fishing, etc.; giving explanations to
young men about basic weapons, for example, giving them an
unloaded weapon and allowing them to touch it, see it, etc.,
giving a basic description of its operation; describing, with
simple slogans, how the weapons will serve the people in
winning their freedom; adopting the demands of the people for
hospitals and education, a reduction of taxes, etc.
The objective of all these actions is to create an
identification of the people with the weapons and with the
guerrillas whO carry them, so that the population feels that
those weapons are, indirectly, the weapons that will protect
them and help them in their struggle against an oppressive
regime. There is always implicit terror in weapons, since the
people are internally "aware" that they could be used against
them; however, as long as explicit coercion can be avoided, we
may achieve positive attitudes about the presence of armed
guerrillas in the midst of the population.
4. Armed Propaganda Teams
Armed Propaganda Teams [Equipos de Propaganda Armada (EPA)]
are constituted through a careful selection of persuasive and
highly motivated guerrillas,
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moving within the population,
the guerrillas and resist the
degree of political awareness
armed propaganda,
effort.
The careful selection of personnel, based on their
persuasive powers in informal discussions and on their
motivating the people to support
enemy. They combine a high
and the guerrillas' capacity for
towards a planned, controlled and programmed
combat
capability, is more important than the level of their education
or than the training program. The Armed Propaganda Team's
tactics must be carried out covertly, and they must be parallel
to the tactical efforts in guerrilla warfare. Knowledge of the
psychology of the population is a primary necessity for the
Armed Propaganda Teams, but much more intelligence data will be
obtained from an EPA program in the area of operations.
5. Development and Control of "Front" Organizations
The development and control of "front" organizations is
carried out through internal subjective (concealed) control,
through group meetings of the "internal cadres," and by
calculating the time needed for the combinatibt-af these two
elements to be applied to the masses.
Established citizens--doctors, attorneys, businessmen,
teachers, etc.--will be recruited initially as "Social
Crusaders" in typically "innocuous" movements in the area of
operations. When their "involvement" with the clandestine
organization is revealed to them, this exerts psychological
pressure on them so that they can be used as "internal cadres"
in groups to which
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they already belong or groups which they could join.
Then, through a gradual and skillful process, they will
receive instruction in persuasion techniques for the control of
target groups which will support our democratic revolution. A
system for the control of cells isolates individuals from one
another, and at the appropriate moment, their influence is used
to fuse the groups together into a united national front.
6. Control of Meetings and Mass Assemblies
The control of mass meetings in support of guerrilla
warfare is carried out internally through a covert commando
element, bodyguards, messengers, shock troops (incident
initiators), poster carriers (also used to give signals), and
slogan shouters, all under the control of the external commando
element.
When the cadres are placed in or recruited from
organizations such as labor unions, youth groups, agricultural
organizations or professional associations, they will begin to
manipulate the groups' objectives. The psychological apparatus
of our movement, by means of these internal cadres, will
prepare a mental attitude which, at the crucial moment, could
become involved in a fury of justified violence.
This can be carried out through a small group of guerrillas
infiltrated within the masses, who will have the mission of
agitating, giving the impression that there are many of them
and that they have great popular support. Using the tactics of
a force
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of 200 to 300 agitators, one can create a demonstration in
which 10,000 to 20,000 could take part.
7. Support from Contacts Who are Rooted in Reality
The support of local contacts who know reality down to its
roots is achieved through the exploitation of the social and
political weaknesses of the target society, with
propagandist-combatant guerrillas, armed propaganda, armed
propaganda teams, front organizations and mass meetings.
The propagandist-combatant guerrilla is the result of a
constant program of indoctrination and motivation. They will
have the mission of demonstrating to the people the greatness
and the justice of our movement, to all Nicaraguans and to the
world. By identifying with our people, sympathy towards our
movement will increase which will result in greater support
from the population towards the freedom commandos, taking away
sympathy from the regime in power.
Armed propaganda will extend this process of identification
with the Christian guerrillas, providing [an awareness of]
common traits against the Sandinista regime.
The Armed Propaganda Teams provide a stage-by-stage
persuasive planning program in all areas of the country. These
teams are also the 'eyes and ears" of our movement.
The development and control of front organizations in
guerrilla warfare will give our
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movement the ability to create the effect of a "whip" within
the population, when the order to merge is given. When
infiltration and subjective internal control have developed
parallel to other guerrilla activities, one of our commanders
will be able to literally shake down the Sandinista structure
and replace it.
The meetings and mass assemblies are the culmination of a
broad base of support among the population, and they occur in
the later phases of the operation. This is the moment in which
an overthrow may be achieved and our revolution can come out in
the open, requiring the close collaboration of the entire
population of the country, and requiring contacts who are
rooted in reality.
Tactical effort in guerrilla warfare is directed at the
enemy's weaknesses, and toward destroying their military
capability to resist, and must go parallel with a psychological
effort to weaken and destroy their sociopolitical capability at
the same time. In guerrilla warfare, more than in any other
type of military effort, psychological activities must take
place simultaneously with military activities, in order to
achieve the desired objectives.
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II. PROPAGANDIST-COMBATANT GUERRILLA
1. General Background
The objective of this section is to familiarize the
guerrilla with psychological operation techniques, which
maximizes the social psychological effect of a guerrilla
movement, turning the guerrilla into a propagandist, in
addition to a combatant. The nature of the guerrilla warfare
environment does not allow sophisticated facilities to conduct
psychological operations; for this reason, we must make use of
each guerrilla's effective face-to-face persuasion.
2. Political Awareness
The guerrilla's individual political awareness, the reason
for his struggle, shall be as important as his ability to
fight. This motivation of political awareness will be achieved
by:
- Improving the guerrilla's combat potential by increasing
his motivation to fight.
- Recognizing the guerrilla as a vital link between the
democratic guerrilla and the support of the people, essential
to the subsistence of both.
- Promoting the support of the population for the national
insurgency [movement] through the support of the local
guerrillas, which provides a psychological base in the
population for [participation in] politics, after the ?
achievement of victory.
- Developing trust in the guerrillas and the population for
the reconstruction of the local and national government.
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- Promoting the value of guerrilla and popular
participation in the civic affairs of the insurrection and in
the national programs.
- Developing in each guerrilla the capability for
face-to-face persuasion on the local level, in order to gain
the support of the population, which is a key element for the
success of the guerrilla warfare.
3. Group Dynamics
This political awareness and motivation is obtained using
group dynamics at the level of small units. The group
discussion method and self-criticism are general techniques for
training and guerrilla operations.
.Group discussions increase the (group] spirit and a unity
of thought in small guerrilla groups, and exerts social
pressure on the weaker members, so that they may better carry
out their mission in future training and combat action. These
group discussions will place particular emphasis on:
- Creating an opinion favorable to our movement. Using the
national and local history, making it understood that the
Sandinista regime is "foreign," "repressive" and
"imperialistic," and although there are some Nicaraguans within
the government, we will make it evident that they are power
"puppets" of the Soviets and the Cubans, that is, foreign
powers.
Always a local approach. Matters of an international
nature will be explained only as support for local events in
guerrilla warfare.
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- Our goal is the unification of the nation. This means
that the defeat of the armed Sandinista forces is our
priority. Our insurrectional movement is a pluralist political
platform, from which we are determined to win liberty,
equality, a better economy with opportunities to work, a higher
level of living and a true democracy for all Nicaraguans
without exception.
- Providing each guerrilla with a clear understanding about
the struggle for national sovereignty against Soviet-Cuban
imperialism. Discussion guides will lead the guerrillas to see
the injustices of the Sandinista system.
- Demonstrating to each guerrilla the need for good
behavior in order to win the support of the population. The
discussion guides must convince the guerrillas that the
attitude and opinion of the population is a determining factor,
because victory is impossible without popular support.
- Self-criticism will take place in constructive terms that
will contribute to the mission of the movement, and that will
provide the guerrillas with the certainty that they have a
constant and positive individual responsibility in the group
mission. The method for instruction shall be:
a) Divide the guerrilla force into squadrons for group
discussions, including command and support elements, as long as
the tactical situation allows it. The integrity of the small
units must be maintained when these groups are designed.
b) Assign a political cadre in the guerrilla force to
each group, to guide the discussion. The squadron leader must
help the cadre to promote the study and the expression of
thoughts. If there aren't
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enough political cadres for each squadron or detachment, the
leaders must guide the discussions, and the available cadres
must visit groups alternately.
c) The cadre (or the leader) should guide the group
discussion in order to cover a number of points and reach a
correct conclusion. The guerrillas must feel that they have
made their own free decision. The cadre must act like a
tutor. The cadre or leader will not act like a lecturer, but
rather will help the members of the group to study and express
their own opinions.
d) At the end of each discussion, the political cadre
will make a summary of the principal points, taking them to the
correct conclusions. Any serious differences with the
objectives of the movement must be noted by the cadre and
reported to the commander of the forces. If necessary, a
meeting of the combined groups will be held, and the team of
political cadres will explain and clear up the misunderstanding.
e) Democratic conduct on the part of the political
cadres: living, eating and working with the guerrillas, and,
if possible, fighting at their side, sharing their living
conditions. All of this will propitiate understanding and a
spirit of cooperation which will help in the discussion and
exchange of ideas.
f) Holding group discussions in towns, and in areas of
operation with civil populations, whenever possible, and not
limiting them to the camps or bases. This is done in order to
emphasize the revolutionary nature
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of the struggle and to demonstrate that the guerrillas
identified with the objectives of the people move within the
population. The guerrilla is focused toward the people, like
the political cadre is toward the guerrilla, and they must
live, eat and work together in order to achieve unity of
revolutionary thought.
The principles for the group discussions between guerrillas
and political cadres are:
- Organize discussion groups at the detachment or squadron
level. A cadre cannot be certain of comprehension and
understanding of the concepts and conclusions on the part of
the guerrillas in large groups. In a group the size of a
10-man squadron, judgment and control of the situation are
greater. This way, all the students will participate in an
exchange among them, the political leader, the leader of the
group, and also the political cadre. Special attention will be
given to the individual ability to discuss the objectives of
the insurrectional struggle. When a guerrilla expresses his
opinion, he will be interested in hearing the opinions of
others, and this will result in unity of thought.
- Combine the different points of view and reach a common
judgment or conclusion. This is the most difficult task for a
political cadre in the guerrilla. After the group discussions
about the democratic objectives of the movement, the leader of
the team of political cadres of the guerrilla force must
combine the conclusions of the individual groups into a general
summary. In a meeting with all
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the discussion groups, the cadre will provide the main points,
and the guerrillas will have the opportunity to clarify or
modify their viewpoints. In order to do this, the conclusions
will be summarized as slogans, whenever possible.
- Honestly face the national and local problems of our
struggle. The political cadres must always be prepared to
discuss solutions to the problems observed by the guerrillas.
During the discussions, the guerrillas must be guided by the
following three principles:
-- Loyalty of thought.
-- Freedom of expression.
-- Concentration of thoughts towards the objectives of the
democratic struggle.
The result desired is that a guerrilla may persuasively
justify all his actions whenever he is in contact with any
member of the people, and especially to himself and his fellow
guerrillas, while enduring the vicissitudes of guerrilla
warfare.
- This means that each guerrilla will be able to conduct
effective face-to-face persuasion as a propagandist-combatant
in his contact with the people, to the point of being able to
give 5 or 10 logical reasons why, for example, a peasant should
give him a piece of fabric, or needle and thread to mend his
clothes. When a guerrilla behaves like this,
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no kind of enemy propaganda will be able to make him a
'terrorist" in the eyes of the people.
- Thus, even the hunger, cold, fatigue and insecurity in
the existence of a guerrilla, will acquire meaning in the
struggle for the cause, due to the constant psychological
orientation.
4. Camp Procedures
Camping gives greater motivation to guerrilla units, in
addition to reducing distractions and increasing the spirit of
cooperation of the small units, relating the physical
environment with the psychological atmosphere. The squadron
leader will establish the regular procedure of the camp. Once
they have disposed of their knapsacks, the leader will choose
the suitable site for camping. He must select a site which
overlooks the zone, providing for two or three ways to escape.
He will choose among his men and give them responsibilities
such as:
- Cleaning the camp area.
-
- Adequate drainage in case of rain. Also build trenches
or holes for shooting in case of emergency. Likewise he will
build the kitchen, which will be built by making a few small
ditches and placing three rocks on them; in case the kitchen is
built on a pedestal, it will be filled with clay and rocks.
- Build a wall for protection against the wind, the top and
sides of which will be covered with branches
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and leaves of the same vegetation that is present in the zone.
This will serve as camouflage and protection from being seen
from the air or by enemy patrols in the surrounding areas.
- Build a latrine and dig a hole where all wastes and trash
will be buried; these must be covered with earth when the camp
is abandoned.
- Once the camp has been established, we recommend the
establishment of a watch post at access points and at a
reasonable distance, from where a cry of alarm could be heard.
At that same time, a password, which must be changed every 24
hours, will be established. The commander must have previously
established an alternate meeting point, in case the camp has to
be abandoned suddenly, so that they can meet at this other
previously established point. The patrol must be warned that
if they cannot come together at the established point in a
certain amount of time, they must have a third meeting point.
These procedures contribute to the guerrilla's motivation
and improve the spirit of cooperation within the unit. The
danger, the insecurity, the anxiety and the daily anxiety
(entailed] in the life of a guerrilla establish the need for
tangible evidence of belonging in order [for the soldiers] to
retain their good spirits and morale.
In addition to good physical condition, the guerrilla must
be in good psychological condition. [To achieve this,] we
recommend group discussions and self-criticism, which will
greatly benefit the spirit and morale of the guerrillas.
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- Striking camp with the effort and cooperation of all
strengthens their esprit de corps. The guerrilla will then be
inclined towards a unity of thought in their democratic
objectives.
5. Interaction with the People
To insure popular support, which is essential to the good
development of guerrilla warfare, the leaders must lead to
positive interaction between civilians and guerrillas, by the
principle of "live, eat and work with the people,' and they
should maintain control of this activity. In group
discussions, the leaders and political cadres must emphasize a
positive identification with the people.
Talking about tactical military plans in discussions with
civilians is not recommended. The communist enemy must be
identified as the number one enemy of the people, and as a
secondary threat against our guerrilla forces.
As long as there is an opportunity, we must choose groups
of elements who have a high degree of political awareness and
high discipline in the work to be performed, to be sent to
populated areas in order to conduct the armed propaganda. They
must persuade people through dialogue in face-to-face
encounters, following these principles:
- Respect of human rights and respect of the other's
property.
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- Helping people in community work.
- Protecting people from communist aggression.
- Teaching environmental hygiene or reading to the people,
etc., in order to win their trust, which will result in a
better ideological democratic preparation.
These activities will arouse the peasant's sympathy towards
our movement, and he will immediately become one of ours,
through logistical support, cover and intelligence information
about the enemy, or participation in combat. Guerrillas must
be persuasive through the word, and not overbearing through
their weapons. When they behave this way, the people will feel
that they are respected, and will be more inclined to accept
our message, thus consolidating popular support.
Any place where tactical guerrilla operations are conducted
in highly populated areas, the squadron must also carry out
parallel psychological actions, which must precede, accompany
and consolidate the common objective, and give explanations to
all people about our struggle, indicating that our presence
means to give peace, liberty and democracy to all Nicaraguans
without exception, and explaining that our struggle is not
against the nationals, but rather against Russian imperialism.
This will serve to assure greater psychological achievements to
augment the tactical operations of the future.
6. Conclusions
The nature of the guerrilla warfare environment does not
permit sophisticated facilities for
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psychological operations, and face-to-face persuasion from the
propagandist-combatant guerrillas towards the people is an
effective and available tool, which we must use as often as
possible during the process of the struggle.
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III. ARMED PROPAGANDA
1. General Background
There is frequently a misunderstanding about 'armed
propaganda, that this tactic consists in prevailing over
people with arms. In reality, it does not involve force, but
the guerrilla must be very knowledgeable in the principles and
methods of this tactic. The objective of this section is to
give the guerrilla student an understanding of the armed
propaganda that must be used, and which can be applied in
guerrilla warfare.
2. Close Identification with the People
Armed propaganda includes all actions performed by an armed
force, the results of which will bring a better attitude from
the people towards that force, not including forced
indoctrination. This is performed by a close identification
with the people at any opportunity. For example:
- Hanging up one's arms and working side by side with the
peasants in the field: building, fishing, carrying water,
fixing roofs, etc.
- When you work with people, the guerrillas can use slogans
like: 'Many hands doing small things, but doing them together."
- Participating in the people's work you can establish a
strong bond between them and the guerrillas, and at the same
time, you generate popular support for our movement.
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During patrols or other operations near or in the middle of
towns, each guerrilla must be respectful and polite with the
people. Likewise, he must move cautiously and always be ready
to fight, if necessary. But he must not see everyone as an
enemy, with suspicion or hostility. Even in war, it is
possible to smile, laugh and greet people. Truly, the reason
for our revolutionary base, the reason why we fight, is our
people. We must be respectful towards them at all times.
In place and situations whenever it's possible, for
example, while resting during a march, the guerrillas can
explain to youths and children how to handle arms. They can
give them an unloaded rifle, so that they can learn to assemble
it and disassemble it, how to use it; and they can point to
imaginary targets, since they are potential recruits for our
forces.
The guerrillas must always be ready with easy slogans, to
explain to the people, whether by chance or intentionally, the
reason for using arms.
- *Arms will be used to win freedom, they are for you."
- "With arms we can set demands, such as hospitals,
schools, better roads and social services for the people, for
you."
- "Our arms are, truly, the arms of the
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people, your arms."
- "With arms we can change the Sandinista-communist regime
and return to the people a true democracy, so that we all may
have economic opportunities.'
Al). of this must be designed to create an identification of
the people with arms and with the guerrillas who carry them.
Lastly, we must make the people feel that we are thinking about
them, and that the arms belong to the people, to help them and
to protect them from a communist, totalitarian, imperialist
regime, which is indifferent to the needs of the population.
3. Implicit and Explicit Terror
An armed guerrilla force always entails an implicit terror,
because the population, without saying it aloud, is afraid that
the arms could be used against them. However, if the terror is
not made to be explicit, positive results can be expected.
In a revolution, the individual lives under a constant
threat of physical harm. If the government police cannot put a
halt to guerrilla activities, the population will lose
confidence in the government, which has the inherent mission of
guaranteeing public safety. However, the guerrillas must be
careful not to become an explicit terror, because this would
result in a loss of public support.
In the words of a leader of the
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HUK guerrilla movement, in the Philippines:
'The population is always impressed by arms, but not
because of the fear that they cause, but rather because they
give a feeling of strength. We must present ourselves before
the people, supporting them with our arms, and this will give
them the message of the struggle.'
This is, in a few words, the essence of armed propaganda.
An armed guerrilla force may occupy an entire town or small
city that is neutral or relatively passive with regard to the
conflict. In order to carry out armed propaganda effectively,
the following must be done simultaneously:
- Destroy military or police installations, and moving the
survivors to a "public place."
- Cut all external .lines of communication: cables, radio,
messengers.
- Set up ambushes, in order to delay efforts on all
possible access routes.
- Kidnap all Sandinista government officials and agents,
and replacing them in 'public places' by military or civil
personnel trusted by our movement; in addition, do the
following:
-- Establish a public court dependent on the guerrillas,
and going through the entire town or city, gathering the
population together for this act.
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-- Shame, ridicule and humiliate the "personal symbols" of
the repressive government in the presence of the people, and
promoting popular participation by means of guerrillas placed
within the crowd, yelling slogans and taunts.
-- Reduce the influence of individuals sympathetic to the
regime, exposing their weaknesses and removing them from the
town, without damaging them publicly.
-- Mix the guerrillas into the population, and have all
members of the column demonstrate very good conduct, practicing
the following:
-- Any article taken will be paid for in cash.
-- The hospitality offered by the people will be accepted
and this opportunity will be exploited to carry out
face-to-face persuasion regarding the struggle.
-- Courtesy calls must be paid to prominent and prestigious
citizens of the place, such as doctors, priests, teachers, etc.
-- The guerrillas must instruct the population, so that
when the operation is over and the repressive Sandinista forces
interrogate them, they may reveal EVERYTHING about the military
operation carried out. For example, the kinds of weapons used,
how many men arrived, from what direction they arrived and in.
what direction they left, in other words, EVERYTHING.
-- Likewise, indicate to the population that in meetings
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or in private discussions, they may give the names of
Sandinista informers, who will be removed together with the
other officials of the repressive government.
- When conducting a meeting, conclude it with a speech by
one of the guerrilla leaders or political cadres (the most
dynamic one), including explicit references to:
--The fact that the "enemies of the people,' the
Sandinista officials or agents, must not be mistreated in spite
of the criminal actions, even though the guerrilla forces may
?
have suffered casualties, and that this is done thanks to the
generosity of the Christian guerrillas.
-- Give a statement of thanks for the 'hospitality" of the
population, as well as let them know that the risks that they
will run when the Sandinistas return are greatly appreciated.
-- The fact that the Sandinista regime will not be able to
resist the attacks of our guerrilla forces, in spite of the
fact that they exploit the people with taxes, control of
currency, grain, and all aspects of public life through the
associations, to which they are forced to belong.
-- Making a promise to the people that they will return to
make sure that the "leeches" of the repressive Sandinista
regime will not be able to impede the integration of our
guerrilla with the population.
-- A repeated statement to the population to the effect
that they may reveal everything about this
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visit by our commandos, because we are not afraid of 'anything
Or anyone, or either the Soviets or the Cubans. Emphasize that
we are Nicaraguans, that we struggle for Nicaragua's freedom,
and to establish a wholly Nicaraguan government.
4. Guerrilla Arms are the Strength of the People
Against an Illegal Government
Armed propaganda in populated areas does not give the
impression that the arms are the power of the guerrillas over
the people, but rather that the arms are the strength of the
people against a repressive regime. Whenever it is necessary
to use armed force during an occupation or a visit to a town or
village, the guerrillas must emphasize and make sure during
this action that they:
- Explain to the population that first of all this is being
done to protect them, the people, not the guerrillas themselves.
- Admit frankly and publicly that this is "an act of
democratic guerrillas," with the appropriate explanations.
- That this action, although not desirable, is necessary
because the final objective of the insurrection is a free and
democratic society, where acts of force are not necessary.
- The force of arms is a need provoked by the oppressive
system, and will cease to exist when the "forces of justice" of
our movement
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assume control.
- If, for example, it became necessary for one of the
advance posts to have to shoot a citizen who was trying to
leave the town or city in which the guerrillas are carrying out
armed propaganda or political proselytism, the following is
recommended:
- Explain that if this citizen were able to escape, he
would alert the enemy near the town or city, and they would
come in with reprisals such as rape, pillage, destruction,
captures, etc., terrorizing the inhabitants of the place for
having been attentive and hospitable to the guerrillas in the
town.
- If a guerrilla shoots an individual, make the population
see that he was an enemy of the people, and that they shot him
because the guerrillas recognized their primordial duty, which
is protecting the citizens.'
- The commando tried to stop the informant without
shooting, because he, like all Christian guerrillas, advocate
non-violence. Having shot the Sandinista informer, although it
is against his own will, was necessary to avoid repression on
the part of the Sandinista .government against the innocent
people.
- Make the population see that it was the regime's
repressive system, which caused this situation, that really
killed the informant, and that. the weapon
1 It is important to note that this passage is in the
context of entering or occupying a community and dealing with a
situation in which actual or potential resistance remains.
?This action. . . not desirable."
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fired was one that was recovered in combat against the
Sandinista regime.
- Make the population see that if the Sandinista regime had
ended its repression, with the corruption sponsored by foreign
powers, etc., the freedom commandos would not have had to take
up arms to cut down the lives of their Nicaraguan brothers,
which hurts our Christian feelings. If the informant had not
tried to escape, he would be enjoying life together with the
rest of the population, because he would not have tried to
inform to the enemy. This death would have been avoided if
justice and freedom existed in Nicaragua, and this is exactly
the objective of the democratic guerrilla.
5. Selective Use of Violence for Propaganda Effects
2
We could neutralize carefully selected and planned-for
targets, such as court judges, cattle judges [jueces de mesta],
police or state security officers, CDS chiefs, etc. For
purposes of the psychological effect, it is necessary to take
extreme precautions, and it is essential to gather the affected
population together to attend, take part in the act, and
formulate accusations against the oppressor.
The target or person must be selected on the basis of the
following:
- The spontaneous hostility which the majority of the
population may feel against the target.
2 The word neutralize was inserted during the translation
process. The English language lesson plans used the word
remove.
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- Using potential rejection or hate on the part of the
majority of the affected population against the target, rousing
the population and making them see all of the individual's
negative and hostile acts against the people.
- If the majority of the people supports or backs the
target, don't try to change these feelings through provocation.
- Relative difficulty of handling the person who will
replace the target.
The person who will replace the target must be selected
carefully, on the basis of the following:
- Degree of violence necessary to effect the change.
- Degree of violence acceptable to the affected population.
- Degree of violence possible without causing damage or
danger to other individuals in the area around the target.
- Foreseeable degree of reprisals on the part of the enemy
towards the affected population or other individuals in the
area around the target.
The mission of replacing the individual must be followed by:
- Extensive explanations to the affected population of why
[this action] was necessary for the good of the people.
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- Explaining that the Sandinista reprisals are unfair,
indiscriminate, and above all, a justification for the
execution of this mission.
- Carefully sounding out the reaction of the people to the
mission, as well as controlling this reaction by assuring that
the population's reaction is beneficial to the Freedom
Commandos.
6. Conclusions
Armed propaganda includes all actions performed and the
impact achieved by an armed force, resulting in positive
attitudes on the part of the population towards that force, not
including forced indoctrination.
However, armed propaganda is
the most effective instrument available to a guerrilla force.
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IV. ARMED PROPAGANDA TEAMS
1. General
In contact with the very reality of their roots, in a
campaign of psychological operations in guerrilla warfare, the
commanders will be able to obtain maximum psychological results
from a program of Armed Propaganda Teams. The purpose of this
section is to inform the student guerrilla of what the Armed
Propaganda Teams are in the milieu of guerrilla warfare.
2. Combination: Political Awareness and Armed Propaganda
The Armed Propaganda Teams combine political
consciousness-raising with armed propaganda, which will be
conducted by carefully selected guerrillas (preferably with
combat experience), for personal persuasion within the
population.
The selection of personnel is more important than the
training, because we cannot train guerrilla cadres solely to
demonstrate the feelings of ardor and fervor, which are
essential since person-to-person persuasion is important.
However, it is even more important to train persons who are
intellectually cultivated and agile.
An Armed Propaganda Team includes from 6 to 10 members.
This number, or a smaller number, is ideal, because then there
is more camaraderie, solidarity, and esprit de corps The
subjects discussed are assimilated more readily, and
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the members react more rapidly to unexpected situations.
In addition to being a combined armed combatant and
propagandist, each member of the team must be well prepared to
conduct constant person-to-person, face-to-face communications.
The leader of the team will have to be the commando who is
most highly motivated politically and most effective in
face-to-face persuasion. Position, hierarchy, or rank will not
be the determining factor for performing this function, but
rather it will be performed by whoever is best qualified for
communication with the people.
The source of basic recruitment for guerrilla cadres will
be the same social groups of Nicaraguans toward whom the
psychological campaign is directed, such as peasants, students,
professionals, housewives, etc. The peasants must be made to
see that they have no land; the workers, that the state is
closing down the factories and industries; the doctors, that
they are being displaced by Cuban paramedics, and that as
doctors they cannot exercise their profestItin because of. lack
of drugs. A requirement for recruiting them will be their
skill in expressing themselves in public.
The selection of personnel is more important than the
training. Individual consciousness-raising and capacity of
persuasion in the discussions of groups for motivation of the
guerrilla as combatant-propagandist, selecting as cadres and
organizing into
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teams those who have the greatest capacity for this work.
The training of guerrillas for armed propaganda teams is
focused on the method, not on the content. A training of two
weeks is sufficient if the recruitment is conducted in the form
indicated. If a wrong selection process has been followed, the
individual selected will not produce a very good result no
matter how good the training provided.
The training will have to be intensive for 14 days, by
means of discussions within the team, alternating the position
of discussion leader among the members of the group.
The topics to be discussed will be the same; a different
topic will be introduced each day, for varied practice.
The topics will have to refer to the local conditions and
to the significance which they have for the residents of the
locality, such as speaking about crops, fertilizers, seeds,
irrigation, etc. The following topics may also be included:
- Lumber, tiles, carpentry tools for houses and other
buildings;
- Boats, launches, roads, horses, oxen for transportation,
fishing, and agriculture;
- Problems which they may have locally with neighbors,
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offices of the regime, visitors, taxes, etc.;
- Forced labor, service in the militias;
- Forced association in Sandinista groupings, such as
women's clubs, youth associations, workers associations, etc.;
- Availability and prices of consumer goods and articles of
prime necessity in local grocery stores and shops;
- Characteristics of the education in public schools;
- Concern of the population about the presence of Cuban
teachers in the schools and political interference, that is,
using the schools for political purposes rather than for
educational purposes, as they should be used;
- Indignation over the lack of freedom of religion and over
the persecution of which the priests are victims; and over the
participation of priests such.as D'Escoto and Cardenal in the
Sandinista government, against the explicit orders of His
Holiness the Pope.
Note: Other topics may be developed by the members of the
team.
The target groups for the Armed Propaganda Teams are not
the persons with sophisticated political knowledge but those
whose opinions are formed from what they see and hear. the
cadres will have to use persuasion to carry out
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their mission. Some of the methods of persuasion which may be
used are the following:
- Internal group/external group. It is a principle of
psychology that we humans have a tendency to make personal
associations of "we" and "the others" or "we" and "they";
"friends" and "enemies"; "compatriots" and "foreigners";
'Latinos' and "gringos'.
- The Armed Propaganda Team can use this principle in its
activities so that it may be obvious that the "external" groups
("false" groups) are those of the Sandinista regime, and that
the 'internal" groups ("true" groups) which fight for the
people are the Freedom Commandos.
- We must inculcate this in the people in a subtle manner,
so that these sentiments may seem to be born of themselves,
spontaneously.
- "Against" is easier than "for". It is a principle of
political sciences that it is easier to persuade the people to
vote against something or someone than to persuade them to vote
in favor of something or someone. Although at present the
regime has not given the Nicaraguan people the opportunity to
vote, it is known that the people will vote against it, for
which reason the Armed Propaganda Teams can use this principle
in favor of our insurrectional struggle. They will have to
make sure that this campaign is directed specifically against
the government or its sympathizers, since the people must have
specific targets for their frustrations.
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- Primary groups and secondary groups. Another principle
of sociology is that we humans form or change our opinions from
two sources: primarily, through our association with our
relatives, work colleagues, or intimate friends; and
secondarily, through distant associations such as acquaintances
in churches, clubs, or committees, or labor unions and
government organizations. The cadres of Armed Propaganda Teams
will have to associate themselves with the primary groups, for
the purpose of persuading them to follow the policy of our
movement, because it is from this type of groups that opinions
or changes of opinions come.
Techniques of Persuasion in Chats or Speeches
- Be simple and concise. Avoid the use of difficult words
or expressions. Prefer popular words and expressions, that is,
the language of the people. In dealing with a person, make use
of concise language, avoiding complicated verbiage. It should
be recalled that we use oratory to make our people understand
the reason for our struggle and not to show our knowledge.
- Use vivid and realistic examples. Avoid abstract
concepts, such as those used in universities in the higher
years; instead ,f them, give concrete examples 3uch as children
playing, horses galloping, birds in flight, etc.
- Use gestures to communicate. In addition to verbal
communication,
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we can communicate through gestures, such as moving our hands
expressively, movements of the back, facial expressions,
focusing our glance, and other aspects of "body language",
projecting the individual personality in the message.
- Use the appropriate tone of voice. If in addressing the
people one speaks about happiness, one will have to use a happy
tone. If one speaks of something sad, the tone of voice must
be of sadness; in speaking of a heroic act or act of valor, one
will speak with an animated voice, etc.
- Above all, be natural. One must avoid imitating others,
since people, especially simple people, can easily detect a
charlatan. One will have to project one's individual
personality when addressing the population.
3. 'Eyes and Ears" within the Population
The abundance of information for intelligence which the
deployment of Armed Propaganda Teams will generate will permit
us to cover a large area with our commandos, who will become
the eyes and ears of our movement within the population.
- The combined reports of an Armed Propaganda Team program
will provide us with details on enemy activities.
- The intelligence information obtained by the Armed
Propaganda Team cadres will have to be reported to the chiefs.
Nevertheless, it is necessary to
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emphasize that the first mission of the Armed Propaganda Teams
is to conduct psychological operations, not to obtain
intelligence information.
Any intelligence report will be made through external
contact of the Armed Propaganda Team, so as not to compromise
the population.
- The Armed Propaganda cadres are capable of doing what
others cannot do in a guerrilla campaign: determine personally
the development of deterioration of popular support, and the
sympathy or hostility which the people feel toward our movement.
- The program of Armed Propaganda Teams, in addition to
being very effective psychologically, increases the capacity of
the guerrilla group to obtain and use the information.
- Likewise, the Armed Propaganda Cadre will report to his
superior the reaction of the people to the radio broadcasts,
insurrectional leaflets, or any other medium of our propaganda.
- The expression or gestures of the eyes and face, the tone
and strength of the voice, and the use of suitable words
greatly influence face-to-face persuasion with the people.
With the intelligence reports supplied by the Armed
Propaganda Teams, the commanders
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will have exact knowledge of the popular support, which they
will use in their operations.
4. Psychological Tactics, Maximum Flexibility
Psychological tactics will have the maximum flexibility
within a general plan, permitting a continuous and immediate
adjustment of the message, and making sure to create an impact
on the indicated target group, at the moment at which it is
most susceptible.
Tactically, a program of Armed Propaganda Teams should
cover the greater part, and if possible all, of the operational
territory. The communities in which the propaganda will be
conducted will not necessarily have to coincide with political
units of an official character. A complete understanding of
their structure or organization is not necessary, because the
cadres will operate by applying social-political action and not
academic theory.
The target populations of the Armed Propaganda Teams will
be selected because they are part of the operational area, and
not because of their size or the extent of their territory.
- The objective will have to be the people, not the
territorial area.
- In this respect, each work team will have to cover
approximately six population centers, for the purpose of
developing popular support for our movement.
The team will always have to move in a covert manner
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within the population centers of its area.
It will have to vary its route radically, but not its
itinerary. This is so that the inhabitants who are cooperating
may depend on its itinerary, that is, on the time at which they
may frequently contact it to give it information.
- The danger of betrayal or ambush can be neutralized by
varying the itinerary slightly, using different routes, as well
as by arriving or leaving without advance notice.
While the surprise factor is used, vigilance will have to
be exercised in order to detect the possible presence of
hostile elements.
One should not stay more than three consecutive days in one
populated place.
The three-day limit has obvious tactical advantages, but it
also creates a psychological effect on the people when they see
the team as a source of-current and up-to-date information.
Also, it may overexpose the target audience and cause a
negative reaction.
Basic tactical precautions will have to be taken. This is
necessary for greater effectiveness, as was indicated in the
discussion of the topic of "Armed Propaganda". When it is
conducted in a discreet manner, it increases the respect of the
population for the team and enhances its credibility.
The basic procedures are: covert elements
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who exercise vigilance before and after the departure and at
intervals. There should be at least two of them, and they
should meet at a predetermined place at a signal or before any
hostile action.
The goal of the team is to motivate the entire population
of a place, but to remain constantly aware that specific target
groups exist within this general configuration of the public.
Although meetings are held in the populated place, the
cadres will have to recognize, and keep in contact with, the
target groups, mingling with them before, during, and after the
meeting. The method of conducting this type of meeting was
included in the topic of 'Armed Propaganda', and it will be
covered in greater detail under the title of "Control of Mass
Meetings and Demonstrations".
The primary focus of the Armed Propaganda cadres will have
to be on the residents of the populated place, where their
knowledge as shapers of opinion can be applied.
On the first visits of identification with the inhabitants,
the guerrilla cadres will be polite and humble. They can work
in the fields or in any other way in which their skills can
contribute to improving the standard of living of the local
inhabitants, winning their confidence and talking with them;
helping them to repair the fences of their pastures and to
clean them; helping them in vaccinating their animals; teaching
them to read
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-- that is, living closely together with them in all tasks
characteristic of the peasant or the community.
In their free time, our guerrillas should mingle with the
community groups and participate with them in community
activities, fiestas, birthdays, and even in wakes or burials of
members of the community. They will try to talk with both
adults and adolescents. They will try to penetrate within the
family, in order to gain the acceptance and trust of all the
residents of the sector.
The cadres of the Armed Propaganda Teams will give
ideological training, mixing these instructions with folk
songs, and at the same time telling stories which have some
attraction, trying to have them allude to heroic acts of our
ancestors. They will also try to tell of the acts of heroism
of our fighters in the present struggle, so that the listeners
may try to imitate them. It is important to let them know that
there are other countries in the world, where freedom and
democracy cause the rulers to concern themselves with the
welfare of their people, in order that the children have
medical attention and free education; where they also concern
themselves with_seeing that everyone has job and food and all
freedoms, such as those of religion, association, and
expression; where the greatest objective of the government is
to keep its people happy.
The cadres should mention their political ideology during
the first phase of identifying
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with the people and talks should be oriented towards subjects
which are pleasant for the peasants or those who are listening
trying to be as plain as possible to be well understood.
The tactical objectives for identification with the people are
the following:
Establishing close relations through an identification with
the people, by means of the same customs.
Determining the basic needs and desires of the different
target groups.
Discovering the weaknesses of the government control.
Little by little, sowing the seed of democratic revolution,
in order to change the vices of the regime towards a new order
of justice and collective well-being.
In the motivation of the target groups by the Armed
Propaganda Teams, the cadre must apply themes of "true" and
"false" groups. The true group will be the target group and
the false will be the Sandinista regime.
Fore the economic interest groups, such as small
businessmen and farmers, we must emphasize that their potential
advantages are "limited" by the Sandinista government, that the
resources are increasingly scarce, profits are minimum,
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taxes high, etc. This may be applied to transportation
entrepreneurs and others.
For elements ambitious for power and social position, we
will emphasize that they will never be able to belong to the
government social class, since their circles of power are
hermetically closed. For example, the nine Sandinista leaders
do not allow other people to participate in the government, and
they impede the development of the economic and social
potential of those who, like them, have the desire to better
themselves, which is unfair and arbitrary.
Social and intellectual criticism. They must be channeled
towards the professionals, professors, teachers, priests,
missionaries, students and others. They must see that their
writings, comments or conversations are censored, which does
not allow a corrections of these problems.
Once the needs and frustrations of the target groups have
been determined, the hostility of the people toward the "false"
groups will become more direct against the present regime and
its repressive system. The people will be made to see that
once this system or structure is eliminated, the cause of their
frustrations would be eliminated and they could make their
wishes come true. It must become evident for the population
that supporting the insurrection is really supporting their own
desires, since the democratic movement is aimed at the
elimination of these specific problems.
As a general rule, the Armed Propaganda Teams
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should avoid participating in combat. However, if this is not
possible, they must react as a guerrilla unit with
hit-and-run" activities, inflicting the greatest amount of
casualties on the enemy with aggressive assault fire,
recovering enemy weapons and withdrawing quickly.
An exception to the rule of avoiding combat shall be when
they are challenged in the town by hostile actions, be it by an
individual or by an equal number of men from the enemy side.
Hostility from one or two men can be dominated eliminating
the enemy in a quick and efficient manner. This is the most
common danger.
When the enemy is equal in numbers, they must withdraw
immediately, and later ambush them, or eliminate them y means
of sharpshooters.
In any case, the cadres from the Armed Propaganda Teams
must not turn the town into a battlefield. Usually, our
guerrillas will be better armed, for which reason they will
obtain greater respect from the population if they carry out
opportune maneuvers instead of putting their lives in anger, or
even destroying their homes in an encounter with the enemy
inside the town.
5. A Tight-Knit (Compresivo) Program of Teams: mobile
Infrastructure
The psychological operations carried out through the
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Armed Propaganda Teams include the infiltration of key
guerrilla communicators (i.e., cadres of Armed Propaganda
Teams) among the country's populace instead of sending messages
to them through outside sources, thus creating our "mobile
infrastructure."
A "mobile infrastructure' ?a cadre from our armed
propaganda team moving around, i.e., maintaining contact among
six or more towns, from where their source of information will
come; and at the same time it will be used so that at an
opportune time they can be integrated into the full guerrilla
movement.
In this way, a program of Armed Propaganda Teams in the
operational area builds for our commanders in the field a
source for the continual gathering and compiling of data
(infrastructure) on the entire area. It is also a means to
develop increased popular support, to recruit new members, and
to obtain supplies.
In the same way, a program of Armed Propaganda Teams allows
the expansion of the guerrilla movement since these teams can
penetrate areas which are not under the control of the combat
units. In this way, through an exact evaluation of the combat
units they will be able to plan their operations more precisely
since they will have a) sure knowledge of the existing
conditions.
The commanders will remember that these types of
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operations, such as the Fifth Column, were used in the first
part of the Second World War and that using infiltration and
subversion tactics allowed the Germans to penetrate the target
countries before the invasions. They succeeded in entering
Poland, Belgium, Holland and France in a month; Norway in a
week. The effectiveness of this tactic has been clearly
demonstrated in several wars, and it can be used effectively by
Commandos of Freedom.
The activities of the Armed Propaganda Teams run some risk,
but no greater than any other guerrilla activity.
Nevertheless, the Armed Propaganda Teams are essential for the
success of the struggle.
6. Conclusions
The same way in which scouts are the "eyes and ears" of a
patrol, or of a column on the march, the Armed Propaganda Teams
are also the source of information, the "antennas" of our
movement because they find and exploit the socio-political
weaknesses in the target society making possible a good
operation.
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1
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V. DEVELOPMENT AND CONTROL OF FRONT ORGANIZATIONS
1. Generalities
The development and control of front organizations (or
'facade" organizations) is an essential process in the
guerrilla effort to realize the insurrection. This is actually
an aspect of urban guerrilla wars, but it must advance parallel
to the campaign in the countryside. The objective of this
section is to give the guerrilla student an understanding about
the development and control of front organizations in guerrilla
warfare.
2. Initial Recruitment
The initial recruitment to the movement if involuntary will
be carried out by means of several "private consultations with
a cadre (without the recruit realizing that he is speaking to
one of our members). Afterwards, the recruit will be informed
that he or she is already in the movement, and will be running
the risk of the government police if he or she does not
cooperate.
When the guerrillas carry out missions of armed propaganda
and a program of regular visits to the towns by Armed
Propaganda Teams, these contacts will provide to the commanders
the names and places of persons that can be recruited.
Voluntary recruitment is effected by means of visits from
guerrilla leaders or political cadres.
After a chain of voluntary recruitments
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has been developed, and their reliability has been established
by completing some minor missions, they will be instructed on
widening the chain by recruiting in specific target groups,
according to the following procedure:
From among their acquaintances or through observation of
the target groups--political parties, labor unions, youth
groups, farming organizations, etc.--find out the personal
habits, preferences and aversions, as well as the weaknesses,
of the "recruitable" individuals.
-- Make an approach through an acquaintance, and if
possible, develop a friendship, attracting (the individual) by
means of his preferences or weaknesses; possibly by inviting
him to lunch in a restaurant he likes, or to have a drink in
his favorite bar, or an invitation to dinner in a place he
prefers.
-- Recruitment should follow one of the following patterns:
-- If in an informal conversation the target seems
susceptible to voluntary recruitment based on his beliefs and
personal values, etc., the political cadre assigned to carry
out recruitments will be notified. The original contact will
indicate to the assigned cadre in detail all that he knows
about the possible recruit, and the style of persuasion that
should be used, and introduce the two.
-- If the target does not seem susceptible to voluntary
recruitment, meetings which will seem accidental can be arranged
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with guerrilla leaders of political cadre (unknown to the
target until then). The meeting will be done so that "other
persons" know that the target was there, because they saw him
arrive at a certain house, or seated at a table in a certain
bar, or even seated on a park bench. The target is then
confronted with the fact of his participation in the
insurrection and he will also be told that if he fails to
cooperate or to carry out future orders, he will expose himself
to reprisals on the part of the regime's police or military.
-- Notification of the police, informing on a target who
refuses to join the guerrillas, can be easily carried out, when
it is necessary, by means of a letter with false declarations
by citizens who are not implicated in the movement. Care must
be taken so that the person who recruited him covertly should
not be uncovered.
-- With the completion of clandestine missions for the
movement, the involvement and commitment of each recruit will
gradually become greater, and his confidence will increase.
This should be a gradual process, in order to prevent
confessions from frightened individuals to whom very difficult
or dangerous missions have been assigned too early. Using this
recruiting technique, our guerrilla can successfully infiltrate
any key target group in the regime, in order to improve
'internal control over the enemy structure.
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3. Established Citizens, Subjective Control
Established citizens--such as doctors, lawyers,
businessmen, landowners, minor state officials, etc.--will be
recruited into the movement and used for the subjective
internal control of groups and associations to which they
belong or may belong. Once the recruitment/involvement has
been accomplished, and has progressed to a point of reliability
which permits specific instructions to be given to the cadre in
order to begin to influence their groups, directions will be
given to them to carry out the following:
-- The procedure is simple and requires pnly a basic
knowledge of Socratic dialectics: that is the knowledge which
is inherent to another person or to the established position of
a group; some topic, come word or thought related to the goal
of persuasion of our person in charge of recruitment.
-- The member then should introduce this topic, work or
thought into the discussions or meetings of the target group,
by means of a casual remark, which will improve the focus of
other group members in relation to it (the_tapic, etc.).
Specific examples are:
-- Groups of economic interests are motivated by profit,
and generally feel that the system prevents the use of their
abilities in this effort in some way, taxes, import/export
tariffs,
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transportation costs, etc. The cadre in charge (of
recruitment) will make this feeling of frustration increase in
later conversations.
-- Political aspirants, especially if they are not
successful, feel that the system discriminates against them
unjustly by limiting their capabilities, because the Sandinista
regime does not permit elections. The cadre should channel
political discussions towards this frustration.
-- Social-intellectual critics (such as professors,
teachers, priests, missionaries, etc.) generally feel that the
government ignores their valid criticisms and unjustly censors
their commentaries, especially in a revolutionary situation.
This can be easily demon4rated by the guerrilla member as an
injustice of the system, in meetings and discussions.
-- In all of the target groups, after the frustrations have
been established, the hostility towards the obstacles to their
aspirations will gradually be transferred toward the present
regime and its system of repression.
The guerrilla cadre working among the target groups should
always maintain a low-key presence, so that the development of
hostile feelings towards the Sandinista-regime will seem to
come spontaneously from the group's members, and not from the
cadre's suggestions. This is subjective internal control.
The anti-government hostility should be generalized and not
necessarily in our favor.
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If a group develops a favorable feeling towards us it can be
used. But the main goal is to prearrange the target groups to
be included latter in the mass organizations for the operation
when some other activities have been developed successfully.
4. Organization of Cells for Security
Internal cadres of our movement should be organized into
cells of three persons, with only one of them having contact
outside of the cell.
The three-man cell is the basic element of the movement; it
has frequent meetings in order to receive orders and pass on
information to the cell leader. These meetings are also very
important for the cell members' encouragement of each other as
well as for their morale. They should carry out self-criticism
on the successes and failures in completing individual missions
of subjective control.
Coordination of the three-member cell provides a secure
network for two-way communication, each member having contact
with only one operational cell. Members shall not reveal in
cell coordination meetings the identity of their contact in an
operational cell; they shall divulge only the nature of the
activity in which the cell is involved, e.g., political party .
work, medical association work.
There is no hierarchy of cells beyond
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an element of coordination with the Zone Commanders through
whom direct, but secret, contact will be maintained with the
commander of our guerrilla group in the operational area or
zone. The diagram that follows does not indicate which new
operational cell is the limit, but indicates that for every
three operational cells we need a coordination cell.
5. Incorporation into a "Front" Organization
The merging of organizations recognized by the Sandinist
government, such as associations and other groups, through
internal subjective control occurs in the final stages of the
operation, in close relationship with mass meetings.
When armed guerrilla action has spread sufficiently,
large-scale armed propaganda missions will be conducted:
propaganda teams will have clearly expressed open support for
the institutions; the enemy system of target groups will be
well infiltrated; and the preparation of these groups when mass
meetings are held. Then internal cadres will have to start
discussions toward the "merging" of forces into an
organization--this organization shall be a front 'facade" group
of our movement.
Any othE'r target group will be aware that other groups are
evincing a greater hostility toward the government, the police,
and the traditional legal bases of authority. The guerrilla
cadres in that group, such as teachers, will cultivate this
awareness by making
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comments like "so and so, who is a farmer, said that members of
his cooperative believe that the new economic policy is absurd,
poorly planned and unfair to the farmers."
When awareness that other groups are hostile to the regime
is increased, group discussions are held openly and our
movement will be able to receive reports that most of its
operations are equally shared. There will develop greater
hostility toward the regime and the order to merge will come
forth. The incorporation into a "facade" organization is
undertaken as follows:
-- Internal (cadres) from our movement will meet with
others in positions of leadership, such as presidents, leaders,
and others, in organized meetings presided by the
organization's chief of our movement. Two or three escorts may
assist the guerrilla cadre if it becomes necessary.
-- Following the meeting a joint comtunique is to be
issued, announcing the creation of the "facade' organization,
including names and signatures of participants and names of the
organizations they represent.
-- Following the issuance of this communique, mass meetings
should b_e_initiated, whose aim must be the destruction of the
Sandinist control system.
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6. Conclusions
The development and control of "facade" organizations in
guerrilla warfare will provide our movement with the capability
of creating the effect of a "backlash" within the population
when the order to merge is given. When infiltration and
internal subjective control have been developed alongside other
guerrilla activities, one commander of the democratic guerrilla
could literally shake up and replace the Sandinist structure.
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VI. CONTROL OF MEETINGS AND MASS CONCENTRATIONS
1. Generalities
During the last stages of a guerrilla struggle, meetings
and mass concentrations are a powerful psychological instrument
to carry out the mission. The purpose of this section is to
train the guerrilla student on techniques on meetings and mass
concentrations in guerrilla warfare.
2. Infiltration of Guerrilla Cadres
Infiltration of guerrilla cadres (either a member of our
own movement or an outside member) in trade unions, youth
movements, peasant organizations, etc., preconditioning these
groups to act among the masses, where they will have to
proselytize in a clandestine fashion for the insurrectional
struggle.
-- Our psychological war team must develop in advance a
hostile mental attitude among the target groups, so that at the
given moment they can turn their anger into violence, demanding
their rights taken away by the regime.
-- These preconditioning campaigns will be aimed at the
political parties, professional organizations, students,
workers, the unemployed masses, the ethnic minorities, and at
any other vulnerable
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or recruitable sector of society; this also includes the
popular masses and sympathizers to our movement.
-- The principal objective of a preconditioning campaign is
to create a negative "image" of the common enemy, for example:
-- To describe managers of government collective entities
as "slave drivers" in their treatment of the personnel.
-- To say that the police mistreat the people the same as
the communist "gestapo."
-- To say that the officials of the Government of National
Reconstruction are lackeys of Cuban-soviet imperialism.
-- Our psychological warfare cadres will create temporary
compulsive obsessions in mass concentrations or group meetings
by hammering on specific or selective topics; in informal
conversations by expressing discontent; writing editorials for
newspapers and radio, aimed at conditioning the people's
thinking for the decisive moment, at which time they will turn
to general violence.
To facilitate the preconditioning of the masses we must
repeat phrases frequently to let the people know, for instance,
that:
-- The taxes they pay to the government do not benefit
the people at all, and that, on the contrary,
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they are used in the form of exploitation and to enrich
government officials.
-- Make evident to them that the people have been turned
into slaves, and are being exploited by privileged political
and military groups.
-- That foreign advisors and their advisory programs are in
actuality "interventionists" in our country, that they direct
the exploitation of the nation in accordance with the
objectives of the Soviet and Cuban imperialists so as to turn
our people into slaves of the hammer and sickle.
3. Selection of Appropriate Slogans
The commanders of the guerrilla war select their slogans
according to the circumstances, for the purpose of mobilizing
the masses in a broad range of activities, and on the highest
emotional level.
When the insurrection of the masses is being carried out,
our covert cadres should make partial demands, initially
demanding .for example: "we want food," "we want religious
freedom," "we want labor union freedom," steps that will carry
us toward the realization of the goals of our movement which
are: GOD, COUNTRY AND DEMOCRACY.
If a lack of organization and command is observed in the
enemy authority, and the people are in an excited state, this
situation may be exploited so that our agitators may raise the
tone of the watchword slogans to the point of carrying them to
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the highest pitch.
If the masses are not emotionally excited, our agitators
will continue with the 'partial? slogans, and the demands will
be based on daily needs, connecting them with the goals of our
movement.
An example of the necessity for giving simple slogans is
that few people think in terms of millions of Cordobas, but any
citizen, however poor he may be, understands that a pair of
shoes is a necessity. The goals of the movement are of an
ideological nature, but our agitators must keep in mind that
food, "bread an butter,' "tortilla and heape," win over the
people, and they should understand that is their primary
mission.
4. Creation of Nuclei
This involves the mobilization of a specific number of
agitators from the guerrilla organization of the village. This
group will inevitably attract an equal number of curious
individuals who are looking for adventures and thrills, as well
as those who are dissatisfied with the system-of government.
The guerrillas will attract sympathizers, citizens who are
discontent as a result of the repression of the (....). To
each guerrilla sub-unit will be assigned specific tasks and
missions which they should carry out.
Our (cadres) will be mobilized in the largest number
possible, together with individuals who have been affected by
the communist dictatorship, whether it be that they have been
robbed of their possessions,
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imprisoned, tortured or experienced any other type of
aggression against themselves. They will mobilize to the areas
where the (criminal) and hostile elements of the FSLN, (CDS)
and others live, making an effort to (go armed) with clubs,
iron (bars), placards, and if possible small arms, which they
will carry concealed.
If possible, professional criminals will be hired to carry
out specific selective "jobs."3
Our agitator will visit the villages where unemployed
individuals may be present, as well as unemployment offices, in
order to hire them for unspecified "jobs." The recruitment of
the (unsavory) individuals is necessary because it creates a
nucleus under absolute orders.
The designated cadres will arrange in advance the
transportation of the participants so as to take them to the
meeting places in private or public vehicles, boats or any
other means of transportation.
Other cadres will be designated to make placards, flags and
banners with different types of slogans or watchwords be they
of the partial, transitory or of the more radical type.
Other cadres will be designated to prepare leaflets,
posters, handbills and pamphlets so as to make the meetings
more colorful. This material will contain instructions for the
participants, and will also be useful against the regime.
3 This paragraph was deleted in the Headquarters edition
and changed in the FDN editing process.
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Specific jobs will be assigned to other elements in order
to create a "martyr" for the cause, leading the demonstrators
into a confrontation with authorities, so as to provoke riots
or shootings which may cause the death of one or more persons
who would become martyrs, a situation which should be taken
advantage of immediately against the regime so as to create
greater conflicts.4
6. Way of Carrying Out an Uprising in Mass Meetings
(It may be) affected by means of a small group of
guerrillas infiltrated among the masses, those who will have
the mission of agitating, giving the impression that they are
numerous and that they have extensive popular support.
Employing the tactics of a force of 200 to 300 agitators, a
demonstration can be created in which 10,000 to. 20,000 persons
take part.
Agitation of the masses in a demonstration is carried out
by means of socio-political objectives. One or several agents
from our covert movement, highly trained as mass agitators,
should participate _in this action, involving innocent persons
so as to provoke an apparently spontaneous protest
demonstration. These individuals will direct the entire
meeting until its conclusion.
External command. This group stays out of all activities,
situated in such a way that it is able to observe the unfolding
of the planned events from where it is stationed. As
observation point, for example, he should look for a church
steeple,
4 This paragraph was changed in the FDN edited edition.
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a tall building, a tall tree, the highest tier of the stadium
or an auditorium, or any other high place.
Internal command. This individual will remain inside the
crowd. Great importance should be given to protect the leaders
of these individuals. Some placards or allusive banners should
be used to designate the Command Posts, and to send signals to
the sub-units. This individual will avoid placing himself in
locations where fights and incidents could occur after the
demonstration begins.
Our key agitators will remain inside the crowd. The person
in charge of this mission will in advance instruct the
agitators to stay near the placards he has assigned to them, in
order to protect the placards from any opponent. This way the
commander will know where our agitators are located and will be
able to send orders regarding the change of watchwords or
slogans or any other unforeseen event, and eventually, if he so
desires he can even encourage violence. .
At this stage, once the key cadres are spread out, they
should position themselves at visible places, such as signs,
light posts, and other conspicuous places.
Our key agitators should avoid places of disturbances, once
they have made sure they have started.
Defense Detachment. These individuals will act as moving
bodyguards,
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forming a protective circle around the chief to protect him
from the police and the army, or to help him escape if it were
necessary. They should be highly disciplined and will only
react to a verbal order from the chief.
In the event that the chief takes part in a religious
gathering, a funeral, or any other kind of activity which
should be conducted in an orderly manner, the bodyguards will
remain in the rows that are very close to the chief or to the
placard carriers or banners in order to give them the best
protection.
The participants in this mission should be guerrilla
fighters dressed in civilian clothes or else hired recruits
who sympathize with our struggle and are against the oppressing
regime.
These members should be very highly disciplined and will
use violence only on verbal orders from the person in charge.
Messengers. They should remain close to the leaders,
transmitting orders between the external and internal
commands. They will make use of radios, telephones, bicycles,
motorcycles, automobiles or they will travel on foot or horse,
taking trails or paths to shorten the distances. Young
adolescents (male and female) are ideal for this type of
mission.
Shock troops. These men should be equipped with non-firing
weapons (knives, razors, chains, clubs) and should march
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behind the innocent and unwary participants. They should
conceal their weapons. They will take action only as
'reinforcement' if the guerrilla agitators are attacked by the
police. They will appear in a sudden, violent and surprising
manner, in order to distract the authorities, thus making
possible the quick retreat or escape of the internal command.
Banners and placards carriers. The banners and placards
used in demonstrations or gathering, will express the
complaints of the population but when the demonstration arrives
to its highest level of euphoria or popular dissatisfaction,
our infiltrators will make use of the placards containing
slogans and watchwords benefitting our cause and against the
regime which we may be able to infiltrate in a covert manner.
The person in charge of this mission will in advance instruct
the agitators to remain near the placards of any member of the
opposition. This way, the commander will know where the
agitators are located, and will be able to send orders to
change slogans and eventually encourage violence if he so
wishes.
Watchword and applause agitators. They will be given
specific instructions to use rehearsed watchwords. They will
be able to use such phrases as "we are hungry," "we want
bread," "we don't want communism." These tasks and techniques
to agitate the masses are quite similar to the ones used by the
cheerleaders at high school baseball and football games. The
objective is to gain more supporters not just to shout
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slogans,
6. Conclusions
In a revolutionary movement of guerrilla warfare the
gathering of the masses and protest demonstrations are the
essential elements for the destruction of the enemy's structure.
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VII. MASSIVE GRASS-ROOTS SUPPORT THROUGH
PSYCHOLOGICAL OPERATIONS
1. General Information
Covering these sections separately could leave the student
with some doubts. Therefore, all sections are herewith
summarized, in order to give a clearer picture of this book.
2. Motivation as a Propagandist-Combatant
Each member of the struggle should know that his political
mission is as important as, if not more important than, his
tactical mission.
3. Armed Propaganda
Armed propaganda in small towns, rural villages, or city
districts should give the impression that our weapons are not
to exercise power over the people, but that weapons are for the
protection of the people; that they are the power of the people
against the FSLN government of oppression.
4. Armed Propaganda Teams
The Armed Propaganda Teams will combine political awareness
with the capacity for effecting propaganda for personal
persuasion, which will be carried out within the populated area.
5. "Cover" Organizations
The merger of various organizations and associations
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recognized by the government occurs by means of internal
subjective control in the final stages of the operation, in
close cooperation with the mass meetings.
6. Control of Mass Demonstrations
? Mixing members of the struggle with participants in the
demonstration will give the appearance of a spontaneous,
undirected manifestation, which will be used by the agitators
of the struggle in order to control the behavior of the masses.
7. Conclusion
4
Too frequently we view gUerrilla war only from the point of
combat actions. This evaluation is erroneous and extremely
dangerous. Combat actions are not the key to triumph in
guerrilla warfare, but a part of one of the six basic efforts.
None of these efforts bears a priority; rather, they should
progress in a parallel fashion. Emphasize-ING or excluding any
of these efforts could bring about serious
DIFFICULTIES-difficulties and, at worse, even failure. THE
HISTORY OF REVOLUTIONARY WARS HAS DEMONSTRATED THIS TRUTH.
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APPENDIX
ORATORICAL TECHNIQUES
1. General Information
The purpose of this appendix is to complement the
guidelines and recommendations to guerrilla/propagandists
expressed in the topic "Techniques for Persuasion in
Conversation and Speeches" (Sec. IV), in order to improve the
capabilities for organizations and expression of thought on the
part of those who wish to perfect their oratorical skills.
After all, oratory is one of the most valuable resources in
exercising leadership. Oratory can be used, then, as an
extraordinary political tool.
2. The Audience
Oratory is the coincidental means of communication par
excellence; that is, the speaker and his audience coincide in a
single time and place. For that reason, each speech should be
a different experience, framed in "that" circumstance or actual
situation in which the audience is living and is influenced.
So that audience should be considered as a "state of mind":
Happiness, sadness, anger, fear, etc., are psychic states that
we should consider to exist in our audience, and it is the
environment that affects the target public.
The human being consists of a mind and a soul; he acts in
accordance with thoughts and feelings, and responds to the
stimuli of ideas and emotions. Therefore, there are only two
possible approaches to any exposition, including speeches: a
real approach, based on appeals -
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to reason, that is, to thought; and an idealized approach,
which appeals to the emotions, or to the sentiments.
As far as the speaker is concerned, even though he should
be sensitive to the existing collective emotions, at the same
time he should set himself apart in order to be able to
effectively lead and control the emotions of the audience.
When during the oratorical momentum the antithesis between
heart and mind is produced, judgment, the characteristic of a
leader, must always prevail.
3. Political Oratory
Political oratory is one of various forms of public
speaking and usually accomplishes one of the following three
objectives: it teaches, persuades or moves the audience; the
method used boils down to appeals, commands, questions and
answers.
Oratory is a quality so tied to political leadership that
it can be said that the history of political speakers is the
political history of humanity, a statement upheld by names such
as Cicero, Demosthenes, Dante, Mirabeau,_Robespierre,
Clemenceau, Lenin, Trotsky, Mussolini, Hitler, Roosevelt, etc.
4. Positive Aspects of a Speech
In general the features most valued in a speech, and
specifically in a political speech within the framework of
psychological action in the armed struggle, are the following:
Brevity and succinctness: a five minute speech
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is ideal. A speaker who is brief demonstrates even more his
ability as stated in that well-known expression: "if they want
a two hour speech, I'll begin now; if they want one that lasts
only two minutes, let me think awhile."
Development around a theme: a speech must be a group of
organized ideas which develop around a subject. A good speech
is expressed in concepts and not only with words.
Logic: the ideas presented must be logical and easily
acceptable. Never should the logic in the minds of the
audience be challenged, since this would lead immediately to a
loss of what is most important: namely credibility. When
possible it is advisable to base a speech on a syllogism which
the speaker should adapt to his exposition. For example:
'Those who enrich themselves while governing are thieves; the
Sandinists have become rich while governing; therefore, the
Sandinists are thieves. This could be the message of a speech
on the administrative corruption of the regime. Whenever a
speech lacks an idea or a group of directing ideas, it can
easily become dispersed and confusing.
5. -Parts of a Speech
There is no true improvisation in oratory. Every speaker
uses a "mental plan' which permits him to organize his ideas
and concepts quickly. With practice it is possible to do this
in only a few seconds, almost simultaneously with speaking.
The elements which constitute a speech appear
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below in the order recommended to those who wish to
consistently improve their speaking ability:
Introduction or exordium: Upon initial contact with the
audience, a personal introduction can be made or one for the
group to which we belong as well as the reason for our presence
there, etc. During these first seconds it is important to make
an impact, calling for the attention and arousing the
audience's interest. For that there are resources like
starting with key quotations or slogans previously arranged to
tell a dramatic or humoristic anecdote, etc.
Proposal or statement: the subject of the speech is
defined, either by explaining it as a whole or in parts.
Assessment or argument: arguments are presented in exactly
this order: first the negative arguments, or those which
oppose the thesis which is to be upheld, and then the positive
arguments, or those, favorable to our thesis, immediately adding
proofs or facts which support these arguments.
Summing up or conclusion: a brief summary should be made
and the conclusions should be made more explicit.
Exhortation: an appeal for public action is made, in other
words, the audience is encouraged almost always energetically
to do or not to do something.
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6. Some Literary Resources
Although there are typically oratorical figures of speech,
truly, oratory has borrowed a large number of figures from
other literary genres, several of which we use, often
unconsciously, in our daily expressions and even in our speech.
Below we list a good number of literary figures which are
frequently used in oratory, recommending to those interested
that they use them in moderation, since an orator who makes
excessive use of literary figures loses authenticity and sounds
false.
The figures that are most often used in oratory are those
obtained through the repetition of words at certain points of
the speech, such as:
Anaphora or repetition of a word at the beginning of each
phrase; for example: 'Freedom for the poor, freedom for the
rich, freedom for all. In reiteration, a complete phrase
(slogan) is repeated insistently ?throughout the speech; for
example: "With God and patriotism we will defeat communism,
because. . ."
Conversion is repetition at the end of each phrase. For
example: "The Sandinist [movement] pretends to be above
everyone, dominate everyone, lord over everyone, and as an
absolute tyranny, eliminate everyone."
Complexity: repetition takes place at
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the beginning and at the end of the clauses. Example: "Who
brought the Russian-Cuban intervention? The Sandinists. And
who trades in arms with the neighboring countries? The
Sandinists. And who proclaims now to be a supporter of
non-intervention? The Sandinists."
Reduplication, when the phrase begins with the same word
that ends the previous phrase. Example: 'We fight for
democracy, democracy and social justice.' Linking is a chain
formed by several duplications. Example: "Communism transmits
the deception from the child to the youth, from the youth to
the adult, and from the adult to the elderly."
-- In the play on words one uses the same words with a
different meaning to obtain a clever effect. Example: "The
greatest wealth of each human being is his own freedom, because
slaves will always be poor, but we the poor can have the wealth
of our freedom."
-- Similar rhythm, by using verbs of the same tense and
person, or nouns of the same number and case. Example: "We
who are fighting will enter marching because who perseveres
reaches and who gives up falls behind."
-- Synonymity, the repetition of words of similar meaning.
Example: "We demand a Nicaragua for all without exceptions
without omissions."
Among the most commonly used background figures of speech
are:
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-- Comparison or simile which determines the resemblance
relation between two or more beings or things. Example:
"Because we love Christ we love his bishops and ministers."
"Free as a bird."
? -- Antithesis, is the contrast of words, ideas or phrases
of opposite meaning. Example: "They promised freedom and gave
slavery; that they would distribute wealth and distributed
poverty; that they would bring peace and brought about war."
Among the logical figures are the following:
-- Concession which is a clever way of conceding something
to the opponent in order to better emphasize the difficulties
by using conjunctions such as: but, however, although,
nevertheless, in spite of, etc. Example: 'The mayor has been
honest here, but he is not the one who handles all the monies
of the nation." This is an effective way of rebutting when the
opinion of the audience is not completely on our side.
-- Permission, when apparently one agrees to something but
in reality rejects it. Example: "Do not protest but
subvert." "Speak low but tell everyone (rumor)."
- Prolepsis is a refutation in advance. Example: "some
will think it is only promises; they will say just like the
others said it, but it is not so. We are different, we are
Christians, we consider God witness of our words."
- Preterition consists of a ruse which by feigning
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discretion, something very clear and indiscrete is said.
Example: 'If I were not obligated to safeguard military
secrets, I would tell all of you about the great quantity of
armaments in our possession, so that you may have greater
confidence in the certainty of our victory.?
-- The communication is a way of asking and answering a
question oneself. Example: 'If they have disrespect for God's
ministers, will they respect us, simple citizens that we are?
Never."
-- Doubt is ?a way to express perplexity or helplessness in
saying something, used solely as an oratorical aid. Example:
?I am only a peasant and can tell you very little. I don't
know very much and cannot explain the complex issues of
politics. This is why I'm speaking to you from the heart, my
simple heart of a peasant, which we all are.'
-- Litotes is a means of signifying much while saying very
little. Example: 'The nine commanders haven't stolen much,
only the whole country.?
-- Irony consists of meaning the exact opposite of what is
being said. Example: 'The divine throngs who threaten and
kill, those are really Christian.'
-- Amplification is presenting an idea from different
angles. Example: -"Political votes are the power of the people
in democracy. Economic votes are their power in the economy.
The majorities decide what is to be
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produced whether they buy or not. That is the way of economic
democracy."
The pathetic figures most commonly used are:
Prayer or supplication to obtain something. Example:
"Lord, free us from the yoke, grant us freedom."
The implication of threat, expressing a feeling against
what is unjust or unsolvable. Example: "May there be a
Fatherland for all, or for none at all."
-- The threat, similar to the above, presents a feeling of
towards others. Example: "May they sink into the
chasm of their own corruption.'
-- The apostrophe, consists of addressing something
extraterrestrial or inanimate as if it were a living being.
Example: 'Mountains of Nicaragua, make the seed of liberty
grow."
-- Interrogation consists of questioning oneself for the
sake of emphasis. It differs from the communication in that
the latter gives an answer which is logical, not pathetical.
Example: "If they have already killed my family, friends, my
brother peasant, do I have another recourse but to take up
arms?"
-- Insinuation consists of intentionally presenting an
incomplete thought to be completed mentally by the audience.
Example: "They promised political pluralism and delivered
totalitarianism; they promised social justice and they have
increased poverty.
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They offered press freedom and delivered censorship. Now they
promise the world free elections
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