EXCERPTS FROM REPORT OF SPECIAL COMMITTEE OF ACADEMIC COUNCIL ON GLOBAL SECURITY AND COOPERATION MARCH 15 1982

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP85T00153R000100060004-1
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 4
• Document Creation Date: December 20, 2016
• Sequence Number: 4
• Content Type: REPORT

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Excerpts from Report of Special Committee. of
Academic Council on Global Security and Cooperation
March 15, 1982.
The Special Committee of the Academic Council recommends that
the University establish an entity called Institute on Global Conflict
and Cooperation to initiate new research an teaching efforts in this
field and to coordinate them with existing units and programs in the
University. Since the central administrative apparatus of the Institute
is to be kept small and much of the program is to be implemented on the
separate campuses, the question of where the Institute is to be located
is not of urgent concern.
Because of the need to moderate international conflict so as
to prevent the outbreak of major war there is a great temptation to
include in the study of global conflict and cooperation all of the
myriad of causes that have triggered wars in the past and may do so
again. The Special Committee believes that while all these causes and
conditions demand study, none is as important as the conditions that
may trigger the most destructive of wars and the methods for changing
the conditions. Unless energy is devoted to study of the immediate
causes of war and methods of conflict management appropriate to theme;
there may not be time-to study the more remote causes. Therefore,
in the interest of focusing scarce University resources pn what we
consider the most urgent task, we think that the Institute on Global
Conflict and Cooperation should be devoted exclusively, at least during
its initial phase, to the more immediate aspects of the management of
international conflict. Specifically, topics pertaining to the management
of conflicts among the most heavily armed states, professing the most
serious conflicts of interests, must take precedence over the study of
the largely economic conflicts between North and South and over local
conflicts among countries that do not threaten peace cisewhc~?re.
Focus of the Institute's Program
The focus of the Institute's program is the study of conflict
situations sufficiently severe so as to threaten their escalation
into large-scale war, especially but not exclusively nuclear war. This
focus includes the causes of such conflicts as well as the ideas,
institutions, policies and mechanisms relevant for reducing and managing
conflicts that might lead to global war.
It is the mission of the Institute to enhance the capability of
the University to contribute to international security and cooperation
by stressing the kinds of activities which can best be carried out by
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a University. First and foremost, it, is to make possible the exploration
of ideas and the teaching of materials which are not now adequately
represented in the University's programs. However, some such activities
are already being followed on the several campuses. The Institute,
rather than competing with ongoing programs, Should seek to coordinate.
and enrich them by carrying on these activities:
- stimulate new research on themes and combinations of
themes not now addressed;
- support ongoing research that falls within the focus
and themes;
- contribute to teaching and curricular development;
- coordinate the interests of faculty and students on the
several campuses;
- establish ties with interested scholars outside the 'University;
- publicize the result of research.
Activities
The Institute is to stimulate new research, support ongoing
research, encourage innovation in teaching, coordinate the interests
of faculty and students, establish links with experts outside the
University and publicize the findings of researchers.
Topics of the Institute's Program
The following themes are illustrative of what we have in mind;
they do not exhaust the possibilities:
1. The military-political context of relations among
the major powers as a source of conflict and war.
a. Challenges to deterrent strategies of the
past and present arising from technological
changes (new types of weapons, vertical
proliferation of nuclear weapons).
b. Challenges to prevalent ideas on.force structure
and force mixture, arising from trends undermining
the cohesion of alliances and the growth of new
centers of power.
c. Changing political concomitants of deterrence
and other strategies in domestic politics (public
opinion, electoral changes, shifts in elite and
expert opinion).
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d. The relationship between economic growth/stagnation,
employment and inflation and arms control and arms
budgets.
e. Political and technical considerations with respect
to the development and use of theitcr nuclear weapons.
f. Relationship between conventional warfare and
escalation to nuclear warfare, political as well
as technical (arms sales to smaller states, deployment
of conventional forces in Europe, rapid deployment
forces).
g. Relationship of military doctrine to arms budgets,
weapons procurement, force structures and strategic
policies.
h. Implications for future arms control negotiations
of all the foregoing.
2. Nuclear Energy and Non-Proliferation
a. Motives underlying the desire to acquire a
nuclear capability (prestige, military security,
energy independence).
b. Possible incentives that can be offered to
forego the nuclear option while meeting these
objectives.
c. The design of nuclear reactors and of reprocessing
equipment to make it proliferation-resistant.
d. Economic/commercial arrangements in the nuclear
power field designed to prevent or delay proliferation,
e. Multilateral institutions and non-proliferation
(IAEA procedures and politics, design of more
effective inspection equipment and techniques,
technical assistance as proliferation, effectiveness
of the NPT treaty)..
f. Bilateral and regional institutions and non-
proliferation (cartels, supplier guidelines,
national regulatory legislation, etc.).
Training, recruiting, supervising inspectors.
Politics of safeguarding.
h. Impact of terrorism on the safety of nuclear
facilities, on the use of nuclear devices, and on
triggering nuclear conflict inadvertently.
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3. The global context of major power conflict-and
cooperative modes of managing conflict.
a. Dynamics of perception, signalling and misperception.
b. Dynamics of-tacit strategic bargaining among
antagonists as a learning process for accepting
and coping with conflict short of war.
c. Unrest in the third world as a potential trigger
of major power conflict.
d. Regional seats of endemic conflict, arms races,
arms deliveries and their escalatory potential
(Middle East, Southern Africa, Caribbean. Southeast
Asia). Adequacy of bilateral, regional and
United Nations procedures for managing such conflicts.
e. Ability and willingness of the major powers to
cooperate institutionally in conflict management
in third world areas.
f. Emerging "rules of the game" of super-power
competition, or "the lessons of detente".
We now mention several topics and themes commonly included in
the curriculum of centers for the study of conflict and conflict
resolution which, we believe, are not consistent with-the focus we
propose:
1. All conflicts which do not involve states as the core actors.
2. Conflict resolution techniques which apply primarily to
small groups, voluntary organizations, industrial relations,
and inter-personal relations.
3. Ethnic and race conflict within countries, unless it
is directly related to the danger of major war. The
same is true of class conflict.
4. Localized small conflicts among states, unless they are
directly related to escalation into major war.
5. Conflict over any of the following issues, unless they
are directly linkable to escalation into major war:
- pollution and degradation of the environment
- public health and population
- violations of human rights
- food and nutrition
- energy and natural resources.
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