WESTERN EUROPE: HUMAN RIGHTS POLICIES

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP85T00287R000501320001-2
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: S
• Document Page Count: 20
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: August 18, 2010
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: May 16, 1983
• Content Type: MEMO

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!Memorandum for: 1fl /c6 ) Rm. 9 C; `7
The attached was requested by
Robert Steven, Director of the Office of
Policy and Programs, Bureau of Human
Rights, Department of State. It was
prepared by of the Office
of European Analysis.
16 May 1983
E U R A
Office of European Analysis
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Central Intelligence Agency.
WWNOMI tC205M
DIRECTORATE OF INTELLIGENCE
16 MAY 1983
-Western Europe. Human Rights Policies
Summary
West European governments have long been
interested in promoting respect for human rights,
but their actions have frequently been less
impressive than their rhetoric. The major West
European countries generally have been reluctant
to condemn or take punitive measures against
countries in which they have substantial economic,
security, and other interests. Left-leaning
governments in the major countries have paid
greater lip service to the need for protecting
human rights, but their sense of expediency almost
e uals that of their-conservative counterparts.
In contrast to the generally pragmatic larger
nations, the governments of some smaller
countries--particularly in northern Europe--have
played a more active role in the defense of human
rights. This owes partly to their less
This memorandum was prepared by the Office
of European Analysis. It was requested by Robert Steven,
Director of the Office of-Policy and Programs in the Bureau of
Human Rights at the Department of State. It was coordinated with
the Office of Global Issues. Research was completed on
'30 April 1983. Questions and comments may be addressed to Chief,
European Issues Division,
25X1
EUR M 83-10139
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wide-ranging interests abroad, but they also have
electorates that are highly sensitive to human
rights issues and leaders who aspire to be the
"conscience" of Europe. Nevertheless, they too
have often had to strike a balance between concern
for human rights and practical national
25X1 interests.
Because of their desire tomaintain good
state-to-state relations with offending countries,
West European governments prefer to deal with
human rights abuses through international
organizations such as the United Nations, the
Council of Europe, and the European Community.
The larger West European nations have been more
willing to speak out for human rights in these
bodies, since multi-national criticism, of
oppressive regimes tends to protect individual
countries from retaliatory actions.
While the governments of the major nations
have initiated or supported resolutions condemning
human rights practices in Poland, the Soviet
Union, Iran, and South Africa, they have been
careful to keep their disapproval within bounds.
The European Community, for instance, has shown a
deep reluctance to use its considerable economic
power against human rights violators, except for
its treatment of the Greek junta and the present
military regime in Turkey. It has placed minor
restrictions on imports from the USSR, but these
have not been very costly to the Soviets or to EC
members. The industrial nations have been even
more circumspect toward South Africa and have not
supported UN resolutions calling for comprehensive
and mandatory sanctions against Pretoria for its
apartheid policies.
Because West European governments have to
reconcile conflicting foreign policy interests,
the chief defenders of human rights have been
European-based non-governmental organizations,
such as Amnesty International and the Socialist
International. Unhampered by the need to maintain
good relations with oppressive regimes, many non-
governmental organizations have fought the battle
for international human rights with dedication and
vigor .
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We believe that the combination of growing
domestic and international pressures will prompt
West European governments to give greater
consideration to human rights issues in their
foreign policy decisions. Increasingly, West
European governments also may be forced to face
the demands of the poorer nations of the world for
assistance in strengthening their "economic" human
rights by agreeing to legally binding transfers of
economic resources. -Although it is unlikely that
West European countries will accept this
principle, they may in the future show greater
willingness to enlarge their development programs
and to facilitate international bank loans to
develonina countries on more favorable terms.
1
Overall, we believe that West European human
rights policies toward the East will complement
the US effort to hold the Soviet Union accountable
for agreements made in the Helsinki Final Act.
Most West European countries, however, will resist
US efforts to press the human rights issue at the
expense of detente and economic ties. in other
areas, such as Southern Africa and Turkey, the
pragmatic and low key approach of the major
countries is more likely to complement US human
rights policies and broader interests than the
confrontational tactics of the smaller states and
private groups. In the case of Central America,
however, the US effort to balance political,
strategic, and human rights concerns will find
little sympathy except in London and possibly in
Human Rights: An Overview
West European interest in human rights is the outgrowth of a
strong humanistic tradition. While the principles which underlie
the modern concept of human rights are evident in classical
Western philosophy and various world religions, the concept
itself--involving fundamental freedoms that are a natural
endowment of man and transcend the authority of the state--did
not arise before the Enlightenment. Until World War I the major
countries, except for imperial Russia, agreed that the
advancement of human rights is a moral obligation of the state.
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The emergence of totalitarian regimes in Germany and Italy in the
post-World War I period broke the consensus and led to massive
violations of human rights before and during World War II.
in the aftermath of the war, West European countries
emphasized the need not only for building and strengthening
democratic values and institutions at home, but also for
advancing them abroad. The UN Universal Declaration of Human
Rights of 1948 was an expression of the Western desire-to promote
democratic principles throughout the world. The European
Convention on Human Rights of 1950 was designed to safeguard
human freedoms in Europe. It gave the Council of Europe the
authority to hear and decide cases involving human rights
violations in member states. More recently, the Helsinki Final
Act of 1975 made the protection of human rights an integral part
of East-West relations.*
Development of an international human rights policy has
presented West European governments with three principal
problems. First, they have had to agree on a definition of human
rights. Second, they have been required to deal with the
practical political problems of implementing a consistent human
rights policy. Third, they have had to ponder how best to make
that policy effective. Regarding the definition of human rights,
West European governments have recognized the legitimacy of
individual political, civil, economic, social, and cultural
rights by ratifying the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights
and the International Human Rights Covenants. As signatories of
the Helsinki Final Act, they reaffirmed not only their
recognition of the "classical" human rights, but also accepted
freedom of human contact and information exchanges as legitimate
rights of man. While West European governments have acknowledged
economic and social rights in principle, they have treated them
more as aspirations than as presently achievable entitlements.
In their estimation, the realization of economic and social
* In this paper the term "human rights" refers to individual
rights and freedoms contained in the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights, the International Covenant on Political and Civil
Rights, and the Helsinki Final Act. Human rights, as-defined in
these documents, include the right to life, liberty, and security
of the person; protection from torture or cruel or degrading
treatment; equality before-the law and the right to a prompt and
fair trial; freedom of thought, expression, conscience, and
religion; and the right to human contact and information
exchanges. In the present discussion, economic rights are
treated as a separate category of human rights.
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1-- -__..... 25X1
Thus far, West European governments have not recognized the
"right to development", a demand by the poorer nations for a New
International Economic Order. During discussions in the United
Nations and the Council of Europe, West Europeans have supported
the idea of development aid, but generally they have not been
prepared to accept the right of-less developed countries to
economic transfers from advanced industrialized nations. West
European countries have "justified" their opposition to the right
to development by maintaining that human rights pertain to
individuals and not to states. The right to development would be
ex
ercised by governments and might not always benefit individual
4 4 4
rights requires a level of economic development which many Third
WnrIA r.rtif14-r4 1....... -- .
While West European governments have proclaimed the
protection of international human rights as an objective, most
have not pursued a consistent human rights policy. Moreover,
even when they have accorded more emphasis to human rights, West
Europeans have often been at odds over whether they are more
effectively pursued through quiet diplomacy or open advocacy.
Both the issue of consistency and tactics were well-illustrated
by the West European reaction to the Carter Administration's
upgrading of human rights into a major, openly pursued foreign
policy goal. While the smaller countries took comfort in both US
policy and its approach, the more pragmatic larger states
remained unenthusiastic. This was especially true of West
Germany's Helmut Schmidt, who frequently expressed his belief
that the US approach was counterproductive and was endangering
the progress made toward free movement of people between the two
interests than by concern for human rights.
Although there clearly is a gap between the ideal and the
reality of West European human rights policy, some governments
have adhered more closely to moral principle than others.
Moreover, even the most pragmatic governments have paid more
attention to human rights when public opinion has demanded it.
It is fair to say, however, that West European human rights
policy--particularly that of the larger countries--has been
shaped even more by economic, security, and other national
The Major Countries: The Primacy of Pragmatism
Generally, the major West European countries--West Germany,
the United Kingdom, Italy, and even the socialist :government in
France--have been reluctant to condemn or to take punitive
measures against countries in which they have substantial
economic, security, or other national interests. This has been
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particularly evident regarding Eastern Europe and the Soviet
Union. West Germany, for instance, generally has moderated its
criticism of the lack of political freedom in East Germany in
order not to jeopardize the growing contacts between citizens of
the two countries. The European Community imposed relatively
minor restrictions on imports from the USSR after Poland declared
martial law, but the major countries refused to support the more
stringent US economic sanctions against the Soviet Union.
Moreover, they continued to deliver technologically advanced
equipment for the Siberian-West European natural gas pipeline.
We believe that even the minor European Community restrictions on
Soviet imports may soon be removed. Various countries, including
the UK, West Germany, and Italy, have questioned the efficacy of
continuing these token economic measures in EC forums, citing the
suspension of martial law last December to justify termination of
the sanctions.
West European governments strive not only for a profitable
trade relationship with the East Bloc, but also for detente. The
review meeting of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in
Europe (CSCE) in Madrid reflects the conflict among Western
delegations between their concern for human rights and the wish
for disarmament. Allied governments generally have agreed that
observance of human rights by East Bloc countries is a
prerequisite for detente. However, West German officials this
spring argued against further Western pressures on the East for
human rights concessions because such pressures might hurt
prospects for a European disarmament conference which both the
East and the West have advocated. -During the first session of
the current meeting, France also attached less importance to
human rights than to detente. But during the second round,
France adopted a harder line toward the Soviet Union in response
to Moscow's stand in the INF talks in Geneva. When France is
more certain about INF deployment, however, it is likely in our
view to refocus its attention on detente and not push the Soviets 25X6
as hard on human rights.
Pragmatism also has been the principal characteristic of the
major countries' human rights policies in Latin America and
Africa.
RThe Tories,
however, have openly used the dismal human rig is record of the
Argentine regime to help justify their publicly stated
unwillingness to negotiate on the Falklands. While the Thatcher
government played the major--role in bringing about a Zimbabwe
settlement, it has been less prepared to defend human rights in
South Africa. London has made a few anti-apartheid gestures, but
it has avoided any measures which might harm business interests
or prejudice negotiations on Namibia. The policies of the new
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center-right coalition in West Germany are similar to those of
the Tories. Chancellor Kohl has expressed a desire to improve
relations with Latin American countries--including Argentina--
which had deteriorated after the Falklands invasion. The
conservative West German government also has been careful not to
alienate South Africa by avoiding public statements which might
Although leftist governments :have tended to be more.?cr.itical
of dictatorial regimes than their conservative counterparts, they
have been .selective in their criticism. The French Socialists,
for instance, have condemned the human rights practices of
military governments in El Salvador,. Guatemala, and Chile, and
have refused to follow the previous government's practice of
selling arms to the Chileans. They have paid less attention,
however, to human rights violations by leftist insurgent groups
and by Marxist regimes in Cuba and Nicaraguh. Moreover, the
Mitterrand government has been conciliatory toward rightist
dictators when political and economic necessity required it--
France was the first country to resume arms sales to Argentina
after the Falklands invasion. Mitterrand also has tried to stay
on good terms with dictators in francophone Africa. He recently
visited Gabon, and he gave Sekou Toure of Guinea a high-level
official welcome during hit state visit to France.
The Social Democrats in West Germany demonstrated a sense of
Realpolitik not only with regard to the East Bloc but with Latin
America and Africa. Despite opposition in the left wing of the
Social Democratic party, the Schmidt government authorized the
sale of submarines to Chile and even larger quantities of
military equipment to Argentina. Disapproval of human rights
practices in Brazil and South Africa also did not prevent the
Social Democrats from coo eratin with those countries in the
field of nuclear energy.
When in office, the British Labor Party observed the EC Code
of Conduct for South Africa--which requires businesses operating
in South Africa to report the extent of their holdings and wages
paid to their employees--more stringently than the current
conservative administration. Labor, however, did not take an
steps'to curtail British trade and investment.
While the major countries generally have played down the
human rights violations of governments with which they need to
maintain good relations, public opinion has sometimes forced them
to take a stronger stand. Intense public interest, in the fate
of Italian nationals missing in Argentina, for example, caused
the Italian government to make strong protests to the Argentine
regime despite Italy's big economic stake in that country.
Italian parliamentarians went to Argentina to investigate the
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depend on Argentine progress toward democracy.
missing persons issue, and the Foreign ministry made clear to
Buenos Aires that future trade between the two countries will
Public concern last winter also led the West German and
British governments to abandon their preference for "quiet
diplomacy" and make demarches to the Soviet Union on behalf of
Soviet dissidents Andrei Sakharov and Anatoly Shcharansky.
According to a US.Embassy source, the West German demarche on
behalf of Sakharov was prompted by increasing public interest in
the Sakharov se and activities of writers Heinrich Boell and
Lev Ro elev.
25X1-human The Smaller Countries: Principle Over Pragmatism?
The governments of the smaller countries, particularly the
Nordic and Benelux countries, have tended to be more outspoken
about human rights than the larger nations. Although the
northern countries have paid little attention to human rights
violations by leftist insurgent groups, they have been relatively
even-handed in their criticism of repressive governments. The
Dutch government, which has been in the forefront of the human
rights battle, placed principle above pragmatism in its reaction
to the brutal political murders in Suriname last December. The
Hague cut off its $150 million a year economic and military
assistance program to the Bouterse regime despite substantial 25X1
economic ties with the former Dutch colony. In addition, the
Dutch government has stated that it may revoke permission for
Dutch nationals to work in the civilian and military sectors of
the Surinamese government unless Bouterse restores democracy.
That these countries generally feel less constrained by
their economic and other interests abroad than do the larger
nations only partially explains their great interest in human
rights. They also have electorates, parliaments, and news media
that have shown great sensitivity to human rights issues in
investment in South Africa.
The Belgian government. also recently showed greater concern
for human rights than economic advantage in its reaction to the
jailing of parliamentarians in Zaire. It strongly condemned the
Mobutu regime and postponed the Zairian president's planned visit
to Belgium. The Scandinavian countries demonstrated concern for
human rights as well by their official ban in 1978 .of new 25X1
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former colonies and in places such as Greece, and more recently,
Turkey and Central America. In addition, they have political
leaders--especially Sweden's Olof Palme and Austria's Bruno
Kreisky--who aspire to be the "conscience" of Europe by being in
the forefront of those championing human rights. The idealism of
the Scandinavian and Benelux countries is reflected in their
comparatively large foreign assistance programs. As a percentage
of GNP, Dutch foreign assistance is twice as high as West
Germany's and five times greater than that of Italy. Denmark and
Sweden, too, have-proportionally larger foreign aid programs than
the major West European countries. The Nordic countries also
have been very involved in helping refugees through the
International Committee of the Red Gross and the UN High
Commissioner for Refugees. Moreover, Norway and Sweden have
special programs for admitting handicapped refugees to their
countries.
sanctions against Pretoria.
While the smaller northern European countries have
demonstrated a genuine interest in human rights, they, too, have
to balance multiple interests. The Danish government and
opposition parties, for instance, have strongly criticized the
Polish military regime, but the parliament failed to renew
European Community import measures against the Soviet Union when
the opposition parties refused to support the government's
legislation. Concern about political repression in the Soviet
Union also has not prevented Denmark from trying to obtain a
multi-million dollar Soviet order for refrigerator ships.
Although Sweden has denounced South African apartheid policy, it
abstained in last year's UN General Assembly vote on a resolution
calling for the Security Council to impose comprehensive and
mandatory sanctions against South Africa. Palme, who recently
returned to power, however, has taken a tougher position. During
a recent visit to Nigeria, Palme pleaded for compulsory UN
government in Buenos Aires.
Among the smaller southern European countries, Spain,
because of its historical ties with Latin America, has been most
vocal in espousing democratic initiatives there. Socialist Prime
Minister Gonzalez has shown great interest in promoting political
liberalization and has stated publicly that Spain's political
evolution from fascism to democracycan provide a model for some
Latin American countries. Despite concern for democracy in Latin
America, Spain is not willing to damage seriously its
relationship with Argentina. After initial hesitation, for
instance, the Spanish Foreign Minister last February received the
mothers of disappeared Argentines (mothers of La Plaza de Mayo),
but the US Embassy in Madrid received reports that he asked the
visitors to keep their meeting confidential to avoid annoying the
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The conservative government of Portugal--which is now
serving in a caretaker capacity following its losses in the April
election--has assumed a more low key approach to human rights
than did the former government of Socialist leader Mario
Soares. Although the Democratic Alliance has expressed its
support for human rights, it has not publicly criticized human
rights violations in Latin America. It has also made the
protection of human rights a low priority of its Africa policy,
in our judgment, because of the desire to establish a closer
relationship with Portugal's former African colonies. Former
Prime Minister Soares, who is likely to head the next Portuguese
government based on his party's recent electoral showing, made a
strong effort to advance the cause of human rights through the
Socialist International. Even he, however, did not chastize
Argentina and showed restraint in criticizing South Africa's
human rights record, probably to protect Portugal's various
interests there. includin the welfare of Portuguese
expatriates.
affinity with leftist regimes.
Greece continues to call international attention to
violations of Greek Cypriots' human rights as a result of the
Turkish occupation of northern Cyprus, but otherwise, we believe,
it has not gone out of its way to protest international human
rights violations. The Socialist Papandreou government has
usually forgone criticism of human rights abuses in the East
Bloc, Cuba, and Nicaragua, partially because of its ideological
damage to state-to-state relations.
The Role of International Organizations
West European governments generally prefer to deal with
human rights violations through organizations, such as the United
Nations, the Council of Europe, and the European Community. One
reason for this preference may be the belief that international
condemnation of human rights violators is more effective than
unilateral protest. A more important reason, in our judgment, is
that international human rights resolutions tend to cause less
In the United Nations even the larger West European states,
which generally have been careful not to harm important bilateral
relations, have initiated or supported human rights resolutions
against countries in which they have considerable interests. For
example, West Germany and Italy--along with the Netherlands and
Denmark--sponsored a resolution against Poland in the Human
Rights Commission condemning the military regime's violation of
fundamental freedoms and, by implication, Soviet complicity.
West European countries--except for Finland--also voted in favor
of resolutions in the General Assembly calling for withdrawal of
foreign troops in Afghanistan and Kampuchea. The same West
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European countries supported resolutions calling'for an
international investigation of chemical weapons' use in
Afghanistan, Laos, and Kampuchea, illustrating their concern that
the Soviet Union may be responsible for the use of nerve gas in
Afghanistan and of mycotoxins--which produce a deadly yellow
In the last two years West European governments also have
supported resolutions in the Human Rights Commission on Iran
which expressed deep concern about summary and arbitrary
executions by the Khomeini regime. Some governments, however,
have been careful not to overdo their criticism of Iran. The
West German representative to the Human Rights Commission, for
instance, indicated to his US counterpart that he had been asked
by his government to maintain a low profile on the issue of the
disappearance of members of the Baha'i religious sect.
Economic and political interests have dictated the West
European vote on resolutions against South Africa and Israel.
While West European governments have expressed public disapproval
of Pretoria's racist policies, most have not supported General
Assembly resolutions calling for the Security Council to impose
comprehensive and mandatory sanctions. West Europeans not only
are unwilling to curtail significantly their trade with South
Africa; they also fear that economic sanctions may increase
Pretoria's intransigence regarding a Namibian settlement. The
major West European countries also have voted against resolutions
protesting Israeli human rights practices in occupied middle
Eastern territories while the Scandinavian countries abstained.
The Council of Europe and its Human Rights Commission also
have provided a forum for the international advancement of human
rights. The Council's Parliamentary Assembly has criticized
human rights violations by Communist regimes as well as rightist
dictatorships. The Council of Europe, which has publicly
embraced President Reagan's new policy of "democracy
initiatives", plans to play host to a series of conferences in
Strasbourg to strengthen and promote democratic government around
the world. The initial conference this fall will bring together
parliamentarians from industrial democracies, but subsequent
meetings will also include Third World representatives.
The Council's concern for political and civil liberties is
reflected in its reaction to the jailing of political dissidents,
in Turkey. To protest the military regime's disregard of human
rights, the Parliamentary Assembly is considering Turkey's
expulsion from the Council of Europe. Although the Assembly
expelled the Greek military regime in 1969, we. believe it is not
likely to make the same decision in the case of Turkey. West
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Germany and the UK, appreciating Turkey's strategic value, have
resisted strong pressure in favor of expulsion by the
Scandinavian countries, France, Spain, and Greece. These
countries argue that 'a democratic community of states cannot
accept an authoritarian regime among its members.
The European Community also has made efforts to further the
cause of human rights. The European Parliament repeatedly has
condemned Soviet occupation of Afghanistan. Earlier this year it
passed a resolution calling on the new Soviet leadership to
facilitate Jewish emigration. Recently, the European Parliament
denounced Soviet treatment of dissidents Anatoly Shcharansky and
Andrei Sakharov and called attention to the internment of
Estonians, Latvians, and Lithuanians in Soviet labor camps. The
European Parliament also has made demarches to the South African
government on behalf of African National Congress members
awaiting execution. k
While the European Community is committed to the defense of
international human rights in pinciple, it has been reluctant to
use its considerable economic power against human rights
violators. -Members of the Common Market have tried to justify
their preference for "business as usual" by arguing in
conversations with US officials that trade sanctions, while
hurting innocent people, usually do not lead repressive regimes
to liberalize the political process. 25X1
In fact the European Community has imposed economic
sanctions against certain countries, but generally these measures
have been mild and have not been implemented Community-wide.
After the imposition of martial law in Poland, for instance, the
EC restricted certain imports from Moscow. Less than 2 percent
of Soviet exports to the European Community, however, were
affected by this decision. Moreover, US officials detected
growing sentiment among some member states against continuing the
minor import measures against the USSR. Denmark already has
withdrawn its support.
Sanctions against Argentina--which were placed in response
to the Argentine invasion of the Falklands and had only an
indirect relationship to human rights issues--also lacked
force. Import restrictions did not cover previously signed
contracts and were terminated after less than two months. Italy
and Ireland refused to suspend trade with Argentina even during
the course of the war. Ireland cited its military neutrality-
antipathy toward the UK undoubtedly played a role as well--and
Italy claimed that its manufacturing sectors would be damaged if
imports of leather and other goods were suddenly interrupted.
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the preceding year.
The EC, like the Council of Europe, has shown less
hesitation to punish human rights violators closer to home. For
instance, it cut off aid to Greece and froze its phased
integration into the Community during the seven year period of
military rule that began in 1967. Since the end of 1981 the
Common Market also has withheld $650 million in aid to Turkey on
human rights grounds. In both cases, EC toughness has owed to
the belief that states which purport to be members of the West
European democratic community must take special care to-abide by
its guiding principles.* Nonetheless, in the case of Turkey, the
major EC countries have been careful not to go too far. Although
the Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD)
reduced its total economic aid to Turkey for 1982, the major West
European countries pledged approximately the same amounts as in
London-based Amnesty International, the best-known human
rights organization, has focused its activities primarily on the
rights of political prisoners. It seeks the release of people
detained anywhere in the world for reasons of political belief,
ethnic origin, or religious creed. The organization works for
fair and prompt trials for political prisoners and tries to make
sure that they are treated according to internationally
recognized standards. AI appeals to the authorities holding
individual prisoners and attempts to mobilize public and
professional interest in their cases. In each of its monthly
newsletters Al describes the cases of three prisoners and asks
its readers to send letters or telegrams to the responsible
governments on their behalf. AI also mounts campaigns to
publicize human rights violations which are not specific to one
country. For instance, in 1981 the organization initiated a
the protection of human rights a foremost goal.
Non-governmental Organizations: The Chief tefenders
European-based non-governmental organizations, such as
Amnesty International (Al),, the International Society for Human
Rights, the Socialist International, and West European trade
unions have been the chief West European defenders of human
rights. Unlike governments which are constrained by their need
to reconcile competing interests, these organizations have made
credentials would be compromised.
*In the case of NATO and Spain, the. Dutch for some time after
Franco's death held up progress on Spain's application to join
the Alliance because of doubts that the successor democratic
system would last. They even opposed joint exercises with the
Spanish, apparently out of fear that NATO's democratic
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world-wide campaign to expose the use by governments of
"disappearances" as a means of eliminating suspected opponents.
Since Al has consultative status with the UN Economic and
Social Council, it regularly submits information about human
rights issues to various UN bodies, such as the Commission on
Human Rights, the Fourth Committee of the General Assembly, and
the Special Committee on Apartheid. It also has provided
information to the standing committees of the Council of Europe's
Parliamentary Assembly on the alleged use of torture in Turkey.
West European governments have welcomed AI's activity in
international organizations because-;its criticism of human rights
violations cannot be attributed to them. We believe Al has been
relatively even-handed, highlighting in its reports human rights
violations by leftist as well as rightist governments.
The Frankfurt-based International Society for Human Rights
and the Copenhagen-based International Sakharov Committee have
concentrated their activities on Eastern Europe. While West
European governments have shown little interest in allegations
about Soviet use of forced labor on the Siberian-West European
gas pipeline, the two human rights organizations investigated the
issue last fall in a two-day hearing in Bonn. A ten-member
panel, after hearing evidence from expert witnesses and former
inmates of Soviet prisons, concluded that political prisoners are
forced to work under extreme hardship.
European trade unions also have long been active in the
defense of international human rights. The International
Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU), which draws
.approximately half of its members from the European Trade Union
Confederation, last year issued a statement condemning the
blatant violation of human and trade union rights in South
Africa. It also urged Western governments to try to isolate
South Africa economically and politically. In contrast to some
West European governments and parties, the ICFTU also ha
criticized the lack of political pluralism in Nicaragua.
In West Germany, the German Trade Union Federation (DGB)
last spring joined other free trade unions in condemning the
Polish regime's suspension of Solidarity and its harassment of
Solidarity members and their families. The DGB's president,
along with some members of West Germany's Social Democratic-led
government, had initially been reluctant to criticize the
J aruzelski regime too harshly, according to US Embassy officials,
but pressure within his organization caused him to speak out more
forcefully. On may Day 1982 he delivered a speech confirming DGB
support for Solidarity.
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The Socialist International (SI) also has shown concern for
human rights, but it has concentrated on abuses by rightist
dictatorships and ignored many leftist human rights violations.
In Europe, the SI publicized political repression by military
regimes in Portugal, Spain, and Greece. More recently, the SI
also has drawn attention to suppression of political opposition
in Turkey. In general, the SI has made little noise about the
human rights situation in the Soviet Union. Prompted by public
outrage, however, it did issue a strongly-worded statement
condemning the Polish regime after the imposition of martial
1 aw.
The SI's pro-leftist bias in the Third World has been
particularly evident regarding human rights violations in Latin
America. At its board meeting last fall in Basel, the SI passed
a resolution condemning "state terrorism" in El,S alvador and
systematic extermination of the Indian population in Guatemala.
Argentina and Uruguay received their share of criticism as
well. The Sandinistas in Nicaragua, however, were only reminded
of their original promises for political pluralism. Fidel
Castro's regime in Cuba received no mention at all. Regarding
human rights abuses in South Africa, the SI has not yet been able
to reach a consensus on appropriate punitive measures against
Pretoria. However, the European socialist parties, while
denouncing apartheid, for the most part have opposed the demand
by African front-line states for an economic boycott of South
Africa.
Prospects
We believe that the issue of human rights has become a
permanent part of West European domestic and foreign policies.
The question is not so much whether the West Europeans will take
a stand on key human rights issues, but what that stand will be
and how it will be manifested. In most instances, we expect that
pragmatism and the belief that quiet diplomacy is most effective
will guide West European actions. These, however, will be
interspersed with a more idealistic and ideological approach that
resorts to open confrontation with human rights offenders as the
most.effective way to curb their abuses.
The major West European countries, in our judgment, probably
will continue to take.a pragmatic and low key approach to the
advancement of fundamental human rights abroad. Their reluctance
to condemn or take unilateral punitive actions against countries
with which they need to maintain good relations is not likely to
change in the immediate future. They are likely to remain more
willing to speak out for human rights in the United Nations, the
Council of Europe, and the European Community, particularly the
European Parliament. Even there, however, they probably will
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continue to be careful not to take strong and concrete actions
after voicing their disapproval. The European Community, for
instance, is unlikely to display greater readiness to impose
economic sanctions against human rights violators, particularly
if such sanctions carry high political and economic costs. The
smaller countries, especially thdse in northern Europe, most
likely will continue to be in the forefront of the battle for
international human rights, but they also will be forced to
strike a balance between concern for human rights and practical
national interests.
We believe the chief defenders of human rights will continue
to be European-based human rights organizations and other non-
governmental groups. Their published human rights reports,
strong representations on behalf of political prisoners, and
denunciations of oppressive regimes are likely to deepen the
sensitivity of West European publics and their governments to
human rights issues. Already, human rights questions have become
common features on the agenda of several West European
parliaments when issues such as Central America and Southern
Africa are discussed.
Thus far the West European countries have not followed the
US example of legally tying economic and military assistance for
recipient countries to their satisfactory human rights record,
but this may change. Human rights is already one of the factors
examined in the parliamentary debates of some Scandinavian and
Benelux countries when aid is considered and when they
participate in international banks' decisions on loan
applications. We believe legislation linking aid to human rights
records may gradually be adopted, perhaps first by some of the
.northern European countries.
In the future, West European governments in our view are
likely to continue to place greater emphasis on political and
civil rights, but they will come under growing pressure from the
poorer nations of the world to agree to a more equitable
international economic order. It is not likely that the West
European governments will agree to make economic transfers a
legally binding right of less developed countries. They may show
greater willingness, however, to increase their discretionary
development programs and to use their power in the International
Monetary Fund and the World Bank to facilitate loans to
developing countries on easier terms. As in the past, they are
likely to make development aid and loans dependent on some
measure of domestic economic reform.
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Implications for the United States
Given the growing presence of human rights as a facet of
national and international politics, West European human rights
policies have important implications for US interests. With
respect to human rights violations in the Soviet bloc, West
European attitudes, in our judgment, will generally complement
the US effort to place the Soviets and their proxies on the
defensive over their persistent disregard for the Helsinki
accord. This is likely to be true not only of the smaller
countries and private organizations, but also of the more
pragmatic Big Four. Nonetheless, the West Europeans will remain
wary of any US effort to push the human rights issue at the
expense of what they view to be the more important imperatives of
maintaining detente and profitable economic ties with the East.
The EC countries are not likely to restrict seriously their
trade with the East to punish the Soviets for activities in
Poland, Afghanistan, and Southeast Asia. The Big Four
participants in the economic summit in Williamsburg sent strong
signals to the United States that they would not welcome
reintroduction of the issue of trade sanctions against Moscow.
and Namibian issues.
West European policies in Southern Africa are also broadly
compatible with US policies and interests. Most West European
countries, for example, remain opposed to economic sanctions
against Pretoria. To be sure, the smaller countries and private
West European groups continue to criticize South Africa's
apartheid policies and its stance on Namibian independence.
.Moreover, the Belgians in some instances are likely to continue
to be tougher with the Mobutu regime in Zaire than the United
States would prefer. The major countries, however, particularly
the United Kingdom and West Germany, prefer the current US
approach that emphasizes "quiet diplomacy" both on the apartheid
Of the five Western contact group members attempting to
settle the Namibian issue, only the French have openly opposed
the US effort to link a Namibian settlement to the withdrawal of
Cuban troops from Angola. The Mitterrand government is
undoubtedly doing so to mollify the Socialist party's left wing,
since in private it is in full agreement that the Cuban forces
must go. Moreover, Mitterrand's continuation of the traditional
French policy of remaining-on good terms with Africa's
francophone leaders may not be conducive to the advancement of
human rights in some of those countries, but it has helped keep
them in the Western fold.
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Far more troublesome for the United States, in our judgment,
are West European human rights policies in Central America.
There the complexity of the issues and the absence of strong West
European economic and' security interests have prompted most West
European countries to give priority to ideological concerns.
France, the Netherlands, and the Scandinavian countries, for
instance, are likely to continue to complicate US objectives in
Central America by focusing on the faults of the Salvadoran
government and the Nicaraguan insurgents while taking a benign
view of the Salvadoran insurgents and the Sandinista regime in
Managua. Even in Central America, however, there are points of
convergence with US policy. The British and West German
governments remain sympathetic to the United States' broad
objectives and most West European governments approve of San
Salvador's call for early elections.
Within the Western orbit itself, the measured reaction of
the major countries except France to the military regime in
Turkey is similar to the US approach. The harsher overall West
European response in the Council of Europe and the EC, however,
places the West Europeans at odds with US policy. Although West
European pressures may have prompted the generals to advance
slightly their timetable for democratization, they have also
added to Turkish resentment of the West Europeans. This will
complicate US efforts to keep Turkey firmly tied to the West. It
may also mean that the United States will have to bear a greater
share of the burden of Turkey's economic reconstruction--
articular) if the new experiment in democratic rule founders.
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Distribution: Western Europe: Human Rights Policies
Orig - Robert S. Steven, Director, Office for Policy and
Programs, Bureau of Human Rights, State Dept.
1 - Elliott Abrams, Assistant Secretary
1 - Paula Kuzmich, Public & Congressional Affairs
1 - Gary Matthews, Deputy Assistant Secretary
1 - Theresa A. Tull, Director, HA/HR
1 - Judith Buncher, EUR HA/HR
1 - Ralph H. Graner, Director, HA/MA
1 - Charles H. Fairbanks, Deputy Assistant Secretary
1 - Richard N. Haass, Deputy for Policy Planning, EUR/PP
1 - Steven E. Steiner, Public Affairs Adviser, EUR/P
1 - Thomas G. Weston, Deputy Director, EUR/CE
1 - Miles S. Pendleton, Deputy Director, EUR/NE
1 - Theodore E. Russell, Deputy Director, EUR/RPE
1 - Ray L. Caldwell, Deputy Director, EUR/RPM
1 - Geoffrey Ogden, Deputy Director, EUR/SE
1 - Larry C. Napper, Multilateral Relations, EUR/SOV
1 - Robert S. Gelbard, Deputy Director, EUR/WE
1 - F. Herbert Capps, Deputy Director, INR/WEA
1 - Kathleen Fitzpatrick, INR/GIS
1 - Beverly Zweiben, Assistant Director, IO/HR
1 - John R. Bolton, Assistant Administrator, AID/PPC
1 -
1 - Carnes Lord, NSC
1 - DDI
1 - ADDI
1 - DDI Registry
1 - ExDir
1 - NIO/WE
1 - OGI
4 - IMC/CB
1 - D/EURA
2 - EURA Prod
1 - EURA/EI
2 - EURA/EI/PS
DDI/EURA/EI/P (16May83)
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