ANGOLA AT A CRITICAL JUNCTURE

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Collection: 
Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): 
CIA-RDP85S00317R000200100001-7
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RIPPUB
Original Classification: 
S
Document Page Count: 
18
Document Creation Date: 
December 22, 2016
Document Release Date: 
May 4, 2010
Sequence Number: 
1
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Publication Date: 
September 1, 1984
Content Type: 
REPORT
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Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/05/27: CIA-RDP85SO0317R000200100001-7 Directorate of Secret Intelligence Angola at a Critical Juncture ALA 84-10091 September 1984 Copy 2 5 5 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/05/27: CIA-RDP85SO0317R000200100001-7 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/05/27: CIA-RDP85SO0317R000200100001-7 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/05/27: CIA-RDP85SO0317R000200100001-7 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/05/27: CIA-RDP85SO0317R000200100001-7 Directorate of Intelligence Angola at a Critical Juncture This paper was prepared b~ with the Directorate of Operations. American Analysis, with a contribution by Comments and queries are welcome and may be directed to the Chief, Africa Division, ALA, Secret ALA 84-10091 September 1984 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/05/27: CIA-RDP85SO0317R000200100001-7 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/05/27: CIA-RDP85SO0317R000200100001-7 Angola at a Critical Juncture Key Judgments Over the past year, the beleaguered Angolan Government has simulta- Information available neously pursued a major diplomatic dialogue with the South Africans and as of 29 August 1984 the West and prepared for a massive offensive against National Union for was used in this report. Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) that could begin soon. Both ele- ments of this two-track effort are designed, in our judgment, to provide badly needed relief on four key fronts: ? The escalating UNITA insurgency. ? South African military pressure. ? A costly Communist military presence that is both indispensable and threatening to Angolan sovereignty. ? A devastated economy that cannot improve so long as the first three problems remain unresolved. The diplomatic offensive, which has produced an agreement by the South Africans to depart southern Angola, has eased some of the pressure on the Marxist regime in Luanda. Movement on negotiations has faltered in recent weeks because of the 'tough conditions posed by South Africa and the unyielding refusal of the South-West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) to compromise on the issue of a military standdown. Preparations have apparently been under way for at least a year for a major military effort against Jonas Savimbi's UNITA forces. Angola, after serious military setbacks in 1983, sent envoys to Moscow and Havana to obtain-apparently successfully-a significant increase in military assistance. Subsequently, the Soviets have provided Angola an array of new hardware, including MIG-23 and SU-22 advanced fighter aircraft, MI-24 armed helicopters, and new antiaircraft systems. Cuba has, we believe, augmented its forces in Angola with about 5,000 men-raising its total military contingent to as many as 35,000 troops. The Angolans have also reinforced garrisons and built up regional airfields in UNITA-threatened areas throughout Angola. Luanda plans to use its new muscle in a major offensive against UNITA. We believe that Cuban ground troops will augment Angolan forces as necessary and will play an active role in flying fighter aircraft. Improvements to regional airfields throughout Angola since August 1983 and dispersal of fighter aircraft and helicopters- which in Angola are primarily Cuban piloted-indicate the Cuban air operations will be more extensive than before. The offensive appears de- signed to cut off UNITA's supply lines to the north, to ease the pressure in areas threatened by the insurgents in central Angola, and to attack Savimbi's base near the Namibian border in southeastern Angola. Secret ALA 84-10091 September 1984 25X1 25X1 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/05/27: CIA-RDP85SO0317R000200100001-7 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/05/27: CIA-RDP85S00317R000200100001-7 Secret the Angolan leadership is increasingly confident of its military capabilities and that some leaders in Luanda believe the offensive will inflict a damaging blow to UNITA, compelling Savimbi to negotiate on near-surrender terms. More- over, if the negotiation track with Pretoria leads to Namibian independence, these leaders apparently believe that South Africa's will and ability to continue to support Savimbi will be weakened, thus making UNITA an even more manageable problem. Luanda has apparently obtained grudging support from the Soviets and Cubans for their diplomatic efforts. Senior Angolan officials have discussed their plans with Cuban President Castro, who appears willing to go along. We have less evidence of the Soviet attitude, but limited diplomatic report- ing indicates they also, in the wake of a decisive campaign against UNITA, may go along with a Cuban troop withdrawal in exchange for Namibian independence. The results of the offensive, however, will probably be more modest than the Angolans expect. The critical factor may be the Cuban role. If the Cubans take on a major ground combat role-which we doubt because of the domestic impact of increased casualties-the prospects for success will increase significantly. With heavy backup help on the ground and a major role in air combat, Havana could ensure that the operation netted some credible results. If the results prove credible, but not decisive, we believe Luanda-probably with tepid support from Cuba and the Soviets-might still be willing to accept a Cuban troop withdrawal in exchange for Pretoria's agreement to implement UN Resolution 435. Under these circumstances, Luanda may also decide to open negotiations with a less-than-defeated Savimbi, some- thing black nationalists within the regime have long sought. Luanda's two-pronged strategy carries obvious risks. SWAPO, for example, continues to balk on the issue of a cease-fire with South Africa. Moreover, a successful Angolan offensive against UNITA would sharpen the debate in Pretoria over the wisdom of South Africa's accommodation with Angola and could lead Pretoria to intensify its support for Savimbi's guerrillas. Should the offensive become an unqualified failure, President dos Santos's credibility at home and with his Soviet and Cuban backers would be damaged. In such a case, the diplomatic offensive could stall as well, leaving Angolan Government officials fearful of allowing the Cubans to depart after UNITA had just taken Luanda's best shot. Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/05/27: CIA-RDP85S00317R000200100001-7 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/05/27: CIA-RDP85S00317R000200100001-7 secret Major Policy Shift Luanda's Diplomatic Offensive Military Offensive Against UNITA 2 If the Offensive Sputters 4 Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/05/27: CIA-RDP85S00317R000200100001-7 Secret Sanitized Copy Approved for Release 2011/05/27: CIA-RDP85SO0317R000200100001-7 Figure 1 Angolan Government Offensive Congo BRAZZAVILLE LUNDA NORTE South Atlantic Ocean BENGO Lobito Benguela;i BENGU LA 4 Ac- 1--i" Mo