ADDRESS TO PARLIAMENT JUNE 8 'A FUTURE OF FREEDOM FOR ALL PEOPLE'

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP84B00049R001303330017-6
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 22
• Document Creation Date: December 20, 2016
• Document Release Date: November 8, 2006
• Sequence Number: 17
• Content Type: REPORT

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ADDRESS TO PARLIAMENT
June 8
"A Future of Freedom for All People"
My Lord Chancellor, ':1r. Speaker:
As we enter the final decades of the twentieth century,
we live in a world seemingly shaped-by vast, impersonal forces.
The gifts of science, the achievements of technology, what we
may all hesitate to call the science of economics, apparently
dominate our lives. Yet when the historians review our record,
I believe they will reach a different conclusion. For in our
time, man has asserted himself as never before - his personality
and above all, his freedom. This is the true revolution of
the modern era.
The evidence of man's free will is all around us. In Spain,
a king demonstrates true majesty by insisting upon his people's
right to determine their own destiny, against dictatorial
extremes of left and right. In El Salvador, villagers line up
for hours to reject violence and intimidation, and to select their
own representatives at the ballot box. In Poland, workers organize
to protect their rights and to bring' about a freer, more efficient
and just society. In a developed, a developing and a communist
nation, the spirit of liberty has burst forth.
The standard of liberty, which past and present members of
this Parliament have carried with such distinction, is now carried
along by a sea of new hands. In virtually every country
throughout the world the forces for freedom have demonstrated their
courage and vision. The democratic revolution is gathering new
State Dept. review completed
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strength. The age-old striving for a world without oppression
and injustice is alive and vigorous. But such a world is still
far from achievement. And there is nothing inevitable about its
future, or even that present accomplishments will be preserved.
For the forces of oppression are also strong.
Today we stand at a new threshold. Three decades ago an
extraordinary group of statesmen launched the Western world on
a bold enterprise -- to bring democracy and prosperity to nations
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suffering from dictatorship, economic ruin or both. With Spain
and Portugal now joining the earlier success of Germany and Japan
in developing a democratic infrastructure,and with all of our
nations having achieved a standard of living unprecedented in
human experience, we have completed much of the vision of those
statesmen -- though naturally much remains to be done within each
of our societies.
Let us now embark upon a new enterprise -- one which is likely
to take even more than three decades to complete but one of enormous
promise and critical importance to global freedom, prosperity and
peace. Let us resolve to help bring the structures and benefits
of freedom to all peoples -- a free press, free trade unions, free
political parties; free enterprise; freedom of speech, of religion,
of travel,
/of.economic opportunity; above all, freedom to choose one's own
government, one's own leaders. This will take an act of will,
and continued creativity and perseverance no less substantial than
in the 1940's. It is the same blend of idealism and realism
which served us so well then, and can guide us through the rest of
.this century and beyond.
Such a strategy must address three critical questions.
o First, is it possible to bring freedom to all nations?
o Second, how does freedom relate to other important
imperatives like economic growth, social justice and
peace?
o Third, what can be done to help freedom grow?
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1. Potential for Freedom
History is both sobering and encouraging. That Athenian
and Roman democracy disappeared reminds us there is nothing
inevitable about progress. But that their ideals survived
reminds us of an eternal truth -- man's innate desire to control
his own destiny.
It then took a thousand years for the Magna Carta
to appear. In it we find the right of due process of law,
and particularly that the sovereign should be subject to law.
Another long period of struggle ensued. But particularly
over the past two hundred years there have been a series of
historic successes.
o Slavery, the most odious form of oppression
throughout history, has been almost entirely
eradicated.
o At the outset of this period there were only a
handful of democratically elected governments
in the world. Today there are more than fifty.
The geographic area covered by democracy has
steadily grown.
o While the majority of mankind still lives in
dictatorships, in 1982 there are more people living
in democracies than the entire population of the
world in 1800.
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Even dictatorships now need to justify their existence_by
claiming to fulfill the will of the people.
Yet, today the democratic revolution has been challenged
by those who deny its applicability. Some assert that it is
impossible for developing countries to be democratic. It is
also argued that once a country has gone communist there is no
hope for democracy.
We cannot accept either of these assertions. For accepting
them would mean that the majority of mankind would be permanently
unequal -- permanently denied the opportunity to dismiss
corrupt and cruel leaders, to read the unvarnished truth. in their
press, to be free from the fear of arbitrary imprisonment, to
travel to other lands, to assure their children equal opportunity
under law. To say that Russians or Africans cannot enjoy these
freedoms would be the same as saying that blacks or women should
be second-class citizens because they were somehow different.
It would be condescending and wrong.
It would be not only morally wrong, but factually incorrect.
The developing world already has a number of democracies.
o India is, of course, the largest democracy in the
world. It has passed a critical test for our systems
-- changes in governing political parties through
free elections.
o Nigeria is a remarkable current example of a major
developing nation striving to build democratic
institutions.
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o Eighteen of the twenty-three. countries in the
Caribbean and Central America have freely elected
governments.
o Eight of the ten developing nations which have joined
the United Nations in the past five years are demo-
cracies.
.0 Many developing countries which are not yet full-
fledged democracies permit some democratic insti-
tutions.
It is often claimed that free institutions cannot survive in
a bitterly divided country or one with no democratic traditions.
But in the Western Hemisphere alone:
o Costa Rica returned to democracy out of a civil
war in 1948.
o Venezuela, after decades of brutal and corrupt
military dictatorship, went to the polls in 1963
and has had twenty years of democratic progress.
o Jamaica in 1980 held elections amidst violent
civic conflict; Honduras in January inaugurated
a democratically elected president after
a decade of military rule; and in El Salvador
well over 80% of the electorate braved bullets and
terrorism to vote.
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In the United States we held two elections during a
terrible civil war. As Lincoln said "...if the rebellion
would force us to forego or postpone a national election, it
might fairly claim to have already conquered or ruined us."
Democratic institutions continued to function on both sides.
And in Europe, Turkey began moving to democracy in 1922
after centuries of autocratic rule, defeat in a world war and
a bloody civil war, and achieved democracy after World War II.
Despite several years of recent terrorism, Turkey's current
leadership again has committed the country to democracy and
has announced that elections will be held next year.
But is democracy possible when a country has become communist?
Here again we reject the notion of historical inevitability.
"Just as the survival and spread of democracy is not inevitable,
so Marxist-Leninist dictatorships are not cast in concrete. To
talk about such inevitability is to deny the existence of free
will. It is to deny our humanity.
The major difference between communist and non-communist
dictators is that communists tend to be more thorough in their
attempt to control every aspect of society and less hesitant in
applying the full police power of the modern state. But the natural
drive of their people for self-determination nonetheless exists,
and in fact is intensifying. Outside observers are consistently
taken by. surprise when there is an eruption of the forces for
freedom in communist countries. But the indicators of pressures
for change are there for us to see: 1953 in East Germany,
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1956 in Hungary, 1968 in Czechoslovakia, 1981 and 1982 in Poland.
The streams of refugees and the dissident movements in communist
nations all indicate the popular desire for change.
We must not underestimate the survivability of one of the
most highly-developed systems for political control in the history
of the world. But we also must not underestimate the force of
this-era's other major dynamics: anti-imperalism, the striving
for modernization and individual freedom -- all increasingly work.
against systems based on external control and rigid dictatorship.
Obviously freedom will not come all at once in developing and
communist nations. But if the democracies band together with the
peoples of the world, it can come gradually and over time. If the
forces of freedom join in solidarity, we. will eventually overwhelm
that minority of men who use force and deceit to prevail over
others.
Edmund Burke explained our mission as a partnership to further
our civilization: "As the ends of such a partnership cannot be
obtained in many generations, it becomes a partnership not only
between those who are living, but between those who are living,
those who are dead and those who are to be born."
II. The Relationship of Freedom to Prosperity, Justice and Peace
If it is reasonable to dream of a future of freedom for all
people, is it possible to pursue that dream without harming other
objectives? Or must the dream be delayed, sacrificed to some sup-
posedly greater good? In particular:
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o Is democracy incompatible with economic
growth and equal justice for all?
o Is the pursuit of democracy so provocative
that it will hinder the search for peace?
At one time the brutality of dictatorships was justified
in the name of efficiency, economic growth and social
equality. We were told that they would make the trains run
on time, that they would establish a work ethic, that they
would bring about a classless society. -
Today, when the evidence is too overwhelming to talk
about efficiency, the idea of social justice is still put
forward. But what justice subordinates workers and farmers
to central
planners, and society's productive capability as
The very nature of dictatorship requires subordination
of economics to political control. Insistence upon denying
farmers their own land for political reasons and the consequent
failure to meet the food needs of their people provides only
.the most obvious example.
By contrast, all democratic parties -- social-democratic,
centrist and conservative alike -- favor a mixed economy with
some government role and one balance or. another between the
public and private sectors. Only communism, fascism and
other dictatorial forms of socialism advocate artificial control
over natural private economic instincts, regardless of the
loss thereby of private contributions to production and growth.
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The results are clear. In every comparable situation
-- West and East Germany, Austria and Czechoslovakia,
Malaysia and Vietnam -- the democratic country outproduces
the communist state by a wide margin, particularly in meeting
the needs of its workers and farmers as opposed to meeting
the needs of the state.
Freedom is also consistent with justice. Democracies
which need land reform, greater equality of economic opportu-
nity or other
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social objectives can achieve them by electing leaders who will
implement these programs. Only dictatorships can deny farmers
their own land and workers their own unions. Only dictatorships
can create a "new class" in a supposedly classless society.
This brings.us to another critical dimension -- the relation-
ship of dictatorships to peace. Governments which are unconstrained
by their peoples' needs and wishes, and which rule by the use or
threat of force, are more likely to use or threaten force in
their relations with other states as well. They are more likely
to impose their systems through violence as this is the means
through which they came to power and remain in power.
But would peaceful support for the natural desire of
peoples to determine their own destiny threaten peace itself.
And should we encourage democratic change in right-wing dictator-
ships, but not in communist regimes? Let us consult communist
leaders themselves on this subject. Reflecting the views of his
predecessors and presumably his successors as well, President
Brezhnev repeatedly has stressed that the competition of ideas
and systems must continue and that this is entirely consistent
with relaxation of tensions and peace.
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Also we are only asking these systems to begin by living
up to their own constitutions, to abide by their own laws, and
the international obligations they have undertaken. We are
asking for a process, a direction, not an instant transformation.
In the nuclear age, we must find a sounder basis for peace
than now exists. We cannot ignore the fact that even without
our encouragement there have been and will continue to be
repeated explosions against repression -- the Soviet Union
itself is not immune from this reality.
The danger that this will some day spill over into inter-
national relations is self-evident. The only sensible approach
is for dictatorships to move toward more modern and'democratic
forms of self-government, to develop the means of domestic
consensus-building and thus avoid violent revolution.
This is the Western objective in Poland. We seek not
revolution but a process of peaceful reconciliation and reform.
This is clearly the desire of the Polish people.
The Soviet Union itself would not be weakened by permitting
modernization -- within its own borders as well as in other
countries.
Fostering the democratic spirit also can help build the
consensus necessary if some future generation is to replace the
present international-system with a set of international legal
institutions empowered to resolve conflicts among states. The
"democratic habit of mind" -- the willingness to abide by law and
the desire to find peaceful accommodation -- which characterizes
domestic governance in democracies is required for observance of
international law as well.
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Let us for a moment imagine the benefits for peace and
arms control of a process of democratization within the Soviet
Union.
o Public involvement in the search for peace would
grow, eventually to the point it has reached.in
the West. The enormous Soviet military budget,
which now consumes one ruble in every six spent in
that country, would be subjected to the scrutiny
of elected representatives. Instead of suppression
of genuine popular movements for arms control
-- as we are witnessing in East Germany -- there
would be legitimate public pressure for the kind of
substantial reductions Western peoples want and
their governments are proposing.
o The problem of verification, a central difficulty
in all arms control efforts to date, could be
dramatically eased. We could introduce an "open land"
policy to-complement the tacit "open skies" policy
-- permitting much more thorough verification and
thus abolition of whole categories of arms -- such as
chemical weapons.
o Above all the suspicion and distrust which is inherent
in closed political systems, and which so poisons the
pursuit of peace, would be eased.
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When we consider the future relationship of democracy
to prosperity, justice and peace, let us recall that it was
dictators who caused most of the horrors of the mid-20th
century. Hitler committed genocide against Jews, Slavs and
others, and he started the Second World War. Stalii committed
the starvation campaign of collectivation,-the terror of the
Great Purge, and the colonization of half of Europe. Whatever
economic development these two brought their people was
far outweighed by the terrible human cost.
III. What Can Be Done.
The danger of a crusade is that it will get
carried away with its own righteousness,, and betray the
very ideals it seeks to serve. We must enter upon the
effort to help democracy grow with vision and determination,
but also with modesty and caution. After two hundred years
of development to achieve our present degree of democracy,
the United States is still not finished. For example, we
are still experimenting with the proper balance between
federal, state and local governments. The ability to make
federalism work is of course key to the growth of democracy
in many societies.
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The developed nations are far from having all the
wisdom on democracy -- in fact nations like India and Sri
Lanka, Venezuela and Costa Rica may have more relevant
offer
experience to/countries in the initial stages of democratization.
Nor must we demand perfect democracy or nothing. There
are important differences among dictatorships, important
partial steps.
While we must be cautious about the pace of change, we must
not be reticent to declare our ultimate objectives. We must
be convinced that these are in the deepest sense not our
objectives, but the inalienable and universal right of all
Universal
human beings. For example the UN/Declaration of Human Rights
guarantees free elections. Our task is to help people gain
what is their natural due -- recognizing that if they were
free this is precisely what they would demand for themselves.
establishing
The objective is quite simple to state -- /the infrastructure
of democracy: the system of a free press, unions, political
parties, universities which allows a people to choose their own
way, to enjoy their own culture, to reconcile their own differences
through peaceful means. In sum, alternative sources of power to
government. This is not cultural imperialism -- it is providing
the means for genuine self-determination and protection for
diversity.
In calling upon the West to offer concrete and open
assistance to the forces of democracy -- to help schools,
publications, social and political organizations in other
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countries -- the "New York Times" recently cited these
eloquent words of John Stuart Milla
"The doctrine of non-intervention, to be a legitimate
principle of morality, must be accepted by all governments.
The despot must consent to be bound by it as well as the
free states. Unless they do, the profession comes to this
miserable issue -- that the wrong side may help the wrong,
but the right must not help the right."
Since 1917 the Soviet Union has offered covert political
training and assistance to Marxist-Leninists in many countries.
Of course it also has promoted the use of violence and
subversion by these same forces.
Over the past several decades, West European and other
Social Democrats, Christian Democrats and Liberals have offered
open assistance to fraternal parties, to help bring about
peaceful and democratic progress. Appropriately for a vigorous
new democracy, West Germany's political foundations are a major
force in this field.
Today I wish to announce that the United States has decided
to join in this open and entirely legitimate enterprise. As
I am speaking here, a bipartisan group of leaders representing
the major institutions of freedom in the United States is
gathered in the Capitol. They are committing the Republican
and Democratic Parties, the AFL-CIO, the Chamber of Commerce,
the American Bar Association and the American Society of
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Newspaper Editors to join in defining how America can best
make its contribution. This joint study will be completed
in time for consideration by the public, the Administration
and the Congress within the next six months. It will
examine what kind of foundations, programs, public and private
efforts are required.
This is above all an area for efforts by private
groups. Our parties, unions, foundations and press associations
should be the primary vehicle to help democratic forces in
other societies. They have some very important efforts already
underway. There is much room for new programs and institutions.
The government can and should offer support.
The United States offers economic and security assistance.
It is time we helped democratic development as well for it can
make a unique contribution to economic growth. and peace.
Clearly this is a task for all those who love freedom
throughout the world. There is much we can do together as
well as on a .national basis.
Therefore I am particularly pleased to announce that a
group of leaders -- distinguished for their contributions
to democracy -- have agreed to design an international
strategy to help build the infrastructure of freedom. King
Juan Carlos of Spain and former President Jose Figueres of
Costa Rica are taking the lead in organizing this effort,
working with (a distinguished American).
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It is their intention to have recommendations ready
for consideration by individual governments, parties and
other groups by this time next year.
There is a proposal before the Council of Europe to
invite parliamentarians from democratic countries to a
meeting next fall in Strasbourg. This gathering might want
to consider the recommendations of the international group
as well.
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We need to begin to think of ways in which the community
of the democracies can work more closely together to
foster the values which our people already enjoy, and all
the world's peoples would like to enjoy.
There are two aspects of democracy which could benefit
from detailed and early attention. Thus as an initial American
contribution, we are organizing two conferences:
o Multi-candidate, multi-party elections are the
major instrument for insuring the people's will.
Therefore this November, we are hosting in
Washington an international conference on
free elections. The conferees also will be
invited to observe our elections, for democracy
does not divide along lines of developed and
developing nations. The voter turnout in
El Salvador was higher than we are likely to
achieve here. We can all benefit from the
experience and enthusiasm of others.
o If elections are the main instrument of democracy,
then constitutions -- written and unwritten -- are
its foundation. Therefore next spring we are hosting
a conference of the world's outstanding thinkers
on Constitutionalism and Self-Government. Much of
.history's constitution-making has occurred since
World War II -- one of the most profound political
experiences available to man. Authorities from
India, Nigeria, Venezuela and other countries.... judges,
philosphers and politicians with practical experience
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....have agreed to participate in this conference.
We will explore how best to further and foster
the rule of law, the system which recognizes
that man's instincts require limits as well as
freedoms, that leaders need checks and balances.
The Chief Justice of the United States, Warren
Burger, will serve as Honorary Chairman and host.
There are many avenues to explore, many promising
possibilities.
o We intend to launch a dialogue with the world's
great religious leaders about the relationship
of religion and democracy. Clearly, spiritual
pursuits will flourish in systems guaranteeing
religious liberty; just as totalitarian regimes
have attempted to suppress them.
o We would like to consider the possibility of
establishing an International Democracy Day. This
could help us each year to focus on the progress
we have made and lessons learned, and to make a
renewed commitment to this necessarily long-term
task.
o We invite the Soviet Union to consider with us how
the competition of ideas and values -- which it iS
committed to support -- can be conducted on a
peaceful and reciprocal basis. For example, I am
prepared today to offer President Brezhnev an
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opportunity to speak to the American people on
our television, if he will allow me the same
opportunity with the Soviet people. We also
suggest that panels of our newsmen periodically
appear on each other's television to discuss
major events.
Above all this is not a task for states but for people.
This is a task for initiative by the many private groups and
individuals concerned with freedom.
Conclusion
The human species has come a very long way in a very short
time. The fact that we, who 500 years ago did not even know
own this planet
of entire continents on our/ planet, can now circle / in 90
minutes and even land on others, is but one illustration of
the many revolutionary changes that have taken place.
But no change has been more profound than the new
conviction that human bondage in any form is wrong, that people
should chose their own leaders, that we should be free to speak,
worship, travel, and develop individual farms and enterprises.
Even the most dictatorial regimes now feel forced to pay
obeisance to democracy -- even they have so-called elections
and constitutions and call themselves democratic. The task then
is not to start from the beginning, but to give impetus to an
historic movement underway.
"It has been said that democracy is the worst form of
government except all those other forms that have been tried
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from time to time." Those well known words of Winston Churchill
to Parliament in 1947 remind us of the essence of our
enterprise.
A man who had led his people to great victory in war lost
an election just as the fruits of victory were about to be enjoyed.
But he left office honorably, knowing that the liberty of his
people was more important than the fate of any leader. History
recalls his greatness in ways no dictator will ever know.
Churchill is no longer with us. And the task I have set
forth today will long outlive my generation. But let us
agree to make a major effort and to engage. the next generation.
For the sake of peace and justice, let us move toward a world
in which all people determine their own destiny.
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