CHINA'S AFGHANISTAN POLICY: THE PAKISTANI CONNECTION
Document Type:
Collection:
Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST):
CIA-RDP85T00287R000400680001-5
Release Decision:
RIPPUB
Original Classification:
S
Document Page Count:
4
Document Creation Date:
December 22, 2016
Document Release Date:
July 15, 2010
Sequence Number:
1
Case Number:
Publication Date:
January 28, 1982
Content Type:
MEMO
File:
Attachment | Size |
---|---|
CIA-RDP85T00287R000400680001-5.pdf | 208.15 KB |
Body:
Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2010/07/15: CIA-RDP85T00287R000400680001-5
Central Intelligence Agency
Washington. D. C. 20505
DIRECTORATE OF INTELLIGENCE
28 January 1982
China's Afghanistan Policy: The Pakistani Connection
Summary
China?'s policy toward Afghanistan emphasizes the need to
sustain military and diplomatic pressure on the Soviet Union to
withdraw its military forces. Pakistan plays a crucial role in
Beijing's attempts to prevent a compromise solution that would
allow Moscow's continued control over Kabul. China, however, is
particularly concerned about. support for this line in Pakistan,
where the Chinese worry that Soviet coercion and enticements, as
well as Islamabad's apparent interest in reducing tensions with
Moscow, may eventually bring about political settlement short of
Beijing's demands.
Concern and Reaction
For the Chinese, the invasion of Afghanistan typified Soviet
expansionism by adding another link in the Soviet. encirclement of
China. It also heightened the threat to Pakistan, China's
longtime ally in South Asia. Beijing moved quickly after the
invasion to strengthen further relations with Islamabad and,
insurgents.
to extend aid to the Afghan
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This memorandum was prepared by the -25X1
Office of East Asian Anal sis China, Foreign Affairs Branch with
a- contribution from China, Defense Issues 25X1
Branch. Questions and comments are welcome and may be directed
to the author 25X1
EA M 83-10021
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SLUKL I
Eyewitness accounts have noted the widespread use of
Chinese-manufactured arms--supplied via Pakistan--in
Afghanistan. These have included a large percentage of the
insurgents' heavier weapons, such as 14.5mm antiaircraft guns and
12.7mm heavy machine guns. In addition, an undetermined, but
probably modest, number of Afghan rebels have reportedly
undergone a range of military training inside China, involving
for some candidates, courses in battlefield medicine.
Encouraging Islamabad's Opposition to Moscow
China has not softened its approach toward the Soviet
occupation, but Beijing is obviously concerned that changes in
Pakistani relations with Moscow could eventually alter
Islamabad's opposition to the Soviet presence in Afghanistan.
Because of Pakistan's role as a conduit for aid to the rebels--
and its standing as China's foothold in the region--the Chinese
have tried-to keep their policies parallel to those of
Islamabad. Beijing has also tried to limit Moscow's room. to
exploit divergencies. In 1981, China reportedly expressed
official concern to Islamabad over earlier Pakistani discussions
with the Soviets and disappointment that Beijing was not
consulted beforehand. More recently, Islamabad's talks with
Moscow last year in Geneva -and the possibility--of another round
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of these discussions--have renev .
private Pakistani accommodation.
President Zia's visit to'China in October 1982 apparently
did not assuage Beijing's heightened apprehension.
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Beijing concluded after the visit that Zia
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was softening his opposition to the Soviets. Moreover, Zia's
remarks in Beijing about increased Soviet subversive
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activities in Pakistan, the Afghan refugee situation, and
frictions in US-Pakistani relations almost certainly troubled
Chinese as well. The positive atmosphere surrounding Z.ia's
recent US visit presumably eased Chinese anxiety somewhat,
the
although Beijing is probabl still wary about tensions between
Islamabad and Washington.
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Although exp"'ressing understanding of Islamabad's
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diplomatic efforts, the Chinese reportedly told Zia in October
that his government's talks with Moscow could confer legitimacy
on the Babrak regime and that Beijing did not see Soviet
"flexibility" on the withdrawal issue. The Chinese also warned
about Moscow's expansionism and urged continued adherence to the
United Nations' principles for a political settlement--withdrawal
of Soviet troops, return of the refugees, and nonali.gnment and
self-determination for Afghanistan. F -1 25X1
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Prospects
The fact that China has reportedly given the Kampuchea issue
and a reduction in Soviet troops on the Sino-Soviet borders
higher priorities than Afghanistan in its own talks with Moscow
ud;derscores Beijing's skepticism that quick or significant
changes could occur in the Soviet role there. Soviet actions and
China's strong interest in preserving its alliance with Islamabad
will determine how Beijing shapes its policy toward
Afghanistan. If in the context of Sino-Soviet talks Moscow moved
to resolve the issue of Afghanistan first, we believe China would
be likely to support arrangements which reduced the direct Soviet
threat to Pakistan and enabled the Afghan refugees to return
home. Without such Soviet action, however, Pakistan's own
negotiations with the Soviet Union and Islamab.ad's wil lto ward
off Soviet pressure will remain determining factors in Chinese
behavior. If Zia concludes a "secret" deal with Moscow, it would
at a minimum cool the atmosphere of Sino-Pakistan relations.
In. the absence of a settlement, we'e-xpect China to maintain
the current level of its military aid to the insurgents and
diplomatic pressure on the Soviet presence in Afghanistan. China
issued unyielding statements during the UN debate on Afghanistan
last fall, and its authoritative commentaries in recent months
have denounced the Soviet presence as a "serious threat to
China's security"--a charge that has been used rarely by Beijing
in the last few years. To buttress Pakistan's resolve, we expect
Beijing will play down to Islamabad the prospects for Sino-Soviet
normalization and for flexibility by Moscow on Afghanistan. At
the same time, Beijing will also continue to argue against
diplomatic moves by Is.lamabad that could lead to improved ties
with Moscow.
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SUBJECT:
Ghina.'s Afghanistan Policy: The Pakistani Connection
DISTRIBUTION:
National Security Council
- David Laux, Senior Staff Assistant for China, Taiwan, and
Ilong Kong, Room 302
Department of State
1 - William Rope, Director, Office of Chinese Affairs, Bureau
of East Asian and Pacific Affairs, Room 4318
1 - Paul Gardner, Director, Office of Regional Affairs,
Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Afairs, Room 4312
1 - Wever Gim, Director, Office of Analysis for East Asia and
.the Pacific, Bureau of Intelligence and Research,
Room 8840
1 - Barbara Schra.ge, Office of -Chinns.e .Affairs, Bureau of East
Asian and Pacific Affairs, Rodm 4318
1 - Terrel Otis, Office of Chinese Affairs, Bureau of East
Asian and Pacific Affairs; Room 4318
Department of Defense
1 - Colonel James R. Martin, Office of East Asian and Pacific
Affairs,.Bureau of International Security Affairs,
Room 4C339
Central Intelligence Agency
1 - IOEA/CH/FOR, Room 4G24
I - ?NSA/SO/S, 6G17
1 - C OEA CH/FOR, 4G24
1 - C/OEA/CH/DOM, 4G32
1 - C/OEA/CH/DEV, 4G32
1 C/OEA/CH/DEF, 4G24
1 - C/OEA/CH, 4G32
1 - Director', OEA, 4F18
1 - C/OEA/Production,?4F38
1 - P.DB, 7F30
1 - C/NIC, 7E62
1 - NIO/EA, 7E62
1 - Executive Director, 7D55
2 - OCR/ISG, 1H19
5 - OCO/IMD/CB, 7G07
2 - DDI, 7E44
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