TRANSLATIONS FROM 'VOYENNAYA MYSL' NUMBER 3 - MARCH 1971

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP85T00875R000300010018-5
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 126
• Document Creation Date: December 20, 2016
• Document Release Date: September 22, 2003
• Sequence Number: 18
• Publication Date: March 29, 1974
• Content Type: TRANS

STAT
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FOREIGN PRESS DIGEST
Translations From "Voyennaya Mysi"
NUMBER 3 - MARCH 1971
29 March 1974
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FOREIGN BROADCAST INFORMATION SERVICE
FOREIGN PRESS DIGEST NO. 0020 -- 29 March 1971,
TRANSLATIONS FROM "VOYENNAYA MYSL'," NO. 3, MARCH 1971
Issue No. 3, March 1971, was signed to the press on 22 February 1971.
CONTENTS
The Party of Lenin -- The Fighting Vanguard
of the Soviet People (3-13)
Internationalist Indoctrination of Soldiers in the
Armies of Warsaw Pact Countries (14-29)
Mar SU I. Yakubovskiy
The Defense of the Achievements of Socialism --
a General Law of the Building of Communism (30-42)
Col V. Zubarev
The Significance of the Seas and Oceans in Combat Actions (43-50)
Rear Adm K. Stalbo
15
36
53
The Role of Cities in Armed Combat (51-56) 64
Col G. Yefimov
Fifteen Years on Guard for the Achievements
of East German Socialism (57-63)
Maj Gen R. Menzel
Military-Pedagogical Mastery (64-71)
Col I. Pugin
The Military Experience of the Paris Commune (72-82)
Col I. Rostunov
West Germany: Politics and the Bundesvehr (83-90)
Col 0. Rubtsov
72
81
92
io6
War and Politics (91-96) 117
Col 0. Rzheshevskiy
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TilE PARTY OF LENLN -- THE, 1, L(tTrLN( VANGUARI) OF THE' SOylEr
In a few days the 24th CPSll Congress wL'll begin. On 30 March thir; 11l-
union forum of Soviet Communists will begin its work, which will nccu101
the center of attention not only of our country's toilers but of t; tc '` 1-
tire world as well. Created by the great Lenin, history's first rulin?
1,arxist-Leninist party will report to Communists, to the entire Soviet
people and to brother pecples on the results of the 5-year period fol-
lowing the 23rd Congress and will open up new horizons for the building
of communism in the Soviet Union.
The party and people have come to the 24th C1`;U Congress with a great
sense of fulfilled patriotic and international duty, in a state of mono-
lithic sol.i.iarity. Our Leninist party, a f i r,hting vanguard, the leading
anal r;uiding force of society, armed with Marxist-Leninist doctrine, is
confidently leading the multimillion toiler masses along the path of
building communism and is successfully carrying out its role of or;.;a.iizor
and leader of the entire Soviet people. Under party leadership the Soviet
people has achieved outstanding success in the Eighth Five-Your Plaa,
success which pleases and inspires all progressive mankind,
The Directives of the 23rd CPU Congress have been successfully fulfilled
in the major socioeconomic indices of the Eighth Five-Year Plan. One more
great step forward has been taken on the path of building the material and
technological base of communism, strengthening of the economic and
defense might of the Soviet ,tate, improvement of toiler material and
cultural living standards. The entire world once again is clearly s:aom
the ciisdom of our party's Leninist general line and the mighty creative
energy of the Soviet people.
This most recent five-year plan has concirmed the correctness of the
approach to management of the national economy worked out by the CPSU.
The new system of economic management has created more favorable condi-
tions for efficient development of the nation's enormous productive
resources, for rapid improvement of living standards and fuller utiliza-
tion of the advantages of the socialist system. During this period the
Soviet economy has grown at a rapid rate and more effectively than in the
preceding five-year plan. Ac is emphasized in the Draft Directives of the
24th CPSU Congress on the 1971-1975 Five-Year Soviet Economic Development
Plan, 1970 national income exceeded the 1965 level by 41 percent, while
its average annual growth was greater than in 1961-1965. Industrial output
volume rose 50 percent. The nation's economic potential grew, while the
economy's fixed productive resources increased by 50 percent during the
5 years, It is characteristic that those branches of industry which
provide the technological progress of the entire economy and directly
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satisfy the vital needs of the population are developing at a priority
pace, as was specified at the 23rd Congrens.
This great success has been achieved f 1.r.:t and foremost thanks to the
steady growth of social labor productivity. The economic reform greatly
promoted major economic achievement. The results of the five-year plan in-
dicate that party, .soviet and economic organizations are worthily accom-
plisihing one of the moat important tasks -- persistent implementation of
the party-elaborated principles of economic policy, which call for a com-
bination of centralized branch management with a broadening of the
p o w e r s of the union republics, amplification of the role of economic
methods in management of the economy, radical improvement of planning,
broadening of economic independence and initiative of enterprise work
force., and an increase in their material incentive to improve the results
of their labor. Also notable is the fact that today the overw ielming
majority of industrial enterprises are operating on the new system of
planning and economic incentive; t.e reform is now being adopted in the
construction industry as well.
Thanks to measures which have been elaborated by the party and which are
being steadily implemented, good results have been achieved in the
nation's agriculture. Implementing the resolutions of the July (1970)
Central Committee Plenum, our rural toilers, with the assiaitance of the
entire people, have produced a further upswing in production, strengthening
the economy of our sovkhozes and sovkhozes. Farm outpui: volume rose
8.7 percent in 1970, a year which included the biggest grain and cotton
harvest in the history of Soviet agriculture. The grain procurement plan
was overfulfilled. Larger quantities of basic livestock products were
purchased by the state than targeted by the plan. Kolkhoz gross income
rose 12 percent over 1969.
This past five-year plan has confirmed the correctness of the party-
specified means of increasing farm production. The method followed is
consistent intensification of agriculture on a solid basis of mechaniza-
tion, electrification and increasing use of chemicals in farm production,
as well as extensive land reclamation and improvement in zones with un-
favorable natural conditions. Appreciable success has been achieved in
all specified areas of effort. For example, conversion of sovkhozes to
full cost accounting has had a favorable effect. In 1970 approximately
5000 sovkhozes, or almost 35 percent of the total, operated under the new
conditions of planning and economic incentive. These sovkhozes over-
fulfilled the profit plans. Our sovkhozes as a whole ended the year with
a profit in excess of 3 billion rubles.
The resolution of the 23rd CPSU Congress on the Central Committee Report
underscored the importance of securing in the forthcoming five-year plan a
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further Improvement in Soviet living standards, The results of the five.
year plan in this area once again confirm the fact that the party is un-
swervingly following the well-known tercet of Marxfc,t-Leni.n.ist theory that.
steady improvement in living standards is an objective econom.rc necessity
parallel with development of the productive forces of socialism and
creation of the material and technological haze of communism. The party is
maintaining a steady course toward increasing wages of blue-collar and
white-collar workers, kol.khoz farmer income from the communal farm opera-
tion, improvement of the guaranteed wage system on kolkhozes, an 'increase
in cash payments and benefits from social funds, further improvement of
pension security for blue-collar workers, white-collar workers and kolkhoz
farmers, and substantial improvement of services and cultural facilities
both for people residing in the city and in rural areas
"Everything for man, for the benefit of man(" 'T'his party program slogan
has been vividly embodied in the results of the five-year plan, In the
results of its final year, For example, average monthly earnings of blurt-
collar and white-collar workers, with the addition of cash payments and
benefits from social consumption funds, rose substantially last year,
while kolkhoz farmer earnings also rose, Housing construction is con-
tinuing on a large scale. In the period 1966-1970 a total of 51.8 million
square meters of housing was built in this country, which made it pos-
sible to improve housing conditions for almost 55 million Soviet citizens.,
Much has been done in the area of trade, services and cultural facilities.
The 23rd CPSIT Congress rioted that under conditions whereby our nation, is
building communism on a broad front, increao_ng importance is acquired
by comprehensive education of the new man and further development of
public education, culture and science.. Past years are remarkable by their
major success in this area as well As of the end of 1970 approximately
79 million persons were enrolled in various types of education in this
country; 49.4 million persons were enrolled in general-curriculum schools,
4.6 million at higher educational institutions, 4,4 million at secondary
technical schools and other secondary specialized schools, and 2.4 mil-
lion at trade schools.,
Improvement in the overall cultural level and technical knowledgeab_i.lity
of toilers is inseparably linked with further development of our higher
and secondary specialized schools. In conformity with the instructions of
the 23rd CPSU Congress, these schools have accomplished their principal
mission -- they have. improved the quality of specialist training across
the boards and on a large scale. In 1970 alone 1?7 million young
speciali-,t: who had graduated from higher and secondary specialized schools
were channeled into the economy, this group included 630 000 with higher
education and more than 1,03'?T000 with secondary specialized education; the
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number of persons graduating from higher educational institut:t.one Ind
secondary technical schools rose by 80,000 or 5 percent over the .L-)69
figure.
Increasingly high demands acre being imposed on specialists, Party policy
has proceeded and does proceed from the position that Soviet specialists
of any area of specializat:!on should be armed with Marxist-Leninist theory,
should possess knowledge at the level of the latest scientific and tech-
nological advances, should possess requisite economic training and have
the ability competently to solve problems of scientific and technological
progress, scientific organization of labor and production management.
The CPSU is making fuller use of the press, radio, television, film, and
all other mass media in forming a Marxist-Leninist ideological outlook and
in the political and cultural development of all Soviet citizens,
Soviet science has made a great contribution toward solving current
problems of development of social production, Achievements in the area of
the basic sciences have made it possible successfully to solve many sci-
entific and technical problems in industry, agriculture and in other
branches. High-productivity machinery complexes and nsiw 'ndustrial
processes have been developed and are being successfully employed In 1970
alone approximately 3000 new models of machinery and equipment were
designed, as well as approximately 1000 new types of instrument, Series
production was init{.ated on approximately 1500 new items boasting improved
efficiency and performance, Considerable effort has been expended in the
interest of technological progress by the scientific and technical com-
munity, by efficiency innovators and inventors. Approximately 3?4 million
inventions and efficiency innovation proposals, which will generate
approximately 3 billion rubles in annual savings, have been adopted for
utilization in the Soviet economy,.
New and outstanding achievements in the Soviet space program constitute
convincing evidence of the high level of development of science and tech-
nology in this country, The ranks of scientific workers are growing. As
of the end of last year they totaled approximately 930,000, more than
240,000 of whom have doctorates or candidate's degrees, The party and
its Central Committee are focusing the efforts of our scientists on
further solution to vital scientific problems of the present day, on all-
out acceleration of scientific and technological progress, on more rapid
adoption of the results of scientific research in the economy, and on
achieving a high rate of labor productivity growth.
The Soviet people and its fighting men are well aware that the successful
building of communism in the USSR is of enormous international significance
Massive development increases the economic; political and defense strength
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of the entire socialist system and promotes the spread and consolidation r"
socialist ideas throughout the world. The CPSU and all Soviet citizens
view the building of communism in the USSR and comprehensive irrvrovement ,('
the Soviet socialist society as their basic contribution toward the world
revolutionary process, toward the struggle of all peoples against im-
perialism, for peace, national independence; democracy and socialism
The CPSU, the entire Soviet people and its fighting men are fully aware of
the fact that the world revolutionary process and the heroic liberation
struggle of peoples are encountering growing resistance on the part of
imperialism and reaction.
Aggressive imperialist circles, under the aegis of American and other
wealthy elements, have stepped up their subversive activities against
peace and social progress, Class hatred so blinds some imperialist
bosses that they, ignoring the lessons of history, are rattling their
sabers increasingly loudly and are openly fomenting war in various parts of
the world. The continuing U,S aggression in Indochina, escalated mili-
tary operations in Cambodia and Laos, bombing of the Democratic Republic
of Vietnam, U.S. support of aggression by Israeli extremists in the Near
East, as well as provocations mounted against the developing nations of
Africa and progressive regimes~in Latin America are producing tension in
international relations and are cause for great concern on the part of the
peoples of the world, since such "world policeman" actions are fraught
with the danger of further "escalation" of the threat of war., Ln Europe
West German revenge-seekers are aggravating the situation together with
U.S, NATO generals, while in the East the situation is being aggravated
by restive Japanese militarism
Recent events indicate that ther exists a unique division of labor among
the Anglo-American imperialists. The United States is running things in
Asia, while in Africa Britain is beginning to operate more actively The
"East of Suez" policy is being galvanized by establishment of a "bridge"
across the Indian Ocean, one of the piers of which will be the island of
Diego Garcia, where it is planned to build an Anglo-American naval base,.
The U.S. imperialists are increaArg the nation's military potential. The
U.S. House of Representatives approved military appropriations for the
1971 fiscal year totaling 71.2 billion dollars It is believed that in
1972 military appropriations may exceed 80 billion dollars which will
naturally lead to a new arms race Even the U S press admits that the
Pentagon is quantitatively and qualitatively revamping its arsenal. An
extremely important place in the area of military preparations is occupied
by measures to strengthen the network of U.S ,army, naval and air fcrce
bases. Hundreds of outposts of the American war machine, bristling with
the most advanced military hardware, are scattered throughout the world,
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Japan alone contains more than 120 bases and other U.S. military Lacili-
ties? Deployed at these bases is modern military hardware designed
primarily t.or waging a nuclear missile war., It is no secret that the
missiles at these bascs are aimed against the socialist nat.i.ons, the
Soviatt Union in particular, as well as against other peace-loving countries?
The aggressive policies of imperialism are being opposed by the ever-
stronger unity of action by the leading forces of the world revolutionary
procesei -- the world socialist system and the international worker and
national liberation movement, The struggle by the CPSU and the Marxist-
Leninist parties of other countries to strengthen the unity of the social-
ist commonwealth and of all. forces of the liberation movement is producing
positive results The socialist nations are expanding cooperation and
mutual assistance; their joint struggle against the intrigues of im-
peri lism and its ideological apologists is becoming increasingly effective..
The defensive Warsaw Pact constitutes an effective instrument for
preserving the peace,
The prestige of Soviet foreign policy, a policy of peace and security of
peoples, is growing in the international arena, its basic aims aid
specific program were defined by resolutions of the 23rd CPSU Congress,
which proclaimed as one of our principal tasks "consistent defense or the
principle of peaceful coexistence of nations with a different social sys-
tem as well as decisive resistance to the aggressive forces of imperialism
and the protection of mankind from another world war," As is attested by
the entire period between the 23rd and 24th Congresses, the effect of
socialist foreign policy on international relations is becoming increasing-
ly evident, as the position of socialism becomes stronger.. Ensuring the
national interests and security of the Soviet Union as well as favorable
international conditions for building communism, our foreign policy plays
an important role in curtailing the export of counterrevolution by the
imperialist powers and in eliminating the threat of a thermonuclear
world war. The Soviet Union offers firm resistance to the aggressive
intrigues of imperialist forces; from whatever auarter they may come,
Vivid evidence of this is the all-out assistance by the USSR to the
Vietnamese people in its heroic struggle against the American imperialists,
An important place in the struggle against imperialism is also occupied by
efforts by our country directed at supporting the just cause of the
peoples of the Arab nations which have beet, subjected to attack by the
Israeli aggressors,
The complexity of the struggle against imperialism and its aggressive as-
pirations dictates the necessity of purposeful, coordinated actions by
all progressive, antiimperialist forces. In order to force upon im-
perialism a policy of peaceful coexistence, the Soviet state is utilizing
all channels of political, diplomatic and ideological struggle and all
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essential means at the disposal of the world's first socinli;t nation . A
love of peace and a preparedness to offer appropriate resistance to
aggression coalesce in our policy..
In the period between the 23rd and 24th Congresses, the party and Soviet
government have carried out important measures in the area of military
organizational development, which have led to a significant strengthening
of the entire system of national defense? Under conditions whereby the
aggressive forces of imperialism have proceeded to intensify international
tension and to fan the flames of local war, the CPSU is making every
effort to mobilize the Soviet people and its Armed Forces to a state of
constant readiness to defend the socialist homeland and is increasing
vigilance toward any and all actions taken by imperialism.. Our army, air
force and navy possess all the requisite means reliably to ensure the
inviolability and security of our country and the entire socialist com-
mr.t:Lty. As was emphasized by L. I, Brezhhev,, we have built strategic
f,;,rces which constitute a reliable means of restraining any aggressor., We
shall respond to all attempts, from any quarter, to secure military
superiority over the USSR with an appropriate inrrease in our own military
strength, adequate to guarantee our defense,
The Soviet people and its fighting men take pride in the fact that our
country approaches the 24th CPSU Congress possessing a first-class
industry and powerful defenses, The might of the USSR and the entire
socialist community, which is growing year by year, persuasively. demon-
strates the superiority of socialism over capitalism,. This is evident not
only in the economic, pclitical; ideological and scientific-technological
areas, but also in the area of the military. Socialism has armed peace-
loving peoples with powerful material means of restraining warmongers,
Mighty bearers of these means are the Soviet Armed Forces -- the Soviet
Army and Navy, whose brilliant victories over the enemy have on numerous
occasions enhanced the fighting fame of our socialist homeland and have
confirmed its heroic invincibility., Shoulder to shoulder with them stand
the brother armed forces of the nations of the socialist community, unified
by common interests and goals in the struggle against the imperialist
aggressors, welded together by solid bonds of proletarian internationalism
and Marxist-Leninist ideology, The solidarity, the growing unity and
steadily increasing strength of the socialist nations constitute the most
reliable guarantee of peace and security of peop:Les.
At the present time the Soviet Armed Forces, just as the nation as a whole,
are reporting to the party the results of socialist competition in honor
of the 24th Congress? The Soviet people and its fighting men, giving
enthusiastic approval of CPSU domestic and foreign policy, accept this
policy as a banner of struggle for continued success in the building of
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communism, This latter is the most important, most characteristic, most
typical thing in our lives, for it attests to the total dedication of
Soviet citizens to the cause of the Leninist party, the cause of communism,
Herein lies rooted the greatest guarantee of fulfillment by the Soviet
people and its fighting men of the directives for the Ninth Five-Year Plan,
which the party congress will ratify,.
On the threshold of the 24th CPSU Congress the army and navy are more
thoroughly analyzing existing capability and reserves in all areas of
performance, We possess all the requisite conditions for securing a new
upsurge of military theoretical and technical thought, as the party
demands, for further development. of military science and the art of warfare.
First and foremost it is necessary even more persistently to master
Marxist-Leninist theory and to study the Leninist ideological legacy in
the area of the military, Particularly valuable in this respect is the
experience of the Lenin Centennial Year, which was c,.:,:ked by many innova-
tive discoveries and valuable publications, deeply revealing the in-
exhaustible wealth of the Lenin military theory legacy, While consolidating
that which has been achieved, it is important to advance to new highs in
the dissemination, study and innovative elaboration of current ideological
and methodological problems in the area of military theory and history
and in practical military affairs.
The party is instilling in military cadres a valuable sense of the new,
a sense of great responsibility for the assigned task and is teaching them
to approach military problems in an innovative manner, soberly to assess
the potential enemy, vigilantly to watch his every step, and to achieve
genui ae scientific troop control on the basis of the achievements of
scientific and technological progress, The CPSU inseparably links suc-
cessful solution to these practical problems with party activities, with
implementation of party policy in the military? It is precisely the party
and its battle staff, the Central Committee, which give us models of
political, theoretical and organizer efforts, examples of what should be
achieved by a unity of theory and practice, and how Marxist-Leninist
revolutionary science should be practically applied. For example, the
party has thoroughly revealed the character and unique nature of the in-
ternational conditions of present-day development of the USSR, the changes
which are taking place in the balance of pcx,7er between the two opposing
social systems, and has promptly assessed trends in the development of
military affairs and its link with the scientific and -.achnological revolu-
tion and organizer effort, An intelligent combining of efforts in the
military with the peaceful, productive activities of the people has secured
a growth in the defense capability of the Soviet state which is greater than
that which it possessed in the past. As is well known, this has radically
altered the military strategic situation in the world in favor of
socialism.
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In :addition, the CL'SU has armed us with a correct assessment of the wars
of the contemporary era, which has constituted the foundation for creative
elaboration of Marxist-Leninist doctrine on war and army, of Soviet mili.-
tary science, of the theory of military art and other probicros ri m11..1tar.y
affairs during the course of the military technological revolution.
The party's classic solution to contemporary military problems on the
basis of Leninist doctrine on defense of the socialist homeland and the
conquests of socialism serves our military cadres as a stimulus for the
development of Soviet military theory, It is necessary first and foremost
to assimilate all new elements which have bect7 produced by collective party
t'iinking on the entire complex of contemporary military organizational
development, based on the latest achievements of scientific and techno-
logical progress and on advanced military know-how Our theoretical
scientific research and all military scientific efforts have been given
an example of creative application of the principles of Marxism-.Leninism
for accomplishing the specific tasks of building communism and increasing
the nation's defense capability, In Soviet military science, as in other
areas of knowledge, new problems arise, the solution of which increases
our prestige over bourgeois military theory and helps in a practical
manner in shedding light on the foreseeable future, in full. conformity
with the conditions of the time and the demands of the international
situation and rapid scientific and technological progress, Standing at
full stature is the task of tireless unmasking of the military ideology of
imperialism and the most vigorous struggle against bourgeois ideology.
Military cadres must accomplish all these and other tasks innovatively,
with inspiration, vigorously, aggressively, as we are taught by the
Leninist Party,
Party organizations constitute the combat detachments of the Communist
Party in the Armed Forces, They play an enormous role in the life and
activities of our entire military organism, Communists comprise that
main nucleus of the army, air force and navy which maintains in a state
of political activeness all routine and activities of units, naval ships,
and subunits, They conduct daily party political, ideological and
indoctrinational effort, which serves as an effective instrument by means
of which the party exercises guidance of the troops and indoctrination of
Soviet fighting men., All-out activation of this effort constitutes one
of the typical features of precongress Armed Forces activities. Commanders,
political officials, army and navy party organizations are ensuring im-
plementation of party policy in the military, are solidly ranking Armed
Forces Personnel. behind the party, are indoctrinating fighting men in a
spirit of the ideas of Marxism-Leninism and total dedication to the so-
cialist homeland, are actively assisting in strengthening the unity of
army and people, are making an effort to strengthen military discipline,
and are mobilizing fighting men to accomplish the tasks of combat and
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political training, tc? master new weapons and other, equipment and to
achieve flawless performance 01. their military duty,, Party organizations
and political officials have always been and arc now a reliable support of
one-man commanders in accomplishing the tasks of increasing the combat
readiness of units; naval ships and subunits.
Consistent execution of the instructions of the 23rd CPSU Congress oa
acceptance to party membership of persons who are. capable of honorably
warranting the privilege of party membership has been and remains one of
the most important obligations of party officials and party organizations
This is concern for ideological and organizational strengthening of party
organizations and further enhancement of their role and influence in the
troops, Army and navy party organizations focus their principal attention
on securing a high level of. continuous troop combat readiness, excellent
fulfillment of combat and political training target pledges made in honor
of the 24th CPSU Congress, and on strengthening discipline, organization
and Communist :inc;octrination of military personnel, All precongress party
effort is subjected to the tasks of training highly-conscious, ideologically-
convinced, disciplined fighting men who have a total mastery of their com-
bat equipment and weapons, who flawlessly carry out their military duty
and who are prepared to make a total effort, and to sacrifice their lives
if necessary, in the nation's defense.
Further intensification of ideclogical.?political work is an inseparable
part of the overall process of raising the level of party scientific
guidance of the task of building communism and strengthening the Soviet
Armed Forces; which is extremely typical of CPSU activities between con-
gresses. In the Armed Forces it is based on the system of Marxist-Leninist
training of officers, general officers, and admirals in political training
classes with enlisted personnel and noncommissioned officers:, M,.ss
political agitation and lecture-t.ype propaganda is being conducted on a
large scale.
In ideological-political as well as all other efforts the party strictly
follows the principles of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian international-
ism, and bears in mind the fact that cne. of the most important gains
achieved by the Soviet government is consolidation of the peoples of the
USSR in a single fraternal family Unswervingly carrying out Leninist
nationalities policy, the party and its organizations indoctrinate
workers, peasants, intellectuals; army and navy personnel, all Soviet
citizens in a spirit of Soviet patriotism and respect for the finest,
progressive national traditions of the peoples of the USSR, in a spirit of
friendship with the peoples of all brother socialist nations, with the
toilers of the entire world, and wage a persistent struggle against all
manifestations of nationalism and chauvini m,
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In connectton wl.th the forthcoming 24th CPSU Co.mgreiu and itcj r III
t;lc~nr?u
ideologl.,;nl effort will naturally receive a new impetus and wil I demand
further improv.?~u~enL in the overall LheoretLCIII training of mll,It.Iry cadres.
A central ponitIon in this training will be ocrupied by study ;Intl c.1Ir,Iflea-
tion of the deciftions of the party forum and mobilization of military per-
sonnel for implementation of these decisions, litre the principo' task is
to reveal more fully the results of the activities of party and people
between congresses, to concentrate the attention of military cadres on it
thorough study of development prospects, embodying the conclul.i.ons of the
theory of scientific communism and Marxism-Leninism as a whole. In all
our propaganda effort and in scientific research activities It is i.mnortant
consistently to carry out a party-class line, to achieve precision and
clarity of ideological position and to step up the struggle against
bourgeois and revisionist ideology, against all departures from Marxism-
Leninism.
Soviet fighting men, just as all other Soviet citizens, are adding to the
world historic achievements of their homeland. Standing guard over the
peaceful labors of the builders of communism, they are doing everything
to ensure that no intrigues by our enemies take us unawares., All Soviet
Armed Forces personnel are solidly behind the Communist Party and its
Leninist Central Committee, are totally dedicated to the Soviet people and
the cause of communism and are sacredly carrying out their patriotic and
internationalist duty pertaining to armed defense of the socialist home-
land and the entire socialist community.
Strengthening of the nation's economy and defense capability, improvement
of socialist production relations and socialist democracy, as well as
rapid growth in toiler creative initiative -- all these vivid features of
the past 5-year period show the powerful organizing and guiding force of
our Communist Party. Lenin always stressed that this is an invincible
force. In particular, he spoke about it quite movingly exactly half a
century ago, at the 10th Party Congress, which was held in March 1921,
It was at a time when the country was about to make a historic shift from
war to peace, from "war communism" to the New Economic Policy. The party
specified this shift "at a moment which was of extraordinary importance
for the fate of our revolution.,","under unusually difficult conditions,"
Crushing pressure was being exerted by the "damned legacy of cis past" --
"devastation, grant, impoverishment"; "World capitalism has launched against
us a nervous, hysterical campaign" (V.. I, Lenin; Poln Sobr? Soch. (Com-
plete Works), Volume 43, pp 119, 120, 122). The petite bourgeoisie and
anarchist elements, supported by foreign imperialist and White Russian
emigre forces, assumed the most dangerous forms of manifestation in the
form of the Kronshtadt counterrevolutionary insurrection, as well as ac-
tions by opposition elements and factionalists within the party. Consider-
ing the prospects for development of events, the great strategist oi` the
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October ilcvo.lut ton pointed out the dill icult ies but at the same time
stated quite firmly and Confidently that the lso.lt;hcviks were counting
"on th.- solidarity of the vanguard of the proletariat" -?? the party, that
the party constituted the Invincible ' nuc lous of world revolution," a
party which "will st r tdca t orward to more and mc.r c dc>c a , ive international
victor Les I"
U i.etorv has cone i rmed the cot re.?tness of Lenin's prod is t ion,. Wor Id
historic victories have marked the path of the CI?S11, of the ant ire Soviet
people and its army at all stages in he lite and activity of the Soviet
state. Our party, true to the ideals and behests of Lenin, ,.Iemonstnated
in the Civil War, in the t first peacetime five-year plans, in the stern
years of the Great Patriotic War, and demonstrates today its solidarity,
its lighting spirit, fiolshevik high?principleclness and efficiency, its
implacable attitude toward shortcomings and Its w i.l l angness and ability
to do everything necessary in order successfully to accomplish new and
magnificent tasks
The mighty creative force of out party consists primarily in the fact that
it has consolidated the entire people under the great banner of Lenin and
is itself inseparable from the people The CPSU is bound to the worker
class, the kolkhoz peasantry, the intelligentsia, and to all toilers both
directly and through their mass independent organizations, particularly
the soviets, the trade unions, which boast a total membership of more than
90 million, and the 27-million member Komsomol Enhancing the role of
mass organizations, the party promotes a steady increase In the creative
initiative of the masses; improving the leadership of these organizations
and developing their independence of action, it is strengthening its own
guiding influence. Vigorous activity by the more than 365?000 CISU
primary organizations is uniting the party even more solidly with the
masses, is consolidating them even more strongly around the fighting
vanguard of the great labor army..
A constant strengthening of the organic bonds between party and people is
a logical pattern of development of Soviet society. The beneficent effect
of this pattern was once again vividly revealed in the nationwide cam-
paign for implementation of the resolutions of the 23rd CPSU Congress, the
targets of the Eighth Five-Year Plan, and in nationwide socialist competi-
tion in honor of the 24th CPSU Congress. The patriotic deeds of urban and
rural toilers as well as the fighting men of army and navy in the first
months of 1971, the year of the 24th Congress, convincingly attest to the
indestructible unity between party and Soviet people. In these patriotic
deeds performed by millions of builders and defenders of communism is
expressed a feeling of total confidence, respect and love by Soviet
citizens for their party the mentor and collective political 1z::ader of
the toiler masses;
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A further widening, and deepening of bonds between party and pee p1 ' Is an
essential condition for success in the struggle for communir,m This poin,
of the Program, which expresses an objective laws is taken into C(MThWO ra-
t.ion by the party in all its activities, One vivid example of this is the
fact that the CPSU has always considered it as its duty to take counsel
with the toilers on ,'ie major items of party policy, to present these
matters for nationwide popular discussion and to involve as many of the
party-unaffiliated in party efforts as possible At the present time the
part,' is taking counsel with the Soviet people; discussing the draft
Directives which will be considered by the 24th CPSU Congress in drafting
targets for the Ninth Five-Year Plan.
The draft. Directives of the 24th CPSU Congress specify the principal
directions of the nation's economic development and targets for the new
five-year plan, These targets are truly magnificent '1'lie Ninth Five-Year
Plan will be an important stage in the further advance of Soviet society
toward communism, in building its material and technological base and in
strengthening the nation's economic and defense might "The principal
task of the five-year plan," emphasizes the Central Committee draft, "Is to
secure a substantial rise in the people's material and cultural living
standards on the basis of a high rate of development of socialist produc-
tion, improved efficiency, scientific-technological progress and accelerated
labor productivity growth."
Proceeding from the fundamental tasks of the new five-year plan, the party
intends: to carry out a broad program of social measures; to accelerate
the pace of scientific and technological progress and to ensure implementa-
tion of a unified techncogical policy; comprehensively to develop basic
and applied scientific research and to adopt research results more rapidly
in the economy; consistently to develop cooperation with the socialist
nations and to make every effort to assist in strengthening the world so-
cialist system,
The party attaches thn greatest importance to a strengthening of the
nation's economic might. The principal task of industry in the new five-
year plan consists in expanding and perfecting the industrial base for
development of the socialist economy The plan calls for ensuring a high
growth rate and proportional development for social production, particular-
ly agriculture, light industry and the food industry, as well as a con-
siderable increase in the efficiency of all branches of the economy. Na-
tional income will rise by 37-40 percent during the 5-year period, whereby
at least 80 percent of this increase will be achieved through improving
labor productivity. Plans call for an elaborate system of -neasures
securing a new and substantial improvement in Soviet livi,ig standards
Real per capita income will rise approximately 30 percent, average wages
of blue-collar and white-collar workers will rise by 20-22 percent;
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kolkhoz farmer earnings from the c.o11cc.trve operation wi1.1, he up an
average of 30-35 percent, I'l.an:; 0.:1.1 for another increase in the miniirium
wage.. Social consumption fund; will increase 60 percent
Various branches of industry will reach amazing heights It is planned to
increase the prcduct.icn et electric pcewer to 1030-1070 billion kilowatt
hours, to increase. oil production to 1080-500 million ton,,, natural gas
to 300-320 billion cubic. meters, and steel production to 162-150 million
tons. Oil rciining industry output will be increased by 50 percent, with
a 70 percent increase in chemi:als and the petrochemical industry Out-
put will increase 70 percent in macl'.ine building and metalworking, and
120 percent in consumer goods
The Communist Party and our entire people view the successful building of
communism and the strcngtheninA ci the economic might and defense capabili-
ty of our socialist homeland as their most imporrant international duty.
The Soviet Union will continue in the futute. u:rgjrehe'sive.ly to improve
and expand economic and scientific-technical Lies with ' ;ie socialist
nations in the direction of further strengthening cooperation and con-
sistent economic integration of the economies of the COMA member nations;
We shall develop stable trade and scientific-technical ties with the
developing nations of Asia. Africa and Latin America Economically-
justified trade and scientific-technical ties with the industrially-
developed capitalist nations will also undergo further expansion; Foreign
trade volume will increase by 33-35 percent over the 5 years
The draft Directives emphasize that implementation of the Ninth Five-Year
Plan will be of great international significance,
The five-year plan will secure further growth in the defense might of the
Soviet Union, which will make it possible even more reliably to defend the
Soviet people and all. the nations of the socialist. community against the
danger of imperialist aggression and will strengthen the position of
peace-loving and liberation forces throughout the world
Lenin, stressing the importance of the party Bolshevik congress,
characterized it as the most responsible meeting of the party and
Republic (Poln. Sobr. Soch-, Volume 43, page 50) - Welcoming the 24th Party
Congress, just such a meeting, the Soviet people and its fighting men
honor their fighting vanguard -- the Leninist party, under whose guidance
our homeland is advancing to new Communist heights.
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INTERNATIONALIST IWDOCTRINATIoN OF SOLDIERS IN Tills ARMIES OF
WARSAW PA'CT' COUNTRIES
Twice Hero of the Soviet Union Mar SU I Yakubovskiy
The peoples of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and their multi-
national Armed Forces greet the 24th CPSU Congress in unified ranks, con-
solidated as never before behind the Communist Party and Soviet governmen t~
The inseparable alliance and friendship of the peoples of the USSR is a
result of implementation of the ?,enin'ist nationalities policy and applica-
tion of the principles of socialist patriotism and internationalism.
Fraternal unity and cooperation among peoples comprise one of the sources
of the strength of each of the socialist nations and their community as a
whole. Strengthening of the unity of the world socialist system on the
basis of the ideals of Marxism-Leninism and socialist internationalism
constitutes an essential condition for the further success of all the
socialist nations. The Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Marxist-
Leninist parties of the other Warsaw Pact nations view inturnational'in-
doctrination of the builders and defenders of the new society as one of the
most important aspects of their activities.
Leninist ideals of proletarian internationalism, which constitute the
theoretical foundation for indoctrinating the soldiers of the allied armies
in a spirit of brotherhood and fighting unity, have always been and will
continue to be the banner and victorious weapon of the Warsaw Pact nations
in the cause of common defense of the conquests of socialism,
The Soviet Union has begun a new 5-year period in the building of com-
mu%ism in an atmosphere of great political and labor enthusiasm of the
masses. The other socialist nations are steadily conquering new ground in
the building of an advanced socialist society.. Under the guidance of their
Communist and labor parties, the brother peoples are successfully con-
tinuing the struggle to increase the efficiency of social production, to
achieve a flourishing of science and culture, as well as improved toiler
living standards. Their productive labors are marked by a further
strengthening of the world socialist system, a strengthening of its in-
fluence on the fate of the modern world and by a steady increase in the
international prestige, the economic and defense might of the socialist
nations. History convincingly reaffirms the conclusion of the 1969 In-
ternational Conference of Communist and Worker Parties that socialism
today is exerting an increasing influence on the entire course of revolu-
tionary processes and that no power can turn back the development of con-
temporary human society on the path toward social progress,
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The development of events in the international arena has also confirmed
another conclusion drawn by this international. Communist forum, that in
spite of all the changes in the world, the aggressive nature of imperialism
has remained unchanged. Its most militant detachments, U.S. imperialism in
particular, which constitutes the center of international reaction and mili-
tarism, have not given up their hopes of casting socialism down from the
heights of world influence and of reviving colonialism in new forms. The
cutting edge of the aggressive policies of contemporary imperialism is
aimed primarily at the Soviet Union and the other socialist nations, This
is attested by an intensification of aggressive intrigues and ideological
sabotage by the American imperialists and their allies in various parts of
the world, which are creating a serious threat to world peace and security.
U.S. ruling circles, contrary to the arguments of reason and the demands
of all progressive mankind, continue to escalate the criminal war in Lndo-
china, endeavoring with fire and sword to shatter the resistance of the
peace-loving peoples of Vietnari, Cambodia, and Laos.
In the Near East the Israeli aggressors, egged on by the world's reaction-
aries, are endeavoring to hold the occupied Arab lands and to frustrate a
political settlement in this ri:gion.
World indignation is growing at the brazen actions of Zionist thugs in the
United States and at anti-Soviet Zionist acts committed in several other
Western nations and inspired by imperialist reactionaries.
Revenge-seeking and neo-Naz:' elements in West Germany are stepping up their
activities. They are attempting to l,ievent ratification of treaties be-
tween the USSR and the FRG as well as between the Polish People's Republic
and the FRG, and are inciting demonstrations in West Berlin in order to
delay a settlement of the West Berlin question, in an attempt to hinder an
improvement in the political climate in Europe.
Washington and NATO spokesmen for the "from a position of strength" policy
are urging on the arms race, are promoting further militarization, are
endeavoring to strengthen and fortify aggressive military blocs, and are
preparing to establish new military-political alliances and alignments.
A special place in the Pentagon's plans is assigned to an increase in the
striking power of strategic nuclear forces. It is planned to increase
offensive nuclear strength in the next few years by arming ICBMs as well
as missiles fired from nuclear submarines with MIRV warheads, Work is
progressing on the design of submarines to be armed with ICBMs. Construc-
tion of the Safeguard AJM system is proceeding on an expanding scale. At
the same time a priority effort is under way to equip large units and units
with advanced hardware for the conduct of military operations without the
employment of nuclear weapons.
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The U ., S. -led NATO bloc still performs the role of principal. Lnu.t:r.ument of
imperialist aggression and adventures. Al' the present time the NATO ment-
her nation, maintain more than 6 5 million men under arms 8I.nce es-
tablishment of NATO, the number of divisions subordinate to NATO head-
quarters has increased from 1.2 to 64 The NATO European command has at its
disposal approximately 4000 combat and auxiliary aircraf t, approximately
800() tanks and 300 warships. According to figures in the foreign press,
more than 300,000 U S officers and men are stationed on the European
continent. The U S command controls more than 7200 nuclear warheads in
Wc~ttern Europe.
At :Last December's NATO Council meeting, U S pressure succeeded in
pushing through a decision to increase the military ,expenditures of the
10 Western European member nations during a 5-year period to 1 billion
dollars, as well as to increase the size of the armed forces and to arm
them with new'equipment. A course towaid Lncreasl.ng the nuclear missile
potential has also been confirmed
Und._r conditions of constant iteit;htening of international tension by the
ii:tperLalists, the Warsaw Pact nations are doing everything necessity candn ly to
stre,i:;then their military and political alliance. A statement made by
Lenii to the toilers of multinational Russia during the Civil War is holy
writ for the peoples of the socialist nations: ".. Faced by the enormous
front of the imperialist powers, we who are struggling against :imperialism
con-titute an alliance which demands firm military consolidation, and we
vie,., -ill attempts to disrupt this solidarity as a totally impermissible
phenomenon, as betrayal of the interests of the struggle against inter-
national imperialism... We say: a unity of military forces is essential;
departure from this unity is impermissible" (Poln. Sobr. Soch. [Complete
Work,, y , Volume 40, pp 98-99).
For more than 15 years now the Warsaw Pact Organization, established as a
counterweight to the aggressive imperialist NATO bloc, is successfully
acco;nplishing important military-political tasks in the interests of
deEendi.r; socialism and constitutes a genuine bastion of c'e'tce and security
of the peoples of Europe and the entire world, This fighting alliance,
founded on the Leninist principles of proletarian internationalism, con-
stitutes a persuasive example of the ideological, economic and military-
political unity of the socialist nations and of the growing combat
alliance of their armed forces.
Of prime importance for development and strengthening of the alliance of
brother socialist nations is the fact that leadership of these nations,
thei_- armed forces and the entire cause of defense is exercised by Marxist-
Leninist Communist and worker parties. Herein lies the main source of the
strength and invincibility of our allied armies, a guarantee of their
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invincible might. The 'Iarxi';t-Luni.ni.st parti.e!3 prei;ent a united front in
tht tuternattonal. arena as well, carry out a coordinated foreLgn policy and
arc! therefore makt.ng a great contribution to the effort at relaxing inter-
national tens Lon. Ut unorniou!; importance in LIII., cifort are b.ilatoral and
nuli:iiatera.l meetial;;!4, consultations and conference:; of party and govern-
rient leaders of the ;ociallst notions, where they collectively draft im-
portune documentti on !natters dealing w.ith international. relattons.
Notable in this regard are the fruitful labors of the Political Consulta-
tive: Committee, which heads the Warsaw Pact Organization The general
secretaries and I trat secretaries of the central committees of Communist
an:i worker particc and heads of government take part in its meetings;
; i.nisterc; of forei.,;n iLfai.rci, defense ministers, the Commander in Chief and
Chief of Staff ot. the Joint Armed Forces, and others are invited to attend.
A declaration ins adopted ait the first meet tog of the Political. Consulta-
tive Committee, hold in Prague in 1956, which proposed thet the military
blocs existing in Europe be disbanded; the Moscow conference (1958)
proposed the signing of a nonaggression pact. The following conference,
held in ;loscoir (1961), examined the question of settling the final business
of World War, LI. i,v concluding a peace treaty with both German states.
The Western powers, however, rejected these peaceful. proposals of the
socialist coall.ti.on and continue, applying heat to the international
situation, stepping up acts of provocation against the GDR and making
plans for aggression against Cuba_ in connection with this fact, a
resolution wai passed at the 'loscow meeting of the Political Consultative
Committee in 1962, which warned the imperialists that the peoples of the
socialist nations were "fully resolved to defend their security in an
adequate manner and to defend the peace with .all means at their command."t
An important landmark in the activities of the Warsaw Pact Organization
was the 1965 '.dars:iw meeting of the Political Consultative Committee it
sharply condemned nggressi'e NATO plans to establish multilateral nuclear
forces and called for a nuclear arms freeze, the establishment of nuclear-
free zones, as well as the holding of a European .security conference,
The most elabor'ite constructive program for peace and security on the
European continent was contained in the Declaration of the Bucharest Meet-
.Ing of the Political Consultative Committee (1966), which served as a
basis for the Declaration of the Karlovy Vary Conference of European Com-
munist and Worker. Parties (1967) At Bucharest the brother socialist
nations also confirmed their position on the Vietnam question- They
declared that they had been giving and would continue to give increasing
moral, political and other assistance to the heroic Vietnamesr., people in
its just struggle against the American interventionists.
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In their appeal to all European nations the participants lit tile iludapest
Meeting of the Political Consultative Committee (1969) cause forth with a
new initiat:Lve in calling for a European security conference They
declared that the only realistic alternative to a dangerous., divi.s.lon of
the world Into blocs and an arms race was general European coope,."ation,
At that same conference Important resolutions were passed, aimed at
improving the structure of the Warsaw Pact military organization..
At last year's moctings of the Political Consultative Committee in Moscow,
and later in Berlin, new steps were taken toward relaxation of interna-
tional tension Important documents were ratified at the Berlin meeting
which reaffirmed the willingness of the brother socialist nations to
do everything necessary to strengthen the peace and security of peoples
and to achieve early extinguishment of hot spots of aggression.. The
participants at the conference emphasized the great international im-
portance of the treaty Letween the USSR and the FRG and the initialing of
the treaty between Poland and West Germany: They also voiced support for
the just demand of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic that the FRG
formally acknowledge the Munich Agreement null and void at the very out-
set.
Party and government leaders of the allied socialist nations, utilizing
the Bolitical Consultative Committee, bilateral contacts and other vehicles,
have always undertaken and are continuing to undertake active steps to
prevent another world war, This just struggle is winning over more and
more supporters year by year throughout the world. The firm and decisive
position of the Warsaw Pact member nations has on numerous occasions had a
sobering effect and is continuing to exert such an effect on the imperial-
ist aggressors, compelling them to abandon their criminal schemes.,
In recent years the Communist and worker parties and the governments of
the brother Warsaw Pact member nations have accomplished an enormous task
of strengthening the defensive fighting alliance and its joint armed forces.
The most modern and up-to-date defense industry has been, created on the
basis of successful development of socialist industry and extensive adop-
tion in production of the latest scientific and technological advances in
the allied nations, as well as close economic cooperation among these
nations
As a result of the constant concern of the Communist and worker parties
as well as the governments of the allied nations, our brother armies now
meet modern demands. Their ground forces, air forces, air defense
troops and naval forces are armed with the most advanced combat equipment
and weapons, The army and navy of the Soviet Union, with their nuclear
missile punch, play the decisive role in ensuring the security of the
socialist community.
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The allied armies are genuinely popular armies, called upon to defend the
vital interests of the toilers, the interests of socialism. They consist
of highly-trained, politically-mature military cadres, capable of suc-
cessfully leading the troops in both peace and war The fighting men of
these armies are truly proficient at their jot), indoctrinated in a spirit
of Marxist-Leninist ideology and total dedication to the cause of
socialism and communism.
A guarantee of the successful development and strengthening of the fighting
alliance of the allied armies is their worker-peasant, socialist
character, the existence of a large contingent of Communists aul members of
Communist youth organiza:ions, The officer corps of the:3e armies consists
of representatives of the worker class, the toiling peasantry, and the
popular intelligentsi.a. Many of them have combat experience and have
graduated from the school of proletarian solidarity, battling shoulder to
shoulder with Soviet fighting men against fascism, The overwhelming majori-
ty of officers are members of Communist and worker parties.,
Military control entities h,.ve been established within the framework of the
Warsaw Pact; these entities include representatives of all the allied
armies. They work in an atmosphere of total mutual understanding, fraternal
friendship, and constitute a graphic manifestation of socialist interna-
tionalism in the area of military cooperation among brother socialist na-
tions.
A Committee of Defense Ministers has been established, which prepares joint
recommendations and proposals on matters dealing with strengthening the
defense capability of the allied nations- It plays an important role in
the entire system of relationships among the allied armies and in
strengthening the defense might of the socialist coalition?
The control entities of the Joint Armed Forces are operating smoothlye the
Joint Command, the Military Council, Joint Headquarters, etc, A thorough
understanding of their international duty by the officers and general of-
ficers of the allied armies staffing these bodies constitutes a distinctive
feature of their fruitful activities,
One of the most important objective sources of the strength of the military
cooperation of the socialist nations is the fact that all the joint ac-
tivities of the Joint Command and national armed forces commands rest on a
unity of Marxist-Leninist approach in assessing the phenomena of inter-
national affairs, a unity of views on military theory and a common
understanding of the laws of war, the principles of military organizational
development and military art.
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Under conditions of today's complex international situation, with incessant
intrigues perpetrated by reactionaries and world imperialism, the fighting
men of the allied socialist nations, true to their patriotic and inter-
national duty, vigilantly stand guard over the conquests of socialism and
are doing everything to achieve continuous improvement of combat readiness.
Today the Warsaw Pact armed forces constitute a powerful bastion of peace
and security of peoples, "Our common achievement," stated L. I. Brezhnev
at the 10th Congress of the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party, "is a
substantial strengthening of the effectiveness of the allied armed forces.
Large-scale military training exercises conducted in recent years have
demonstrated the high degree of coordination and combat performance of the
Warsaw Pact allied armies, and their ability to accomplish the most complex
military missions has confirmed once again that our brotherhood in arms
is a reliable means of restraining any aggressor."
The many years of activity of the Warsaw Pact Organization constitute a
vivid confirmation of the vital strength of the ideas of proletarian
internationalism which cement together the fighting alliance of the
brother nations, The successes of socialism, the growing strength and
solidarity of the Warsaw Pact nations and their armed forces evoke anger
and hatred on the part of the imperialists. In order to undermine the
unity and fighting alliance of our peoples and armies, they are utilizing
the entire vast edifice of anti-Communist propaganda and are particularly
counting on a revival of the bourgeois ideology of nationalism.
Therefore under present-day conditions particular importance is acquired
by Marxist-Leninist theses on struggle against the bourgeois ideology,
on class, international indoctrination of the masses, further strengthening
of our military-political defense alliance, strengthening of the fraternal
friendship and cooperation of the peoples and armies of the
socialist nations, a n d consistent a f f irm a t i o n of t h e
i d e a l s of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism in the
consciousness and actions of our fighting men of like mind.
The CPSU and other Marxist-Leninist parties of the Warsaw Pact nations
are conducting a vigorous campaign aimed at forming in the toilers and
military personnel a scientific philosophical outlook, political aware-
ness, high morale, standards of Communist morality, socialist patriotism
and internationalism. They proceed from the position that internationalist
indoctrination constitutes an important part of Communist indoctrination
and makes it possible more successfully to resolve practical problems in
the area of economic, political, cultural and military cooperation as well
as to overcome the difficulties impeding the building of socialism and com-
munism.
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The writings of the founders of Marxism and the documents of the inter-
national Communist movement comprehensively substantiate an approach to
proletarian internationalism as to international class unity and solidarity
of the proletariat and all the toilers of the world in the struggle to
destroy the capitalist system, to build socialism and communism as an
ideology and policy implacably hostile to bourgeois nationalism, cosmo-
politanism and racism.
The fundamental thesis of scientific communism that "the worker class is
international in nature" (K. Marks and F. Engels: Soch. [Works], Volume
22, page 420) evokes attacks by the enemies of international unity of
toilers. Marx and Engels were forced to wage a particularly stubborn
struggle against those who, betraying worker class solidarity,, embraced
chauvinism, sought to gloss over the class struggle and advocated ideas of
unity with "their own" national bourgeoisie,
In a new historical era Lenin defended proletarian internationalism against
the attacks of revisionists and opportunists, creatively developed
Marxian ideas applicable to the new situation, and thus armed Communist
parties with a powerful means of indoctrinating the toilers and transform-
ing the world.
Lenin demonstrated that with the victory of socialism initially in one or
several countries, the importance of international toiler solidarity not
only does not diminish but on the contrary becomes even greater, since the
resistance of the imperialist bourgeoisie and its defenders to the
revolutionary movement becomes stronger. "Capital is an international
force," wrote Lenin in 1919. "In order to defeat it, we need an inter-
national alliance of workers, their international brotherhood. We are
opponents of national hatreds, national di lord, national isolation. We
are Internationalists" (Poin, Sobr. Soch., Volume 40,page 43).
At the same time the world proletariat exposed the slanderous fabrications
of bourgeois nationalists and opportunists, who claimed that Marxists were
totally indifferent to the fate of their country and had no concept of
patriotism. In an article entitled "On the National Pride of the Great
Russians" Lenin wrote that a feeling of national pride is not alien'to
conscious proletarians. They love their homeland and their language. The,;
work primarily to liberate their people from violence, from the oppression
of landlords and capitalists. The worker class is the bearer of genuine
patriotism; it is a totally consistent class, since it fights not only for
the freedom and happiness of its own people but also for the establishment
of equal rights and brotherhood of all peoples.
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Proletarian internationalism has passed through a.number of stages in its
historical development. In the first stage --? from its inception in the
middle of the last century up to the victory of the Great October So-
cialist Revolution ,.-- it was manifested in mutual assistance and support
of various detachments of the worker class in their struggle against
capitalism? its most vivid expressicn was the battle of the Paris
Communards in 1871, the centennial of which is being celebrated this March.
Participants included representatives of other countries, who demonstrated
by deeds their class solidarity with the heroes of the Paris Commune,
The second stage encompasses the period from the 1917 October Revolution
to the victory of popular democracy in a number of countries and the
establishment of a world socialist system, It is characterized by the
creation, under the guidance of Lenin and the Communist Party, of the
world's first multinational socialist state, the USSR, which constitutes an
embodiment of the friendship and brotherhood of peoples, In this voluntary
alliance of equal and sovereign republics, all relations between nations
are permeated by a spirit of socialist patriotism and internationalism,,
The third, present stage, which began with the formation of a world so-
cialist system, is distinguished by the fact that proletarian interna-
tionalism has risen to a new and higher level, Its social base has become
substantially broadened -- the worker class is Loday joined by the
broadest toiler strata,
Today the Leninist ideas of friendship of peoples, patriotism and inter-
nationalism have found vivid embodiment in cooperation among the brother
socialist nations. This cooperation embraces economic, social, political
and military areas of relations and is dictated by the objective laws of
building socialism, by the common interests of the worker class and all
toilers on a national and international scale, and in the struggle against
imperialism and reaction.
The ideas of socialist internationalism form the basis of cooperation
among allied armies and permeate all aspects of relationships within the
Warsaw Pact Organization, the establishment of which initiated a new and
qualitatively higher stage in military cooperation among the socialist
nations and their armies,
Guiding the process of indoctrination of fighting men in the allied armies,
the brother parties take into consideration domestic and external con-
ditions, the dynamics of events in the international arena and the general
and particular tasks proceeding from these conditions, Personnel are
constantly explained their obligations regarding defense of the con-
quests of the people's government, strengthening of collective defense of
the socialist nations and the fighting alliance of their armies,. The
Warsaw Pact member nations have emphasized time and again and do
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emphasize in their documents and declarations that. the defense of social-
ism in each country individually and to till the brother countries is their
common cause, their highest international and patriotic duty?
Within the framework of the Warsaw Pact Organization diversified forms of
military cooperation have been elaborated, which promote the accomplishment
of common tasks and the further strengthening of the allied armies.
The relationships among the brother armies are based on cooperation and
mutual assistance, In their activities they remain aware of the enormous
revolutionary and combat experience of the Sovv:.et state and its Armed
Forces? Soviet military science is quite logically viewed by them as a
profound Marxist-Leninist theoretical Synthesis of exper:.ence in the
establishment and improvement of a socialist army under condici.ons of the
total victory of socialism and the advanced building of communism, The
brother armies have a slogan: "To learn from the Soviet Army means learning
to win.,"
It is important to emphasize that all forms of military cooperation among
allied armies, including consultation and discussion by the leaders on the
elaboration of common views, and the execution of joint measures on the
basis of plans drafted by the Joint Command; such as exercises, exchange of
information, etc -- are all subordinated to a single goal -- strengthening
of the brotherhood in arms and continuous improvement of the allied armed
forces, their combat readiness and fighting efficiency,
in working with personnel, in their training and indoctrination commanders,
political ofitcials,, party and youth organizations of the allied armies
are guided by Leninist principles of international indoctrination of the
masses, which have received further productive development in the ac-
tivities of the brother Communist and worker parties,
These principles include: securement of a unity of the worker class and all
toilers in the struggle for the triumph of Communist ideals; mutual
political; moral and material support among the socialist. nations; equal
rights of all nationalities and ethnic groups as well as their genuine
freedom and sovereignty; fulfillment by the peoples of each country of
their international duty to the toilers of the entire world; that is the
principle of doing "the maximum attainable in one country for the develop-
ment, support and awakening of revolution in all countries" (V. I. Lenin.:
Poln, Sobr- Soch,, Volume 37, page 304),
Revealing the essence of proletarian internationalism, the founders of
scientific communism pointed to its revolutionary nature and great
practical effectiveness, Experience;, noted Marx, has led to the conviction
that the point should be an alliance of revolutionary peoples against
counterrevolutionary forces; an alliance which i5 effected not on paper
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but solely on the field of battle (K,, Marks and F. Engel's Such,.,
Volume 6, page 290) . These and other Marxisun theses which expretia tile
implacableness of the struggle against the exploiters are just as vsl.ii
today as in the past
international indoctrination of the fighting men of the brother armies :Lc
inseparable from patriotic indoctrination and is viewed in it dialectical
relationship, Patriotism and internationalism are two forces wliir:h
operate in a single direction, The interests of socialism demand s cor-
rect combination of all forces and their focusing on a single point..
Socialist patriotism signifies love of one's socialist homeland, people
and nations. With the forming of the world socialist system, the
patriotism of the citizens of a socialist society is embodied in dedica-
tion and loyalty both to their own homeland and to the entire community
of socialist nations. Socialist patriotism and socialist internationalism
organically include proletarian solidarity with the worker class and the
toilers of all nations.
Organizing and guiding internationalist indoctrination of people and army,
Marxist-Leninist parties are guided by Leninist theses on the correct
c;imbining of the national and international in the activities of proletar-
:fan parties and all detachments of the revolutionary movement. The worker
class, fighting for its national rights and interests, stated Lenin, should
not forget its obligation "to struggle against petty-nationalistic nar-
rowness, reserve, isolation, for taking into account the whole and the
universal, for subordinaticn of the interests of the particular to the
interests of the general" (Poln. Sobr, Soch. , Volume 30, page 45).
This statement by Lenin is of unfading significance in organizing the
internationalist indoctrination of fighting men. An organic combination of
the international and national, internationalism and patriotism constitutes
one of the most important prerequisites for successful cooperation among
socialist nations in all areas,
Comprehension of the organic combination of patriotism and socialist in-
ternationalism focuses commanders, political officials and party organiza-
tions on more flexibly and effectively working toward the forming of
patriotic feelings and international awareness in the personnel of the
Warsaw Pact member armies.
All indoctrination of the personnel of brother armies, including in-
doctrination of socialist internationalism and patriotism, is based on a
solid political, economic and ideological foundation. This hi%i been noted
time and again by party and government leaders in the socialist countries,
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The internrttiona.l bonds I tnkinc; the t tght Lug men of the brothel urnlico
exert considerable tntluencc on the forming of exct'llc,nt moral--fighting
tiw il[ties in personnel, an ahtI ity tv engage in tc;3c:tute .lotion 111 a joint
struggle against the common I.ue Tllc nany years of expertencc of the
Soviet Armed Forces and the arm es of t;le other so,-ial1st nations teaches
that the combat at.icain e ct ti}httnl men of different nationalities con-
stitutes one of those 11.1c-giving source's which nurture the courage and
valor of the sons of different nat tonalit ies Constant work by commanders
political workers, party and youth crganiir,ticns connected with
and
patriotic and tnternaticnalist indocttinatlcn and strc:.ngthening of the
fighting all tan"e is viewed in the brother armies ar-. an hunorablt tnak.
The means, tornrs and methods o1 intern..t.onal1st indcc tr inat ion are
perfected in the process of development of cooper at ion among the brother
armies. Many of them have been drawn from the experience of the CPSU in
internationalist indoctrination of the Soviet people and its Armed Forces.
During the Civil War years Lenin drafted '!itectives on military unity of
the Soviet republics They stated that an essential condition for victory
over world reaction and the White Guardists "is a unified command of all
Red Army detachments and the strictest centralization in the command of all
manpower and resources of the socialist republics ." (I'o.ln Sobr Soch ,
Volume 38, page 400) The Leninist idea of military unity, implemented by
the Communist Party of the So,.iet Union, was one of the first forms of
unification of the international efforts of a victorious people
Today this idea has found further embodiment in the activities of Communist
and worker parties pertaining to the establishment and consolidation of
international armed forces within the framework of the Warsaw Pact.
Indoctrination of Soviet citizens and Armed Forces perscnnel in a spirit of
patriotism and proletarian internationalism always has been and still is
one of the most impc'tanr tasks of the CPSU Its Program states; "The
party will tirelessly indoctrinate Soviet citizens in a spirit of proletar-
ian internationalism and will make every effort to assist in strengthening
the international sclidarity of the toilers Developing the love'"of the
Soviet people toward its homeland, the party proceeds from the position
that with the forming of a world socialist system the patriotism of the
citizens of the socialist society is embodied in dedication and loyalty to
their homeland and to the entire community of socialist nations- Socialist
patriotism and socialist internationalism organically encompass proletarian
solidarity with the worker class and the toilers of all nations.."
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These principles also guide oth^.r rulin'; parties in the Warsaw fart member
nntiono. For example, Army Gen Heinz Hoffmann, Gi)R Minister of National
Defense, stated the following in the Journal of the Central Committee of
the German Socialist Unity Party, Einheit: "The deciding principle of our
party's policy and its military policy is the state principle of socialist
internationalism formalized in the Constitution of the GDR In conformity
with the Leninist thesis of the international character of socialist armed
forces, the German People's Army from the very first day of its existence
has been built and formed as a component part of the unified armed force
of the Warsaw Pact nations."2
Inherent in the armies of the Warsaw Pact nations are common directions,
forms and methods of indoctrinational effort, of course with certain
peculiarities which are national in nature.. Fundamental directions and
principles of the effort to form in personnel internationalist views in-
clude explanation of the role and significance of internationalism in
uniting the brother armies for defense of the -nations of the socialist
community against potential aggression; indoctrination of personnel in an
internationalist spirit during the process of combat and political training;
study of the forms and methods of this training, adoption of advanced know-
how into practical training and indoctrination; study of the revolutionary
past of the allied armies, propaganda of the heroic deeds of international-
ist fighting men in the struggle against the exploiters in general and
particularly during the civil war years in the USSR and during World War li,
vivid demonstration of how the traditions of proletarian internationalism
are continuing to grow today,
The forms and methods of internatioto i.st indoctrination of fighting men are
varied. This is promoted by the system of commander training, political
classes and political information sessions, se,.:inar.s for executive per-
sonnel of party and youth organizations, exhange of know-how on mastering
combat equipment and weapons, and combat unity evenings- An important
indoctrinational role is played by revolutionary and national holidays,
get-togethas with veterans of the revolution, antifascists and inter-
nationalist fighting men; excursions to famous revolutionary and war sites
and to enterprises; reflection of the achievements of building socialism
and communism in verbal, printed and visual propaganda, etc..
The entire organization of internationalist indoctrination of fighting men
demands a common effort, a unity of views and mutual coordinatiot;,, The
allied armies have gathered a wealth of experience in this respect, For
example, the Chief of the Main Political Directorate of the National
People's Army of the GDR and the Chief oi* the Political Directorate of the
Group of Soviet Forces in Germany drafted a plan for 1971, for inter-
nationalist indoctrination of the men of the National People's Army of they
GDR and the Group of Soviet Forces in Germany, which calls for a number of
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joint measures in preparation for the 24th C1'SU Congress and 25th anniver-
sary of the Socialist {,"pity Party of Germany, an exchange of work informa-
tion and know-how for secretaries of party and youth organizations,
cultural and sports events, etc
Interesting measures are organized by command and political entities of
:he Bulgarian People's Army Jointly with tho Soviet Iced-Banner Black Sea
t"feet and with the armed or es of the Socialist Republic of Romania
The Carpathian Military District command takes part in joint measures with
commanders and political entities of the Hungarian People's Army
Practical internationalist indoctrination includes get-togethers with
veterans of the Great October Socialist Revolution, with Soviet soldier-
liberators of the Hungarian people, joint rallies at memorials to Soviet
fighting men, excursiens to sites of battles fought by the Soviet Army, etc
The heroic traditions connected with the struggle of the toilers for
establishment of the 'Iungarian Soviet Republic and defense of the USSR as
well as the heroic di:eds of internationalist fighting men are extensively
popularized
In the allied countries and brother armies due attention is rocused on
strengthening the feeling of respect and love for the USSR and the Soviet
Army.. For example, in the Bulgarian People's Republic each citizen holds
sacred the following statement by Georgiy Dimitrov; "There is not nor can
there be any sensible Bulgarian who loves his homeland, who is not con-
vinced that sincere friendship with the Soviet Union is just as essential
for the national independence and prosperity of Bulgaria as are the sun
and air for every living being
In the German Democratic Republic young soldiers in the National People's
Army swear the following oath. "I swear... to be always prepared,
shoulder to shoulder with the Soviet Army and the armies of our allied
socialist nations, to defend socialism against all enemies, giving my
life if necessary to achieve victory ."
In all brother nations toilers and fighting men express sincere affection
and love for the heroic Soviet. people and its valiant Armed Forces, who
have defended the conquests of the October Revolution in bitter battles
against the shock forces of world imperialism and who have liberated many
peoples from the yoke of German fascism and Japanese militarism,
In the USSR and the Soviet Armed Forces in turn the Communist Party con-
stantly develops a d eep sense of love and respect for the people of the
brother nations on the part of Soviet toilers and fighting men,
Relations of genuine brotherhood and friendship have been established
between Soviet soldiers, the civilian population and military personnel
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Of Lite GDR, Hungary, Poland and Czechoslovakia, where Soviet troops are
temporarily stationed, in conformity with formal ngreementt-? Our com-
mandcrn, political officials, party and Komsomol. organizations have
amassed con:-iderable experience in internationalist indoctrination and In
strengthening class and fi,,;hting solidarity with the personnel of Lite
armies of the socialist na~ionn.
:~.-clh farms of indoctrinational effort are practiced as joint conduct of
rest(.ye meettngi and evening functions with the participation of
repre'.ent:Ltves of the Soviet military and toilers, theoretical con-
ferunce';:md debates, "combat unity weeks," exchange of know-how in combat
.-:ul rolitl.c;il training, joint mass cultural and sports events, etc.
In 1970 alone the men of the Soviet Army and Navy held jointly with the
toiler, of the GDR and fighting men of the National People's Army
a1)nroxtmateIy 32,000 different events, while more than 85,000 have been
)eld in the last 5 years. These efforts reached a peak during the period
of nreparltion for and celebration of the 50th anniversary of Soviet rule
Ind of the Soviet Armed Forces, the 20th anniversary of the.,GDR;,'tha'Lenin
:31r;:h Centennial, and the 25th anniversary of the victory of the Soviet
peonle in the Great Patriotic War. All this has left a deep impression
in the consciousness both of Soviet fighting men and of the toilers and
fight Lng; men of the GDR.
A major effort toward international consolidation is also being conducted
in the Central Group of Forces, stationed in fraternal Czechoslovakia.
Here, is is well known, the enemies of socialism made a great effort to
split the unity of the socialist nations and to poison the consciousness
of the Czechs and Slovaks with Lite venom of nationalism and anti-Sovietism,
but they suffered defeat. Today the Communist Party of. Czechoslovakia has
embarked upon an extensive program to consolidate the country's political
?ind economic affairs. Under these conditions a strengthening of ties of
friendship between Soviet fighting men and the toileru and fighting men
of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic has assumed particular importance.
The co:amanders and political officials of the Central Group of Forces have
dratted specific measures for international indoctrination of fighting men
and strengthem:ng of the combat alliance with the personnel of the Czecho-
slovak People's Army. Better organization of this effort was the subject
of a detailed discussion held at seminars of military administrative per-
sonnel, secretaries of party and Komsomol committees, Marxist-Leninist
training and political instruction group leaders, as well as at party and
Komsomol meetings.
All specified measures have been and are being persistently implemented.
Propaganda of the ideas of patriotism and internationalism occupies a
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prominent place here in the activities of agitation and propaganda teams,
lecturer groups, staff propagandists and the press. The newspaper
Sovetskiy Soldat, for example, constantly publishes materials on Czec'.ho-
slovakin's successes in building socialism, on the revolutionary traditions
of the toilers of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic and their friendship
with the Soviet people, as well as on the deeds of Soviet fighting men and
partisans during the liberation of Czechoslovakia from Nazi enslavement.
Soviet-Czechoslovak friendship museum-rooms have been established at
officers' clubs and internationalist clubs in military units. Fighting
alliance evenings are organized, as well as joint reader conferences,
theory discussions and excursions for personnel of the Soviet Army and
Czechoslovak People's Army to battle sites of the last war. All these
events definitely promote a strengthening of friendship between our
fighting men and the toilers and fighting men of Czechoslovakia.
The men of the groups of forces, maintaining friendly relations with the
brother peoples, showing respect for their revolutionary past, national
culture, ways and customs, and cooperating closely with their brothers in
arms, are making a significant contribuf;ton toward strengthening the
fighting alliance of the socialist nations. They are sacredly performing
their international duty of defense of the forward lines of socialism.
Joint exercises, war games and maneuvers are particularly important in
practical internationalist Indoctrination of the personnel of allied armies.
We shall briefly describe several such exercises which constitute a school
of internationalist training and indoctrination and a powerful military-
political means mobilizing fighting men for the defense of the conquests of
socialism.
In 1965, for example, at the time of the 10th anniversary of the Warsaw
Pact, a large-scale field exercise code-named October Storm was held in the
GDR, involving the participation of staffs and large units of the Na-
tional People's Army of the GDR, the Czechoslovak People's Army, the Polish
Army and the Soviet Army. That year it constituted the culmination stage
in the training of the troops of the four brother armies and showed an
improved level of twining and combat readiness,
Another large-scale military exercise was the Vltava exercise, held in
Czechoslovakia in 1966, The international solidarity and excellent combat
skills of the men of the Hungarian People's Army, the National People's
Army of the GDR, the Soviet Armed Forces and the Czechos:.....ak People's
Army were again demonstrated at this exercise,
In the summer of the following year a successful operational exercise was
held in Hungary and Czechoslovakia, involving three allied armies and
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code-named Maneuver, 'c'hat same year another large combined excrcice, cod
named Rhodope, was held In Bulgaria and on the Black Sea. It constituted
a new contribution toward strengthening the fighting alliance of the
Warsaw Pact armies, achieved thanks to the internationalist indoctrination
and training of fighting men under conditions close to actual combat. 'I'll I. s
exercise, which involved the participation of ground troops and naval
forces of Bulgaria, Romania and the Soviet Union, was conducted under the
slogan: "Under the banner of the Great October Revolution -- united in
peace and war." This was a vivid demonstration of the international unity
of the brother peoples and their armies on the eve of the 50th anniversary
of the Great October Socialist Revolution.
In the fall of 1969 the large combined Oder-Neisse exercise was held in
Poland and on the Baltic Sea. It involved ground force, air force and
naval units and large units, as well as air defense troops from the armies
of the GDR, Poland, the Sov.i.t Union and Czechoslovakia The exercise
demonstrated the increased combat might of our allied armies and their
ability in an international formation to offer decisive resistance to any
aggre,sor on the ground, on the sea and in the air.
Since the founding of the Warsaw Pact military organization many other
large-scale joint exercises have been conducted by the allied armies. Last
year the Brotherhood in Arms exercise was held in the German Democratic
Republic and on the Baltic Sea, In its military-political significance,
scope and results it was the most significant ever conducted by the
Warsaw Pact nations.
Troops and staffs of all seven allied armies and forces from three navies
took part in this exercise. This exercise, held during the'. Lenin Centen-
nial Year, constituted a unique report submitted by the Joint Armed Forces
to the Communist and worker parties, governments and peoples of the
nations of the socialist community, The allied ground and naval forces
successfully passed this examination. Fulfilling the behests of the
great Lenin, they graphically demonstrated a high degree of combat readi-
ness, the ability to defend with weapon in hand the sacred ideals and to
implement the international brotherhood of peoples
We should also mention such major maneuvers as the Dnieper (1967), Dvina,
and Ocean (1970) games conducted by the Soviet Armed Forces Large-scale
army and navy exercises are conducted by the national commands of the
other socialist nations, All promote patriotic and internationalist in-
doctrination of military personnel and inthe final analysis improvement in
the defensive strength of the Warsaw Pact Organization
Important in the holding of various types of joint exercises is the fact
that durJtbg such exercises commanders and political officers, simultaneously
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with the accomplishment of operational-tactical missions, accomplish tasks
connected with internationalist indoctrination. Ti wining and indoctrina-
tion of personnel, including internationalist, is nn inseparable, dual
process, for combat skill is forged out and polished and stable morale--
psychological qualities are formed in military labor (on cruises, training
flights and maneuvers in particular) Joint actions by the men of the
brother armies are an effective means of bringing subunits, units and
large units to a high degree of training, as well as consolidating a sense
of collectivism, without which it is inconceivable to perform common mis-
sions in modern combat.
During the process of exercises considerable potential is revealed for
further strengthening Internationalist views and feelings, combat solidari-
ty, firm com*;adely unity and preparedness for resolute joint actions in
case of war, Closer contacts are established among the personnel of the
units and warships of the various countries; attitudes of trust and con-
fidence are strengthened, as is the unity of views on the tasks and
goals of the effort to secure reliable defense of the conquests of so-
cialism..
Exercises as a rule are accompanied by joint measures ensuring personal
contact between military personnel and the local civilian population. For
example, during the Brotherhood in Arms exercise Soviet Army personnel
took part in 1500 different events conducted jointly with the fighting
men of the brother nations and the local population Particularly memor-
able were rallies and get-togethers for the purpose of exchanging informa-
tion and know-how on mastering military occupational specialties, jointly-
conducted political instruction classes, entertainment by army singing and
dancing groups, amateur talent groups, etc.
On the eve of the exercisa a mass rally was held in the city of Kottbus,
attended by the people of the city and personnel of the brother armies.
Speakers at the rally enthusiastically greeted representatives of the
Socialist Unity Party and government of the GDR, representatives of the
military delegations of the allied nations, and honored guests. Erich
Honecker, Secretary of the Central Committee of the Socialist Unity Party
of Germany, emphasized in his speech at the rally that the joint exercises
being conducted by the seven armies of the Warsaw Pact nations were once
again demonstrating the solidarity of the armed forces of the socialist
nations and their ability to provide reliable defense of the peace and
productive labors of the peoples of the socialist community,
Many friendly get-togethers took place in the area where the exercise was
held, A get-together between Socialist Unity Party Central. Committee
Politburo member Erich Muckenberger and other German comrades and the men
of a Soviet Army guards tank unit was transformed into a vivid demonstration
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of brotherly friendship between the peoples of the USSR and the GDR.
Conveying to the Soviet tankers party greetings on behalf of the toilers
of the district and wishing them success in the exercise, Comrade 'lUcken-
berger presented the guardsmen with a bust of Karl Marx as a g;e:;ture of
friendship.
A get-together in one of our camps will long be remembered by the men of
the brother armies, The Soviet fighting men greeted their honored guests
warmly and cordially. They briefed them ort the heroic traditions of their
unit, acquainted them with our combat equipment and invited them to the
Lenin room for a friendly conversation, The commanding officer of the
large unit, Colonel Kolesnikov, passed out souvenirs to our fighting
friends. The get-together ended with a concert put on by a Soviet military
choral and dancing group.
During the exercise the men of the allied armies learned from each other's
,experience in combat and political training.
The participants in tc a Brotherhood in Arms exercise regularly received
.field issues of a joint newspaper which was published in seven languages.
,The newspaper discussed the performance of the top commanders and men,
reported on get-together3 for the men of the Joint Armed Forces, on the
hospitality of the civilian population in the GDR as well as on a rally
,held by the fighting men of the brother armies, at which those who had
,distinguished themselves at the exercise were awarded valuable gifts by
GDR leaders.
Of great importance for improving the forms of international and patriotic
indoctrination was the broad political and mass cultural effort in con-
nection with celebration of the sesquicentennials of the birth of Karl
Marx and Friedrich Engels. This effort promoted the ideological condition-
ing of the men of the Warsaw Pact armies.
The brother armies of the Warsaw PAct nations are genuinely popqlar armies.
They vigilantly guard the socialist achievements of their peoples and the
peoples of the socialist community, are indoctrinated in the ideals of
Marxism-Leninism and socialist internationalism, the revolutionary
traditions of their parties and peoples, and in a spirit of total loyalty
to the Communist cause.
Commanders, political officials and party organizations of the allied
armies, constantly concerned with improving and developing the forms and
methods of personnel indoctrination and training, innovatively and on a
scientific basis accomplish the tasks assigned them by the parties and
governments of the Warsaw Pact member nations.
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Consistently implementing he principles of internationalism, broadening
and perfecting military cooperation, the brother armies have achieved
excellent results in improving their fighting efficiency and combat
readiness, They do not rest on their laurels, however, following Lenin's
behest "to work better today than yesterday, to advance further and
attain more," they are persistently continuing to improve their combat
readiness, to enhance their revolutionary vigilance, to deve] p their
sense of international responsibility, and to strengthen the fighting
alliance in every possible way
Under conditions of accelerating scientific anc, technological progress,
the allied armies view as a most important task the efficient utilization
of the latest achievements and discoveries for strengthening the defensive
might of the military coalition of the socialist nations,ttva swift adoption
of advanced know-how and the most effective methods of troop training and
indoctrination, and improving troop control on the basis of extensive
employment of means of automation;
The Warsaw Pact armed forces, tirelessly improving their fighting efficien-
cy and combat readiness, broadening and perfecting military cooperation
and coordination, are honorably carrying out their international duty,
The socialist system is increasingly fully revealing the advantages of its
economic and sociopolitical organization, The socialist nations are
achieving further development of their economy and culture as well as
maximum successful realization of the results of the scientific and tech-
nological revolution, becoming even more consolidated and unified. "Life
itself advances the demand of a closer economic and political drawing-
together of the brother nations."-' The brother parties and governments
are protecting their bonds of mutual cooperation and are seeking optimal
utilization of the vast potential and resources offered by the socialist
system.
The Warsaw Pact military organization is a component part of this coopera-
tion. It possesses sophisticated hardware and trained command cadres who
are dedicated to the cause of social'st internationalism and proletarian
solidarity, It is our common obligati;in to continue strengthening the
fighting alliance and to remember Lenin's statement about "triple
vigilance, caution and tenacity" in the struggle against the imperialist
predators, who are capable of any and all acts of provocation?
Lenin taught the toilers to he internationalists in class battles; he
raised high the banner of internationalism and appaaled for indoctrination of Comnunists
and all toilers in a spirit of international solidarity; he provided answers
to the most acute nroblems posed by life and pointed to the most effective
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forms of struggle against imperialism, social and national oppression,
for the victory of the socialist revolution and the triumph of communism.
Leni,a emphasized that Marxism poses a question not only for explanation
of '.he past but also for fearless prediction of the future and bold
practical activity aimed at achieving the stated goal. (laving entered
the first year of the new five-year plans, the peoples of the nations of
the socialist community are full of optimism, They are firmly convinced
that the elaborated directives of the new five-year plans will be met and
that the economic and defense might of the commun.ty will rise to an even
higher level. One of the most important conditions ensuring successful
development of the socialist nations is their fraternal mutual support and
assistance, their unshakable loyalty to socialist internationalism.
1. Pravda, 10 June 1962.
2. Einheit, No 12, 1970, page 527.
3. K 100-letiyu so dnva rozhdeniya Vladimira Il'icha Lenina, Tezisy
TsK KPSS (The Vladimir Il'ich Lenin Birth Centennial. Central Coni-
mittee CPSU Theses), Politizdat, 1970.
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TILE DEFENSE OF THE, ACII LEVEMENTS OF SOCIALIS'1 -- A GENE ItAL
LAW OF TilE BULLI)ING 01' COMNUN.SM1
(;IL1.Ltary Probl,2ms in Theory of Scientific Communism)
Col V. Zubarev, Candidate of Philosophical Sciences
Surely and steadily gaining new ground in the building of communism, our
party, the people and its fighting men are constantly concerned to ensure
that the great edifice is reliably defended against all intrigues by the
aggressive forces of imperialism.
The time which has passed since the 23rd CPSU Congress attests to the
excellent results of the work done by the Communist Party in this are., as
in others.
In the area of military policy the party and state are inalterably guided
by the Leninist doctrine of defense of the socialist homeland and the
achievements of socialism. The fundamental theoretical content of this
doctrine is comprehensive substantiation of the defense of socialism and
its achievements as one of the general laws of the socialist revolution,
the building of socialism and communism.
The Objective Necessity of Societal Development.
Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels are credited with scientific formulation and
initial elaboration of the problem of defense of the new, Communist society.
They organically included this problem in theory of the class struggle of
the proletariat and its seizure of political power. Credit for development
of an integral, well-balanced system of knowledge on the defense of
socialism goes to V. I, Lenit and the Bolshevik party he established.
Marx and Engels explained the necessity for the proletariat to guard its
conquests by the action of objective laws, and particularly by the law of
employment of violence in the class struggle.
Synthesizing the experience of history, Marx established the following:
violence is the midwife of every old society when it carries the new within
its womb, that instrument by means of which a social movement blazes its
trail and smashes hardened political forms. The founders of scientific
communism viewed violence as a derivative of economic relations, as a means
of achieving specific economic and political goals, and as an aggregate of
employment of diversified forms of compulsion, including armed, military
measures. They taught that military action by the proletariat against the
class enemies is essential under certain conditions and not obligatory
under others. "...When there is no reactionary violence against which
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on"" count stru.tgg.Le," noted FFricdr.ich LngeE;, "there can be no talk of any
revolutionary violence. , ." (::. 'lark'; and 1~, l;ngc.l'r;: Sncii. [Works , Volume
3",, onge 419).
Long before the Para.:; Commune larx and I:ngcl.s pointed out that tite armed
terror oi: domestic and external counterrevolution will inevi.tai ly aru.l
Logically compel the proletariat to defend its tileLatorohLp, employing
ii.1.Ltar i,;eans. The cxper:Lenc,e of the Paris Communard4 confirmed the
correctness of this scientific prediction.
Tire iti.,,torv of the class antagonistic society demonstrates that the revolu-
t I n?a tnri the new system engendered by it must defend themse;ve; against
iupt i.:Le forces. This Is one of the general laws governing i ;tor.Lcal
develonment. In classic formulation was provided by Lenin. Aualyr:ing
the experience of the past and the :Lnit:i!ul practical experience of the
':re..1t October Revolution, he time to the conclusion: "A revolution is
worth something only if it kno s boy to defend itself, but it take, time
for a revolution to learn to defend itself" (Pole. Sobr. Socit. [Contpi.ete
to rk-,], Volume 37, up 127_-1^-3) .
This Formula, consisting of two part; as it :!ere, i,; of hey
for examining the defense of socialism and Its con-lues t:s7 Wi a natural 1a1w,
for it aims both at an approach to the problem as a whole and in the
general direction of its study and elaboration.
In the first place Lenin's thesis accentuates the idea of LiiC logical
nature of self-defense of tie revolution, that this process is precisely a
general sociological law (inherent in every revolution).
Sect,a:lly, it stresses the exceptional importance of this law for the
genesis and development of the revolution and the new system (only then
'lilt. it be of value) .
T,hirlly, Lenin notes the most important condition for success of the
revolution (if it is able, that is if it possesses a real capability of
organizing and securing its defense) .
"north and finally, Lenin focuses special attention on the complexities,
dif iculties and contradictions inherent in the tasks facing he
revolution in the area of self-protection (it is not immediately learned),
Thus both the objective aspect of the phenomenon --- - necessity and ui.r.-
`iculty of defense of the new system, and tie subjective aspect -- the
ability to defend itself, surmounting obstacles, are "c p Lured" in concise
form by Lenin's formula. Lenin's idea serves as a meths t-io .ogical. founda-
tion for elucidating the essential. elements of the mechanism of effect of
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this law and guides Its invest Lgation along the path of revelation of
contradictions in the matter o1. defense and ways o1- resoling them.
Developing the Marxian view on employment by the proletariat of armed
means of ,truggle as an objectively necessary response measure, Lenin
emphasized that the problem of the. defense of the revolution is even more
critical in a situation where the, prospect of its victory in a single,
.separate country is revealed The victory of socialism initially in one
or several countries and preservati.cn of bourgeois or prebourgecis systems
in all the others is a circumstance, he stated prior to the October Revolution,
"which should produce not only fricticn but a direct endeavor by the
bourgeoisie of the other nations to crush the victorious proletariat of the
socialist state" (Poln Sobr_Soch , Volume 30, page 133) He also warned
that internal counterrevolutionaries will not fail to attempt to overthrow
the new regime by force of arms
history has confirmed Lenin's prediction Immediately following the vic-
torious conclusion of the Great October Socialist Revolution, inter-
national imperialism organized an armed attack on the Soviet Republic,
Military intervention by the imperialists of Germany, England, France, the
United States, Japan and other capitalist nations merged with the cam-
paigns of the White Guardist armies -- the armies of the internal"Russian
counterrevolution, which was operating in concert with the external
counterrevolution. Armed defense of the worker-peasant state, the neces-
sity of which was stated by Lenin, became a practical task of the day,
The terms "defense of the homeland" and "patriotic war" assumed new
meaning with the birth of history's first toiler state..
Soon after the victory of the socialist revolution in this country Lenin
explained that as of 25 October 1917 the Bolsheviks were for defense of
the homeland, because from that day a split from imperialism had been
demonstrated by deed in Russia (Poln Sobr- Soch., Volume 35, page 395),
Describing the post-October position of the Bolsheviks in relation to
defense of the homeland and patriotic war, Lenin again and again
emphasized both the national and international aspects of this question:
"We have been advocates of defense since 25 ncrot,er 1917 We are for
'defense of the homeland, but that patriotic war toward which we stride is
a war for the socialist homeland, for socialism as the homeland, for the
Soviet Republic as a detachment of the worldwide army of socialism" (Poln,
Sobr, Soch., Volume 36; page 82)
Lenin and his followers elaborated and carried out consistent, rigorous-
ly scientific strategy and tactics connected with solving the historic
problems of war, peace, the proletarian revolution and its defense, in an
implacable struggle against bourgeois and reformist ideology and politics,
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v;:r(c1U4 kindit Of 171911'[6t and "lef:ttr;t" c~l)porL'unLNt.;~, I'akInt; ~ihnltr.,.
under resounding phrases about "revolutionary ;journey," "resolute C1,11111
international policy," "international revolutionary propaganda by word and
decd," and "otrengthening of the organic link with international socialism,"
the so-cnllecl "leftist Qom, tnists," for example, were attempting to force
upon the just-born Soviet Republic a fatal course toward "revolutionary
war." In actual fact, as Lenin stated, the "leftists" were helping the
imperialists provoke the Russian Soviet Republic into patently disad-
vantageous combat and were helping the imperialists draw it into the
trap (Pole. Sobr. Soch,, Volume 36, page 289). They also "substantiated"
their adventurist course with a thesis on the inadmici(biility of "clefeasism"
and defense of the homeland, not wishing to see the fact that with the
victory of the October Revolution the slogan of defense of the homeland,
which was old in form, had acquired qualitatively new content. Sharply
criticizing and exposing the "leftists" as windbags and spineless prea't& r.:q
of dangerous petit-bourgeois waverings, Vladimir Il'ich stated that to
acknowledge defense of the homeland means to acknowledge the legitimacy
and justice of war only from the viewpoint of the socialist proletariat
and its struggle for its liberation, that precisely in the interest of
"strengthening the bond" with international socialism it is mandatory to
defend the socialist homeland. He who would pay little heed to the
defense of a nation in which the proletariat has gained victory destroys
the bond with international socialism. A serious attitude toward national
defense is dmanded of all. This means "to prepare thoroughly and
rigorously to consider tha balance of power" (Poln. Sobr. Soch., Volume
36, page 292).
Following the strategic and tactical line elaborated by Lenin, our Communist
Party rejected the defeatest attitudes of the "leftist Communists" and
Trotskyites, who denied the possibility of the victory of socialism in one
country and claimed that preservation of the dictatorship of the proletar-
iat and the other conquests of the October Revolution is possible only
under the condition of victory of the world socialist revolution, which
should allegedly be encouraged and accelerated by means of a war with
world imperialism.
Comprehensively developing the theory of armed defense of the socialist
homeland during the years of foreign military intervention, civil war and
thereafter, Lenin again and again turned the attention of party and people
to the necessity of reliable self-defense of the proletarian revolution.
For example:, he. stated at the 8th Party Congress (March 1919) that we
could not exist without armed defense of the socialist republic.
Proceeding from the objective necessity of defense of the socialist home-
land, Lenin defined the first commandment of Communist Party and Soviet
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str1te policy -- ho sin guard, carefully preserve the nat.lon'oo defense
cr:apabt.lity and the army's combat reradineW?
Leni.n's theses and conclusions; on the necessity Of (Iciense of the so-
cLalist homeland, confirmed by all recent. history and fully retaining its
psi ',nificrince, have found further development In thr program documents of
the CI';ill and the world CommunIst movement. At the pre:;eat stage this is
expres~;ed i Lrst and foremost in is scient if I.c analysis of the current
balance of Corces in the world arena, precise determination of the degree
and character of the threat of war emanating from imperialism. As was
noted at the 23rd CNSU Congress, the world balance of power is coatinui.ng
to shift in favor of socialism, the labor and national liberation movement.
The aggressive nature of imperialism, however,, has remained unchanged.
There is evidence of intensification of imperialist aggression and actiw.t-
tion of reactionary force,,-. Intensification of the general crisis of
capitalism and aggravation of its contradictions increase the adventurism
of imperialism and its threat to peoples, t o peace and social progress.
Imperialism is attempting with increasing frequency to seek it way out
through military provocations, various conspiracies and direct military
interventions.'
Today the correctness of Lenin's determination of the deep-lying sources of
aggression and unjust wars under conditions of the existence of capitalism
in its imperialist stage is being confirmed time and again, The politics
of imperialism, proceeding from its very nature, its economic essence, its
fundamental traits as revealed by Lenin -- constitute a source of wars,
,cts of aggression and violence, encroachments on the freedom of nations.
imperialism is the guilty party in two world wars, for which mankind paid
a price of 70 million lives. Imperialism has created an unprecedented
war machine which devours colossal manpower and mater.Lal resources. Im-
perialism is escalating the arms race and is threatening a thermonuclear
world war, in which hundreds of millions of lives can be snuffed out and
entire countries devastated.
The imperialists are persistently endeavoring to extricate themselves from
their internal contradictions primarily at the expense of the socialist
nations as well as the countries of the former colonial system of imperial-
ism. Under conditions of a deepening general crisis of capitalism there is
occurring a definite shift of the center of gravity of imperialist
strategy in the world arena: The policies of imperialism are being
determined to an ever-increasing degree by the class goals of common
struggle against world socialism, national liberation revolutions and the
labor movement.
As facts indicate, American imperialism is the main economic, political
and military center of world reaction, It is the major military arsenal
of world imperialism. The United State.- is the ringleader in the
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i.."aerialist military blocs, the actions of which aggravate international
tension. U.S. :imperialism initiated a criminal war against the Vietnamese
people and is escalating its aggression In Indochina. The U.S. im-
periallsts have connuLtted numerous acts of aggression In Latin America,
particular.ty against revolutionary Cuba, The United States encouraged
the attack by the Israeli military on the Arab nations and supports the
continuing Israeli aggression in the Near East; the United States gives
total support to imperialism in the t'R(; and its aggressive revarrchiat
aspirations.
A strengthening of the position of the USSR and the socialist community of
nations is generating in the imperialist camp new surges of blind hatred,
which is capable of impelling the "hawks" to undertake extremely rash
actions.
These are the circumstances which intensify the present threat of im-
perialist military aggression against the USSR and the socialist nations
as well as the danger of another world war. From this proceeds the
vitally important necessity of further all-out strengthening of the
defense capability of the Soviet Union and all the nations of the socialist
commonwealth.
Bearing this pattern in mind, the 23rd CPSU Congress emphasized: "Under
conditions whereby the aggressive forces of imperialism are heightening
international tension and creating local wars, the CPSU will continue to
increase the vigilance of the Soviet people and to strengthen the defense
might of our homeland, so that the Soviet Armed Forces will be always
prepared reliably to defend the achievements of socialism and to offer a
devastating response to any imperialist aggressor.i3
Basic Features of Defense of the Conquests of Socialism
Viewing defense of the revolution as a general sociological law, Marxism-
Leninism at the same time has revealed the specific features of its
manifestation under various concrete historical conditions, and particular-
ly under conditions of dictatorship of the proletariat. A Leninist
analysis of the specific features of defense of the socialist revolution
and the socialist homeland is of fundamental significance for the strategy
and tactics of Communist and worker parties, Investigation of the
features of the defense of socialism involves such key questions as its
essence, content, forms, and conditions of securement, that is, what is
common to every socialist nation -- with all possible national shadings
and particularities. At the same time these features reveal the deep-lying
sources of the defensive strength of the socialist state.
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Lenin stated that; it is possible scientifically to analyze large-scale
asor,.Lal prococcc;.; and to elaborate a correct course only when the unique
nature; of a given era has been clarified, primarily from the sit:rndpoir.t of
what class occupies the center of this era, defining its main content and
main direction of. development (Poln. Sobr Soch., Volume 26, page 142)
The following most general specific traits (features) of this law or
pattern are noted in light of these Leninist theses.
In the first place it is engendered by the era, which is characterized by
a transition from an nntagon.tstic to a nonantagonistic society, that is.,
by a social revolutiot, of a qualitatively new type The essence of
defense of the latter also becomes radically different, and this is
understandable. The need of protection; which is inherent in the natural
world, and a specific policy with its "objective logic" (see V. I. Lenin:
Poln. Sobr. Soch. , Volume 14, page 190) and subjective aspect are expressed
primarily in that law that every revolution defends itself. This does not
mean, howe%:r, that the essence of the phenomenon we are discussing is
inalterable. Materialist dialectics demands that one see beneath external-
ly similar phenomena their true essence and that one take into considera-
tion the variability of this substance proper (see Lenin, Poln. Sobr. Soch.,
Volume 29, page 227), The fundamental question of revolution and the
main content of policy is the question of power: its achievement, retention,
consolidation and utilization, The socialist revolution and socialist
system, resolving this problem in a totally different manner, engender a
qualitatively new content of internal and external policy and change the
essence and content of defense of revolutionary conquests. Defense of the
socialist homeland consequently is engendered by a qualitatively new
historical necessity of development of society and signifies a policy of
higher, proletarian revolutionary nature,
This qualitatively new essence finds expression in specific content:
defense of the socialist revolution and its conquests constitutes one of
the most important factors in securing a transition of peoples to socialism
and communism under conditions whereby international imperialism and
domestic reaction (the latter in the stage of transition to socialism) do
everything in their power to impede this historical process. Since im-
perialism and reaction endeavor to hinder the c"::jective movement of history
primarily by threat of employment of armed violence and employment of
f o rc e, military countermeasures are of primary importance in the defense
of socialism. The military aspect of defense of socialist gains is under-
scored by the Leninist concept of "armed defense."
it is quite obvious that the specific content of defense of the socialist
and nonsocialist revolution is quite different. In spite of the historical
progressiveness, for example, of the bourgeois revolution, its defense
signified in the final analysis defense of an exploiter system.. In
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contrast to this, defense of the socialist revolution and its conquest=s
embodies a sharply-expressed ontiexploit:er, namely antlimperialist orienta-
tion and is effected on behalf of the class interests of the toilers and
of the toilers proper. Hera lies rooted one of the most important objec-
tive sources of the high degree of defense capability of the socialist
homeland and the socialist system. As regards a national-democratic
revolution, its capability of self-defense increases as the country
moves along, it noacapitalist path and in connection with active support on
the part of the socialist nations.
A multilevel phenomenon, defense of the socialist homeland involves many
aspects of the nation's affairs and possesses diversified forms. The most
common of these are two forms which correspond to two basic states of
society. The peacetime state is comprehensive preparation of the nation
and its army for an immediate and devastating repulsion of a hostile
attack and resolute measures to frustrate attempts by imperialism and
other reactionary forces, by military or other means, to attack the
positions of socialism, to infringe upon the vital interests of the
socialist system and to export counterrevolution, In the case of aggres-
sion defense of the socialist homeland assumes the form of direct armed
conflict with the enemy, the form of a national war effort, in the course
of which there occurs unification of efforts on the battie'front and home
front, mobilization of all the military, economic, political and spiritual
resources of the nation (and the coalition of socialist nations) for the
sake of total defeat of the aggressor.
In the second place, defense of the socialist homeland c:presses the
struggle of the most revolutionary class, headed by the most revolutionary
party.
The worker class, whose duty is to put an end to all types and forms of
oppression and possessing the highest degree of revolutionary consciousness
and organization, under the guidance of the Marxist-Leninist party unites
and leads the toiler masses in the struggle for the new system and its
consolidation. The experience of the Soviet Union and the other socialist
nations attests to the fact that it is precisely the worker class which
constitutes the guiding force in building socialism, communism, and defense
of revolutionary gains, that this constitutes an inexhaustible source of
strength for the vystnm which replaces capitalism,
The international worker class and its principal offspring, the world so-
cialist system, stand at the center of the contemporary era, which
predetermines further acceleration of historical progress and reliable
defense of the revolutionary conquests of peoples,
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Thirdly, defense of the socialist homeland and of the conquests of. so-
cialism is profoundly international in character.. "I'hi.:j feature, its is
correctly emphasized in our 1Ltotaturc, procceds prim:rri.ly from the inter-
national conditions of liberation of the worker c1at?.s and other exploited
and oppressed, as was stated by Karl. Marx, FrirdrLch Engels, and V. l..
Lenin, The worlds toilers and oppressed have a common class enemy --
imperialism and reaction. Every step taken toward strengthening the
economic and defensive might 01 socialism assumes special international
significance and wins the support of all. revolutionary forces of rho
present day, for It corresponds to the vital interests of the toilers.
True to the behests of Lenin, the CPSU is firmly pursuing the principle of
proletarian internationalism and is proceeding from the indivisibility of
the international and national tasks of the socialist nations. This or-
ganic indivisibility and the fraternal international solidarity of
toilers are graphically confirmed by half a century of experience ac-
quired by the world socialist revolution,
The Soviet people and its Red Army, under the guidance of the Communist
Party, headed by Lenin, defended the young Soviet Republic, and this con-
stituted fulfillment of both patriotic and international duty, The
defeat of the unified forces of world imperialism and the total defeat of
internal counterrevolutionary elements was of enormous importance not only
for the destiny of our nation but also for the liberation struggle of the
toilers of the entire world: the worker-peasant state -- seat and bulwark
of the world proletarian revolution had stood firm and gained victory.
The victory of the Soviet Union in the Great Patriotic War was of world
historic significance. Favorable conditions were created for the develop-
ment and victory of socialist revolutions in the nations of Europe and Asia,
and the forming of a world socialist system, The national liberation
struggle of peoples grew in scale. The international forces of socialism
and democracy became stronger, while the position of imperialism and
reaction weakened.
The idea of proletarian internationalism found new and vivid embodiment in
economic, political and defense cooperation among the sovereign socialist
nations, based on the Warsaw Pact and bilateral treaties,
The international character of the defense of socialism, the strength,
effectiveness and significance of cooperation and mutual assistance among
the socialist nations in the area of the military are manifested first and
foremost in vigorously exposing and impeding the plans and actions of the
imperialist military clique and armed counterrevolutionary elements, aimed
directly against the world socialist system, Unified efforts by the so-
cialist nations, and particularly active countermeasures taken by the
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Soviet Union, have frustrated imperialist attempts to destroy the popular
democratic government in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, have
prevented the restoration of capitalism in Hungary, have prevented ef-
fective action from being taken against revolutionary Cuba, and have
nipped in the bud the "silent counterrevolution" in Czechoslovakia.
In the armed struggle against socialism following World War II, world
imperialism was counting, most heavily on the U.S. intervention against
the Democratic Republic of Vietnam and the entire Vietnamese p6.,ple. The
fact that a most powerful nation possessing vast military potential is
today no closer bt't rather further from its stated war aims is primarily
a result of the fact that the heroic Vietnamese people is being given
powerful support by the Soviet Union and the other socialist nations in
repelling the armed antisocialist and colonialist campaign mounted by
imperialism.
Focusing particular attention on the international character of the task
of protecting socialist conquests, the International Conference of Com-
munist and Worker Parties (1969) pointed out that the defense of socialism
is an international duty of Communists.
The brother Communist parties note the dedication of the CPSU to its inter-
national duty and the contribution of the Soviet people toward development
of the world revolutionary process and toward strengthening the cause of
peace and security of the peoples of this planet. Janos Kadar, First
Secretary of the Central Committee of the Hungarian SociaiIist Worker Party,
said the following at the 1969 Communist forum; "We frequently stress that
all parties in the international Communist movement and all nations of
the world socialist system enjoy equal rights. This is indeed true, and
it is a good thing. Recently, however, little has been said about the
fact that although we enjoy equal rights, our responsibility and burdens
are not equal. Even if one considers all proportions, we must state
quite frankly that the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Soviet
people, who enjoy equal rights with us and lay n o claim to more, bear on
their shoulders incalculably greater responsibility than any of us.
Acting in a spirit of internationalism, unselfishly, they have made and
are making greater sacrifices than anybody else in the interests of the
cause cf communism, freedom of peoples, prevention of another world war,
and in the name of a happy future for mankind. A correct, high-principled
attitude toward the Soviet Union constitutes the most important matter
pertaining to our unity, internationalism, and consolidation of all anti-
imperialist forces."``
The above-mentioned features of defense of the socialist homeland offer
sufficient basis to stress a fourth specific feature of this pattern. This
feature is a steady increase in the effectiveness of the action of this law.
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Exerting an Influence here are a comprehensive strengthening of socialism
proper, an increase in the degree of its maturity as a world system,
improvement of the material means of its defense, the growing enthusiasm
of its builddrs and defenders, the dynamics of the world balance of power,
and the correct policies of the Marxist-Leninist parties.,
it is characteristic that while during the early years of Soviet rule the
question was as follows, to use Lenin's words. it is merely a question of
holding up under the onslaught of our armed enemies, to defend this so-
cialist oasis, while today the question is quite different. Socialism is
engaged in a his toric offensive; the strengt1h ,of its defense is
guaranteed by the unified power of the socialist states; an all-out armed
campaign against them would signify for imperialism an inevitable total
defeat,
Today the Leninist concept of defense of the socialist homeland has
acquired new content. With the advance of socialism beyond the bounds of
a single country this concept has naturally extended to each and every
socialist nation and has become enriched with the concept of defense of
socialist homelands and the socialist community? At the same time develop-
ment of the world revolutionary process has also made more substantial
another concept introduced by Lenin following the October Revolution ---
the concept of defense of the conquests of socialism (for a discussion on
defense of the conquests of the socialist revolution and socialist gains
see V. I. Lenin: Poln. Sobx.. Socl., Volume 37, pp 9, 24; Volume 44, page
300). The conquests of socialism constitute the total and final victory of
the socialist system in the USSR as well as the political, economic and
cultural achievements of the other nations of the world socialist system;
to a certain degree it also constitutes the victories of the inter-
national labor movement and new conditions for class battles fought by the
proletariat, which have become possible in large measure due tothe
existence and consolidation of a world socialist system; they also include
the victories of the national liberation movement, again possible to an
enormous degree due to the fact that there exists in the world such a
powerful antiimperialist force as the USSR and the socialist community.
The conquests of socialism also find expression in its substantial con-
tribution toward the change in the world balance of power and the secure-
ment of new possible solutions to the most vital problem of the present
day -- the problem of war and peace as well as other problems pertaining
to the revolutionary transformation of society, The necessity to protect
and defend all these achievements (directly and indirectly, by military
and nonmilitary means) is expressed in the program documents of the
Communist and worker parties by the term defense of the conquests of
socialism,
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Decisive [actor -- Party Guidance
A most important feature of defense, of the socialist homeland and a deci-
sive condition for securing reliable defense of the entire socialist
community is a correct policy on the part of the ruling Marxist-Leninist
parties.
It is precisely the Communist Party, due to its objective status within the
system of political organization of the socialist society and it-.s inherent
inner qualities as the highest form of organization of the toi.lars, which
is called upon to direct the building of socialism, communism, and con-
the defense activities of the nation and society. Stressing the
organic link between creation and defense of the new system, the organizing
and guiding role of the party in the area of the military, Lenin stated:
"The experiment the Soviet government has performed in the area of military
organizational development cannot be viewed as an isolated experiment.
War encompasses all types of all areas of organizational development. The
organizational development. of our army was able to lead to successful
results only because it was carried out in a spirit: of overall Soviet
organizational development, on the basis of the class relations which exert
an influence in the area of any organizational development" (Poln. Sobr.
Soch., Volume 40, pp 76-77). The essence of these relations, Lenin stated
further, lies in the leadership of the proletariat, headed by its fighting
vanguard, the Communist Party.
In 1919 the party Central Committee, on Lenin's initiative, passed a
decree entitled "On War Ministry Policy." It stated that "the policies
of the War 'iinistry, as those of all other ministries and establishments,
shall be precisely based on the general directives issued by the party, in
the person of its Central Committee and under its direct supervision,"5
Securing a unity of general governmental and military organizational
development, improvement of the army, the CPSU and the other parties of the.
socialist nations unswervingly proceed from the decisive significance of
guidance by the Marxist-Leninist party and the activities of its organiza-
tions. For example, our Party Program states: "The foundation of military
organizational development is Communist Party guidance of the Armed Forces,
a strengthening of the role and influence of party organizations in the
army and navy.i6
The history of the Soviet Union graphically attests to the effectiveness
of correct guidance of military affairs by the Marxist-Leninist party. Our
people, under party guidance, was compelled to carry out the most dif-
ficult task -- to build a road to socialism and to be the first to es-
tablish its defense, under conditions of capitalist encirclement. This
task was accomplished -- CPSU and Soviet government policy emerged
triumphant.
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During the years of foreign military intervention and civil war the party,
headed by our great leader and military commander Lenin, acted as a
dedicated defender of worker and peasant gains, and as organizer of a
patriotic war against interventionists and White Guardists. Revolutionary
Russia had withstood a difficult and most critical test.
During the period of the first five-year plans the nation's defense poten-
tial was enhanced, under party guidance. Defense industry potential
increased, as did the size of the armed forces; armed forces weapons and
equipment were becoming more sophisticated, both army and navy were fully
converted to a professional-cadre basis. In spite of all difficulties of
both an objective and subjective character, the most important thing had
been accomplished for repelling an aggressor. This was demonstrated by
the outcome of the Great Patriotic War,
From the very outset of the war the CPSU performed as a militant, fighting
party. In an emergency situation the party and Soviet people exerted
enormous, truly heroic efforts in order to strengthen our army, to regear
the economy to a war footing, and to transform the country into a unified
military camp. A State Defense Committee, headed by the General Secretary
of the Party Central Committee, Joseph Stalin, was established for the pur-
pose of directing all efforts involved in organizing resistance to the
enemy. Overcoming unbelievable difficulties, the party led the people and
army to a great victory.
Following the war the CPSU and Soviet government, the entire people and
army, aware of the threat of a new "crusade," have promptly and with a
high degree of effectiveness accomplished vital defense tasks. Thanks to
party efforts the U.S. nuclear arms monopoly was broken. Socialism
acquired a powerful nuclear missile shield,
Ma-rxist-Leninist party activities in the area of the military, as is in-
dicated by the experience of history, achieve the stated objectives
thanks to scientific determination and implementation of military policy.
On the basis of innovative application of the theory and method of
Marxism-Leninism, the theses and conclusions of Marxist-Leninist doctrine
on war and army, and military economics as a science and doctrine on
defense of the socialist homeland, ruling Marxist-Leninist parties
elaborate a military program and doctrine, develop socialist military
science, and define the principles of military organizational development
and the conduct of wars in defense of the socialist homeland and the
achievements of socialism.
The military program formulates the most important goals of the defense
activities of the Marxist-Leninist party, the socialist state and society
and indicates the means of achieving these goals. The military program of
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the proletarian revolution, elaborated by V0 1. Lenin, has found further
development in the USSR in the corresponding points of the CPSU Program
and other patty as well as government documents pertaining to problems of
the defense of socialism, ensuring a firm peace and the security of
peoples, prevention of another world war and elimination of war from the
experience of society.
The military doctrine of the socialist state contains officially-adopted
views on the character of a potential war, preparation of the counary
and army to repel military aggression, and securement of the enemy's defeat.
Soviet military doctrine is a doctrine of armed defense of the Soviet
socialist homeland and the conquests of socialismp. Leninist ideas of
total dedication to the homeland and party, constant preparedness and
ability to defend the new system with weapon in hand -- these highly
humanistic ideals permeate all aspects of Soviet military doctrine.
Soviet military science, constituting a system of developing military
knowledge, studies from the standpoint of Marxism-Leninism the laws and
patterns of such a comp ex societal phenomenon as war and elaborates the
principles of the states defense activities in peacetime and in time of
war. The CPSU, bearing in mind Lenin's instructions that-it is impossible
to build a modern army without science, has created all the requisite
conditions for comprehensive development of Soviet military thought and
successful mastery of military scientific knowledge by our cadres and the
broad toiler masses.
Lenin and our party have scientifically substantiated the principles of
building armed forces of a new type. These include building a military
organization in the spirit of overall Soviet organizational development;
its functioning on a basis of unity of army and people; party direction of
all armed forces routine and combat activities; army organizational
development on the basis of equality and friendship of the peoples of this
nation and proletarian internationalism; the class character of army orga-
nizational development; its organization as a strictly-disciplined
regular cadre army; dentralism as the most expedient form of troop command
and control; one-man command as the most important principle of Soviet
Armed Forces organizational development; continuous and purposeful party
political effort with personnel,
On the basis of revolutionary theory and practice Lenin and the party
elaborated the major initial rules for directing war in defense of the
socialist homeland. These rules, tested and proven in t'ae crucible of
civil war and the Great Patriotic War, consist in the following: a unity
of political and military leadership with the redominant role of political
leadership; monolithic unification of the guiding force of society -- the
Communist Party and the entire people, development of conscious, productive
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activity of the toiler masses with the aim of achieving victory in war;
conformity between war aims and plans on the one hand and the realistic
potential of the state; strict accounting of the correlation of forces. --
friendly and hostile; principle of determining the basic constituent,'7
Organizing and guiding defense effort, Marxist-Leninist parties proceed
from the objectively existing close interaction of all the main, general
laws governing the socialist r volution, the building of socialism and
communism, from the fact that is order to ensure reliable defense of the
socialist homeland it is necessary first and foremost to strengthen the
economic, sociopolitical and spiritual foundations of society, the social
and political system of socialism, to make maximum use of its decisive
advantages, to bear in mind that party policy in the area of the military
embraces a broad range. of items, a substantial complex of interlinked
problems. The most important include. securement of the material-techno-
logical base for national defense, war production, equipping of army and
navy with modern weapons and materiel; determination of the main trends of
armed forces development, training of military cadres, elaboration and
implementation of the principles of indoctrination and training of
personnel; preparation of the entire population for participation in
defense of the homeland, military-patriotic indoctrination of people and
army; conduct of measures to defend the conquests of socialism jointly with
the brother nations,
In guiding military organizational development the Marxist-Leninist parties
take into consideration the effect of an objective law -- the increased
role of the party in directing and guiding the building of socialism and
communism, In the area of the military this increase is dictated by a
number of causes-
Never before has the danger of imperialist military attack threatened such
serious consequences as today, in the age of nuclear missile weapons. .
Naturally under these conditions each ruling party and its organizations
bear heightened re:.nonsibility for the fate of the socialist homeland and
for ensuring its security, The significance of the organizing, directing
and guiding activities of the CPSU and the brother Communist parties in
the area of the military is increasing, since today the imperialist
aggressors are faced not only by the USSR and its Armed Forces but also by
the other socialist nations and their armies; consequently there is occur-
ring an enlargement in the volume and comprehensiveness of efforts of
joint defense of the interests of the socialist system and consolidation
of the defensive alliance of the Warsaw Pact member nations, as well as
in lending the requisite military support t o the young, progressive
nationally independent nations and assistance to peoples who have been sub-
jected to aggression and who are battling imperialism for their national
and political liberation as well as for social progress.,
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Armed defense of the achievements of socialism has become even more
comprehensive, more complex. This inevitably enhances the role of leader-
ship of the party, which Is comprehensively orgaui.zi.ng armed rests Lance
to the aggressor.
Enhancement of the party's leadership role and the influence of party
organizations in the army and navy is also dictated by the fact that the
Armed Forces of tie Uqi'Z and the other socl.a:List nation.,; have undergone
profound qualitative changes and have been assigned cons Iderab.ly more
complex missions.
Carrying out its leadership role and strengthening the influence of party
organizations in the army and navy, the CPSU in recent years has made a
number of decisions pertaining to specific areas of military organizational
development, training and indoctrination of military cadres and improvement
of party political work in the troops, As a result genuinely revolutionary
changes have occurred in our Armed Forces. Their strength and combat
readiness have grown immeasurably.
Lenin's ideas on defense of the socialist homeland and the achievements of
socialism have become a powerful material force. Supported by its steadily
growing economic aad defensive might, the world socialist system is contain-
ing imperialism and restricting its capability to export counterrevolution.
Carrying out its international duty, the world socialist system is lending
increasing aid to peonies which are struggling for their freedom and in-
dependence, is strengthening peace and international security. As long as
the aggressive NATO bloc exists, the Warsaw Pact Organization will play an
important role in ensuring the security of the socialist nations against
military attack by the imperialist powers and in securing the peace.
The strength of the defense of socialism is rooted in the fact that it con-
stitutes a qualitatively new pattern engendered by a new historical era
and developing under conditions of the vital activities of a qualitatively
new society, which possesses incalculably great potential for a victorious
struggle against the forces and traditions of the old world, Armed
defense of the conquests of socialism is a necessity which is perceived by
the toiler masses. It is carefully taken into consideration by the ruling
Marxist-Leninist party, whose correct policy and scientific guidance con-
stitutes a decisive factor in transforming the potential of successfully
building and reliably defending socialism into reality.
The CPSU has proceeded and does proceed from the position that matters of
all-out strengthening of defense and consideration of defense as a primary
task constitute one of the most important conclusions of modern history,
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The brother Communist partlen are surmounting difficulties in achieving
continued success in defending the gains of socialism thanks to loyalty to
the ideas and principles of Leninism. The Marxist-Leninist parties are
stepping up the offensive strt,c,agle on the ideological front. They have
proceeded and are proceeding from the necessity of resolutely exposing
the Ideology rand pol:ici.ec; of imperialist militarism and at the same time
comprehensively revealing the bankruptcy and danger of petit--bourgeois
nationalism, hegumonism and adventurism.
Lenin's precept pertaining to maintaining a high de.,ree of vigilance in
respect to the Intrigues of imperialist aggressors and reactionaries,
on Increasing t'ir_ combat readiness of nation and army is being faithfully
observed by our party, by the entire Soviet people and its valiant Armed
Forces. The 2/:th CPU Congress will ratify the Directives for the Ninth
Five--Year Plan and -sill open up new prospects for strengthening our home-
land's might.
1. From the editors. This journal began publication of a series of
materials on this topic with an article by Ye, Sulimov entitled
"Military Problems in Theory of Scientific Communism," published in
this year's January issue of Voyennaya Mysl'. This present article is
devoted to the central problem -- defense of socialism and its
achievements. The author discusses several aspects of the Leninist
approach to this problem and stresses the decisive role of the ruling
Marxist-Leninist party in organizing a strong national defense.
2. Materialy XXII1 s"yezda KPSS (Proceedings of the 23rd CP?SU Congress) ,
Politizdat, 1966, page 186.
3. Ibid., page 183.
4. Mezhdunarodnove Soveshchaniye kommunisticheskikh i rabochikh partiy,
Dokumenty i materi.aly (International Conference of Communist and
Worker Parties. Docum.:ats and Proceedings), Politizdat, 1970, page 152.
5. KPSS o Vooruzhennykh Silakh Sovetskogo Soyuza. Dokumenty. 1917-1968
(The CPSU on the Armed Forces of the Soviet Union. Documents, 1917-
1968) , Voyenizdat, 1959, page 35.
6. Materialy XXII s"yezda f:PSS (Proceedings of the 22nd CPSU Congress),
Gospolitizdat, 1962, page 405.
7. See Marks izm-Leninizm o voyne i armii (Marxism-Leninism on War and Army),
Voyenizdat, 1968; Voyennaya Mysl', No 3, 1970,
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TILE SIGNIFICANCE OF TILE SEAS AND OCEANS IN COMBAT ACTIONS
Reor Adm K. Stalbo, Professor, Doctor of Naval S(:ienci,
Throughout the history of mankind the role and significance of the seas
and oceans as theaters of military operations have constantly changed.
For example, during, the period Of sail-powered navies and at a certain
stage in the development of steam-powered fleets, combat operations were
conducted on the seas and oceans lich comprised either the core of
armed combat or its most important part. One can easily see this if
one analyzes only a few of the wars during the last 350-400 years. In
1588, in the war between Spain, which was a major power at. the time, and
England, the English Fleet won a victory which proved to be the major
cause of Spain's loss of its former might. Almost the same thing
happened to Holland, which in the 17th century possessed a powerful
navy which made it one of the great powers: after several lost naval
engagements, during the course of the so-called Anglo-Dutch wars, Hol-
land was compelled to admit its defeat and, Just as Spain had done, to
take the rank of a second-rate power.
Thanks to a powerful navy, France in the 17th century became an enormous
colonial nowec: it occupied Canada, took vast territories in the
Mississippi River Basin, a part of India and vast regions in Africa.
During the Seven Years War, which began in 1756 and which was designated
A
as an imperialist war by V. I. Lenin (Poln. Sobr. Soch. [Complete Works),
Volume 22, page 296), England, destroying France's naval forces in a
number of engagements, succeeded in gaining supremacy on the high seas
and seizing France's major overseas possessions -- North America and
India.
Thus as a result of the largest-scale military events on the seas in the
history of sail-powered navies, England (gradually gaining supremacy on
the seas) took a leading position among the capitalist nations. Subse-
quently, following a number of victories over Napoleon's Navy, England
consolidated its position as the number one naval power. Defeat of
Napoleon's army by Russian troops eliminated the French threat to England,
which greatly assisted England in elevating itself as a supreme naval
power.
The role of naval warfare was also enormous in the Spanish-American War
of 1898, the outcome of which was in fact decided as a result of the
defeat of the Spanish Navy in the Caribbean and the Philippines: the
Americans achieved supremacy on the high seas, isolating tl~e enemy's
overseas possessions and then easily seizing them.
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Naval operations also had a great effect on the outcome of the Russo-
Japanese War. In his article "The Fall of Port Arthur" Lenin wrote:
1rhe military blow was irreparable. The question of domination of the
seas had been settled --- the major, root matter in question in this war"
(Poin. Sobr. Soch., Volume 9, page 153).
In the two world wars naval actions assumed a new vastness of scale and
were waged in practically all parts of the world ocean.1 It is true
that they played it smaller part than in past wars, since the principal
events which determined the course and outcome of the war took place in
the land theaters, and particularly on the Soviet-German Front, which
was the major front in World War T.I.
Since the war the role and importance of the seas and oceans have become
much greater. On the one hand this is due to the attained level of
scientific and technological advances and the growth in productive
resources, which have resulted in unprecedented potential and capability
of penetration into the secrets of the world ocean and discovery of im-
mense sources of natural wealth and inexhaustible reserves of food,
energy and raw material resources. It is also connected with the new
postwar world balance of power.
In order to judge the wealth contained in the world ocean, suffice it
to cite the following statistics: more than 40 chemical elements have
been discovered to date in seawater. More than 10 million tons of gold,
approximately 4 billion tons of uranium, and 270 billion tons of heavy
water lie hidden in the seas waters. If these riches were to be gathered
and evenly spread over the surface of the landmasses, they would form a
layer more than 200 meters thick."2
More than 16 percent of the world's oil production is pumped from the
sea and ocean floor. More than 400 oil and gas fields have been dis-
covered to date within the bounds of the continental shelf.3 Minerals
are being mined from the sea bad in Japan, England, Canada, Chile, and
off the island of Newfoundland.
The ocean is rich in food resources: according to Academy of Sciences
USSR figures, approximately 75 percent of the 40 billion rubles income
obtained by mankind from the world ocean are generated by commercial
fishing and the hunting of marine mammals,
It is not surprising that civilization arose on the shores of the seas
and oceans. Transformation of many states into "great powers" was
also connected with the potential of ocean utilization. Such great
powers at various periods in history have been Spain, Portugal, Holland,
Turkey, France, England, the United States -- all of them are maritime
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nations. The USSR in a great maritime power: no other country in the
world has such a long shoreline as the Soviet Union.
Today the.. problem of exploiting the resources of the world ocean has
become it subject of discussion by international organizations." The
need for international regulation of the process of exploiting the
ocean floor is dictated not so much by the endeavor to coordinate mca-
sures and to elaborate rational forms of applying efforts in this area
as by the endeavor to restrict the appetites of the imperialist states,
and the United States in particular, in the seizure of "subsurface
Ocean territories" located beyond territorial, waters, for utilization
for military purposes. The following facts indicate the dimensions of
these appetites. The U.S. Congress has on several occasions raised
the question of the Americans moving eastward "without delay" with the
objective in the next decade of seizing the ocean floor from the U.S.
coast to the Mtd-Atlantic Ridge, of seizing separate seamounts and
shallow-water areas located hundreds of kilometers from the American
coast. In addition, prominent American government leaders arc
"personally" implanting American flags on the ocean floor, with this
act symbolizing the seizure of specific undersea territories, claiming
them as U.S. territory.' There have been some statements to the effect
that it is high time to add another state to the union, this time an
"undersea state."
The scale of effort being undertaken to exploit ocean resources is
indicated by figures cited in the U.S. journal Foreign Affairs: in
1956 U.S. expenditures for oceanographic research totaled 25 million
dollars, 448 million in 1968, and more than 900 million in 1970. An
analogous growth in outlays for efforts in this area is observed in
a nw,iber of other countries as well.
Thus under present-day conditions, when active exploitation of the
world's ocean has begun, and utilization of the ocean's resources has
become one of the most important international and national problems,
the economic interest of all nations in this area is becoming; sharply
focused. In connection with this fact the problems of the oitean ants
its resources have entered the realm of world politics. Just as in the
19th century, when the question of division of the world's land areas
was the crucial question, at the present time an equally crucial
question is arising -- division of spheres of influence in the world
ocean. The imperialist states are no longer limiting themselves to
their own land territory and coastal waters; they are laying claims to
the continental shelf and beyond, endeavoring to extend their national
jurisdiction to these waters. The process of division of the ocean
floor is becoming an increasingly vigorous and extensive practice,
subordinating to itself certain areas of politics, economics, industry
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and science. Here too there inevitably arise conflicts and crisis
situations, these constant companions of finance capital which, to
use Lenin's apt expression, afraid to be left behind in the mad
scramble for as yet unapportioned parts of the world, is endeavoring;
to seize as much of the earth's territory as possible, with the view
that this territory can constitute a source of raw materials.
Some nations, prospecting for and mining minerals on the continental
shelf, are already raising the question of prohibition of free and un-
restricted civilian and military navigation in waters above undersea
extraction sites. This introduces radical changes to the status of
international waters, which up to the present time has been quite an
effective instrument for the regulation of the relations between
sovereign nations whose interests ccme into contact in the "no-man's-
land" of the world ocean.
We have presented in general terms the first, economic aspect of the
problem of enhancing the role and significance of the seas and oceans
under present-day conditions.
A second aspect of this problem, connected with the new, postwar world
balance of power, is dictate d b y the establishment of a powerful
coalition of the nations of the socialist commonwealth, and to a certain
degree by the rapid pace of incipient disintegration of the colonial
system.
As a result of the military defeat of Nazi Germany, fascist Italy, and
militarist Japan, a third stage began in the general crisis of imperial-
jam, accompanied by the unprecedented development of militarism. One
of the manifestations of this, along with an unchecked arms race, was
the establishment under U.S. sponsorship of aggressive military blocs,
which include all the principal capitalist powers. Today these blocs
are a specific form of military organization of the capitalist nations,
established and directed against the socialist countries, and the USSR
in particular.
Practically all member nations of aggressive military blocs are mari-
time nations, possessing large naval forces and occupying a very advan-
tageous position on the world ocean.
The influence of aggressive blocs extends first and foremost to the
Atlantic and Pacific, as well as the Mediterranean, The oceans are the
fundamental link joining many countries which are members of NATO,
SEATO, CENTO, etc.
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All tilts enabler', the navies of the members of NATO and other blocs, and
the United States in particular, to utilize for their own purposes
numerous foreign military bases and coastal regions in the eastern
hemisphere, which constitute not only basing points for naval ships
but also strongly fortified positions, advantageous build-up areas for
rapid deployment of forces in those ocean arras which are most advanta-
geous for the next aggressive action.'
The main economic lines of communication linking nations and coalitions
run along the oceans; the oceans also contain those transport routes
along
which troops are carried into those areas where so-called local
wars are waged.
The numerous naval bases scattered throughout the world ocean and placed
at the disposal of the naval and air forces of the United States, NATO
anc; various aggressive blocs, create unique, vast ocean areas for basing
the naval forces of capitalist nations united by aggressive aspirations.
Therefore the current military-geographic situation makes it easier for
the naval leaders of the imperialist nations to utilize practically the
entire depth and frontage of the oceans, enables they.: to maneuver with-
out any difficulty large naval forces between theaters for the conduct
of combat operations or for a show of force. It helps the aggressors
deploy powerful strategic task forces for participation in a nuclear war
against the USSR and large multipurpose naval forces in many regions of
the world ocean for the execution of police functions: duties connected
with a unique "big stick" which ensures swift intervention in the domestic
affairs of maritime nations, right up to naked military attack, as has
occurred in Korea, Vietnam, Egypt, the Dominican Republic, and Panama.
It iS typical that at the time of the fascist coup in Greece in 1967
ships of the U.S. Sixth Fleet were on maneuvers in tlhe direct vicinity
of thy. coast of Greece.
The decisive orientation on the part of the Anglo-American leaders and
their satellites immediately following World War II toward extensive
utilization of ocean theaters in the future predetermined the training
of their armed forces, and their navies in particular, for war against
the nations of the socialist commonwealth and for local wars, which have
been waged almost continuously since that time,
The aggressive nature of the military-political blocs and their political-
strategic links are now creating on the worlds oceans and seas a general-
ly favorable situation for the basing of the naval forces of imperialist
states, their rapid deployment for the conduct of military operations, as
well as for the establishment of various lines and zones in time of
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pence. All this creates a rather tense situation, characterized first
and foremost by a constant threat of a sneak attack from the sea.
The above is ;n general description of Lite military-political situation
in the world ocean, defining its present role and significance.
'Chug it is considered that under present-day conditions Lite oceans and
seas are not only an area of conflict between Lite economic interests of
the major powers but also major areas of armed struggle, in which the
most varied missions in time of war can be accomplished. It is precisely
for this reason that since Lite war leading naval powers have concentrated
enormous efforts on further development of naval forces. In Lite
first decade following the war development of military forces was
restricted to insignificant evolutionary changes taking place within
the framework of traditional trends in naval organizational development;
there naturally did not arise the requisite material. foundations for
abrupt qualitative changes, and therefore they prepared and trained
primarily for combat on sea lines of communication. In connection with
this, U.S. and NATO naval leaders placed Lite main emphasis on ensuring
the invulnerability of their sea lines of communication: navies were
strengthened primarily by large and diversified ASW and AAid forces.
Naval forces training had he same emphasis. For example, in 1955 17
out of 30 exercises conducted by the NATO member nations involved
securing reliability and continuity of o c e an transport. In 1956 and
in the first half of 1957 these figures were 43 and 91 respectively.
Foreign publications attest that in the last several years there has
begun a large-scale aJoption of the latest types of weapons, electronic
gear and computers, with efforts aimed at increasing the mobility, com-
bat stability, increasing speed, range and unreplenished range of surface
ships, and particularly of submarines. All this in the final analysis
has made it possible to determine that the navy is a branch of the armed
forces which has shown particularly extensive potential for arming various
carrier vehicles with strategic weapons. The navy wan the first and up
to the present time is the only branch of the armed forces in which
nuclear propulsion plants have been used on a large scale as principal
power source.?
In the opinion of U.S., European and Asian military experts, profound,
radical changes in naval armament, which has exerted decisive influence
on change in the role of ocean theaters in warfare, are connected with
such major events as Lite organization of carrier task forces with
nuclear weapon carrying aircraft, and the development of undersea
nuclear warhead missile systems consisting of nuclear submarines armed
with ballistic missiles and attendant devices.
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Naval adoption of new weapons and strategic systems has tntroduccd basic
changes into the utilization of the naval forces of the great powers,
They are now directed, as is constantly emphasized In the foreign press,
when examining problems of naval organizational develcimeut and naval
exercises, primarily against land targets of strategic importance.
Therefore while in the past navies were employed against enemy naval
forces, today they are assessed by naval experts in various countries
as a powerful offensive force against land targets as well,
Thus it is believed that naval forces, which have sharply increased
their combat capabilities, hove become a major strategic factor,
capable of directly engaging vitally important objectives located in
the enemy's heartland, capable of exerting swift, direct and sometimes
decisive influence on the course of war.
In connection with this the oceans and seas have lost their past
traditional significance -- as solely the arena for the clash of naval
forces of belligerent nations in battle along sea communications or
in amphibious operations. They have become vast areas for the launch-
ing of naval ballistic missiles fired from submarines and aircraft
taking off from the decks of attack carriers.
The principal objective of warfare at sea today is securement of an
advantageous position for the launching of nuclear attacks from the
sea against vitally important targets on enemy territory. Judging from
foreign publications, it is planned to achieve this objective by
means of task forces carrying str a tegic nuclear weapons, as well as
by interdicting or weakening the actions of counterpart enemy forces.
The oceans have lost their former significance as protective barriers,
which during the two world wars effectively separated the countries of
the Western hemisphere from the devastation and destruction visited upon
the nations of Europe.
In the past ocean frontiers carried only the threat of invasion,
the possibility of which (depending in general on naval capabilities)
was determined primarily by the correlation of ground forces, while
today, following development of naval strategic weapons systems, they
have become a threat to the territories o f entire nations in a nuclear
war, that is combat operations in the oceans and seas may comprise the
most important segment of armed combat. In addition, in a modern nuclear
war it will not be necessary, as is believed abroad, in many cases to
capture hostile territory with ground troops in order to achieve
strategic objectives in certain areas. At the same time one cannot
imagine :.:iat in such a war it would be possible to be successful without
launching powerful nuclear attacks with naval forces.
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Therefore present-day navies, while retaining the strategic capability
to support ground forces, as was tlw case in the two world wars, at
the same time, in the opinion of military experts in many countries,
have become transformed into a factor capable of directly and swiftly
influencing the course of a war.
The role and significance of oceans and seas under present-day condi-
tions have correspondingly changed.
Precisely in connection with this fact one is witnessing an increasing
shift, in the United States, for example, in the direction of moving
strategic nuclear potential into the area of naval actions. In an
article entitled "The U.S. Should Shift Nuclear Deterrent Forces to
Sea" we read: "...Last month Defense Secretary Laird declared that
the ULMS naval missile system? is the most preferable for future
deterrent forces. The U.S. Secretary of Defense's former opinion
that silo-type land missile sites are chCaper than launching vehicles
at sea is incorrect. If one considers the cost of the rapid-obsolescence
Atlas, Thor, Titan, Jupiter, and Minuteman missile systems, protection
of these systems with the Sentinel ABM system, as well as the con-
struction of hard underground launching sites, it turns out that their
cost substantially exceeds the cost of analogous sea-based systems..."9
Commenting on Laird's statements, the magazine notes: "The greater the
extent to which the United States enlarges and renovates its land-based
offensive and defensive strategic systems, the more enemy missiles will
be aimed at this country. It is late, but the U.S. Chief of Naval
Operations can by his decision reorient strategy from the land to the
sea."10
The imperialist nations, headed by the United States, have deployed power-
ful naval forces aimed against the socialist countries, with the
principal strategic weapons system submarines armed with Polaris and
Poseidon missiles; these will evidently be replaced by the ULMS system.
The immensely-increased offensive capabilities of naval forces and the
desire on the part of bourgeois military leaders to achieve with their
aid a preeminent position in the performance of strategic missions is the
main criterion defining the role and significance of the seas and oceans
in combat operations.
Of course this circumstance has found specific manifestation. In the
United States, for example, it has evoked elaboration of so-called
"ocean strategy," which essentially states that all future strategic
systems should be naval, since this increases their mobility and
invulnerability. As is noted in an American journal,11 naval strategic
systems contain two basic components -- offensive forces (the Polat'is,
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Poseidon, ULMS and SLMS systems) and defensive forces (the Submis sys-
tem). In addition they include powerful ASW forces and forces to protect
sea communications between the United States and its aggressive bloc
allies.
One deduces from the statement in the above-mentioned journal that
"the great naval powers," headed by the United States,intend to control
all strategically important areas of the world ocean, depending on
versatile "global ocean forces," maintaining constant readiness to launch
a nuclear attack against the nations of the socialist commonwealth.
These naval forces will also be utilized "as a naval police force to be
used for the purpose of putting down revolutions, providing a continuous
show of force, intervening in the domestic and foreign affairs of cer-
tain countries, and even conducting combat operations "on a local scale."
The apologists of U.S. "ocean strategy," stating the advantages of a
naval strategic offensive system over a land system, as nc+t'd above, also
argue the advantages of a naval defensive system over a land system.
On this subject the journal writes: "Defense of the United States could
be secured with considerably smaller outlays in comparison with ex-
penditures for building a land system." In the opinion of some American
experts, this would reduce expenditures severalfold. They believe that
in addition a naval system would totally free the country from the
threat of radioactive fallout, since hostile missiles would be destroyed
above the ocean and not above or near the American continent.
"ABM missiles sited on board ships patrolling off hostile coasts could
intercept and destroy enemy missiles soon after launch, that is before
they approach the United States and deliver their cluster of warheads."
The journal further notes that "in connection with the effectiveness of
the 'ocean strategy' and the economic savings obtained as a result of
extensive utilization of the oceans, the U5S. military budget will be
reduced by many billions of dollars..."
Champions of the "ocean strategy" pathetically exclaim: "The 'ocean
strategy' fosters preservation of all the best we have had in the
past..."
Thus there is reason to state that "the naval :.segment of strategy is
being tht-ust forward as the most important and most promising segment
of American overall strategy, particularly if one considers the
assertion that "no one country can be a great land and sea power
simultaneously." If one accepts this position as stated by the
journal as an official expression of the views of U.S. military leaders,
then the Pentagon is inevitably slated for reorientation to the so-called
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ocean concept, not only as applied to strategic forces but evidently
to a certain degree as well as regards "general purpose" forces.
In the "ocean strategy" it is not difficult to see the solid orientation
of American theorists toward the necessity of gaining and holding
supremacy on the seas, which is viewed by them as an essential condi-
tion for executing a great many missions in modern wars.
Therefore the development of forces capable of effectively fighting on
the seas and oceans constitutes a major task for our socialist homeland.
One constantly bears in mind all the specific features of the geographic
position of our state as a major sea power, whose shores are washed
by 12 seas within the realm of the Atlantic, Arctic and Pacific Ocean
basins.
Constantly concerned with the defensive might of the Soviet state, the
party and government comprehensively define the role of the seas and
oceans under present-day conditions and in conformity with this are
perfecting and developing all forces necessary for waging war.
1. The total number of U.S., British, German, Japanese, and Italian
capital ships, destroyers nad submarines participating in World
War IT was 23 times the number of ships involved in the Russo-
Japanese War; losses climbed 31-fold, while losses in merchant
tonnage rose 520-fold; the number of major battles and operations
at sea increased 11-foid.
2. Courier, UNESCO, No 150, page 9.
3. Continental shelf -- that portion of the floor of the world ocean
ringing the landmasses.
4. In 1967 the U.N. General Assembly established a committee to
examine matters connected with peaceful utilization of the ocean
and sea floors. This committee contains representatives of 86
nations, including the USSR.
5. In October 1967 Florida's Governor Kirk stated co newsmen: "As far
as the ocean floor is concerned, boundaries Sri irrelevant -- posses-
sion is 9 points of the law. That is the r the Spaniards did
it. They simply said: 'This is mine,' and 1r;11rbed everything.
The United States should do likewise" (Courit::, UNESCO, No 150,
page.8).
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6. American statistics have computed that the United States presently
operates 429 large and 2972 "small" military bases located in 30
foreign countries.
7. The air force has come closest to the navy in this area. Even now,
however, after many years of practical use of nuclear reactors on
board submarines and surface ships, the use of reactors as propulsion
plants for aircraft is still in the early development stage.
8. A iew missile system which will replace the Poseidon system. The
magazine Naval Times, No 20, 1970, states that ULMS is a new long-
range missile system. Nuclear submarines of new design will carry
24 missiles (in place of the present 16) with multiple warheads,
with an effective range of 11,000-15,000 km. The magazine also
notes that "Assistan?t Secretary of the Navy for Research and
Development Frosch evaluates the ULMS system as he most viable
naval offensive missile system, capable of launching long-range
missiles from improved-design, quieter submarine.
.
9. Navy Magazine, No 2, 1970.
10. Ibid.
11. This and subsequent statements are from the U.S. journal United
States Naval Institute Proceedings, No 6, 1968.
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The experience of the Great Patriotic War of the Soviet Union against
Nazi Germany attests to the fact that combat for the capture of and
defense of cities was of an exceptionally intense and decisive character.
In contrast to Western Europe, where cities surrendered to the Germans with
practically no resistance, the defense of many Soviet cities during the
course of the war ran on for months, while the defense of Leningrad was
in progress for 2 and a half years. On the initial days of the war against
the Soviet Union the German Army was compelled to conduct intense fighting
for frontier cities. The valiant defense on the part of the garrisons at
Brest, Liyepaya, Mogilev and other cities slowed the German advance and
immobilized substantial enemy forces.
Fanatically anti-Soviet writer Paul Carell assesses these first engagements
on the Soviet-German Front in his book Hitler's War with Russia as fol-
lows: "They were able to destroy skillfully-camouflaged Russian machinegun
nests in barricaded buildings only with the assistance of heavy guns,
howitzers and mortars. Defense of the city (Liyepaya -- G. Ye.) was
excellently organized., Each and every Soviet soldier had been well trained
and fought bravely." Describing the fighting to take Mogilev, he is com-
pelled to acknowledge that the German army was forced to pay a high price
for this city, which was already behind the front lines, Four divisions of
the German VII Corps were immobilized approximately 10 days by this opera-
tion and sustained heavy losses.
The small Brest garrison, skillfully utilizing the fortr ess!,s fortifica-'
tions, continued resistance for quite some time against superior forces,
inflicting losses in men and equipment on the enemy, Some groups at the
Brest Fortress continued resistance up to 20 July.
On the first days of the war, however, many frontier cities were unable to
make preparations to repel the aggression: the element of surprise in the
attack had its effect. For example, from the first day of the war the
56th Rifle Division of the Third Army, which was defending on a frontage
of 40 kilometers, was engaged on the approaches to Grodn o, The division
was unable to hold back the advance of three enemy infantry divisions and,
retreating with continuous resistance, abandoned Grodno on 23 July. Ob-
viously if the division's main efforts had been concentrated at the outset
on defense of the city, substantial enemy forces would have been immobilized.
Here is another example, On 24 June the commander of troops of the
Western Front assigned responsibility for defense of the Slutsk fortified
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area to the commander of the Fourth Army. The troops of this army, how-
ever, retreating along the dirt roads of the Poies'ye, d:Ld not succeed in
takLng a defensive position. The adversary, advancing along the highway,
outstripped our units and captured S lut:ik on 27 June. Partly to blame
for this situation was the lack of prompt assignment of missions in ad-
vance and preparation of defense.
Bearing in mind the lessons of the first days of the war, on 29 June 1941
the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR and the Central Committee
is:succl a directive to party and Soviet organizations of oblasts in the
area of the front.. Tasks specified in this directive included specifica-
tion of the necessity of defending our cities, towns and villages to the
last man. As a result of this directive, the attitude toward organizing
the defense of cities changed sharply. Planned preparations for pro-
tracted and stubborn defense were initiated wherever this was justified by
the operational-strategic situation.
On the political plane, the successful defense of cities inspired con-
fidence in the realistic possibility of victory and strengthened the morale
of Soviet citizens on the battlefront and on the home front. On the
other hand, unsuccessful attacks and assaults on cities undermined the
morale of the enemy and the German civilian population on the home front.
From an operational-strategic standpoint defense of cities diverted
enormous enemy forces for a long period of time and delayed the adversary's
overall advance. The enemy sustained immense losses and expended great
quantities of ammunition and fuel.
The contribution made by those participating in the defense of cities,
particularly the :iero-cities, to the overall defeat of Nazi Germany is
convincingly attested by the duration of defensive battles and participa-
tion in these battles by dozens of German elite divisions, as well as the
magnitude of German losses. The defense of Sevastopol', for example,
lasted 250 days and prevented from being used elsewhere three German army
corps totaling more than 10 divisions, 450 tanks, more than 2000 guns :and
mortars, and approximately 500 aircraft. In the fighting for Sevastopol.'
the Germans lost approximately 300,000 officers and men, while the German.
Eleventh Army became so weakened that after the city fell it was unable
to take part for more than 2 months in the operations of the decisive
period of the summer campaign of 1942.
We must note that the successful defense of cities by our troops in the
initial period of the Great Patriotic War was conducted under exceptionally
difficult conditions. The enemy possessed great superiority in both man-
power and equipment, including a vast superiority in tanks and aircraft.
Soviet troops were short of both we;-)ons and ammunition. In many cases
besieged garrisons were forced to fabricate weapons and manufacture
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ammunition for themselves, The workers of Odessa, for example, supplied
the troops during the siege with 1260 mortars, approximately 600 Llame-
throwers, and 250,000 hand grenades. They built armored trains and
transformed tractors into tanks. During the defense of Sevastopol' the
enterprises of the besieged city produced 2400 mortars and 114,000 mortar
rounds, more than 300,000 hand grenades, 230,000 antipersonnel and anti-
tank mines, and approximately 9000 aircraft bombs? Obviously the ex-
perience of producing in besieged cities simple arms, and particularly
ammunition, merits the most serious attention under present-day conditions
as well,
Large cities were of great importance not only in the defensive operations
of the Soviet army, The war provided us with many examples whereby during
the course of an offensive, engagements and battles to capture such
cities as Breslau, Poznan, Budapest, Vienna, Konigsberg, Berlin and many
others comprised an important and sometimes the main objective of front
and army offensive operations.
In order to capture large cities it was necessary to plan and for an ex-
tended period of time to prepare for special offensive operations, in-
volving the participation of several armies and even fronts. For example,
the capture of Konigsberg required the participation of three armies,
while the main forces of three fronts took part in the Battle of Berlin.
When adequate manpower and materiel were assigned, and thorough prepara-
tions were made for such operations, they usually were completed quickly
and at low cost, On the other hand, wherever the requisite manpower and
materiel was not assigned at the very outset, for various reasons, the
capture of a city would drag on for a protracted period of time. For
example, initially not possessing adequate manpower and materiel, Soviet
troops fought stubbornly for an entire month to take Poznan, an important
German strategic center of resistance on the road to Berlin. The enemy
continued to hold Breslau in the deep rear of the First Ukrainian Front;
the Breslau garrison did not surrender until the war was over.
Operations involving the defense and capture of large cities during the
Great Patriotic War demonstrated that they possess a number of important
specific features which require special training of troops, commanders
and staffs, In preparing for such operations it was necessary to conduct
special rehearsals and exercises, including with live fire, to employ
organizational changes, forming temporary detachments and teams from
various arms, and to furnish them with other weapons and combat equipment.
Today our troops possess adequate quantities of automatic weapons, grenade
launchers, recoilless weapons, antitank guided missiles, rockets and other
weapons for combat in built-up areas. Modern communications equipment en-
sures stable control, while highly-efficient heavy construction equipment
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,1i13e13ned by .Ltue unite and municipal conutrur.tion organ.lzatlon:3 null,,r-3'it
1>osuible. extremely rapidly to transform a town or city into an :impregnable
fot,treas. Thus, in the conduct of combat operations employing conventional
weapons, combat in built-up areas in the future may :n evidently will
play an even more important role than in the past. Foreign military
theorists believe that with the employment of nuclear weapons cities may
constitute important nucli2r., strike targets.
We shall now examine how the subject of our examination -- the modern city --
has changed in recent decades and in what direction it is developing, as
well as what importance these changes may have on the conduct of combat
operations connected with the defense and capture of modern cities.
First of all, in most of the nations of the world one notes an, unprecedented-
ly high rate of growth in the size and number of cities, as well as the
urban population, particularly in large industrial regions. Futurologists
state in their predictions that 30 years hence 70-90 percent of the popula-
tion will he urban, and if one takes into consideration that by this time
the planet's population will double, reaching a figure of 6 billion; the
urban population will consequently increase by at least 4-5.5-fold. These
are, as it were, the prospects of the future. But even today we are wit-
nesses to growth and change of cities which is unparalleled in history.
For example, Yu. Paletskis, Chairman of the Council of Nationalities of
tl-,e Supreme Soviet USSR, states: "Purely externally Japan of 1969 is not
that one-story nation which it was for the most part even as recently. as
1960.i1 Building fever I-as now token hold in the majority of other.
Asian nations, as well as those in the Americas and Europe. This process
is developing with equal swiftness in Africa as well, where already today
approximately 20 percent of the population is urban, The rapid growth
of cities is a complex sociopolitical and economic process. In the
capitalist world it is occurring spontaneously and in a practically un-
controlled manner.
From a military standpoint this problem is connected first and foremost
with an increase in the area of many cities by double, triple and more, as
well as with the establishment of new cities. The largest citiez become
surrounded by satellite cities, which gradually and inevitably merge into
vast urban sprawls. Defensive and offensive combat within the borinds of
such vast territory, extending dozens and even hundreds of kilometers and
almost solidly occupied by housing, administrative, industrial and other
buildings, frequently of substantial size, constitutes a new phenomenon in
operational art. At any rate, World War II provides us with only one
such example. This example involves the capture of Berlin. The experience
of the Berlin Operation, however, as the final operation of the war, ob-
viously can be utilized only for a few partial conclusions.
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We can cite one more example -- capture of the Silesian Industrial Region
by the troops of the First Ukrainian Front, The troops of the First
Ukrainian Front, executing a (leap envelopment of this region, deliberately
allowed .a substantial enemy force to withdraw from it. This created favor-
able conditions to destroy a large enemy force in the open field; Soviet
troops occupied the Silesian Industrial Region quickly and without heavy
casualties; they succeeded in preserving Silesian Industry Intact, The
adversary, finding himself in a large operational trap, was forced to
initiate the withdrawal of his force through a corridor deliberately left
open by the Soviet troops?
The number and size of such regions will steadily Increase in the future.
Experts believe, for example, that as a result of the merging of a number
of cities, as many as 45 million Europeans will in the near future be
living in a single metropolitan area occupying a triangle between Brussels,
Cologne and Amsterdam, We could give similar examples for other regions.
The increase in the number of cities and in the physical size of cities
as well as the development of new large industrial regions will In a number
of cases practically exclude the possibility of military envelopment or
bypas-. Consequently battles for the capture of cities will become a more
frequent phenomenon, while the increase i n the perimeter and area-of
cities will require the involvement of considerably more troops for orga-
nizing defense, capture or blockade of cities and industrial regions than
was the case in the last war, although even then several divisions and
even armies would normally be employed in such operations. All. this leads
to the conclusion that additional, more detailed study is essential in the
area of theory of conduct of combat operations in large residential and
industrial areas, taking into account changes in weapons and combat
equipment and the features of modern cities, proceeding not only from their
great size but also from the new layout of areas, districts and streets,
the features of residential and industrial buildings, the development
of underground structures and other elements of municipal facilities.
At first glance it is difficult to grasp the direct effect of these changes
on ft ch acter of combat operations. It is essential to bear in mind, how-
ever, that any battle within a city, in contrast to combat under field
conditions, usually breaks down into combat operations by small subunits
to capture separate buildings and other structures, In spite of the fact
that these combat operations are unified by a common plan, it is difficult
and sometimes impossible to organize and continuously maintain coordination
among individual operations in time and objective, In other words tac-
tics in a built-up area become the major, determining ;element. Therefore
the structural strength and height of buildings, the presence of basements,
underground utilities lines, two or three-level road and street layouts,
width of streets, size of squares and the layout of each city block or in-
dustrial complex all directly affect the character and success of subunit
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combat and its a Whole exert substantial influence on the conduct of. the
entire battle as a whole.
What are the basic differences between today's cities and the cities of
World War U?
First: of all one'a attention is drawn by changes in layout. Streets have
become considerably straighter and wider; the number and size of squares is
:increasing. Buildings are more clearly grouped into separate blocks or
areas. Within blocks or areas buildings frequently vary in and are
arranged not in rows parallel to the streets, as Was the case in the past,
but stand at various angles to the street, Ne;.r blocks or areas alternate
with old ones. A very graphic picture of such a city was painted by
Yu. Zhukov, who visited Bonn last year, "she coui.:enance of which contains
an incredil~le mixture of the 19th and 20th centuries. High-rise buildings
1s t t in g ekywarcl contrast with even rows of small, sharp-gabled houses ;
broad expressways.. , flanked by cabbages cultivated in tiny f,-am Ily vegetable
nlots; an ultramodern trade center with double-decker streets and old-
fashioned streetcars,-- this is the Bonn of today."'
Ih recent years the cl!.fference has become increasingly evident in city
nianning and layout. The downtown areas of new and rebuilding cities, in
the socialist nations as a rule contain the tallest modern buildings,
alternating with large squares which are linked by ])road boulevards. On
the outskirts clusters of one and two-story structures are disapnearing,
and are being replaced by blocks of modern 5-9-12-story buildings..
Reconstruction of a number of cities in the capitalist nations is proceed-
ing; differently. Typical in the past was placement of the most fashionable
residential and administrative buildings in the downtown area, which con-
tained the wealthiest segment of society, with the poor living on the out-
skirts. Today the reverse tendency is becoming increasingly clear. The
wealthy are fleeing from the inner city to the cleaner air of the outskirts,
rebuilding the suburbun belt in the process, The poor on the contrary
migrate to the inner cl.ty. Thus the downtown sections of the cities, par-
ticularly industrial cities, "are becoming an enormous social ghetto, a
refuge for poor blacks and whites, who cannot afford decent suburban
housing."3 This process is the consequence of the steady and continuing
effect of the economic laws of capitalism. It cannot be halted. Once
initiated, it will continue to progress at an accelerating pace. Therefore
the downtown area of many industrial cities in the capitalist nations is
becoming a cluster of enormous tenement houses , , decaying old buildings and
industrial enterprises. The outskirts on the other hand are being
transformed into attractive districts of single-family dwellings, parks,
boulevards and plazas. The class composition of the cities is equally
sharply delineated. All this naturally cannot help but exert a substantial
effect on the organization of combat in modern cities.
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The character of combat operations in urban areas will also be affected by
the urban road network, which has changed substantially in recent decades.
Bypass beitw?navs have been built around the majority of large cities, while
a network of radial and connecting expressways runs through the c it Ltt,a.
All these expressways and freeways are designed to pass through a large
volume of traffic at high speeds. Therefore the design of these systems
includes a substantially wider roadway, large-radius curves, numerous
pedestrian underpass crossings, viaducts and complex, two and three level
interchanges. The freeway and expressway systems have literally trans-
formed the appearance of modern cities and are continuing to grow, occupy-
ing an ever-increasing portion of the city's total area, In the United
States, for example, at the present time up to 30 percent of the total
area of large cities is occupied by freeways and expressways,
Intelligent utLlization of all these features in combat In a built-up area
glve=, undisputed advantages for maneuver, observation, siting of Weapons
.ind long-range direct fire. In connection with this it Is possible to
refine some views on the employment of arms, particularly tank troops, in
combat within cities.
Industrial enterprises, rail interchange facilities, warehouses, dock
facilit:Ler, airports and other facilities are built within cities and on
their outskirts. All of these individually differ sharply in size and
other feature, from analogous facilities of the recent past.
Ile must also note that while In the past cities grew essentially horizontal-
ly, today, and particularly in the near future, urban growth will in-
evitably involve an increase in the height of buildings and the construc-
tion of underground structures to contain various urban facilities. At the
present time it is still difficult to state which of these tendencies will
be given preference. At the present time the cities are growing both epa-
ward and downward. In the past the most typical buildings were from one
to five stories, with buildings of nine to 12 stories a rarity, while under-
ground utilities and facilities were practically nonexistent; today the
backbone of most cities is comprised of buildings of from five to nine
stories, plus high-rise monsters of from 12 to 36 stories and more, with
the extensive utilization of underground structures for pedestrian cross-
ings, vehicle underpasses, subway lines, storage facilities, parking
garages, theaters, etc.
If we recall how much effort was required to capture separate industrial
buildings in the Battle of Stalingrad or to take the Reichstag, one can
easily imagine how difficult combat will be in the cities of the future.
'iuch if not all will depend on the ability of commanders and special
training and equipment of the troops. In view of this fact, it Would
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evi&xntiy be advisable to devote more attention to study of the experience
of the war connected with combat involver) in the defense and capture of
large cities, to work on these problems in the process of troop combat
training and to study them at military educational institutions.
1. Izvestiya, 21 May 1969.
2. Pravda, 22 October 1970.
3. B. Strel'nikov: "Big Cities," Pravda, 29 April 1969.
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FIFTEEN YEARS nUl GUARD FOR Tllli ACIIICVEUEN'TS OF CAST GERMAN SOCIALIS11
'Ia j Gen R. '.Menzel
On 18 January 1956 the Parliament of the German Democratic Republic passed
a historic decision to establish a Ministry of National Defense and to
create a National People's Army. This decision signaled the iuit:I.ation of
a most important period in building the system of defense of the CDR and
its core -- socialist armed forces. The Ministry of National Defense and
the headquari.fir.s of the military districts, air and naval forces went into
operation on 1 Tared 1956. There began intensive forming of military large
units and units, the establishment of military educational institutions and
other military establishments, 'Phis day began to be celebrated in the
German Democratic Republic as the birthday of a regular socialist National
People's Army on German soil.
From the very first days of its existence the National People's Army has
stood vigilant guard over the socialist achievements of the German
Democratic Republic. For 15 years now the National People's Array, a con-
Gtituent part of the Joint Armed Forces of the Warsaw Pact nations, has
stood shoulder to shoulder with the mighty Soviet Army and the other
brother armies, guarding the peace and security of the nations of the
socialist community.
Creation of the National People's Army constitutes practical implementation
of the military program of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany, which is
based on the Leninist doctrine on defense of the socialist homeland. This
task, which is of vast historical importance, has been successfully ac-
complished by our party thanks to the inestimable material assistance and
moral support on the part of the Soviet Union and its Armed Forces. The
Central Committee of the Socialist Unity Party, guiding organizational
development of the regular army and navy of the GDR, has extensively and
innovatively utilized the theoretical and practical experience of the Com-
munist Party of the Soviet Union in organizational development of the
Soviet Army, in the military training and political indoctrination of its
military personnel.
In November 1957 the SUP Central Committee Politburo carefully studied the
decree of the October Plenum of the Central Committee CPSU (1957) en-
titled "On Impro-ring Party Political Work in the Soviet Army and Navy" and
drew appropriate conclusions applicable to the conditions of organizational
development, combat training and political indoctrination of National
People's Army personnel.
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It was emphasized in the Politburo resolution that the strength of the army
of the ;ocialist state, which is armed with the most modern weapons and
combat equipment, lies in consistently and unswervingly carrying out SUP
policy, in maintaining a constant and close bond with the toiler people,
and In constantly improving troop combat readiness and strengthening per-
sonnel discipline. It was also noted that Ideological and moral-political
indoctrination of all fighting men in a spirit of Marxism-Leninism and
proletarian internationalism constitutes a most important task of com-
manders, political officials and party organizations :tn the NPA.
These conclusions have formed the basis of further development of the
National People's Army and People's Navy of the GDR. Their practical
implementation has produced good results. The weapons and combat equip-
ment furnished the NPA and navy of the CDR by the Soviet Army are in good
hands. Our army and navy personnel have learned in the course of intensive
daily combat and political training to handle these weapons and this
equipment skillfully.
Today the NPA is a totally modern, totally motorized army. Lta ground
force large units and units are equipped with excellent tanks and other
combat vehicles, artillery and mortars, the most advanced antitank weapons,
operational-tactical and tactical missiles. Their firepower and striking
power have increased immeasurably in recent years. They are now capable of
conducting highly-mobile offensive operations, of executing hasty river-
crossing operations and of establishing a solid defense.
The air force and air defense troops are equipped with all-weather super-
sonic fighter-interceptors, antiaircraft missiles, as well as modern
electronic gear. In cooperation with the Soviet Army and the armies of
the other brother nations they are reliably securing the air defenses of
our republic.
The People's Navy of the GDR is equipped with modern guided missile and
torpedo boats as well as ASW ships capable of successfully accomplishing
the mission of defending our territorial waters and coastline.
The armed forces of the GDR include the border troops which, in coordina-
tion with all arms of the NPA and navy, provide solid defense of our land
borders and territorial waters. Our valiant border guards serve under the
difficult conditions of incessant acts of provocation and frantic psycho-
logical warfare being conducted against us by the powerful propaganda
machine of the FRG and its NATO allies.
Our army and navy possess thoroughly-trained officer cadres, who have
received and are receiving professional training at Soviet service
academies and higher service schools, as well as at military educational
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institutions in the GDR. All commanders of ground troops large units have
graduated from service academics. Eighty-five percent of unit cone
manders, political and party workers have graduated from service academies
or from higher military and military political schools. As a whole in the
period 1970-1971 every third officer in the NPA will possess military or
general higher education.
GDR party and government leaders focus special attention on improving
methods of management and control of the national defense system in con-
formity with the demands of scientific and technological progress. The
central entities of the Ministry of National Defense, staffs of the armed
services and line unit staffs are working persistently to master socialist
science of management on the basis of advances in cybernetics and the
employment of electronic computers.
The SUP Central Committee and the government pay constant attention to the
combat readiness of all command entities in the national defense system,
demanding that they constantly improve their operations training and work
to achieve precise coordination among the services under various situation
conditions. Considerable attention is also devoted to elaboration and
implementation of measures to strengthen the combat and mobilization
readiness of the NPA and navy as well as the training of various reserve
units.
The necessity of all-out strengthening of the GDR defense system and the
combat efficiency of the National People's Army is dictated not only by
the demands of the military technological revolution but also, and
principally, b y the increasing aggressiveness of world imperialism. The
criminal war being waged by the American imperialists against the Viet-
namese people, the attack by Israel on the Arab nations, acts of provoca-
tion against revolutionary Cuba, an attempt on the part of rightist anti-
socialist elements to effect a counterrevolutionary coup in Czechoslovakia,
intervention by Portuguese mercenaries against Bissau, ruffian outrages
perpetrated by Americar Zionists around the premises of Soviet representa-
tions in the United States, anti-Soviet acts by West German neofascists in
front of the Sol et embassy in Bonn, as well as shots fired in provocation
at a Soviet ser..:ry in West Berlin are all links in a common chain of im-
perialist policy, directed against the socialist nations and against
peoples struggling for their national liberation. This is well understood
by the toilers of the GDR, and the men of its armed forces are drawing
appropriate conclusions.
An important role in improving the combat skills of the enlisted personnel,
officers and staffs of our army and navy is played by joint exercises and
maneuvers conducted by the Warsaw Pact joint armed forces. Since 1962
the National People's Army and People's N.avy have been constant participants
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in such exercises and maneuvers, held in the GDR and a _ritory of
allied neighboring nations. The most important of t:l have been.
Baltic-Oder -- 1962; Quartet -- 1963; October Storm ?-?? _,tava --
1966; Sumava -- 1968; Oder-Neisse -- 1969; and finally, Lar,,,lest-sc.alo
Brotherhood in Arms maneuvers -- 1970.
At. all these exercises and maneuvers the officers and men of the NPA to-
gether with their brothers in arms from the other socialist nations have
successfully accomplished the assigned missions. In the course of these
exercises they have elaborated a unity of views on the methods ?nd forms of
conducting modern combat operations and have perfected methods of control-
ling allied forces in repelling potential aggression. These exercises and
maneuvers constituted a vivid demonstration of socialist internationalism
and the constantly strengthening combat alliance of the armies of the
brother nations.
A major event for the toilers of the German Democratic Republic was the
Brotherhood in Arms exercise, in which troops and staffs of all armies of
the Warsaw Pact nations participated. This exercise was directed by ,
Army Gen Heinz Hoffmann, Minister of National Defense of the GDR. During
the course of this exercise numerous friendly get-togethers were held
between the toilers of this Republic and the men:-.of the brother armies,
get-togethers which developed into a genuine celebration of international
solidarity. At this exerciue the officers and men of the NPA demonstrated
excellent field performance and consummate skill in carrying out combat
missions; together with the men of the other brother armies they received
high praise from the Commander in Chief of the Joint Armed Forces, Mar SU
I. I. Yakubovskiy. The success achieved by the NPA in mastering new
weapons and combat equipment and in the ability to conduct modern combat
operations has been possible thanks to the comprehensive assistance of the
Soviet Army -- the principal guiding force o f' the Warsaw Pact armies.
The results and military-political significance of the Brotherhood in Arms
exercise were reflected in the report by the Politburo of the SUP Central
Committee to the 14th Party Plenum in December 1970. It stated: "These
maneuvers were first and foremost a warning to those who have not yet
abandoned the idea of military machinations and acts of force. Our so-
cialist community of nations threatens nobody, and its Joint Armed Forces
desire to attack nobody. However, under the guidance of the Marxist-
Leninist parties, they are keeping a vigilant eye on all imperialist
intrigues and are constantly prepared to deal a devastating blow in the
defense of socialism and communism."
There are considerable grounds for such a warning. The opponents of peace-
ful cooperation in Europe have refused to cease their dangerous activities.
There has been stepped-up activity on the part of aggressive NATO circles,
as well as acts of provocation by revenge-seeking and militarist elements
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in West Germany. The FRG continues to be the most active member. of the
aggressive NATO bloc. It fully supports the European policy and strategy
of the U.S. leaders. In connection with forthcoming ratification of
treaties concluded between the FRG and the Soviet Union, as well as
between Poland and the FRG, a mirky wave of anti-Communist hysteria has
swept over West Germany. At the crest of this wave stand shameless neo-
fascists and reactionary elements from the CDU/CSU which support them,
actively Joined by certain SDP leaders, They forbid the party rank and
file to cooperate with the Communists under threat of expulsion from he
party. For example, at the end of December 1970 Munich city SPD leaders
expelled from the party 24 Social Democrats for joining with members of
the West Berlin Socialist Unity Party in protest against a speech delivered
in West Berlin by Christian Democrat Kiesinger.
Until recently the illegal meetings of FRG government bodies in West Berlin
wet- conducted under the aegis of the Cl)L:/CSU, while now the top leaders of
the SDP amiably invite representatives of this party's organizations
in the West German Lander to West Berlin, by this openly continuing the
acts of provocation committed by the CDU/CSU leaders.
Everyone is aware that the West German generals have long been demanding
that the Bundeswehr and its leaders be transformed into the main instrument
of implementation of West German governmenc domestic and foreign policy.
Hopes for implementation of these demands are now placed on Social
Democrat Defcnse Minister Schmidt.
The Stuttgart newspaper Christund Welt stated the following: "The army can
be assisted in acquiring sufficient authority of its own to carry out
decisions best of all by a Social Democrat who in his political convictions
is far from suspicion of creating a state within a state. It is within his
power to transform -:he Bundeswehr leadership into an instrument with which
the Federal Republic can more confidently face the international community
than has been the case in the past,"
In full conformity with this demand, a persistent campaign is being
conducted at anti-Communist brainwashing of soldiers in the Bundeswehr and
glorification of all those who were convicted at Nuremberg. The so-called
"preservation of traditions" which is being carried out in the Bundeswehr
constitutes the most important element of ideulogical and political in-
doctrination of military personnel in a spirit of constant readiness to
act against the nations of the socialist community. This is not only being
done in the Bundeswehr. Today all kinds of "alliances," "leagues," "as-
sociations," and "societies" are springing up in West Germany like mush-
rooms after a rain, organizations which unite under CDU/CSU aegis all
revenge-seeking, anti-Soviet elements. Former members of the SS, prominent
Nazis and famed German air aces from World War II are invited to their
meetings,
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All of the numerous 1undeswehr magazines are wc.tl;ing it shameless propaganda
campaign of anticommunism and revanchism. This was quite convent ingly in-
dicated in a letter to West German Defense Minister Schmidt written by
Bolger Krull, a soldier in the 1st Airborne Battalion, stationed at
Wittekind barracks in the city of Wildenshausen. He wrote: "])ear Sirl
The Moscow and Warsaw treaties have yet to be ratified by the ]3undestag.
Political rightists of all hues are joining ranks behind Strauss and
13artzel t o prevent ratification. You, Mister tlinister, as a Social
Democrat and me,nber of government, should be interested in the fact that
parallel with unification of rightists in the barracks of the Bundeswchr,
encouragement is being given to attitudes against the peoples of the East
and thus against the spirit and the letter of the Moscow Treaty. During
the course of military training I have received, during and outside formal
classes one could hear the following 'juicy remarks': 'Wo?'11 give that
Russky a burst right in the gut' or 'When the Russky.comes out, we'll let
him have it.' I therefore appeal to you and expect you to take all pos-
sible measures to prevent this kind of hate campaign among our soldiers as
well as all propaganda in the military directed against mutual understand-
ing."
The Soviet people along with the democratic people of the world were
reminded once again of fascist measures when an excavator operator on the
Krasnyy Sovkhoz in the village of Dubskoye near Simferopol' unearthed a
pile of human bones: the skeletons of 1480 men, women, including old
people,, t,nd children. Killed by bullets fired into the temple and the back of
the head, they irrefutably attested to the terrible crimes committed by
the fascists. This deed was perpetrated during the night of 11 April
1944, 2 days before the liberation of Simferopol', when the German
Seventeenth Army, under attack by the troops of the Fourth Ukrainian Front,
were hastily withdrawing toward Sevastopol'. The Nazi German troops com-
mitted similar crimes in other parts of the Eastern Front as well when,
suffering a bitter defeat on the Kursk'Salient, they retreated westward,
murdering and burning everything in their path, with the Soviet Army in
pursuit. The letter written by paratrooper Krull appears to be quite
symbolic in connection with the tragic discovery on the Krasnyy Sovkhoz.
The murder of Soviet citizens committed by the Nazis at Dubskoye more than
25 years ago and encouragement of the men at the Wittekind barracks to
perpetrate like actions today eloquently indicate how the Bundeswehr is
being trained and for what purpose.
The anti-Communist emphasis in political indoctrination of soldiers in the
Bundeswehr and in the other imperialist armies is well known to us. There-
fore we always bear in Ind what was stated in the basic document of the
Moscow Conference of Communist and Worker Parties: imperialism is not
giving up the idea of war against socialism. Aggressiveness has been and
remai,is a distinctive feature of imperialism and militarism -- its favor-
Lte weapon in the struggle against the forces of peace and progress. This
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is why our party's Central Committee and the government of the GDR are
constantly concerned to increase the combat readiness and fighting
efficiency of the National People's Army and the People's Navy and are
taking every step to achieve effective countermeasures against ideological
sabotage and psychological attack by our class enemies.
At the same :i.me principal attention in the ideological and political
indoctrination of National People's Army and Navy personnel is focused on
developing in them feelings of socialist internationalism, brotherhood and
friendship toward the Soviet Army and the armies of the other Warsaw Pact
nations. Fifteen years of existence of the Warsaw Pact has convinced the
world that this is a deciding factor in ensuring peace and security in
Europe, in preventing all types of imperialist acts of provocation and the
creation of favorable international conditions for building socialism
and communism.
We view our great friend and mentor, the Soviet Army, as a model of social-
ist armed forces. The Soviet Army is the army of the world's first so-
cialist state, established by the Communist Party under the guidance of
V. I. Lenin. It has withstood the most difficult military tests in
struggle for the freedom and independence of its homeland and the libera-
tion of peoples enslaved by the imperialist usurpers. The Soviet Army
is the bearer of advanced military science and military art, the most
progressive principles of training and indoctrination of fighting men. To
learn from such an army, productively to apply its wealth of diversified
experience in the area of military organizational development, development
of military theory, troop training and indoctrination signifies for us
practical implementation of the high principles of socialist international-
ism and patriotism.
Celebration of the 15th anniversary of the NPA is taking place following
world-historic events of 1970, which were celebrated by all progressive
mankind -- the V. I. Lenin Birth Centennial and the 25th anniversary of
the defeat of German fascism, For the men of our army and navy it was a
year of study of the deathless writings of Vladimir Il'ich, ideological
i;onditioning and growth of political maturity on the part of officers and
men. The 25th anniversary of the victory of the Soviet people and its
glorious Armed Forces over German Nazism was celebrated by the toilers
of the GDR as a signal date of their liberation by the Soviet Union from
Nazism.
These historic events generated unusual enthusiasm in tht workers,
peasants, toiling intelligentsia and fighting men of our republic, as well
as a new burst of energy and firm confidence in the victory of socialism
on German soil.
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This year another important date was celebrated -- the sc:3quicentennial of
the birth of Friedrich Engels, one of the founders of sc:Lenti.l.i.c: com-
munism and the first military theorist of the international proletariat.
This event was nart:Lcularly enthusiastically celebrated in the Soviet Union,
in the GDR and the other socialist nations, Extremely representative
scientific conferences, symposiums, meetings, get-togethers and numerous
rt-Lcles stressed the permanent international character of the revolution-
ar" teachings of Engels. The great military theory legacy of Friedrich
;:11c els was further developed by Lenin Into a balanced Marxist-Leninist
doctrine on war and army, on defense. of the socialist homeland, w:iic'i today
guides all Communist and worker parties which adhr.re to the pri.ncLples of
' tar:c:Lsm-Leninism.
A mere month and a half separates t la e 15th anniversary of the NI'A from
another important (late ???- the 25th anniversary of the founding of the
roc:Lnlist Unity Party of Germany. Unification on 22 April 1946 of the
Communist and Social Democratic parties of Germany and the establishment
of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany on Marxist-Leninist principles
constituted the result of the logical development of the labor movement
to unity on a revolutionary basis. This event signified the triumph of the
fighting and revolutionar; traditions of the German labor movement,
The achieved unity of the worker class constituted the greatest achieve-
ment in the 1-istory of the German labor movement following proclamation
of Lie Communist Manifesto by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. This was a
aistoric victory by M,Tarx.ism-Leninism over opportunism in Germany.
iistorical conditions for establishing worker class unity were created as
a result of the defeat of German fascism by the Soviet Army, which came to
German soil as a liberation army, as an ally of the toilers. The worker
cla,s took advantage of this opportunity and created its own genuine
'tarxist-Leninist party.
The officers and men of the National People's Army are preparing to honor
this great anniversary with high results in combat and political training
and with even closer solidarity behind their party.
The toilers of the German Democratic Republic and the fighting men of its
armed forces are enthusiastically awaiting the start of the 24th Congress
of tie Communist Party of the Soviet Union, The 24th CPSU Congress will
be an important event for all the nations of the socialist community and
their armies. CPSU congresses have been, are and will continue to be
major landmarks on the road to a Communist tomorrow for all progressive
men -- both for those who are building socialism and are defending past
achievements jointly with the other socialist nations, and for those who
under both legal and illegal conditions are waging a struggle for peace
and progress.
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,this thought was very vividly expressed recently by Walter. Ulbr:Lcht in his
New Year's message to the people of the GDR: "Looking back," h.2 said, "we
see that the determining element in the foreground is the persistent
struggle by the Soviet Union and thr entire socialist community of nations
for peace and security. Peace hn-, been preserved in Europe thanks to the
solidarity, strength and consistent: peaceful policies of the socialist
community of nations, We realize thereby that the brother Soviet Union,
with its great experience and its enormous potential, is a gur.iran,`ee of
peace and security."
The toilers of the GDR, the officers and men of the NPA and navy are sin-
cerely pleased at the victorious advance by the Soviet people on the path
toward communism and at the strengthening of the might and international
prestige of the Soviet Union. They listened attentively and with
optimism to the 1971 New Year's address to the Soviet people by L. 1.
Brezhnev, General Secretary of the Central Committee CPSU: "The interna-
tional position of the Soviet Union," stated Brezhnev, "is solid and its
prestige throughout the world is greater than ever before. Soviet foreign
policy, true to the Leninist principles of struggle for or ace and socialism,
has ensured favorable conditions for peaceful, productive labor in this
country. It is directed toward strengthening and development of the world
socialist system, consolidation of all antii.mper.ialist forces, toward
defense of the cause of freedom, independence and security of peonies,
the cause of peace and progress throughout the world."
True to the principles of socialist internationalism and totally dedicated
to its people and the Marxist-Leninist party, the National People's Army
has stood guard for 15 years over the achievements of socialism in the
GDR. Shoulder to shoulder with the glorious Soviet Armed Forces and the
other brother armies, it is honorably carrying out its mission to defend
the western borders of the nations of the socialist community and to
preserve peace in Europe.
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MILI'l'AIZY'-L'EI)AGOC.I:CAL MAS'.1~1,10'
(Problems of 'Lndoctri.nation and Development of Young Offficero)
Co.L 'f. Pug;.in, Canda.date of Pedagogic Science
The need for military-pedagogic skill is dictated by a number of c.Lrcum-
stances. They in-Jude the increased importance. of tasks of Communist and
military indoctrination, amplification and increasing complexity of the
nr.oblei of man and mnchine, an increase in demands on combat performance
skill, social changes in ,army and navy personnel (a steady rise :I.n the
level of education, development of occupational-labor skills of :Lnduc::~.nQ) ,
imnlementation of the new universal military training law, etc,
Military pedagogic skill is an instrument of command cadres, whose ac-
ti.vi.tles fully determine the training and indoctrination of fighting; men
and the combat readiness ol: troops. And yet young officers, for the most
part due to objective and in many cases subjective rea:aons as well, are
inadequately prepared in a psychological-pedagogic respect to conduct
teaching and indoctrination. We shall discuss the theoretical aspects,
focusing the readers' attention on the nature, essense r.nd structure of
military pedagogic skills and ways of forming and perfecting them.
We are examining this matter in connection with an article by Col A. Dan-
chenl:o on the forming and development of military teaching abilities.]
The author noted that military-pedagogic abilities are a nrerequtstte for
achieving mastery in training and indoctrination. Their development,
T.,hicii takes place during the entire course of military service, in the
process of working with subordinates, leads to the attainment of military-
Pedagogic musterv. The latter attests to the level of professional
performance canrihility. Consequently, military-pedagogic skill -- the
result of continuous hard work and teaching activity -- can and must be
mastered.2
Military-pedagogic skill possesses its structure, which is (,ef1.ncd as a
unity of corresnonding elements, their links and relationships. Elucida-
tion of structure gives an idea of the components of skill and reveals
their significance in teaching activities,
Military teaching activities differ from all others: officers accomplish
complex and diversified tasks and individually perform a number of in-
terrelated functions -- combat instructor and indoctrinator; they bear
full, responsibility for the results of training and indoctrination of their
men, the combat re-.diners and fighting efficiency of units, n a-val ships,
and subunits. Successful officer practical activity is impossible without
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broad and sleep knowledge. "The Soviet officer is inconceivable Without
kc'cu+;i'ledge of the most important achievements in the area of the social and
Mil-!Lary sciences, technology, culture and art, principle;; of organiza-
tional development of the Soviet Armed Forces and the basics of party
po.ll.ticnl effort in the army and navy."
The military-pedagogic activities of officers of the various services and
,arms possess many common features. Therefore they require like knowledge
(Political, psychological-pedagogic, general military, and scientific.) . At
the same time succr,;sful accomplishment of duties r,-quires specific, elualifi.-
cations? the content and scope of which depends on the officer's m:lll.tary
specialty and comprises one of the important aspects of his skill, A. S.
Plakarenko emphasized: "I have become convinced by experience that the
problem is solved by skill based on ability, qualifications.""
In addition to knowledge, an officer's ability to teach presupposes skills
and abilities. They can be divided into three groups: general peda;ogle,
indoctrinational, and didactic. Certain skills and abilities are 'r'equired
to an equal degree in both training r.nd indoctrination; others are more
applicable in training, while still .hers are more applicable in in-
doctrination. Of course all cannot be der;sloped to an equal degree.
The role of the personal qualities of the military educator is also imn-
portant. They include Communist conviction, high principles, discipline,
absolute honesty and truthfulness, industry and modesty, simplicity and
self-criticism, organization, efficiency, tactfulness, demandingne^s on
oneself and one's subordinates, knowledge of one's specialty, etc. "The
matter of the teacher's individual qualities," noted N. K. Krupskaya,
"assumes primary importance.i5
The officer's excellent ideological-political, moral and military qualities
enable him to impose the strictest dem,^nds on his subordinates and to
count on their fulfillment, to influence men in all situations, even the
most complex. "The principal instrument, the most important condition for
successful performance of one's duties and for influencing people," stated
Mar SU A. A. Grechko at the All-Army Conference of Young Officers, "is
the personal example. 'fl. results of an officer's effort are determined
to a decisive degree by how well he knows his job, how he conducts himself,
his attitude toward obeying orders and observing regulations. tic)
We shall briefly summarize the above. In order to become a genuine mili-
tary educator, a mentor of one's subordinates, it is necessary to possess:
a) knowledge (sociopolitical, general military, psychology and education
science, special, ;general scientific); b) skills and abilities (general
pedagogic, indoctrinationai, didactic); c) the qualities of the officer-in-
doctrinator (ideological-political, military-moral, psychological-pedagogic).,
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An analysis of the teaching activities of officers, the trwks and content
of training and indoctrination enable one to state that military
pad agog:Lc mastery is a system of special knowledge, skills and abilities
which, in combination with Communist conviction, the moral. and psychologi-
cal.-pedagogic qualities of the officer, make it possible most effectively
to accomplish the tasks of teaching, indoctrinating and training subordi-
nates for the successful conduct of combat operations.
The process of forming military-pedagogic mastery can be arbitrarily
divided Into several periods.
The first comprises training at the service school. It is characterized
on the one hand by attainment of a fairly high level of development of
ideological-political and moral qualities, as well as military skills, and
on the other hand by a lack of pedagogic maturity. As a rule men fresh out
of a service school possess insufficient knowledge of military education
science and psychology and possess poorly-developed psychological-
pedagogic qualities; they have mastered only certain teaching and in-
doctrinational skills and abilities.
The second period comprises the first 2 or 3 years of a lieutenant's ser-
vice in a unit. His teaching skills are further consolidated and developed
during this time. Young officers become excellent specialists; they
develop the ability to work with their men and acquire the qualities of
the leader-commander. Teaching abilities also are consolidated, ,,thich
makes it possible to achieve better success in training and indoctrination
efforts. On the whole their indcetrinational activities are not yet per-
fected, as they still make mistakes and perform random actions.
The third period in the growth of military-pedagogic mastery is an officer's
subsequent service in a unit. With appropriate effort and work lie becomes
an expert teacher, possesses well-developed psychological-pedagogic
qualities and skillfully accomplishes teaching tasks. In his pork there
are no random efforts; everything is subordinated t o the fundamental
teaching objective -- Communist indoctrination of military personnel and
improvement of the combat readiness of the subunit and unit. Mastering
a system of techniques, he applies them depending on the teaching situation,
with the ability in each specific instance to select the most effective
pedagogic measures. Inherent in him is the desire continuously to deepen
and systematize knowledge, to analyze his own personal teaching experience
and that of other officers, to apply the latest achievements of psychology
and education theory and advanced practical know-how in working with his
men.
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Practical army and navy experience indicates that the process of forming
military-pedagogic mastery does not proceed in a uniform manner, as a
result of which officers attain mastery at different times. This is
determined by many factors. Of ourse the officer's attitude toward his job
is of primary significance. If he loves teaching and has a proper attitude
toward it, actively taking part In the teaching and indoctrination process,
assimilates and applies the teaching experience of his fellow officers, he
will attain the objective faster.
The development of young officers is promoted by the attention of higher
commanders and political workers, particularly during the first period of
service, when they need such assistance, A warm reception and talks with
the commanding officer and his deputy commander for political affairs have
a beneficent effect on lieutenants: they instill self-confidence, develop
the endeavor to complete the breaking-in process as quickly as possible and
to master one's duties. Benevolence and daily help in teaching And
indoctrination effort speed up the process of forming military-pedagogic
mastery. The example of senior comrades possesses great emotional force,
not to speak of the practical aspects. "Tile living example," emphasized
Lenin, "has greater effect than any proclamations or conferences," (Poln.
Sobr. Soch. [Complete Works], Volume 35, page 278). In his commanding
officer the lieutenant sees a model for himself, endeavors to emulate him
in his actions, frequently under his influence forms a style of conduct',
service, pedagogic tactfulness, good speech habits, etc.
Party and Komsomol organizations should be very helpful to commanders and
political workers, instilling in young lieutenants a sense of great
responsibility for the task at hand and involving them in political in-
doctrination and mass cultural effort. Discussion at meetings of current
problems of military educational science and the practical problems i-a the
development of young officers is useful both to newcomers cnd veterans
alike.
Careful observance of regulations leaves an indelible impression in young
officers. "Daily routine and the attitudes which are formed in the unit,
assuming specific forms, take solid root in one's daily life and serve the
cause of indoctrination."7 Wherever regulations and daily routine are
strictly observed, where the work day is well-regulated, better conditions
exist for improving psychological-pedagogic knowledge and increasing mili-
tary-pedagogic mastery.
Strict adherence to regulations depends on the demandingness of command
personnel at all echelons. Demandingness is the basis of order; it to-
gether with explanatory effort ensures precise observance of and adherence
to army and navy routine, in this manner influencing the forming of the
individual. At the same time demandingness prompts young officers to se^k
new and better ways and techniques with the objective of pedagogic
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influence on their subordinates, in order to increase their knowledge,
skills and abilities,
The process of forming and improvement of military-pedagogic mastery takes
place in the collective; the effectiveness of this process depends on the
solidarity of the collective, the strength of unity of pedagogic views in
the collective. The result is a faster development of responsibility for
the business of the subunit and unit, a sense of belonging to the unit or
ship, a feeling of affection for one's profession and pedagogic labor.
Pedagogic slips are more noticeable in a collective united by common views,
while assistance in overcoming difficulties is more effective and, most
importantly, prompter,8
Thus the creation of favorable conditions for forming military-pedagogic
mastery as well as purposeful effort in this area by commanders, political
workers, party and Komsomol organizations speed up the process of develop-
ment of young officers as indoctrinators and combat mentors of their
subordinates.
The forming of military-pe.~.agogic mastery is of course inseparable from
development of character, but development of character per se does not
guarantee the attainment of mastery in military teaching activities. Of
great importance in the course of forming and improving military-pedagogic
mastery is the development of certain qualities, knowledge, skills and
abilities as well as influence on those aspects of the mental makeup and
character which play a decisive role in the grown of pedagogic mastery.
In addition to development in young officers of ideological-political and
military-moral qualities, it is necessary to deepen their knowledge of
psychology and education science and to develop in `,hem pedagogic skills
and abilities.
It seems to us that the potential of service schools and academies in
forming military-pedagogic mastery in students is far from exhausted. It
would be expedient, for example, to have a military-pedagogic training
plan which could comprise a component part of the plan for developing
skills and abilities in party political work; young teacher groups, in
which students can deepen their knowledge of psychology and education
science and improve their teaching and indoctrinational skills, We believe
that they would be happy to attend optional classes in order to study the
principles of dissemination skills and techniques of public speaking, An
imperative requirement is the introduction of a standard course on teaching
methods. At the present time methodological training is handled by
various departnments. Frequently the time allocated for methods training is
used for the study of other disciplines. As a result graduates possess
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inadequate mastery of particular methods and lack solid knowledge and
skills for teaching. In our opinion it is necessary to improve the
preparation of students involving the study of theory of psychology and
education science as well as development of practical skills and abilities.
It is quite understandable that l,t is impossible to accomplish all tasks
connected with forming military-pedagogic mastery a t. the military higher
educational institution? This effort continues in the line units, where
diverse forms, methods and means are employed. We shall examine some of
these, as well as the psychological-pedagogic conditions under which they
produce the best results.
Permanent lecture teams specializing in military education science and
psychology operate in the line units, Experience indicates that con-
tinuing interest in lectures is maintained when they contain new material,
present various points of view on the problem and promote the solving of
pedagogic tasks facing the collective. And yet in many cases the efforts
of the lecture teams are determined by purely subjective elements, A
standard program, a definite work system can improve this program.
The successful performance of lecture teams depends o n the lecturer
selection process. Experienca shows that not all lecturers satisfy the
demands of the audience, for they do not possess sufficient knowledge in
the area of military education science, psychology, and propaganda methods.
A broadening and deepening of knowledge of psychology and education
science in young officers is promoted by the preparation of reviews and
reports on literature read, psychological-pedagogic reports and summaries.
A summary should contain an analysis of psychological-pedagogic factors,
phenomena, events, their evaluation, as well as suggestions aimed at im-
proving training and indoctrination.
Young officers need assistance and guidance in writing reviews and reports
on literature read, One can recommend that they focus on the following
items: what psychological-pedagogic problem is posed in the work; the
author's approach to solving the problem; correspondence between his point
of view and the theses of military education science and psychology; who
has written what on this topic and when; your opinion about the work; how
and where these points can be applied in military pedagogic activities.
Elaboration of psychological-pedagogic efficiency reports on subordinates
is a means of improving military-pedagogic knowledge and a means of
achieving mastery of the method of studying people's individual features
and trait .
Of great importance are question-and-answer evenings, which enrich young
officers with new knowledge and teach them to analyze training and in-
doctrination activities and to utilize theoretical principles to accomplish
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the practical tasks of training and indoctrination; at the same tiine they
help coumaaders and political workers determine the pedagogic interests of
the recent service school graduates, the level of their pedagogic prepara-
tion, as well as helping to improve teaching and indoctrination effort,
to predict and prevent undesirable phenomena,
Growth of pedagogic maturity and development of common pedagogic views and
convictions are promoted by conferences on problems of teaching and in-
doctrination. Interest in such conferences is heightened when young
officers as well are assigned the presentation of a report. In such a
case they more actively study education literature, more carefully analyze
pedagogic phenomena and facts, consult with their comrades and critically
evaluate their own teaching performance.
But no matter what forms and methods are employed in the unit or on board
the naval ship, they cannot supplant independent study. "Without a cer-
tain amount of independent study," stated Lenin, "it is impossible to
arrive at the truth in any serious matter..." (Poln. Sobr. Soch., Volume
23, page 68).
Independent study produces positive results when it is well organized and
supervised by commanding officers. It is useful to determine what young
officers are reading and how. In order to give independent study appro-.
priate direction, concentrating attention on the study of essential
literature (it is impossible to read everything!); it is expedient to
Prepare recommended reading lists and to prepare selected lists of articles
on various problems of teaching and indoctrination. It is important not
only to increase responsibility for improving one's knowledge but also
to generate interest in this effort, bearing in mind that only systematic
work to improve oneself gradually is transformed into a need and produces
the desired results. Unfortunately the libraries still contain little
literature on military education science. An adequate q:pantity of materials
should be published on this topic, and textbooks and lectures published
at the Military Political Academy imeni V. I. Lenin should be sent to the
libraries of military units and officers' clibs.
Vieoretical knowledge must be converted into practical results in working
with one's subordinates. The abilities and skills of young officers are
improved only in the courseaf combat and political training. But an in-
crease in the number of classes taught by them and political indoctrination
measures car..ied out will not produce the desired result without proper
supervision of senior personnel, Diversified forms of supervision and
assistance are employed in practical army and navy activities. For example,
during the period of p-eparation for classes the best results are achieved
by instruction sessions, methods conferences, instructor methods, demon-
strations and open classes, as well as the conduct of classes on the forth-
coming topic by commanding officers,
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It is quite understandable that each form of supervision and assistance
possesses its own specific features, depending on the topic, curricular
discipline (tactics, study of weapons and equipment, vehicle driving,
flight training, gunnery practice, missile firing, etc).
The confines of this article permit us to discuss only briefly the most
important elr,ment in examining these work forms, During the instruction
class one specifies clear-cut principles and focuses special attention on
demands pertaining to the content and methods of the forthcoming class,
on the difficulties which may be encountered in conducting the class, as
well as ways to overcome them. Instruction sessions greatly facilitate the
work of young officers, give more focus to their activities, broaden their
knowledge and speed up the process of forming skills and psychological-
pedagogic qualities. Experienced commanders take into strict consideration
the individual features of their lieutenants, give them greater in-
dependence and encourage innovation in those who have developed skills and
abilities more rapidly.
Methods conferences accomplish their task when there is explanation of the
"mechanism" of the forming of skills and abilities, when their practical
significance is indicated and when rules are formulated on the basis of
which the requisite qualities are developed. Methods summaries discussed
at conferences are not always mandatory for experienced officers, but they
do comprise an important impetus for young lieutenants. It is useful
to assign the preparation of such a summary to several young officers on a
single topic, with subsequent analysis. This broadens the officers' know-
ledge, develops pedagogic thinking and the ability to assess methodological
devices, produces a concrete picture of skills and promotes their formation
and development. Methodological elaboration should reflect the tasks of
moral-political and psychological training and the ways to accomplish them,
which strengthens the indoctrtnational role of training.
The effectiveness of instructor methods classes (and of the other forms
being discussed) depends on the preparation of the instructor and his
ability to select the most expedient teaching methods. The commander's
example promotes development in young officers of teaching techniques and
good speaking habits. The most effective are those classes at which the
instructor devotes special attention to practical demonstration, combining
it with concise explanation, and has his men perform the role of instructors,
promoting independence and innovativeness, analysis of the causes of
shortcomings, etc.
Demonstration classes, demonstration lessons and mutual class visitation
as well as classes conducted by higher commanders (on the basis of the
combat training schedule) make it possible to study and disseminate
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advanced know-how directly in the course of the training process and to
adopt it into practical troop activities. The most important thing here J
observation, the ability to concentrate attention on that of which other
officers have a poor mastery or which they are completely unable to do.
We should like to stress the role of verification and critique? The
results of studies have shown that one must recommend a critique covering
the following areas: organization of classes, implementation of didactic
nrinc:Lples, teaching methods, manifestation of skills and abilities,
psychological-pedagogic qualities an:: qualities of the commander-engineer,
teaching techniques, pulic speaking ability, psychological state of the
instructor and his men. This approach makes it possible to assess a class
from different aspects, to bring out the positive and to reveal shortcomy-.
ings.
Consolidation and growth of teaching skills in young offic~:rs take place in
the process of independent conduct of classes in combat and political
training. At this time it is advisable to follow the practice of multiple
classes,on one and the same topic in different training groups, The value
of this practice consists in the fact that the officer is placed into a
standard teaching situation, under the influence of which the components
of military-pedagogic mastery are developed more rapidly. But such a
practice cannot become the ri'le, for there is possible a decrease in sense
of responsibility on the part of young officers for the results of train-
ing on their subordinates.
Training is interlinked with indoctrination of personnel, The psycho-
logical-pedagogic qualities developed in young officers during the course
of combat and political training also promote the conduct of political
indoctrination and mass cultural effort. They are not sufficient, however.
This is due to the fact that indoctrination methodology posse;F;es relative
independence and demands specific components of military-political skills.
In order to d.velop them it is necessary more extensively to involve young
officers in active political indoctrination and mass cultural effort. A
study of the experience of leading commanders and political workers in-?
dicates that attainment of this goal is promoted by the planning of special
measures to be conducted by young officers on a subunit or unit:scale.
This work requires different qualities of the young lieutenant. For example,
can he speak to an audience without possessing propaganda skills?
Speaking to an audience (including as a political instruction group leader)
requires ideological conditioning, officer moral and political qualities,
the ability to convince and to change convictions, to prove and refute,
knowledge of public speaking methods, appropriate public speaking habits,
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teaching techniques, etc. Development of these structural components of
military-pedagogic mastery is promoted by seminars, methodological consulta-
tion, and preliminary discussion of planned addresses. The latter is par-
ticularly important: initially, when the newly-commissional officers report
to their first lino assignment.
The pedagogic effect of the lecture and address depends in large measure on
pedagogic technique (intonation, pace, diction, gestures, facial expression).
An officer constantly works to improve his delivery: by talking with his
fellow officers, by independent preparation (copying down apt expressions,
proverbs and sayings, unfamiliar or little-known words, as well as more
frequently-used words which are incorrectly stressed, etc). improvement
in public speaking is assisted by the tape recorder (the lecture is
recorded, played back, and corrections inserted).
All this is necessary not for the sake of effect and to receive compliments,
but rather for the daily, very complex work with subordinates,
In order skil.lfully.to influence dad fruitfully to indoctrinate their men,
young officers must have knowledge of the individual features and
characteristics of their subordinates. "Life itself teaches us," stated
Mar SU A. A. Grechko at the All-Army Conference of Young Officers, "that
it is impossible to be a good officer-indoctrinator without knowledge of
and failing to take into consideration the features and traits of one's
subordinates as well as the psychology of the military collective as a
whole."
In conclusion we shall summarize the above, The forming of military-
pedagogic mastery is a controlled process; it begins at service school and
continues throughout one's career in the service. Military-pedagogic mas-
tery is acquired in line units ?-- in the classroom, on marches, during
training flights, at exercises, and in working with the men -- with a
skilled combination of theoretical training and practical requirements.
The level of skill depends first and foremost on the young officers
themselves, on their cork to improve their knowledge of Marxist-Leninist
theory as well as of psychology and education science; and their efforts
to improve their teaching skills and abilities. Young officers need the
assistance of commanders, political workers, party and Komsomol organiza-
ticas, Diversified forms, methods and means are used in combination for
the forming and improvement of skills; specific psychological-pedagogic
demands are observed, and continuous pedagogic supervision of the activi-
ties of young officers is exeicised. The process of development of young
officers as leaders and indoctrinators of their men is inseparable from the
strictest adherence to regulations, the example of one's superiors in rank
and position, the military collective and unity of pedagogic views in this
collective,
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1. Voyennaya Mysl', No 11, 1970.
2. N. K. Krupskaya: Ob uchitele (On the Teacher), Izd-vo Akademii pedago-
gicheskikh nauk RSFSR, 1959, page 190.
3. Vysokoye prizvaniye. Vsearmeyskoye soveshchaniye malodykh ofitserov,
Covabr' 1969 #. (High Calling. The November 1969 All-Army Conference
of Young Officers), Voyenizdat, 1970, page 18.
4. A. S. Makarenko: Soch. (Writings), Volume 5, Izd-vo Akademii pedago -
gicheskikh nauk RSFSR, 1951, page 231.
5. Krupskaya, op.cit., page 143.
6. Vysokoye prizvaniye..., op.cit., page 20.
7. M. I. Kalinin: 0 kommunisticheskom vospitanii i voinskom dolge (Com-
munist Indoct.ination and Military Duty), Voyenizdat, 1967, page 624.
8. The influence of the collective on the development of young officers
will be demonstrated in a future article.
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Col I. Rostunov, Candidate of Historical Science, Senior Scientist
One hundred years have passed since the events surrounding the Paris Com-
mune, which constituted one of the most important stages in the heroic
struggle of the international worker class for the victory of communism.
For the first time an insurgent proletariat shattered the rule of the
bourgeoisie and established its own rule. Althcagh the Commune did notlast
long, it played an eminent role in societal development. The courageous
deed of the toiler masses of Paris demonstrated to mankind a real. potential
to become free of the oppression of capital. "The cause of the Commune,"
wrote Lenin, "is the cause of social revolution, the cause of total
political and emu omic liberation of the toilers, the cause of the world
proletariat. In th5.s sense it is deathless" (Poln. Sobr. Soch, [Complete
Works], Volume 20, page 222).
Among the many important problems faced by the Paris Commune was that of
organizing the aimed dafense of its conquests. the Communards displayed
great energy and innovativeness, initiating construction of a military
organization of a new type. Their steadfastness and fearlessness in the
face of Cite counterrevolutionary armies inspired succeeding generations of
the worker class in their liberation struggle. The military experience of
the Commune is an inseparable part of the revolutionary heritage of the
proletariat. It served as one of the basic sources in elaboration of
Marxist-Leninist doctrine on war and army as well as Leninist theory and
practice of proletarian revolution.
On the eve of the establishment of the Paris Commune the situation in
France was characterized by a sharp aggravation of the class struggle.
Since 1852 France had been under the rule of the emperor Napoleon III --
who expressed the interests of the wealthy industrial and financial
bourgeoisie. His antipopular domestic policies generated strong toiler
dissatisfaction. A wave of strikes spread. Sections of the First Inter-
national were vigorously active, exerting increasing influence on the
French worker class, In order to consolidate his position and to divert
the attention of the toilers away from the revolutionary struggle,
Napoleon III plunged France into a war with Prussia. But the Franco-Prus-
sian War of 1870-1871 failed to justify hopes, Serious defeats at the
front intensified the general political crisis. A final straw was the
catastrophic military defeat at Sedan, where the main forces of the French
army, led by the ill-starred emperor, were encircled and captured. A
revolution broke out in Paris on 4 September 1870. It swept away the
rotten regime of the Second Empire. France was declared a republic.
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The bourgeoisie took advantage of the people's victory, It formed its own
government, which was bombastically called the government of national
defense. In actual fact this government, which was proclaimed by General
Trochu, an ardi-re actionary, pursued a policy of betrayal., Prussian troops
advanced into the heartland of France almost without resistance, and soon
were laying siege to Paris. Only the toilers of the capital offered
resistance to the invaders.. They heroically defended the city under dif-
ficult conditions. Their military force consisted of the National Guard,
most of the battalions of which were formed of workers. Frightened by the
growth of the revolutionary movement, on 28 January 1871 the government
surrendered to the Prussians and signed an armistice agreement. "Forced to
choose between national duty and class interests," wrote Marx, "the
government of national defense did not waver for a single moment -- it
became a government of national betrayal" (K? Marks and F. Engel's: Soch.
(Works], Volume 17, pp 321-322).
But revolutionary Paris r.fused to put down its arms and submit to this
disgraceful act of capitulation. On 18 March 1871 the government, now
hc:ded by Thiers, attempted to disarm the workers and to seize the cannon
of the National Guard. This reactionary plot, however, failed. The in-
surgent proletariat of Paris halted the advance of the reactionaries,
seized key government building and overthrew the bourgeois government?
Thiers and his supporters fled to Versailles, Power passed to the Central
Committee of the National Guard, The proletarian revolution was victorious.
On 26 March elections to the Commune were held, and on 28 March 1871 the
Paris Commune -- the first governm^nt of the worker class -?- was officially
proclaimed,
The Commune was simultaneously a legislative and executive body? Tts niem-
bers comprised 10 committees, The highest agency was the Executive C orimit-
tee, which was concerned with implementation of all decrees of the Commune
and all enactments passed by other committees.' Effective 2C April its
membership included the directors (delegates) of the other nine special
committees. On 1 May it taas replaced by the five-man Committee of Public
Safety. The Paris Communards, having toppled the bourgeois governmental
system, established a government which was unprecedented at the time -- a
dictatorship of the proletariat. "Citizens!" stated the first proclamation
of the Paris Commune on 29 March 1871, "Your. Commune has been established.
The election of 26 March sanctioned the vic,.oty of the revolution., ? You
have just established bodies which will protect you against all encroach-
ments. You are the masters of your own destiny."2
The priority tasks of the Paris Commune included establishment of armed
forces capable of backing up the activities of the chosen representatives
of the people connected with implementing a vast program of economic and
social reforms. Having destroyed the bourgeois edifice of state, the
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Communards also abolished its most important instrument -- the regular army,
which was roplaced by an armed populace, The ''lrsc decree of the Commune,
issued on 29 March, stated: "The Paris Commune decrees:
1. There .shrill be no more military recruiting,
2. No armed force other than the National Guard may he established
or brought into Paris.
3, All citizens fit for military service shall become members of the
National Guard,"
At the same time the Commune declared its intention to reor.g~.mi7e the
National Guard applicable to the tasks of the new government, in an appeal
to the populace dated 29 March, the Communards stated: "Immediate reorgani--
zation of the National Guard, henceforth the sole armed force fn Paris?"`'
Practical implementation of this decision, however, was seriously impeded
by a lack of experience in organizing armed forces of a proletarian state.
Many members of the Commune had no idea of the difficulties involved in
establishing a new army. Only when a grave danger hung over the Commune
were steps taken ~.o strangthen the combat capability of the. National Guard,
A weak link in the army of the Paris Commune was the edifice of military
command. This was no random deficiency but rather a consequence of the
fact that the Commune was an incomplete and fragile dictatorship. A
degree dated 29 March turned over control. of the National Guard to the
Military Committee, the functions of which were defined as follows: "This
Connittee shall deal with matters of discipline, armament, clothing and
equipment of the National Guard. It shall draft decrees pertaining to the
National Guard, Headquarters on the Place Vendome, shall be subordinate to
this committee alone., It shall ensure, jointly with the Committee of
Public Safety, the security of the Commune, and shall maintain surveillance
on activities at Versailles, This Committee shall replace the Ministry of
War, The cannoneers of the Ddpartenr nt Seine shall he under its command ?"
The committee leaders (military delegates) included General Cluseret,:,,
Colonel [Rossel') , and the Jacobin Delescluze.
The Commune's National Guard was controlled directly through the military
delegate. The Central Committee of the National Guard continued to
exist and considered itself independent of the Commune. The district sub-
committees subordinate to it, the legion councils and battalion committees
were quite influential, This seriously impeded troop control. On 6 April
the Commune acknowledged r, "...In the present crisis a unity of military
command is an essential condition for the public good,";* That same day a
decree was issued announcing dissolution of the district subcommittees.
The powers of the legion councils and battalion committees were sharply
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curtn:iled. 'they were fnrbJ.ddcn to Interfere to command funct Lone- Oil
4 "tay the Committee of Public Safety handed over to the m.Ll.Lt;.ny clelcgato
tie army high conmynnd and control. of military operations. The N;ntlonal
Guard Central Committee was ass Lgne(i only management of various m1.11 Lary
admi.n:lstrative services, but under the F(uperv ision of the military
cielega Ce. (3
Organizationally the National Guard consisted or battalions. They formed
20 legions on a territorial principle, corresponding to the number of
distticts in Paris. A legion contained from two to 25 battalions which
were manned, supplied rind stationed in their own districts.') service in
tie National Guard was initially voluntary? Later, on S April, the Commune
introduced compulsory military service for all citizens between the ages
of 19 and 40. `iilitary delegate Cluseret undertook an attempt to improve
the organization of the National Guard by dividing it Into field and
garrison troops. Persons between 19 and 35 years of are were to serve in
the field troops, which would conduct combat operations, while personnel
hetween 35 and 40 years of age would serve In the garrison troops, which
would provide rear services. But this reform was not completed, since
the fact that it was based on an rye mdier than class principle encountered
resistance on the part of many Commune members. It was believed that execu-
tion of this measure would result in excluding from the field troops the
most stalwart and experienced representatives of the worker class,
bearers of revolutionary traditions.
Rossel', who replaced Cluseret in May 1871 as military delegate of the
Commune, attempted to create a field army by selecting the best `National
Guard battalions. It was planned to form eight regiments of 2000 men and
five artillery pieces each, It was planned to organize the regiments into
a maneuver corps of 16,000 men, 40 light and 12-16 heavy guns. New corps
were subsequently to be established on the basis of this model. :Implemen-
tation of the measures proposed by Rossel' could substantially improve
organizatioa of the Commune's army, But this required time. In addition,
requisite explanatory effort was not conducted. The author of the reform
was accused of "Bonapartism" and of an attempt to revive the system of the
old regular army. His plan failed co receive support.
The infantry was the principal arm. There were only three squadrons of
cavalry, as horses were in short supply. The Communards possessed con-
siderable artillery, totaling 1740 cannon and mitrailleuses. In addition,
the Commune's army included an engineer battalion, five armored trains, a
river flotilla and a balloon detachment.1? Statistics on the total size
of the National Guard are extremely contradictory. It is highly probable
that the actual size of active Commune forces did not exceed 80 to 100
thousand men.11
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The command cadges of the Commune's army were primarily from the wotric ing
clrtss. A large group consisted of military special.istr3 such as Cluaeret;,
Rossel' and others. The officer cur:ps included many political emigre e,
A particularly prominent role among these latter was played by Yaron.Lav
Dombrovskiy, Valeriy Vr.ublevskiy, and (Lyn-Sesilin . Considerable atten-
tion was devoted to strengthening discipline. The Commune approved
vigorous steps taken by its generals, aimed at maintaining revolutionary
order. It-, granted extensive powers to the military command. A dis-
ciplinary court was established in each battalion and a military court in
each legion. Shortcomings of efforts in this area include an inability
ful.Ly to combine disciplinary punishment with political indoctrination of
personnel in a spirit of conscious observance of regulations and total
obedience to all orders and commands of superiors.
At the expense of considerable effort the Paris Communards succeeded in
creating an army which was a prototype of the armed forces of the socialist
state. A major drawback was the fact that in creating this army the class
principle of personnel selection was not fully implemented. The battalions
in which the bourgeoisie was particularly strongly represented had poor
combat efficiency. "Only the workers," wrote Lenin, "remained loyal to the
Commune to the very end... Only the French proletarians supported their
government fearlessly and tirelessly; they alone fought and died for it,
that is for the cause of liberation of the worker class, for a better
future for all toilers" (Poln, Sobr. Soch., Volume 20, pp 218-219).
The army cf the Paris Commune was organized under the conditions of savage
civil war. By this time valuable experience of armed uprisings by the
worker class had been amassed and theoretically synthesized, Revolution
and Counterrevolution in Germany, by Friedrich Engels, was published at the
beginning of the fifties; it consisted of a series of articles, 'I'll is
work was the first to advance the thesis that "insurrection is an art, just
as war, just as other kinds of art" (Marks and Engels: loch., Volume 8,
page 100),
The basic rules of insurrection were presented in this work in concise form
This facilitated the Communards' task of waging ..-.ed struggle against the
counterrevolutionary troops. Unfortunately they `:fled to take into
account much from the experience of the past, wl,;;.h led to serious con-
sequences.
A serious demand for victorious armed uprising was a resolute and bold
offensive against the remnants of reactionary forces, with the objective
of their total defeat. This is how the workers of Paris should have
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proceeded after seizing power on 18 March 1871, But the Central C(AIIIIitterr
of the National Guard, which was now in a position of leadership over the
insurgent people, failed to display the requisite resoluteness and an
ability to take advantage of the favorable circumstances to exploit tile
success ach16ved. it failed to arrest the 'Uhicxs government, failed to
detain the members of the bourgeois government bureaucracy, arid failed to
organize an immediate march on Versailles. One of the most important
rules of insurrection had been violated, "The opportune moment was allowed
to slip by due to excessive conscientiousness," noted Karl Marx. "They
did not want to initiate a civil war, as if that monster Thiers had not
already initiated a civil war through his attempt to disarm Paris!" (Marks
and rngel's, 5och., Volume 33, page 172). No less serious a mistake was
the fact that the Central Committee of the National Guard, as Marx wrote,
"surrendered its powers prematurely, in order to step back in favor of the
Commune. Once again this was due to 'integrity' carried to an extreme!"
(Volume 33, page 172).
The 'l'oins government took immediate advantage of the mistakes committed by
the Communards. With Prussian assistance it substantially increased the.
size of its army. By 6 April it totaled 65,000 men, and 120,000 by the
middle of May.12 Paris was solidly blockaded by hostile forces and
virtually cut off from the rest of the country. Countless spies and
provocateurs were sent into the capital, spreading false rumors and dis-
rupting the routine of the city. Having gained time and amassing the
requisite manpower and materiel, the counterrevolutionary troops of the
Thiers government began an attack on Paris on 2 April.
The military effort of the Paris Communards consisted of two basic stages.
The first stage -- from 2 April to 21 May -- comprised a sustained battle
on the approaches to Paris. The second stage ran from 21 through 28 May.
This was history's famous "bloody week in May," when the Communards
heroically fought onthe barricades, At each stage the forms and methods
of struggle were defined by the demands of the specific combat situation
and those practical skills in warfare possessed by the National Guard
command personnel and rank and file. Therefore the military art of the
Paris Commune was born directly in the course of combat against the
Versailles army.
The 2 April attack by the Versailles force was of a reconnaissance
nature. The objective was to determine the capability of the Commune to
fight, as well as to seize a favorable position on the northwestern ap-
proaches to Paris. The rommunards successfully pushed back this first
onslaught of the reactionaries. They displayed enormous enthusiasm,
willingness to self-sacrifice and indomitable will to win. At the same
time the military actions of 2 April revealed the total lnctc of concern on
the part of the Commune Council as regards the defense of 1'arls, as well as
the lack of any plan of action in case of an attack by the Versailles force.
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The council was hoping, for a peaceful outcome of event:,, did not believe
that a serious offensive operation could be undertaken by Versailles and
resolutely refused to take the initiative, It failed to provide reliable
cover of the immediate approaches to Paris, neglected both agent and mili-
tary reconnaissance activities, and possessed no ready reserve.
Parisian toiler masses reacted violently to the events of 2 April., Paris
became increasingly agitated as the news of the Versailles attack spread.
All the squares filled with an aroused populace., Everyone who had a
weapon took to the streets with it, without awaiting special instructions,
On popular demand the Commune Council decided to shift to an attack against
the Versailles force. The plan of the National. Guard command called for
three detachments to be formed for the campaign: a Northern, a Central and
a Southern detachment. They were under the command of. I3ergeret, [Ed] and
Duval respectively. The Northern Detachment in turn was divided into two
independent columns : a right column, under the command of [ F lurans ] , and
a left column, under the detachment commander I3ergeret. The general plan
of attack called for the main forces of the detachment to approach the
outskirts of Versailles under cover of darkness from three different
directions and to storm Versailles with a surprise assault at dawn.
if this plan had been carried out with precision and resoluteness, it could
have led to victory, but problems arose at the very outset. Only the
Flurans column and the Duval detachment moved out under cover of darkness.
The remaining troops did not move out until 5 or 6 in the morning. There
was no coordination among the detachments, The columns conducted no
reconnaissance and moved slowly. The attack mounted by the National Guard
on 3-4 April was a failure. The plan of attack was too complicated for
the poorly-organized and loosely-controlled troops. Commune member [Arnu]
correctly noted that the military leaders "wanted to wage a conventional,
classic war," for which the command and troops were inadequately trained.
The situation and the missions at hand demanded bold, resolute offensive
operations by small detachments, in which it would have been easy to
utilize the revolutionary enthusiasm of the Communards, "Conventional"
forms of warfare were inappropriate.
Once again the initiative went over to Versailles, On 6 April the Ver-
sailles force resumed the attack. The Commune leaders returned to a
defensive, waiting position. In the opinion of military delegate Cluseret,
the attack by the Versailles force aimed at "frightening the populace,"
at compelling the Communards to waste their ammunition, "Our task," he
stated, "consists in us, whose strength lies in realization of the
r.ighteousncs-,; of our cause, patiently awaiting the attack, limiting our-
selves to defense."`3 Cluseret believed only in the potential of barricade
combat and intended to transform all of Paris into a giant redoubt, againt
whic.l the Versailles army would wither away in the attempt to penetrate.
A special barricade committee was set up for this purpose.
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The Versailles command planned initially to capture the system of per-
manent fortifications defending the capital, followed by an assault on thc,
city. Stubborn fighting on the approaches to Paris ran through all of
April and the first 20 clays of May, The most savage fighting occurred in
the Western rlefense sector, which was under the command of Ya? Dombrovskiy,
and in the Southern sector, which was under the command of V. Vrublevskiy.
Great efforts were directed toward increasing the manufacture of arms anc:
ammunition. A military invention committee was established. Workshops
were humming with activity, fabricating small arms, mitrailleuses,
cartridges and projectiles. In spite of their heroism and courage, the
Communards were unable to hold the line at the permanent fortifications.
On 21 May the Versailles force entered the city. the final stage of the
fighting began.
Centralized direction of the defense of Paris was particularly necessary at
this difficult moment, but it was lacking. When the Versailles force en-
tered the city, military delegate Charles Del6cluze and the Committee of
Public Safety issued the following appeal to the populace and the National
Guard:
"Citizens! Enought of militarism, enough of staff military with
their chevrons and gold braid!
It is time for the people, for the bare-handed fighters! The hour
of revolutionary war has sounded.
The people understands nothing of clever maneuvers but, with weapon
in hand and the pavement underfoot, it fears no strategists of the
monarchist school.i14
This signified rejection of organized and purposeful armed struggle. Al-
most all the members of the Commune, leavingtheir posts, went around to
the districts to construct barricades. [Lissagare], historian of the
Commune, wrote: "The barricade constructed during those days in May was
a pile of rocks and sand to the'height of a man. Behind it occasionally
stood a cannon or mitrailleuse and in the middle a red banner, the color of
vengeance, secured by two paving stones. About 20 men behind these little
fortifications would halt entire regiments."15
The resistance was particularly stubborn on Montmartre, Heroically
defending Montmartre, the Communards at the same time committed a serious
error: they failed to fortify the northern sector, as Karl Marx had recom-
mended. "If only the Commune had heeded my warning!" Marx subsequently
wrote. "I advised its members to fortify the north side of Montmartre --
the Prussian side, and they had the time to do this; I warned them that
otherwise they would be caught in a trap..." (Marks and Engel's: Soch.,
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Volume 33, page 191.). This was indeed the case, From the north side the
Communards received a surprise attack by a Versailles brigade which the
Prussians allowed to pass through their position. This sealed the fate
of Montmartre. But resistance continued around the Pere-Lachaise cemetery
and Belleville. On 28 May the last barricade of the Communards surrendered.
The proletarians of Paris were defeated. The Commune they had created
fell under the onslaught of the counterrevolution., Revealing the reasons
why the French worker class was unable to hold power in its hands, Lenin
wrote that "at least two conditions are essential for a victorious social
revolution: highly-developed productive resources and a prepared proletariat,
But in 1871 both these conditions were lacking'(Poln? Sobr_ Soch,, Volume
20, page 219). The reasons for the defeat of the Commune include errors
committed by its leaders in the area of the military., The Paris proletariat,
as Lenin pointed out, was too mugnanimous toward its enemies, "..,It
should have annihilated its enemies, but it attempted to exert moral
influence on them; it ignored the significance of purely military actions
in a civil war and instead of crowning its victory in Paris with a resolute
offensive against Versailles, it lingered and gave the Versailles govern-
ment time to gather its dark forces and to prepare for the bloody week in
May" (1'oln. Sobr. Soch., Volume 16, pp 452-453).
Approximately 100,000 Communards perished in the fighting against the
Versailles force, They were the finest sons of the French worker class.
But no matter how great the sacrifices of the Commune, they were not in
vain. In spite of the tragic outcome, the selfless struggle of the Paris
Communards was of immense significance in the history of the revolutionary
movement. "The thunder of the Paris cannon," wrote Lenin, "awakened the
deeply-slumbering, most backward strata of the proletariat and provided
a n impetus to strengthen revolutionary socialist propaganda, This is why
t'le cause of the Commune did not die; it, still lives in each of us" (Poln.
Sobr. Soch., Volume 20, page 222).
The founders of Marxism-Leninism and the Communists of all nations carefully
examined the lessons of the Paris Commune, carefully studying its experience,
including its experience at armed struggle. This effort was initiated by
the ingenious work by Karl Marx entitled The Civil War in France. A new
stage in the study of the history of the Commune was initiated with the
publication of Lenin's Uroki Kommuny (Lessons of the Commune), Pam_yati
Komrruny (To the Memory of the Commune), Gosudarstvo i revolyutsiya (State
and Revolution) , and others, Lenin highly praised the revolutionary
traditions of the French people and its armed struggle during the days of
the Paris Commune, lie relied on the experience of the Commune in elaborat-
ing the major points of revolutionary theory and in solving practical
problems of the socialist revolution.
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Throughout his entire revolutionary activities Lenin was constantly in-
terested in the history of the Paris Commune and studied it thoroughly.
On the eve of the first Russian revolution, in March 1904, he?prepared
three outlines of a lecture dedicated to the icmory of the Commune
(Leninskiy Sbornik [Lenin Collection], XXVL, pp 49-58). Later, at the
beginning of 1905, Lenin drafted a detailed "schedu'.e of readings on the
Commune," which constitued an outline of a lecture he delivered on 5 (18)
'tarc.i 1905 in Geneva to a group of Russian political emigres (Poln. Sobr.
Soch., Volume 9, pp 328-330). An analysis of these documents shows that
Vladimir 1l'ich had not only thoroughly studied Marx's book The Civil War
in France but had also thoroughly studied a number of historical works.
ills lecture outlines contain factual data from a work by [Zh. Veyl' ]
entitled history of the Social Movement in France, 1852-1902, and by
P. Lissagare entitled History of the 1871 Commune. For example, from the
latter book he takes figures on the Commune's casualties (Poln. Sobr. Soch.,
Volume 9, page 330). From excerpts taken from a book by Gabriel [Anoto]
entitled Contemporary France, copied in the first half of March 1905,
one can see that Lenin was particularly inte:-ested in the activities of
the Tillers government in 1870-1871. These excerpts were also employed as
mat;trial for a speech on the Paris Commune (Leninskiy Sbornik, XXVI,
np 59-60).
The first Russian revolution demanded that the party seek concrete methods
of waging a struggle against the armed forces of the autocracy. Lenin con-
ducted a vigorously active practical study of the historical experience of
toiler uprisings, particularly the military experience of the Paris Com-
mune. As is attested by N. K. Krupskaya, at that time Lenin read, along-
side the writings of Marx and Engels, "many books on the art of warfare,
pondering from al 1. sides the technique and organization of armed insur-
rection."16 For example, he edited with great care a translation of the
chapter on street fighting from the second volume of the mew:).;s of
the Commune's General Klyuzere (Leninskiy Sbornik, XXVI, pp 3i5-365). This
translation was published in the 23 (10) March 1905 edition of the news-
naner Vpered under the heading "On Street Fighting (Advice by the General
of the Commune)." The translation was prefaced by a biography of Cluseret
written by Lenin (Poln. Sobr. Soch., Volume 9, pp 347-348).
Lenin also turned.to the historical legacy of the Paris Commune at a later
date, during the period between the first and second Russian revolutions,
particularly during preparations for the October storming of the Winter
Palace. Ile subjected again and again to deep analysis the first experience
of dictatorship of the proletariat. It is a well-known fact that his
classic work Gosudarstvo i revolyutsiya (State and Revolution), written on
the eve of the October Revolution, was substantially based on his study of
the history of the Paris Commune, including its military history. For
example, in excerpts copied from the book The Civil War in France, notes
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which Lenin took while preparing to write his work, he particularly
stressed Marx's point that the first decree of the Commune was abolishment
of the regular army and its replacement with an armed populace (Leninskiy
Sbornik, XIV, page 311).
Thoroughly studying and extensively disseminating among the workers of
Russia the military combat experience of the Paris Conununards, Lenin at
the same time taught that in selecting given forms of struggle one should
proceed from the actually prevailing conditions rather than blindly copying
the examples of the past. "..,Marxism," he wrote, "definitely demands a
historical examination of the question of forms of struggle. To pose this
question divorced from the specific historical circumstances means failure
to understand the primer of dialectical materialism... To attempt to
answer yes or no to the question of specific means of struggle without
examining in detail the specific circumstances of the given u:ovement at the
given stage in its development means totally to abandon tlhe soil of
Marxism" (Poln. Sobr. Soch., Volume 14, page 2).
The conditions under which the revolutionary struggle of the Russian
proletariat developed differed substantially from those which prevailed in
the 19th century, when the first armed uprisings of the proletariat in the
nations of Western Europe occurred. The appearance of mass armies num-
bering in the millions and their equipment with modern arms and military
hardware greatly increased the capabilities of the bourgeoisie in the
struggle against the worker class. One could not count on success by
employing the old barricades tactics which were typical of armed uprisings
of the past. Barricades would not withstand an assault by well-armed.
regular troops. Lenin noted that "against artillery it would be stupidity
to operate as a mob and to defend barricades with pistols" (Poin,, Sobr.
Soch., Volume 13, page 374). Barricade combat also became obsolete
because it permitted only defensive actions, while the principal rule of
insurrection as an art was the "desperately bold, resolutely committed
attack" (Volume 13, page 374).
During the first Russian revolution of 1905-1907, Russia's worker class
utilized much from the experience of the Paris Communards. Although
the goals and tasks of this revolution and the revolution of the French
workers were substantially different, the Russian proletariat, as Lenin
noted, "should resort to the same method of combat which was initiated
by the Paris Commune -- civil war" (Poln. Sobr, Soch., Volume 16, page
454). Lenin taught the worker class, recalling the lessons of the Commune,
not to ignore peaceful means of struggle but at the same time never to
forget that "under certain conditions class struggle merges into forms of
armed combat and civil war," that "there are moments when the interests of
the proletariat demand merciless annihilation of its enemies in open
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combat" (Poln. Sobr. Soch. , Volume 16, page 454). In his opinion this
was first demonstrated by the French proletariat in the 1871 Commune and
was brilliantly corroborated by the Russian proletariat in the December
1905 armed uprising.
The Bolshevik Party, however, preparing for an armed uprising in. December
1905, tool. into consideration the altered situation conditions, In .,on-
formity with this they elaborated new methods of struggle. The combat
organization of the Moscow Committee of the Russian Social Democratic
Workers' Party published on 11 December "Advice to Insurgent Workers,"
which contained instructions not to occupy fortified positions in any
case, for "regular troops will always be able to capture them or simply
destroy them with artillery." This appeal i ns!t:ructed the workers "not to
operate in a mob but rather in small groups of three or four men each,
which can swiftly attack and swiftly disappear,"17 The insurgents em-
ployed this method with success. Thus the revolutionary innovativeness
of the masses advanced a rew tactic which was, to use Lenin's expression,
a tactic of "partisan warfare," and a related new organization of the
forces of the revolution in the form of small, mobile detachments. "The
December struggle of 1905," wrote Lenin, "proved that armed rebellion can
win under presrint-day conditions of military equipment and military or-
ganization" (Pole. Sobr, Soch., Volume 17, page 48).
Relying on the works of Marx and Engels, and studying the military ex-
perience and lessons of the Paris Commune and the December 1905 Moscow
uprising, Lenin elaborated a well-formed doctrine on insurrection and
thus made an outstanding contribution to Marxist theory, In pieces
written on the eve-of the 0ctob^r Revolution, such as "The Bolsheviks Must
Seize Power," "The Crisis Has Become, Critical," "Marxism and Rebellion,"
"Advice from a Bystander," and others, he formulated the main rules of
insurrection as an art. Running through all of Lenin's writings of this
period is the idea that once an uprising has been initiated, it is essen-
tial to act with the greatest boldness and resoluteness, that defense
is the death of an armed uprising. The victory of the October 1917 Armed
Uprising confirmed the correctness cf this doctrine. "The Bolshevik Party,
under Lenin's guidance, practically implemented the Marxist demand to treat
insurrection as an art." 8
The worker class of Russia continued the cause of the proletarians of Paris,
who in 1871 first proved the vast potential of the revolutionary energy
and revolutionary innovativeness of the masses. The experience of the
Commune is inseparable from the experience of the October Revolution,
Following the victory of the Great October Socialist Revolution Lenin
wrote: "A second world-historic step was taken in reference to the Paris
Commune. The proletarian-peasant Soviet Republic has proven to be the
world's first stable socialist republic" (Poln. Sobi. Soch,, Volume 38,
page 307).
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Honoring the centennial of the establishment of the Paris Commune, the
Soviet people and its Armed Forces honor the heroes of the Paris Commune
and, bow their heads in honor of their immortal deed. The glorious revolu-
tionary proletarian traditions initiated by the Paris Communards have
become fully embodied in the great deeds of the peoples of the Soviet
Union and the brother socialist nations, who are building the magnificent
edifice of socialism and communism under the guidance of their Communist
and worker parties.
The revolutionary enthusiasm and fearlessness of the Paris Communards
became a standard of conduct for the French Communists both in struggle
with their class enemies and with the Nazi invaders for the freedom and
independence of their homeland during World War II. The French Communist
Party, states the greeting by the Central Committee CPSU to the Central
Committee of the French Communist Party on the occasion of party's 50th
anniversary, is "the legitimate successor to the revolutionary and
democratic traditions of the French people, the continuer of the cause of
the heroic Paris Commune."19
Parizhskoy Kommuny 1871 soda (Records of the
Meetings of the 1871 Paris Commune), Volume 1, Izd-vo AN SSSR, 1959,
page 3:i.
2. Ibid., page 44.
3. Ibid., page 43.
4. Ibid., page 44.
5. Ibid., page 35.
6. Ibid., page 114.
7. Ibid., page 131.
8. Ibid., Volume 2, 1960, pp 123-124.
9, P. M. Kerzhencsev: Istoriya Parizhskoy Kommuny 1871 (History of the
1871 Paris Commune), Sotsekgiz, 1959, page 252.
10. S. N. Krasil'nikov: Boyevyye d..,ystviya Parizhskoy Kommuny 1871 (Combat
Operations of the 1871 Paris Commune), Voyenizdat, 1935, pp 40-42.
104
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11. Parizhskaya Kommuna 1871 g. (The 1871 Paris Commune), Volume I:I,
Izd-vo AN SSSR, 1961, page 183.
12. Kerzhentsev, op.cit., page 244.
13. Ibid., page 252.
14. Protokoly..., op.cit., Volume 2, page 390.
15. P. Lissagare: Istoriya Kommuny 1871 go, da (History of the 1871 Commune),
Saint Petersburg, page 269.
16. N. K. Krupskaya: Vospominaniya o Lenine (Reminiscences of Lenin),
Gospolitizdat, 1957, page 92.
17. Izvestiya Mcskovskogo Soveta rabochikh deputatov, 11 December 1905.
13. K 100-letiyu so dnya rozhdeniya Vladimira I1'icha Lenina. Tezisy
Tsentral'nogo Komiteta Kommunisticheskoy partii Sovetskogo Soyuza
(The Vladimir I1'ich Lenin Birth Centennial. Theses of the Central
Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union), Politizdat,
1970, page 17.
19. Pravda, 29 December 1970.
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'Sore than 20 years have passed since the establishment of the I.'RC; for more
than 20 years the world has observed this state, where icr many long years
reactionary parties of big monopoly capital were in power, parties of in-
dustrial big shots and bosses of finance, parties of revanchiSill and mili-
tarism.
During all these years they pursued an openly antipopular domestic and
aggressive foreign policy, seeking with the aid of revanchism, militarism
and anticommunism to restore the German Reich to its 1937 boundaries.
FRG ruling circles transformed the country into the principal NATO base and
.,rsena.l, while the Bundeswehr became the main str,iki.ng force of this
reactionary bloc in Europe. Through the efforts of reactionary NATO
circles and with the aid and support of the United 3r.ates, a focus of in-
ternational tension was formed in the middle of Europe, creating a real
threat to the peace and security of peoples:
An Intelligent Beginning
A policy of revenge-seeking and anticommunism as well as attempts to speak
with the socialist nations in the language of "gold war" led to a situation
whereby more and more people in West Germany became convinced of the
failure and danger of the policies of the CDU/CSU, which resulted in
higher prices and taxes, a rise .'n living costs caused by the country's
militarization and an increase in military expenditures. Vivid evidence of
this was toiler demonstrations, particularly in the summer and fall of
1969, for peace, against neofascism, militarism and revanchism, demonstra-
tions which exerted decisive influence on the course and outcome of the
',lest German legislature election campaign. The Bundestag elections held on
28 October 1969 resulted, as is well known, in a defeat for the reactiona-
ries: the CDU/CSU parties were voted out of power, while the NDP did not
win a single seat in the Bundestag, since it failed to receive the neces-
sary 5 percent of the total votes cast, although more than 1.4 million
voters chose the neo-Nazis. A new government coalition was formed of the
Social Democrats and Free Democrats, whose platform contained certain
realistic elements.
In view of the prevailing situation and the des;.re of certain segments of
the population for peace, the Brandt-Scheel government was compelled to
take a number of steps to reduce international tension in Europe. The
biggest and most important step was the signing of a treaty with the Soviet
Union on 12 August 1970 and with the Polish People's Republic on 7 December
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1970, which attest to the fact that the government of the FRG agrees to
recognize the situation in Europe as it actually stands, as well as
existing borders, particularly the western border of the I'I'I, along the Oder
and Neisse rivers, and the border between the FRG and the GDR,
'Pilo government of the FRG acquiesced to these treaties not only under
pressure by progressive elements In the FRG proper. 'i'bis took plncp as a
result of a consistent peaceful policv ptlr-ucd by Lhe SovLet LJn.Lon and the
other socialist nations as well as an increase in their prestige and r.espLr-t
throughout the world. Thus the most important factor compelling the
West German leaders to revise past foreign policy and to sign these
treaties was a further change in the world br:lance of power in Favor of
S )ciuiiSIll.
it is not surprising that many political. leaders in the Flu; and in other
NATO nations have been compelled to acknowledge that any attempt: to redraw
the map of Europe with the aid of military force would inevitably result in
a total catastrophe for the West.
For example, in an interview with the U.S. news magazLne Newsweek Chancellor
Willy Brandt stated: "...No changes can be effected contrary to the will
and might of the Soviet Union."' Minister without portfolio Egon Bahr was
even franker: "Everyone should realize that these territories (that is the
boundaries of the Nazi. Reich -- 0. P.) cannot be returned with the aid of
force, except at the cost of Germany's destruction.".
In signing the treaty the government of the FRG of course pursues other
goals as well. In the first place they hope with the aid of such major
political moves to enhance the international prestige of the government and
the FRG. In the second place, they hope to expand economic relations with
the socialist nations, which is of interest to a segment of the West
German industrial bourgeoisie as well as the worker class, engineers and
technicians, and factory management, for whom economic cooperation
promises an improved financial status and elimination of the threat of un-
employment. Thirdly, ruling circles are dreaming of achieving so-called
"infiltration" with the aid of expanded economic, cultural and commercial
relations, that is penetration of the socialist nations by bourgeois
ideology. They are counting on the treaty helping, to quote Willy Brandt,
"make the borders of the socialist nations penetrable."
We are convinced that the treaties between the USSR and the FRG and between
Poland and the FRG constitute a good basis for peaceful coexistence in
Europe of nations with differing social systems. Of course they will play
their full role only after ratification, but ore cai already see that they are
exerting a positive influence on improving the political climate in Europe.
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Revanch:Lsts Seek Power
The signing of these treaties has aggravated the internal political
struggle in West Germany,. During the course of this struggle there a.s
occurring a demarcation of the country's political forces, a process which
is far from completed, Three major political factions have taken shape
up to the present time,
Supporters of the treaty include the parties of the government coalition,
a number of trade union and other political organizations, including the
Association of West German Trade Unions, the German Peace Alliance Party,
the Union of Young Socialists, youth organization, many women's orga-
nizations and a certain segment of the wealthy bourgeoisie who are en-
deavoring to establish economic cooperation with the USSR.
The Communists of West Germany are waging a consistent struggle for early
ratification of these treaties.
Opponents of the treaty include the CDU, headed by K. Kiesinger and the
CSU, headed by F. Strauss, the neo-Nazi NDP, headed by [A. radden], the
revanchist "ileimat," traditional militarist unions, military concerns, and
a considerable segment of armed forces command personnel.
The third faction (smaller and less influential) represents a "wait and see"
attitude. These include individuals, political and public organizations
which have not announced a definite stand on the treaties.
Recently there has been a considerable increase in subversive activities by
imperialist reactionary elements, endeavoring at all costs to prevent
ratification of the treaties and to return to "cold war" times.
The reactionaries have announced a "nationwide campaign" against the
treaty, The rightist factions they have put together, from Kiesinger to
Strauss, from Tadden to the leaders of reactionary unions, with the support
of the Springer newspapers, have begun attacking the supporters of the
treaty, accusing the government of every conceivable mortal sin. The tone
of this sinister campaign has been set by the leader of the Bavarian
ultrarightists, F. Strauss, and his CSU.
According to West German political commentator S, Hafner, Strauss and his
followers stand "to the right" of the NDP, At the CSU Congress held in
October 1970 Strauss cynically declared that his party intended to torpedo
the Moscow treaty and to sweep the present government out of office. At
their rallies reactionary circles openly advance past revanchist slogans,
while their newspapers contain such headlines as "Germany's Second
Surrender," "Germany Is Perishing," "Germany Is Being Destroyed,"
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"Ronucl Lntion of 1.937 Borders Is a Crime," etc. Noo-Nnziit mass rallies.;
have been held In Wttrzhur. g, Bonn and other c i. t',et; ,
The rcac:Lontir.[er; are actively lobbying In the Bundestag, utiiizLag all
menus, including bribing legislators, It Is a well-known fact that the
n,ovarn icnt coal i.t.ion had 254 vote:, in the Bundeo-itag, an compared to the
oppos;.Ltion's, 242. The reactionaries succeeded in ''enti.cing'' to the CDU
three clenut Le8 :1 rom the FDP (E, Mende, S. Zogelman, and G. Starke). Thus,
the SDP and FDf coalition now has only it 6-vote majority. Frrinz-Joseph
Straws attcmnted to bribe another deputy (1C. Ceidner), promising him
40O,001) marks to defect to the CSU, Goldner, however, turned down the
of-for acid expo';ed Str.auss's machinations.
We shoul.-1 note that the reactionaries succeeded in "winning over" some
seat-; in the Lnndtag elections. For example, in Bavaria (22 Novcmb~,!r 197))
the CSU received 124 of 204 scats, while in (Lessen the CDU Increased Its
number of seats from 26 to 46, This attests to the fart that the reac-
tionarics are shifting to the offensive and are hatch:.ng plans for a
bloodless coup in the legislature by gaining a majority. They n.re backed
by the most influential West German monopolists, who are interested in the
flourLshing of the military-:industrial complex.
The 'Jest rermnn military-industrial concerns, which bear responsibility for
World War II, are presently directing a campaign against a lessening of
tens ?1.o n. Bundeswehr officers and general ofCtcers who at one time fait::i-
fully served Hitler stand in the front ranks of the opponents of the
treaties with the USSR and Poland. They are quite satisfied with the
past revanchist foreign policy course, which ensures an arms race and
growth to the army. The U.S. imperialists are also attempting to hinder
improvement In the international situation, utilizing NATO for this pur-
pose.
The NATO military has launched vicious attacks against the socialist na-
tions, appealing to the NATO member nations to "increase their contribu-
tion" toward steeping up military preparations. Both the assembly and
the council have once again confirmed the fact that the NATO leaders con-
tinue to assign the FRG -- America's principal ally in Western Europe --
the role of NATO arsenal and '.:ridgehead, while assigning to the Bundeswehr
and American troops the role of spearhead of U.S. global strategy in
Europe.
NATO Striking Power in Europe
The territory of the FRG, in the view of the NATO command, constitutes the
principal bridgehead for the preparation of aggression against the Warsaw
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Pact nations. The main NA'T'O force In I ur.ope its unit led f ist -- is
deployed in Germany.
A special role Is assigned Co the Bundeswehr In NATO plans. According, to
the London institute of Strategic Studies, the FRCS armed forces total
465,01,"0 men, of which 328,000 are ground troops, with 1.01,000 men In the
air force and 36,000 men in the navy.i
Just as the Reichswehr, the Bundeswehr is dc-signed for rapid deployment.
Certain conditions exist for this.
In the first place the ratio of command personnel. to rank and file is very
high -- almost one out of every three men is an officer or NCO. Even today
the Bundeswehr Iva; 5 times as many command personnel as the Reichswehr. 1.n
197') there were 176 general officers, 28 admirals, and approximately
30,000 officers serving in the Bundeswehr. in additiion, the FRG has
amassed a substantial number of trained reservists. First-category
reserves total 1.5 million men. This number will increase to 4 million by
the mid-eighties.
Secondly, the Bundeswehr is to a substantial degree a professional army:
49.5 percent of its personnel are professional mercenaries. In the near
future professionals will comprise 52 percent of all armed forces person-
nel."
Thirdly, another army is being, established, the so-called Ilcimatschutz or
home guard, made up of reservists residing no more than 25 km from their
unit. In addition, each brigade contains one and each division two
replacement battalions manned by reservists (a total of 57 battalions).
The Jest German newspaper Die Welt stated the following: "If the
political leaders of the FRG request it, the Bundeswehr can swell to 1.2
million men overnight."5
Just as the Reichswehr, the Bundeswehr is designed primarily for offensive
operations:
forward subunits of motorized infantry and panzer divisions are
situated only 20-4) kilometers from the borders of the socialist countries;
at numerous exercises principal attention is focused on the conduct
of offensive operations, many of which are organized in the immediate
vicinity of the borders of the socialist nations;
the Bundeswehr command focuses particular attention on the develop-
ment of offensive weapons, tanks in particular.
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Thu Bundeswehr is larger in both manpower and arms than many armies of the
NATO joint armed forces. In manpower it is double the size of U.S. forces
in Europe and 8 times the size of lir.Lt.isli forces. At the present time
approximately 60 percent of the men, almost half of the divisions and more
than 50 percent of the tanks under the NATO command in Central Europe,
and approximately 4n percent of NATO ground forces tactical nuclear weapons
deployed in the FRG belong to the I3undeswehr,6
'In tAe opinion of military experts in the OUR, the firepower of 12 West
German divisions exceeds that of 50 World War 1:1 Wehrmacht divisions.
In an interview with the Franfurter Allgemeine Zeitung Bundeswehr In-
~,pector General. W. de `lesier boasted that "the Bundeswehr is superior to
all Western armies i n combat readiness" and that it could "stand up to
the Soviet Army."
The Fundeswehr is strengthening its position in NATO, which is intensify-
ing the aggressive orientatio,i of this bloc. At the present time more
than 1000 West German military personnel are working at varioqs NATO
administrative facilities and headquarters, Many important NATO posts
are held by Bundeswehr representatives. For example, General [Yu. Benneke)
commands NATO joint armed forces in Central Europe. Maj Gen K. Schnell,
commander of the 6th Motorized Infantry Division, has been named Deputy
Chief of Staff of NATO Joint Armed Forces in Europe, while Lt Gen I. Stein-
hof, inspector of the Bundeswehr air force, has been named chairman of the
NATO military committee. We should note that !ienneke, Schnell, and
Steinhof are former Hitler Wehrmacht officers.
In NATO's Northern Army Group West German contingents comprise 36 percent
of total personnel, large units and staffs. In the Central Army Group
every other enlisted man and one out of three officer-, is a German from
the FRG. West German military personnel comprise 25 percent of personnel
in the 2nd and 4th [OTAKI. Seventy percent of the ships and 50 percent of
command posts in the NATO command naval formations in the Baltic Straits
zone are Bundeswehr.
Military integration has essentially secured the Burdeswehr a leading
position in NATO among the European nations. With the aid of NATO Bonn
reactionaries hope to obtain nuclear weapons and to bind their bloc allies
even more tightly to their war chariot..
The Bundeswehr command has adopted the U.S. strategy of "flexible reaction,"
supplemented by the concept of "forward line,." It consists essentially
in maintaining armed forces directly along the borders of the socialist
nations in a state of readiness for war, with the employment both of con-
ventional weapons and weapons of mass destruction.
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The West German printed media, particularly following the Israeli aggres-
6ion against the Arab nations, discuss blitzkrieg in Europe with the
employment of nuclear weapons. Bundeswehr leaders advocate lowering the
"nuclear threshold" in a limited war as well as a certain independence in
choice of weapons. The French newspaper La Tribune des Nations stated the
following: "The Federal Republic, has forced upon NATO strategists Its
own viewpoint "on limited sneak attacks and on the possibility of swift
employment of nuclear weapons,"/
Their Political Face
The aggressive, anti-Communist character of the Bundeswehr is determined
to a great extent by the fact that it is headed by former officers of
Ilitler's Wehrmacht, who loyally served Hitler and who tool'. part in his
predatory campaigns. The Bundeswehr inspector general, the inspectors of
the services, corps and division commanders all served fcr years in the
Wehrmacht, and many occupied responsible command and staff positions.
Indicative for a description of the generals is a social breakdown. The
overwhelming majority are from wealthy bourgeois families, from the top-
echelon bureaucracy of the Third Reich, or from families with generations
of tradition of military service. Forty-one percent of generals come from
old officer families, while one out of every five is t'.,e son of an
entrepreneur.
Surveys conducted by West German sociologists have shown that almoov. half
of all Bundeswehr officers and general officers come froth areas which
today belong to the socialist countries. They are the progeny of land-
owners, factory ow?.ters and top-echelon bureaucrats and are particularly
fanatical in their demands for return of their former properties which
today are located on territory belonging to the GDR, Poland, Czechoslovakia,
and the USSR. As was stated by the newspaper Deutsche Nachrichten,
spokesman of the NDP, the officers and general officers see in Franz-Joseph
Strauss a man around whom should rally all those who want Germany to be
militarily strong.
We shall note that approximately 40 percent of Bundeswehr personnel are
so-called "Heimatvertriebene," while according to official statistics they
do not exceed 24 percent of the overall population of West Germany. This
cadre selection is not mere happenstance: those resettled from the East
are the most reactionary segment of the population.
The majority of generals and admirals worked for an extended period under
the supervision of war criminals Hausinger, Speidel, Ruge, Kamhuber and
others. They were brought up under fascism; 38 Bundeswehr generals were
awarded Nazi Germany's highest decoration, the Knight's Cross, while 160
actively collaborated with the Nazi Party.
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Many Buncieswchr generals and admirals are in the front ranks of the Went
Germnn reactionaries. They demand that the army exercise greater :in-
fluence in Germany, its trarnformat.ion into a "factor of order," the arming;
of the Bundeswehr with nuclear weapons and modern combat equipment, es-
tnblinhment of Prussian-Nazi discipline in the Bundeswehr, the spirit of
a Hitler barracks. Some openly express their liking for the NDP.
The generals and of i tsars have achieved enhancement of the role of the
military in West Germany., The newspaper Die Welt writes that the Bundes-
wehr "functions as a political force, as a factor of stability."
The generals had a hand in the Bundestag passing the so-called "Emergency
Laws," which grant the government the right to use the army to crush
toiler demonstrations. Numerous military exercises involve working on
techniques and methods of breaking up demonstrations with the aid of
armored personnel carriers and tear gas, arresting "suspicious" persons and
conducting interrogatior..
The Bonn generals are the inspirers of anti-Communist and anti-Soviet
propaganda in the Bundeswehr. Well suited to the generals and admirals is
the officer corps, from the older veterans wl`o served in the Wehrmacht, to
the younger officers who began their military career in the Bundeswehr.
All of them, in the opinion of the magazine Stern, have been infected
"by the bacilli of aggressive thinking." The young officers "are burning
with desire to get even with the Russians and the East," states the maga-
zine.
Extremist elements in the army and navy are encouraging militarist at-
titudes and are indoctrinating the men in a spirit of vicious hatred toward
the nations of the socialist camp and it a spirit of anticommunism. Ac-
cording to reports published in the West German press, many Bundeswehr
officers are members of the NPD, regularly attend party meetings and offer
moral and material support. Noncommissioned officers openly conduct anti-
Communist, militarist propaganda.
All this cannot help but affect the political-morale state of personnel,
the majority of whom are a compliant instrument in the hands df the com-
mand. For example, NCO [S. Trayza], describing the attitude of personnel.,
wrote: "Everybody in our company shares the same opinion: the GDR and the
Communist regimes in Poland, Hungary, Czechoslovakia and Bulgaria can be
removed only by force. The Bundeswehr... will play a decisive role in
this."
It is not surprising that many military personnel, particularly command
cadres, speak out against ratification of the treaties between the USSR
and the FRG and Poland and the FRG. It is precisely for this reason that
R. Weil, a former soldier in a reconnaissance battalion of the 3rd Panzer
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Division, who had dreamed of an N^o career and who had been crammed full of.
ideas about revenge and anticommunism, in the night of 7 November 1970
wounded Soviet soldier I. Shcherbak, who was standing guard duty at the
Soviet war memorial in West Berlin. Well does not hesitate to admit that
his aim was to "prevent ratification of the treaty between the USSR and the
FRG," Various fascist literature was found at his apartment. We should
note that it was precisely in this division, at the initiative of the
deputy commander of the large unit, that special classes had at one time
been introduced for study of the history of the National Socialist Party,
recorded Hitler speeches had been played, and Nazi literature had been read.
As is well known, the opponents of ratification of these treaties are most
active in Bavaria. According to reports in the press, they are supported
primarily by 100,000 soldiers and 250,000 Bundeswehr reservists stationed
in Bavaria, as well as by 280,000 active members of various traditional
military organizations.
On the basis of surveys and stv,dies conducted In the FRG one can conclude
that the majority of Bundeswehr personnel, particularly command personnel,
favor CDU/CSU policy, In the opinion of the magazine Spiegel, one out of
every four "supports the NDP." It would be incorrect, however, to state
that all Bundeswehr personnel are reactionaries. A certain segment of
Bundeswehr personnel are being increasingly influenced by the antifascist
movement which is gaining momentum in the FRG, by protests against
nuclear arms for the Bundeswehr, by the movement supporting ratification
of the treaties, and by the struggle of the German Communists.
Changing of the Guard
Social Democrat 11. Schmidt has served for more than a year now as defense
minister. Upon taking this post he stated, as is well known, that he would
consistently carry out the policy of his predecessor, Schroder, and that
"indoctrinational effort in the military will continue as before." Im-
mediately after taking office, Schmidt began carrying out a number of im-
portant measures.
In conformity with a directive issued by the Minister of Defense on 6 April
1970, the ministry, General Headquarters, the headquarters of the services
and individual large units are being reorganized. The ground forces and
territorial troops have been merged; the army, air force and navy are
being reorganized. As is noted in the foreign press, this reorganization
aims at increasing the striking power of the West German large units and
at improving the system of troop control in a combat situation. Officers
and general officers have been given substantially broader powers. Ilse
inspectors of the services have been given ca nand authority, more rigid training
and indoctrination methods have been introduced, and soldiers must meet
higher demands. Indoctrinational work with personnel is being increasingly
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based on the militarist tr,ad.it.tons ot the past, Locus fog on ant[commun:isIn ,
just as in the past, with anti.comnunt.sm permeating all military life and
activities.
'tilitary expenditures have reached record levels They totaled 20.35 bil-
lion marks in 1970.: I'li i.s, i 1.0 percent greater than the military ex-
penditures of the previous administration In 1971 the military budget
will rise an additional. 10.6 percent. totaling almost 2" billion marks.
By establishing an agency to deal with matters pertaining to weapons and
supply under the Ministry of Defense, U. Schmidt has achieved more
effective arming of the Bundeswehr. It is indicative that one of the
top executives of the defense industry firm 'Thiessen-;loins en was appointed
to the post of secretary of state for arms matters. 't'his has strengthened
the bond between the l.3undeswehr generals and the monopolies as well as the
power of the military-industrial. complex. The Paris newspaper Tribune
des Nations stated: "That which in the United States is called the mili
tnry-industrial complex enjoys omnipotence in Bonn Germany."
In the period 1970-1975 the defense industry.compan:ies ';ill receive the
lion's share of the military budget, At the present time 700,000 persons
are employed in West Germany's defense industry. This industry is fully
capable of producing nuclear weapons, There is enough plutonium available,
for example, to manufacture more than 280 20 kilo'ton nuclear bombs each
year:
The reequipping of the Bundes-,.iehr with Leopard tanks is continuing. Wes t
German divisions will receive an additional 2200 Marten armored personnel
carriers, 1300 amphibious APC,;,400 helicopters, and hundreds of new mortars,
guns and missiles.
Reequinping of the air force involves chiefly the addition of multipurpose
aircraft capable of delivering nuclear weapons., Missile-armed warships
are being built for the West German navy. It is planned to increase annual
refres' er training of reservists from 100 to 300 thaisand men.
The Bundeswehr generals, military concerns and reactionary circles are
demanding that the Bundeswehr be strengthened in all respects; The ac-
tions taken by Defense Minister Schmidt in this area are receiving the warm
approval of aggressive elements, including the West German generals.
"Schmidt is forging the Bundeswehr Ile is the best blacksmith we have,"R
states General E. Middeldort, author of the notorious book The Russian
Campaign, in the magazine Stern. "We couldn't have a better man,"
agrees General W. de Mesier, According to the Springer, newspaper Die Welt,
Schmidt has become the most popular political figure in the FRG. The
Bundeswehr generals call him "the best defense minister since the establish-
ment of West Germany's armed forces "
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The signing of the treaties between the USSR and the FRG as well IS be-
tween Goland and the FRG constitutes .in Imporcant international event: It
opens up a new stage in relations between these nations. There lies ahead,
however, ,, bit tot struggle tier ratification and implementation of the
principles of these treat i.e.s Rat.tf ic.at ton of these treaties will
definitely hamper the a~.tivities of re,iinch.ist elements In the FRG,
depriving them of ..'legal basis," sin.? the treaties proclaim the per-
manent nature of the berdors and renun.iatiou ot: all territorial claims,
Of course the treaties will not ch.nE,e the thinking of those who persistent-
ly dream of t edrawing the .nap cf EL LC-PC- w.. th the aid of a war machine.
The FRG is an imperialist. power and the. main partner of the United States
in the aggressive N,\10 blo:. World imperialism has not given up its hopes
to utilize the FRG to heighten international tension
A serious danger is also presented by the activities of reactionary
elements in the FRG, particularly in the army and navy, activity which is
promoted and encouraged by :internat. icnal reaction one should not forget
that German imperialism is a dangerous and crafty opponent, who possasses
considerable experience in preparing for and waging wars, All these facts
dictate the necessity on the one hand ter a continuous and thorough study
of the politicai and military processes taking place in West Germany and
the Bundeswehr as well as a ca-eful analysis of the distribution of class
forces in West Germany, and on the other an all-out strengthening of our
homeland's defensive might, an increase in army and navy combat readiness,.
FOOTNOTES
1. Newsweek, 10 August 1970, page 1.5
2. Interview over West German radio Nord- and Westdeutsche Rundfunk, 17
August 1970
3, Military Balance 19b9-19;0, London, 1969
4 . Welir and Wir tsch,:af r. , July-August ; 1970.
5 Die Welt 20 May 1970.
6.. Die Einheit No 7, 1969, page 82?