THE FOURTH NONALIGNED SUMMIT

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP85T00875R001100160048-7
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 19
• Document Creation Date: December 20, 2016
• Document Release Date: April 4, 2006
• Sequence Number: 48
• Publication Date: August 25, 1973
• Content Type: IM

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Secret
Intelligence Memorandum
The Fourth Nonaligned Summit
Secret
25 Augus? 119 7 3
No. 1662/73
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CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY
Directorate of ..ntelligence
25 August 1973
INTELLIGENCE MEMORANDUM
The Fourth Nonaligned Summit
Summary
On 2 September, representatives from more than
50 nations will assemble in Algiers. Their purpose
Ls to remind the great powers that the nonaligned
movement is a viable force not to be forgotten in
today's changing world. The movement, however, has
lost its original purpose and momentum. A crucial
issue the delegates will have to face is what, if
any, substantive role nonalignment can play in the
1970s.
The Algerian Government has given top priority
to the summit for several months and has dispatched
numerous special envoys to attract the largest possi-
ble attendance. President Boumdeiene believes a suc-
cessful conference will enhance his stature and Al-
geria's role as a leader among developing nations.
The first two days of the meeting will be de-
voted to consultation among foreign ministers, at
which time questions of seating and most conflicts
concerning draft resolutions will be resolved. We
expect that Prince Sihanouk's delegation and the
Provisional Revolutionary Government of South Viet-
nam will be seated. The heads of state will then
meet from 5-8 September.
Comments and queries on the contents of this publica-
tion are welcome. They may be directed to
of the Office of Current Intelligence
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The agenda is broad enough for all participants
to accept, and a number of resolutions will be pub-
lished. They include:
--condemnation of Israel and a statement of
support for the Arab cause in the Middle
East;
--condemnation of the Portuguese, Rhodesian,
and South African governments;
--a denunciation of US policies in Indochina;
--a call for closer economic cooperation among
nonaligned states.
Despite the varied and often conflicting interests
of the participants, the nonaligned nations will prob-
ably succeed in drafting a program to present to the
UN General Assembly that opens on 18 September. Although
the more radical delegations will initiate many of the
resolutions, the final results will reflect some com-
promise with moderate states as most participants are
committed to reaching the widest possible consensus at
the conference. Both the US.and the USSR can expect
a number of resolutions opposing their interests, but
extensive efforts to affect the outcome of these is-
sues by either of the major powers would risk exag-
gerating the conference's limited significance and
impact.
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Nonalignment at a Crossroad
The Summit Conference of Nonaligned Nations
in Algiers is an attempt to remind the great powers
that the nonaligned movement is a viable force not
to be forgotten in today's changing world. Delegates
to the conference will search for a community of in-
terests to give the appearance of solidarity vis-a-vis
the major powers. This will be a difficult task given
the paucity of issues of a global character on which
the nonaligned nations can still agree.
A stepchild of the cold war, the nonaligned
movement has lost its original purpose and the momen-
tum it achieved in the early 1960s. It is now floun-
dering in a sea of changing relationships among the
major powers. In the three years since the summit
conference in Lusaka, the US and the USSR have moved
from confrontation to negotiation on a number of im-
portant issues, the People's Republic of China has
emerged from isolation to occupy a permanent seat on
the UN Security Council, the European Common Market
has been expanded, and Japan has become the dominant
economic power in Asia. The dividing lines between
the power blocs also have been blurred by the Soviet
Union's continuing quarrel with China and by Washing-
ton's improved relationship with Peking. In this
increasingly multi-polar world of detente, a central
issue the delegates will have to face is clarifying
and redefining the role of nonalignment.
The Algiers summit will be the largest gathering
of nonaligned nations so far. More than 60 nations
have been invited to attend the conference from 2-8
September as full members, and the latest count indi-
cates 62 will be represented (See Appendix). Some 20
observers and guests, representing various liberation
movements as well as governments, will also be present.
The first two days of the meeting will be devoted to
consultation among the foreign ministers,.at which
time contentious questions of representation and most
conflicts on the wording of draft resolutions will be
resolved. Prince Sihanouk's delegation (GRUN.K) and
the Provisional Revolutionary Government (PRG) of
South Vietnam delegation are expected to be seated as
full members. The assembled heads of state will then
meet from 5-8 September.
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Algeria's Role
Algiers began preparing for the summit a year
ago when it was chosen as the conference site at
a meeting of nonaligned foreign ministers in Guyana.
The Algerian Government has given top priority to the
summit for several months and has dispatched numerous
special envoys to attract the largest possible attend-
ance by heads of state. A large number of ambassadors
have been called home for the meeting, and the entire
protocol office of the foreign ministry has been reas-
signed to assist in the preparations. Residents of the
Club des'Pins resort complex, where the meetings will
take place, have been evicted so that their homes can
be prepared for the delegates. In the end, Algeria's
total expenditures for the conference may run as high
as $25 million. President Boumediene, who has devoted
an enormous amount of time to the preparations, be-
lieves Algeria's role as a leader among developing na-
tions and his own stature will be greatly enhanced by
the summit.
As host, Algeria will play a major role in draft-
ing resolutions and determining the order in which
topics are considered. Boumediene's main objectives
include:
--a strong resolution on the Middle East situa-
tion condemning Israel and focusing attention
on the plight of Palestinians;
--a resolution calling for increased support of
the African liberation movements;
--a call for increased economic cooperation and
coordination among developing nations to in-
crease their political leverage with the
great powers--including the use of oil as a
political weapon.
Although he will press hard for approval of strong
planks on these and other issues, Boumediene knows he
may have to settle for watered-down versions of some
resolutions to avoid open splits at the conference.
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On the Middle East question, Boumediene has
tried to get various Arab leaders to support a unified
Arab initiative for a settlement with Israel in time
for presentation to the nonaligned summit. These ef-
forts, however, have not generated any real movement.
Arab states are seldom able to unite on any action
proposal, and the issue of a negotiated settlement
with Israel is particularly divisive. Frontline states
like Egypt and Syria, moreover, do not consider Algeria
an equal party with a major stake in the Middle East
dispute.
Algeria will play a leading role in seating Si-
hanouk's GRUNK and the PRG as full members. The Al-
gerians, supported by Arabs and African militants, hope
to use the precedent that these delegations were seated
at the ministerial meeting in Georgetown last year to
avoid discussion and to head off a major accreditation
debate. While Laos, Indonesia, and Malaysia walked out
over this issue last year, they are unlikely to do so
again. Despite the disgruntlement and reservations of
some Asian delegates, there is no evidence that Asians
plan a major effort to deny seats to these two delega-
tions. Non-Asian moderates are clearly unwilling to
take a strong stand, and most consider this matter a
peripheral issue.
Other Participants
The motives of those attending the Algiers
gathering are as varied as the participants. For
Cairo, the summit will be a forum for expounding and
gaining further international support for its estab-
lished position on how the Middle East conflict should
be resolved. Since the US veto of a UN Middle East
resolution on 26 July, Cairo has been making an inten-
sive effort to develop a strategy for the conference.
President Sadat views the meeting as an opportunity
to capitalize on the moral victory he believes he won
at the UN by portraying the lone US negative vote as
an indication of US-Israeli isolation from a world
community which supports Egypt. Accordingly, the
Egyptians will probably seek adoption of a resolution
modeled on the one vetoed by the US.
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The Egyptian approach in Algiers will probably
be relatively moderate in order to solicit the widest
possible support from nations with some standing out-
side the Middle East. Cairo used with considerable
success just such an approach during the Security
Council debate on the Middle East last month. To en-
sure endorsement of its position on the Middle East,
Egypt will probably resist radical Arab attempts to
push through a more inflammatory resolution. In this
vein, the Egyptians are likely to work with Saudi
Arabia and the Persian Gulf oil states, to head off
any resolution requiring a more active Arab policy
regarding the use of oil as a political weapon.
For Yugoslavia, the Algiers meeting presents an
important opportunity for raising the stock of non-
alignment--a keystone of Yugoslav foreign policy--at
home and abroad. Tito, who plans to attend, is the
only one of the four original supporters of nonalign-
ment still alive; the others were Nehru, Sukarno, and
Nasir. Many Yugoslavs, because of the inconstancy of
the nonaligned movement in recent years (particularly
the Soviet friendship treaties with Egypt, India, and
Iraq), have come to doubt whether nonalignment has
made a significant contribution to the country's se-
curity. With the nation on the verge of the Tito
succession, the regime wants to dispose of any ambig-
uities in general foreign policy guidelines.
Belgrade needs a show of unity and strength in
Algiers to revitalize nonalignment and thereby enhance
Yugoslavia's stature in the coming deliberations of the
European Security Conference, Working behind the
scenes, Belgrade may try to dampen support for radical
initiatives, call for greater cooperation among devel-
oping countries, and attempt to counterbalance inevita-
ble attempts by some delegations to bait the US while
taking it easy on the USSR. On a few issues, like the
Panama Canal question, Belgrade may risk US displeasure
by failing to oppose an anti-US resolution if there is
a positive consensus among attending delegates? Simi-
larly, Belgrade will probably restate its strong support
for national liberation movements.
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India, by virtue of its historical role in the
movement, is committed to attend. New Delhi does
not like the strident tone and current trend toward
extremism. It would like to see the nonaligned move-
ment remain a forum of smaller, less-developed coun-
tries that cooperate in self-interest against great
power attempts to exert political or economic pressure.
The Indians will staunchly oppose any efforts to in-
stitutionalize nonalignment; they believe the consul-
tative committee at the UN adequately performs this
function.
India will work to preserve conference unity and
to restore the principle of consensus, which in its
view means the lowest common denominator upon which
participants can agree, in formulating final resolu-
tions. India believes the Arab-African majority vio-
lated this principle at last year's meeting in Guyana
on matters of accreditation and conference venue, and
that divisions were produced that have not yet healed.
New Delhi is against raising purely regional issues,
such as the Middle East and South Africa questions,
because it believes they will only further divide the
nonaligned nations. If resolutions on zones of peace
and economic cooperation are put forth in sufficiently
vague language to allow broad interpretation, India
will support them.
For Indonesia, Asia's other giant neutral, the
Algiers summit offers more pitfalls than opportunities.
Jakarta sees little value in the nonaligned sessions
unless the tendency toward strident political posturing
is curbed, and a serious effort is made to get down to
business on substantive matters such as economic coop-
eration. Indonesia, along with Laos and Malaysia,
walked out of the Georgetown meeting last year in pro-
test over the accreditation decisions. President Su-
harto's concern that the presence of Sihanouk will turn
the conference into a widely polarized political forum
will result in his staying away, leaving Foreign Minis-
ter Malik to be the Indonesian representative.
The Black African states will comprise the largest
regional grouping in Algiers. The attitudes of the var-
ious countries vary. Economic cooperation will be fore-
most in the w',-:ds of many moderate Africans. Militant
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activists like Tanzania will be out in front on some
political questions, especially support for Sihanouk
and the PRG. All Africans, regardless of political
coloration, are in general agreement on the principle
of majority rule in southern Africa. They will in-
troduce a resolution censuring the white minority
governments and western states that trade with them
and calling for increased support for the African
liberation movements.
Some ten Latin American countries may be in Al-
giers. Each has its own reason for attending, but
all view their presence as a means of self-expression.
As the nations of Latin America move away from the
United States politically, nonalignment becomes more
attractive. Many of them are leery of both the USSR
and the US, and therefore are willing to explore and
exploit nonalignment.
Cuba and Chile will be the most active Latin
American participants. The Cubans intend to orient
the proceedings totally against the US. The Cubans
will speak out strongly against "North American im-
perialism" and probably demand independence for
Puerto Rico and the end of US control of the Panama
Canal. Although Cuba has had frequent contact in
recent months with some of the nonaligned countries
to enlist their support, its proclivity for inflam-
matory tactics and one-sided attacks against the US
may prove counterproductive.
Chile will probably focus on big power economic
exploitation. President Allende has indicated he is
especially interested in measures to combat threats
to the sovereignty of states over their own natural
resources and to resist economic control by multi-
national corporations.
Soviet and Chinese Attitudes
The Soviets have always been ambivalent about
the nonaligned movement because they do not accept
that any country can be truly nonaligned. In the
early years of the movement, nonaligned resolutions
got considerable Soviet propaganda support because
they were mainly anti-Western. Now that most under-
developed countries tend to view both the US and the
USSR with reserve, the Soviets are more wary.
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Current Soviet press play on the summit has
been sparse; Moscow is unenthusiastic about its prob-
able outcome. The Soviets expect to be lumped to-
gether with the West when the delegates get around
to discussing economic relations between developing
and industrialized countries. Moscow takes a dim
view of the prospect that many conference participants
will accord Prince Sihanouk and his "government" a
prominent role. The Soviets would be displeased if
their policy of detente with the US comes under, heavy
fire. As a result, Soviet propaganda coverage, once
the conference gets under way, will be highly selec-
tive.
China's interest in the Algiers meeting is to
secure political influence by portraying itself as
a champion of third world economic and political
interest.l vis-a-vis the two sunopowers. Peking
will be an active lobbyist in Algiers, though it is
unlikely to participate in any formal capacity.
China does not characterize itself as nonaligned,
even though it classifies itself in economic terms
as part of the third world. The Chinese will prob-
ably use the same tactics that proved successful
last year in Guyana. They will closely monitor the
meeting and lobby for their views by using personnel
of the Chinese Embassy in Algiers.
Peking can be expected to follow its established
line of denouncing alleged Soviet and US efforts to
carve out spheres of economic and political influence.
The Chinese probably will support nonaligned endorse-
ment of a 200-mile national maritime economic zone,
a greater voice for developing countries in inter-
national economic and financial affairs, and a resolu-
tion supporting the Arab and Palestinian position on
the Middle East. As at the meeting in Georgetown,
the Chinese will work to ensure the seating of Sihanouk
and the PRG.
The Agenda
In an effort to avoid the divisions that marred
the Georgetown foreign ministers' meeting, a broad,
loosely worded agenda has been drafted for Algier!~,
The major points are:
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 --a general review of the international situa-
tion and the role of nonalignment;
--the coordination of activities of nonaligned
countries to strengthen world peace and se-
curity;
--the economic and social development of non-
aligned nations;
--measures to promote closer cooperation and
coordination among nonaligned states.
More narrowly defined issues will be drafted at
the final preparatory meeting in Algiers on 29-31
August. A Middle East resolution will be formulated
condemning Israel for acquisition of territory by
force and reaffirming support for the rights of
Palestinians. Such a resolution also is likely to
condemn Israeli aggression against international
airlines. Portuguese, Rhodesian, and South African
policies toward blacks will come under strong at-
tack in other resolutions. There also may be some
movement toward developing a program of closer eco-
nomic and technical cooperation among the nonaligned
states. It is unlikely that there will be sufficient
support to establish a permanent body or committee
to coordinate economic policies.
A number of other issues will come up and on
some of these there will be sufficient unanimity to
pass resolutions. The summit is expected to issue
a call for strengthening the UN. Coordination of
policies for the future conference on Law of the Sea
will be discussed, but there is little likelihood
that any agreement of substance will be achieved.
Similarly, there will be lengthy discussion of meas-
ures to combat threats to permanent sovereignty over
natural resources, including the activities of multi-
national corporations.
Under the headi.r.',g of strengthening international
security, there may be calls for the creation of zones
of peace in the Mediterranean Sea, the Persian Gulf,
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and the Indian Ocean. Measures to intensify efforts
for general and complete disarmament will also be
discussed. A resolution declaring the peoples of
Indochina victims of aggression and condemning US
policies in Southeast Asia is inevitable.
Beyond the Summit
The participants in the end will probably agree
on a nonaligned program to present to the UN General
Assembly in October. The Algiers summit will be
marked more by rhetoric than substantive accomplish-
ment, however, and the concept of nonalignment is
not likely to regain any of its lost momentum. Major
delegations will have to spend an inordinate amount
of time beating down extremist resolutions and nego-
tiating common ground. The militant Arab-.African
minority that dominated the ministerial meeting in
Georgetown last year will be especially difficult
to control. Most delegations will agree that what
the meeting says should reflect a consensus and this
will help to moderate the resolutions. The tone of
summit declarations will still depend, however, on
how forcefully moderate leaders insist that resolu-
tions reflect their own positions and whether they
are well enough organized to deal with constant
pressure from radical delegations.
Both the US and the USSR can expect to draw
verbal abuse at the summit. At a minimum, the US
will be criticized on the Middle East and Indochina
and probably the Panama Canal, even if moderate
delegations are able to modify some of the more
strident language. Extensive efforts by major
powers to affect the outcome of the conference,
however, would almost certainly be viewed as
meddling by Algeria and many other delegations
and would risk exaggerating the conference's sig-
nificance and impact.
The resolutions passed in Algiers will have
little lasting impact. The world press will cover
the Algiers proceedings, but it is unlikely that
its interest in the resolutions will much outlast
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the end of the conference. The resolutions will
have no binding force, and those that are not self-
fulfilling will never be implemented by the par-
ticipants acting as a bloc. When the conference
ends most of the participants will once again focus
on more pressing local and regional problems. Even
if resolutions are brought to the UN General As-
sembly as products of the nonaligned conference,
there is no assurance that all nonaligned states
will support them at the UN if it appears at the
time that the resolutions conflict with their
national interests.
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Delegations Expected to Attend the Nonaligned Summit
County
Afghanistan
Algeria
Argen Gina
Bahrain
Bangladesh
Bhutan
Botswana
Surma
Eurundi
Cambodia (GRUNK)
Cameroon.
Central Af_ican
Republic
Chad
Chile
Congo
Cuba
Cyprus
Heading Delegation
Ambassador to West
Germany Pazhwak
President Boumediene
Foreign Minister Vignes
Amir Khalifa
Foreign Minister Hossain
Vice President Masire
Prime Minister Ne Win
Prince Sihanouk
President Ahidjo
President Bokassa
President Tombalbaye
President Allende
President Ngouabi
Prime Minister Fidel Castro
Foreign Minister
Khristofidis
Dahomey
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Country
Egypt
Ethiopia
Gabon
Gambia
Ghana
Guinea
Guyana
India
Indonesia
Iraq
Ivory Coast
Kenya
Kuwait
Laos
Lebanon
Lesotho
Liberia
Malagasy Republic
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Heading Delegation
Ambassador Teodoro
Bustamante
President Sadat
Emperor Haile Selassie
President Bongo
Commissioner for Foreign
Affairs Baah
Prime Minister Burnham
Prime Minister Gandhi
Foreign Minister Malik
President Bakr
President Houphouet-
Boigny
Prime Minister Manley
Ambassador to Arab League
Abd Al-Munim Rifai
Amir Sabah
Prime Minister Sulh
Prime Minister Jonathan
President Tolbert
Foreign Minister
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Country
Malaysia
Mali
Mauritania
Mauritius
Mexico*
Morocco
Nepal
Niger
Nigeria
Panama*
Peru
Qatar
Saudi Arabia
Senegal
Sierra Leone
Somalia
South Vietnam (PRG)
Singapore
Sri Lanka
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Heading Delegation
Prime Minister Razak
President Traore
President Quid Daddah
Prime Minister Ramgoolam
Foreign Secretary Rabasa
King Hassan II
King Birendra
President Diori
General Gowon
Foreign Minister Tack
Prime Minister Mercado
Foreign Minister Suhaym
Al-Thani
Foreign Minister
Nsekalije
King Faysal
President Senghor
President Stevens
Chairman of National
Liberation Front
Nguyen Huu Tho
Foreign Minister
Rjaratnam
Prime Minister
Bandaranaike
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Country
Sudan
Swaziland
Syria
Tanzania
Togo
Trinidad and Tobago
Tunisia
Uganda
United Arab Emirates
Upper Volta
Uruguay*
Venezuela*
Yemen Arab Republic
Heading Delegation
President Numayri
Deputy Prime Minister
Khumalo
President Asad
President Nyerere
President Eyadema
UN Rep. Eustace Seignoret
President Bourguiba
President Amin
President Zayid
President Lamizana
Senior Foreign Ministry
Official Perez Chiriboga
President of the Repub-
lican Council Iryani
Yemen, People's
Democratic Republic of
Yugoslavia
Zaire
Zambia
President Tito
President Mobutu Sese Seko
President 1.:unda
*Will attend as observer.
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