BETWEEN COPS, EMPLOYEES OF C.I.A. LEARN TO KNIT, BOWL ANDPLAY SOFTBALL

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 186
• Document Creation Date: December 20, 2016
• Document Release Date: April 14, 2008
• Sequence Number: 3
• Publication Date: September 17, 1973
• Content Type: NSPR

Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
THE NEW YORK TIMES, MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 17, 1973
Between Coups, Employes, of C.I.A.
Learn to Knit, Bowl and Play Softball
. By DAVID IIINDER
Special to The New York Times
LANGLEY, Va., Sept. 16-
When they are not stealing
secrets or considering coups
d'dtat, employes of. the Cen-
tral Intelligence Agency in-
dulge in such innocent pas-
times as learning to knit,
repair cars, bowl, play soft-
ball,' collect coins and fly'
small planes.
These are among the popu-
lar endeavors sponsored by
the Employe Activities Asso-
ciation of the C.I.A., which
also maintains a credit union
and an insurance agency for
its spies and other employes.
Knitting classes, according
to the bulletin board an
nouncement, are held Wednes-
days and Fridays at noon.
For those with more martial
inclinations, there are karate
classes and training in rifle
and pistol shooting. The
C.I.A. softball league features
teams calling themselves the
Lollipops, the Cardinals and
the Charlie Browns.
In the basement there is a
rubber-covered track for jog-
gers, a favorite of the former
director, Richard Helms. In
his day, the track rules pre-
scribed. "Never talk to the
director while he is doings
his laps and never pass the
director while he. is doings
his laps."
With a degree of pride, to the 14-year-old building
agency officials display their is told that the.agency leader-
art, the work of the C.I.A. ship wanted "airiness" in-
Fine Arts Commission, which stead of a close atmosphere.
has hung huge abstracts in Whatever the motivation,
corridors wide enough to the effect has been to cause
play soccer. The ends of the the agency's employes to
corridors have been "color- walk three and four abreast
coordinated" by the commis- when they move around the
sion, with tints ranging from building;
cool to warm and warm to Certain undercover habits:
cool, persist, as in the C.I.A. -car
The fine arts people have pool. If you want a ride to
arranged for enormous pho- or from Langley, you fill in a
tographic blowups of maps card with all the particulars
of office extension number
of the C.I.A.'s favorite for-
eign cities-London, Lenin-
grad Paris and Rome-past-
ed u on the elevator shafts.
time and place, but'only your
first name or nickname and
the request: "Call Fred."
C.I.A. people also indulge
heavily in jargon, from the
.They also watch over the boss on down. They talk of
agency's exquisite courtyard "wiring diagrams" when they
flower bed and its handsome mean "organizational plans"
stands of trees. The grounds and "patterned response" in-
outside are called "the cam- stead of "straight answer."
pus.10 ) . But the new boss, and old,
Like factory workers, C.I.A. man named William
C.I.A. employes eat early Colby - his car-pool request
and practice temperance, try- would read, "Call William"-
noon rush. The strongest
drink is ised tea and the
serve-yourself meals cost
$1.80.
A visitor asking for an
explanation of the 40-foot-
wide corridors and the 15
glass doors of the entrance
Courtyard Flowers
has also picked up some cur-
rent pop phraseology. He was
recently heard saying, "I
haven't got any hang-ups
about
The C.I.A. also tends to use
abbreviations and shorthand.
The institution's house sym-
phony orchestra is referred to
as "symp orch."
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
E,1 Sunday, Sept. 10,1973 ; WASHINGTON POST I
Garrioson Planned
Link General
T 0 JFK. Slaying
By Iris Kelso
speyal to The Washington Post
NEW ORLEANS-New triggered when he learned
Orleans District Attorney Gen. Cabell was former
Jim Garrison, as late as Mayor Cabell's brother. Gar-
March 1971, was preparing rison's theory was that the
to:accuse another person of 'CIA was behind the assassi-
conspiring to assassinate ; nation and that the Dallas
President John Kennedy. city government and police
Garrison's intended de.' department cooperated in it.
fendant this time was the He thought the assassina-
late Air,Force Gen. Charles tion was masterminded out
Cabell; former deputy direc- of New Orleans. He wanted
tor of, the Central Intelli- Gervais to check the records
Bence Agency and brother at- a motel in New Orleans
of Earl Cabell'. Earl Cabell; to learn if Gen. Cabell had
who later became' a, con, been there around Novem-
gressman, was mayor of Dal-., ber 1963.
las,at the time of the assas- In the tape, Garrison's
sination. voice could be heard saying,
The Cabell story is "If I can put him. in the
brought out in tape record- Fontainebleau Motel, then
ings ` introduced in Garri-
son's pinball bribery trial in I've got enough to grab him
federal court here. by the ------ balls.
.Uhe account of how Garri- ' "OK," : Gervais com-
son developed. his theory mented. Garrison: "Now the
that Cabell masterminded average guy, Too Smith,
the -Kennedy assassination don't want to hear any more
is said by some to suggest when he. finds out that the
the way Garrison developed Number Two man -in the
his case against New Orle. CIA is the brother of the
ans businessman Clay Shaw' mayor,of Dallas."
whom he did charge. Later Garrison said, "Wait
According to the tape : till the country finds out
Garrison talked with Persli- that-I been yelling CIA,
his former chief wait till they find out that
in,' Gervais
,
investigator and closest the Number Two man in the
friend, about the Cabell the- CIA is the man in charge of
ory on March 9,1971; 1 the Bay, of Pigs, and the
Garrison had gotten Gen." brother bf the mayor of Dal-
Cabell's name from "Who's las."
Who in ! the' ' South 'and Gen.' Cabell was deputy
Southwest." He was pre- director of the CIA until his
pared to charge Gen. Cabell resignation effective Jan. 31,
if he could establish that Ca- 1962. Ills brother, former
bell had been in New Orle- Rep. Cabell, says the gen-
ans any time around the eral was "the engineer" of
date of the assassination, the Bay of Pigs operation.
Nov. 22, 1963. Garrison faced the possi-
Gervais, at the time of the bility that Gen. Cabell just
conversation, had gone to might not have registered at
Garrison's home to 'deliver' the, Fontainebleau around
$1,000 the federal govern- the assassination date. In
ment says was a pinball brib- that case, he said, he would
ery payment. Gervais, who bring up the General's name
then was working with the at some time when he had a
government, wore a voice national audience-in a tele-
transmitter under his coat. vision show or in a speech.
Garrison's imagination was
HS/HC- c
There is no evidence' in
the tapes that Gervais ever
? checked the motel records.
Cabell's name was never
mentioned again.
There was a major draw
back to' Garrison's plan, any-
way. I-Ic had no defendant.
Gen. Cabell had died in 1970
-several months before
Gervais.
Gervais, who probably,
knew Garrison better than
any other person, was no-
toriously indifferent to . Gar-
rison's. assassination. .theo-.
ries.
In another tape Gervais
told a pinball operator,
"Clay Shaw had no more to
do with that bull- than you
did. Garrison just thought
he was going to make him-
self a big man out of that
pile of ----."
Earl Cabell, living in Dal-
las since his retirement
from Congress, had heard
that it was him, rather than
his brother Charles, whom
Garrison loped to link to
the assassination.
At any rate, Cabell was
not disturbed. Of Garrison,
he said, "That guy is nuttier
than a fruitcake."
The story of Garrison's in-
terest in Gen. Cabell could.,
be important in New Orle-
ans. Although Clay Shaw
was acquitted of the assassi-
nation' conspiracy charge,
many voters still think Gar-
rison had
something,"
In the long run the Cabell
story could be more signifi-
cant than the government's
charge that Garrison was
guilty of taking payoffs
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
The Office of National
To give the new NIE for-
Estimates, which CIA mat an added air. of preci-
Director William E. Colby sion, Colby has reportedly
is abolishing in a White ordered the abolition of the
House-ordered shakeup, is long-standing verbal scale
to be replaced by a less of certainty which used
structured group of intelli- such hedge words as "ap-
gence analysts who will in- . parent," "Possible," "prob.-
dividually prepare intelli- able" and "almost certain."
gence estimates under new way.
guidelines.
Despite, an effort by the INSTEAD, Colby has or-
CIA leadership in recent dered a numerical scale of
weeks to deny that a radical certainty from 1 to 10. The
shakeup of the intelligence FBI has for many years
evaluation procedure has in
already been decided upon,
the Star-News has learned:
? That Colby decided more
than two months ago to dence and T-1 indicates
abolish the elite 10-man
Board of National Esti- Authoritatives sources
mates which for more than the intelligence community
20 years carried collective have misgivings about these trust of the existi
cal function seem
WASHIN
Washington, D.
g analyti-
n
s to be the
basic motivation behind the
abolition of the BNE and its
staff, despite the fear
voiced by knowledgeable
observers that "the inde-
pendence and objectivity of,
the national estimates are'
threatened by the abolition
of this office."
In an internal bulletin
circulated in the CIA and to
some copgressmen a few
days after the Star-News
first reported last month
that the ONE would be abol-
ished, the CIA leadership
declared that "the goal is to
conserve resources and
maintain efficiency by
combining the production of
NIEs with certain other
agency and intelligence
community functions."
One undeniable effect of .;
the decision is to remove a
GTON STAR-NEWS
C., Friday, September 7, 1973
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
body that had a unique and
symbolic reputation for ob-
jectivity. It is understood
some BNE members and
ONE staffers will continue
to analyze under the new
title of National Intelligence
Official. Others are to be
assigned to a newly created
Office of Political Re-
search, reportedly to be
headed by Ramsey For-
bush, a former member of
the BNE.
WHILE THE new struc-
ture at CIA clearly reflects
White House wishes, the
details are understood to be
Colby's alone. He is espe-
cially credited , with the
guidelines calling for nu-
merical rather than verbal
grading and the decision to
remove the estimating func-
tion from collective to indi-
vidual responsibility.,
According to one inside
source, Colby has shown
himself to be as much a
stickler for form in his own
arrangements as he was in
setting his precision guide-
lines for writing estimates.
Until he was finally sworn
in as CIA director this
week, he continued to oper-
ate from small offices in the
CIA headquarters and did
not move into the director's
big suite until the formali-
ties were observed. He also
continued to park his car in
a remote spot in the vast
agency, parking lots until
Tuesday, when his title
became official.
'Colby's creation of NIOs
in,place of the ONE struc-
ture is not intended to take
the CIA's analyzing func-
tion across the line that di-
vides prediction and assess-
ment from policy making,
informed sources stressed.
IT IS UNDERSTOOD that
the analyses which are now
beginning to come from the
NIOs assiduously avoid pol-
icy proposals-thereby ful-
filling for the moment the
CIA leadership's pledge in
its recent bulletin that "the
objectivity of NIEs will be
sustained."
For the longer runs, the
relationship of the intelli-
ence community to U.S. for-
eign policy will not be clear
until Kissinger has settled
into his new position as sec-
retary of State. At present,
he still dominates foreign
policy from the. White
House, in his capacity as
head of the 120-man Nation-
al Security Council staff
But the stature and role of
the revamped CIA- in the,,;
second Nixon administra-
tion will not become firm'..",
until Kissinger develops a
modus operandi for his new
dual role as secretary of
State as well as National
Security Council director. A
key unanswered question is
whether he will continue to.,
rely on his own NSC crew or,
by depending more on ca
reer bureaucrats at State,
come to depend more on the
product of Colby's newly..
reorganized system of pro-
ducing intelligence esti-
mates. - OSWALD JOHN-
STON and JEREMIAH
O'LEARY.
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
hfi
EK
a
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
N*AW
~4irline Linked to CAA
Southern Air Transport
Inc., an airline allegedly'
owned for several years by
the Central Intelligence
Agency, has evidently de-
cided to give up a large part
of its operating authoritry,
according to papers on file
at the Civil Aeronautics
Board.
by its Washington lawyer,
James H. Bastian, said it
will not continue to prose-
cute its applications to re-
new a large portion of its
operating authority.
The letter was sent to
Robert Johnson, a CAB
administrative law judge
presiding over proceedings
Southern in a letter signed involving reppwal of operat-
WASHINGTON STAR-NEWS
Washington, D. C., Thursday, Septerber6, 1973
ing authority for a dozen Indonesia, and several Car
supplemental airlines. ibbean islands. The airline
also has worldwide authori-
SOUTHERN cur-ently *ty under Defense Depart-'
holds authority to transport ment contracts and holds
inclusive charter tours cargo authority to Central
within the United States and and South America.
between this country and a Southern s decision
group of central and south means the airline will be
Pacific islands. It also has , left solely with its domestic
authority to fly to Australia, operations and Defense
A-7
Department contract busi-
ness.
THE AIRLINE is involved
in a fight with several other
,supplemental carriers.
Stanley G. Williams, South-
ern's president, wants to
acquire control of the airline
from its present owners --
but rival supplemental air-
lines have complained.
They say former stock-
holders unlawfully relin-
quished control of Southern
to the CIA and that to allow
Williams. to simply acquire
it now would give him a
windfall to their disadvan-
tage, since Southern has
been the recipient of large
sums of government finan-
icial aid... _..~.
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
Wednesday, Sept. 5, 1973 75HE WASIIINGTON.,POST
President Niayon watched
the swearing-in of his new
Central Intelligence Agency
'director yesterday and then
made one request' He wanted
tq'learn wh t was "going to
biipi,e}V,froth the CIA rather'
than ?cading about it in the
newspapers.,
charge," replied William E.
Colby, the man who once di-
heeted the American pacifica-
tiolt program in Vietnam.
Mr. Nixon praised Colby, 53,
"Distinguished public serv-
a'nt."
`1'0 ... His 'appointment hag
universal acclaim . and
with a very overwhelming
vote in the Senate," the Presi-
dent said. "I would point. out,..
f'oo that his career of service
'
,
.iri.-the CIA`'is not as we1T;,.
all know, in that particular or-
R'
Wgziization your successes usu
must remain unknown
{ wile Minnesota-born Colby
' aj'k- professional" within the,
4;C t.. He
rose through the
-
rrairks after a World War II
repay', with the Office of Strate-
*gte'Serviees that included par-,.
., i' tice and Norway.
r' The oath taking ceremony in
;'11t(.~rlresidellt's oval office was
:wlaaessed by members of Col-
~)Vglfamily, Defense Secretary
,Itnies R. Schlesinger, Secre-
:tat3; of State-designate Henry.
r,!r :-Kissinger and Admiral
r iornas II. Moorer,` chairman
`>f: tale Joint Chiefs of Staff.
.ii`r;e:oath was administered by
.U: District Judge George L.
Iafit Jr.
expo se Col
a p United Press Intertfsttonal
'dged that the PIA would
'Mek to serve "in, protecting President Nixon congratulates new CIA- House swearing-in ceremony. Looking on
" p?~~ .aei. s.:s..+. . u:... .1...<
meat in Nc Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120
cm
003-0 s E 3-
u T21
cn C7
v P Nr to
0 1* 01 m
b?
~A. c~D m ry C7 b w A
cD ~. w H ty N ~ ' ~ m era tD , .,
A b ,~crny ' cp ii n w ?NW ?oG op t7joyyN D
yn r
'"~ cD fy CY ~? y ~ ~ ~ 'c p~ a ,,,, b
... rD
M. IM, I" :r q
W r.. `',~ A7 C9 0 .y fD .~' ~'1 b1 Uq :+ Cl)
cn ~9 fD ~' x
0 CJ'ro S SD 0 -~+? 0 f1
C~ er R -r K p
im. in
:3' 11
CD a ,-~ . r Cr' G 1
o y 4 ~5?$ a',~ao'a,ocv
0C) 0 CD$ Slim P
C., aq -rjf~D (D
,~ ? C Gr p Cam' cD -~;p'o
CD m C)
ID
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
 Pressed by committee memuu1b, aiciu,a
that Niynn's
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
stressed he had no independent recouecuvn
that would back up what Walters wrote.
DURING MORE than two hours of an open
hearing, at the conclusion of which Helms was
roundly praised by committee members for
refusing to yield to White House pressure,
Helms stressed that he gave orders after Wa-
tergate that the agency was under no circum-
stances to be linked with the widening scandal.
Much of the testimony merely confirmed ear-
lier disclosures of the campaign by White
House aides Haldeman, John D. Ehrlichman
and John W. Dean III to use the CIA to hinder
investigation of Watergate and too provide 9.
cover for the five Watergate burglars.
Helms made it plain, however, that his per-
plexity was extreme in the face of evidence
that top-ranking White House aides, invoking
presidential authority, were seeking to involve
the agency in illegal activities. See CIA, Page Az
m a Vcolnc(aft
H. R. Haldeman told CIA officials "it is the
president's wish" that the agency tell the FBI
to limit its Watergate investigation, aco3rding
to testimony on Capitol Hill today. Page A-1.
Investigators are tracing the movements of
the Nixon re-election campaign's undercover
operator, Donald H. Segretti, to Pittsburgh,
San Diego, San Francisco, Milwaukee and
Portland. Page A-1.
Former Atty. Gen. John N. Mitchell and
former Commerce Secretary Maurice Stans
plead not guilty to perjury and conspiracy
charges at their arraignment in New York.
Page A-8.
Nixon campaign advisers were reported to
have given hush money to Watergate defend-
ants as recently as five weeks ago. Page A-8.
Former CIA Director Richard Helms pre-
pares to testify before the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee.
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
CIA
-resident's Wish;'
drnrn Quoted
Continued From Page A-1
Asked why he did not go
personally to Nixon with
his misgivings, Helms
replied: "My interest was
to keep the agency out of
this case under all circum-
stances, and f wanted to
stay as head of the agency
dent has not been a crime'
until fairly recently."
TWO WEEKS AFTER
the November election,
Helms was informed by
Nixon that he would be
removed as CIA director
and reassigned as ambas-
. sador to Iran. Helms has
refused to discuss his con-
? versation with Nixon, on
,the reasons for his remov-
more successful doing this.
than someone who came
along later," Helms said.
At another point in the
hearing Helms was asked
about the CIA role in the
burglary of the Beverly
Hills offices of Daniel
Ellsberg's psychiatrist.
Helms indicated disgust
over White House requests
of the agency he formerly
headed.
He said the CIA went
w along with requests for the
assistance because
"assistance of the Preis-
al.
But in the face of wide-
spread speculation in the
wake of the most recent
Watergate revelations that
Helms' departure was re-
lated to his refusal to in-
volve the CIA in the cover-
up, Helms today only
pleaded ignorance when
asked directly if that was
the reason for his forced
resignation.
The senators also
pressed hard on the fac~
that Walters, Helms' depu
ty who was specifically
chosen to do the White
House bidding, was a fora
mer interpreter for Nixon
and had been the Whit,
House choice to be CIA
deputy.
Helms admitted today,
"I would have preferred to
have an agency man put in
the job."
WHEN ASKED further
by Sen. Charles H. Percy,
R-I11., why Haldeman and
the other White House
aides concentrated their
attention on a White House
appointee, Helms conced-
ed, "I thought it very odd
at the time."
Committee members,
Percy included, hastened
to stress they meant no
criticism of Walters, who
in the face of the White
House pressure, obeyed
Helms' directive and re-
fused to cooperate.
WASHINGTON STAR COMMUNICATIONS, INC.
225 Virginia Ave. S.E., Washington, D.C. 20003
484-5000
SUBSIDIARY and AFFILIATED COMPANIES
THE MONO STAR NEWSPAPER Co.
M IVEMNO STAR BROADCASTING CO. (WMA4AMFMTV)
IIRST CHARlUSTCIN CORP.. Chnr' S.C. (W[IV.M
WLVA INCORPORAT[D I-?'-
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
distinguished jurists, only to have three
of his first four choices turn him down.
New York U.S. District Court: Judge
Harold R. Tyler was the first to opt out,
telling friends that he would be too
much under the Administration's thumb.
Los Angeles attorney Warren Christoph-
er, who had been Deputy Attorney
General under Lyndon Johnson, ex-
cuscd himself on the grounds that "the
guidelines do not provide the requisite
independence which I felt was neces-
sary to do the job." Colorado Supreme
Court Justice William Erickson also de-
clined, and the suspicion began to grow
that the Administration still could not
quite bring itself to allow the prosecutor
a genuinely free rein. Finally, Richard-
son managed to tap Archibald Cox, 61,
an old Kennedy hand and former U.S.
Solicitor General (box). Together they
sat down and worked out a set of
ground rules that give Cox virtually un-
limited authority over the investigation.
A Test of Muscle
Cox's appointment was widely ac-
claimed, and it will probably clear the
way for Richardson's swift confirmation.
But a host of other problems await the
Administration on Capitol Hill. Mr. Nixon
last week vetoed a bill that would have
made his director and deputy director
of the Office of Management and Budget
subject to Senate confirmation, and in
what promises to become an early test of
his post-Watergate muscle, Senate op-
ponents started an energetic campaign
to override the veto.
Military appropriations for Indochina
are another urgent problem. Two weeks
ago, the House voted down new funds
for U.S. bombing in Cambodia, and last
week the once-hawkish Senate Appropri-
ations Committee voted unanimously to
cut off all funds for military action in
Cambodia and Laos. The final vote will
come after Memorial Day, and it is
widely assumed that Congress will for
the first time use the power of the purse
to try to force a change in the President's
conduct of the war. Congress's newfound
independence was already affecting
Henry Kissinger's bargaining power in
his renewed talks with the North Viet-
namese representatives in Paris, and for-
eign chanceries were wondering wheth-
er President Nixon could continue to
play so forceful a role in world af-
fairs (page 47).
His fundamental problem with Con-
gress was that support for the President
had become a political liability rather
than an asset. "Senators up for re-elec-
tion are going to bend over backward
to vote against the Administration," one
high-ranking Republican leader con-
ceded. Congress, having long bridled
at Presidential supremacy, showed
every sign of taking advantage of Mr.
Nixon's sudden vulnerability. The Presi-
dent might, as Ziegler said, have a lot to
accomplish in his second term, but it
was difficult for the time being to see
how he would go about it.
May 28, 1973 ?
HS/HC- Q?i"O
The High Price of `Security'
T he Watergate scandal had long since
transcended the more burglary and
bugging of Democratic National Commit-
tee headquarters. But as the story con-
tinued to unfold last week, that episode
emerged as part of the end game in a
slow, sad process of the corruption of
power-a progression that began in con-
cern for the national security, went on to
the bending of ethics and laws and end-
ed in outright police-state tactics as the
Nixon Administration lost all sense of the
difference between the nation's welfare
and its own.
The week's blockbusters, falling with
almost cadenced regularity, included the
eye-catching allegations that Henry Kis-
singer, hitherto untouched by the widen-
ing scandals, had approved FBI wiretaps
wishes to domestic assistant John D.
Ehrlichman (who finally drew his last
Federal paycheck last week, along with
Dean and Presidential Assistant II.R. Hal-
deman), and Ehrlichman later indicated
to Mr. Nixon that Dean had cleared the
White House staff, of complicity.
Over at FBI headquarters, meanwhile,
interim director William D. Ruckelshaus
was facing a battery of newsmen under
klieg lights ("You mean he's going to
answer questions?" marveled an old FBI
hand) to confirm a suspicion that had
emerged in the closing hours of Dr. Dan-
iel Ellsberg's Pentagon-papers trial two
weeks ago-that the whole secret-police
apparatus that was to become Water-
gate had actually been set in motion in
the spring of 1969, two years earlier
Helms : A presumption of complicity
on his own National Security Council
aides; that White House aides feared a
senile J. Edgar Hoover might parlay
this involvement into genteel blackmail
of higher-ups, and that highly respected
former CIA director Richard Helms,
now U.S. ambassador to Iran, may well
have known more about the Watergate
than he had previously let on. But the
week's worst news was the emerging
picture of an almost routine resort to il-
legality by top government officials.
That impression was reinforced when
Richard Nixon's own distance from the
Watergate scandal shortened apprecia-
bly. In response to published accusations
by fired White House counsel John W.
Dean III (NEWSWEEK, May 14), Presi-
dential press secretary Ron Ziegler ad-
mitted that the President had never or-
dered or received an in-house investi-
gation directly from Dean, despite
Mr. Nixon's references to such a coun-
sel's report in two television addresses.
The President, White House sources
said, had actually communicated his
than previously supposed. Thirteen gov-
ernment officials, some of them members
of the top-level National Security Coun-
cil, and four newsmen were tapped by
the FBI under direct orders from the
President.
Wrestling the Secret Service
The logs from these taps, one of which
had recorded Ellsberg, had been re-
ported missing from the FBI since July
of 1971 (the straw that finally forced
dismissal of the Ellsberg case), but
Ruckelshaus disclosed that the FBI re-
covered them from Ehrlichman's safe a
fortnight ago, provoking what he face-
tiously called an "arm-wrestling" session
with Secret Service men assigned to the
White House.
It was these early wiretaps that con-
nected Kissinger with the undercover
tactics. In the early months of the Ad-
ministration, NEWSWEEK learned last
week, Mr. -Nixon became "enraged" over
a leak to The New York Times that
reported all too accurately that the U.S.
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
\\ as boIll) ing Cambodia \vi.th tlic
acquiescence of Prince Norodom Siluua-
ouk. At the President's direction, the
FBI was called in to investigate the
leaks and Kissinger proffered a list of
"four or five" names of possibly talkative
insiders on the National Security Coun-
cil staff. The list eventually grew to
seventeen-including, FBI sources con-
firm, Dr. Morton 13. Halperin (a liberal
Ivy League professor and friend of Ells-
berg), along with Kissinger aides Win-
ston Lord, Helmut Sonnenfcldt, Daniel
1. Davidson and Anthony Lake and four
newsmen from the Times, CBS and The
Sunday Times of London.
There was no suggestion of treason in
the leaks. "The trouble with Henry," one
Administration official said, "is that he
was too damned careful at times in pro-
tecting a bunch of clowns who wanted
to show off to their journalist friends,
who in turn wanted to impress their
Russian friends." The accumulated tid-
bits, cleverly assembled by the Russians,
could be seriously embarrassing. Once,
according to an FBI source, the U.S. had
prepared two positions going into an early
round of the SALT talks. "When. our ne-
gotiators got to the table," this agent
told NEWSWEEK's Nicholas Ilorrock,
"they found the Russians knew the U.S.
fallback position and simply would not
deal on the basis of the first line. It was
very, very damaging."
Protecting the Innocent
And before a Supreme Court ;ruling in
1972, the wiretaps themselves were not
clearly illegal. "What has to be under-
stood here," Kissinger told NEWSWEEK'S
Henry Trewhitt last week, "is that we
are talking about [wiretaps] that were
legal, that were carried on through pre-
vious Administrations; that no use was
made of this for any other purpose than
safeguarding of classified information,
and that it was as much a protection for
the innocent as anything else."
Nonetheless, in the Byzantine byways
of Mr. Nixon's Washington, the wiretap
logs might have other uses-and. nobody
appreciated that better than Hoover,
even though he was in his mid-70s and,
according to one Administration official,
showing the ravages of "arteriosclerotic
senility." On direct orders from Mr. Nix-
on, Hoover sent copies of the wiretap
logs to Haldeman in May 1970. He also
pulled the originals from the FBI files
and put them in a safe in assistant di-
rector William Sullivan's office--a move
that let him keep his control of poten-
tially embarrassing documents in case
they should prove useful.
The last of the seventeen wiretaps
was finally ended in February of 1971-a
date ? that dovetailed with another im-
portant event in the justice Department.
This was the arrival of Robert Mardian,
then 48, as an Assistant Attorney Gen-
eral in charge of the Internal Security
Division, an old witch-hunting relic that
had lain dormant since the middle '50s.
Aggressive, suspicious and very well
Newsweek, May 28, 1973
conucctcd iii th' II;uiv l:ol(1u t r Itirh-
ard hleindienst wing of the GOP, Mar-
dian doubled the ISD staff, began ex-
ploring FBI files and making connec-
tions with other government intelligence
agencies. Ile arranged for such security
measures as arresting 13,000 antiwar
demonstrators on May Day, and in re-
markably short order put together the
DOJ's string of unsustainable conspiracy
cases against the Harrisburg Seven, Leslie
Bacon, the Camden 28, Ellsberg and sev-
eral others.
Mardian also made a friend at the
FBI: assistant director Sullivan, a 30-
year veteran who was finding it increas-
ingly difficult to deal with Hoover and
increasingly easy to ally himself with Ad-
ministration attempts to ease the old man
out. There was fear that Hoover was us-
ing his knowledge of the embarrassing
NSC wiretaps to make sure that neither
Attorney General John Mitchell nor any-
one else made an overt move on him.
In the summer of 1971, Sullivan told
Mardian that he, not Hoover, had posses-
sion of the logs, and two or three days
later the Assistant Attorney General re-
turned with what he said was authoriza-
tion from Mitchell to take control of the
reports himself. It was only after Sullivan
resigned, in a final confrontation with
Hoover, that the old G-man confirmed
that his "insurance" reports were missing.
By that time, FBI sources said last week,
the logs had managed to wind their way
through Mardian to Ehrlichman's safe
and thence to the nascent White House
"plumbers" operation-all in all, a text-
book example of the way in which origi-
nally legal Administration activities were
transmuted, step by step, into the stuff
of scandal.
Nor was the White House brass con-
tent merely to traduce the FBI. As first
becanu+ evldcut two %N oo ~r ,1-,k o, III'I,ui
level White t louso aides also prevailed
on the CIA in that same surminer of 14)71
to outfit Hunt and Liddy with disguises,
electronic equipment and cameras used
in the burglary of Ellsbcrg s psychiatrist's
office in a search for his medical rec-
ords. In late summer of 1971, the CIA
also acceded to a White House request
for a psychiatric "profile" of Ellsberg be-
fore deciding that such activities were
outside the CIA's legal charter and call-
ing a halt.
Stuck to the Tar Baby
As testimony before acting chairman
Stuart Symington's Armed Services Sen.
Committee made clear last week, how-
ever, the CIA was firmly stuck to the tar
baby. On June 23, 1972, six days after
the five GOP burglars were discovered
in Democratic National Committee head-
quarters, Helms and deputy director Lt.
Gen. Vernon Walters were summoned to
Ehrlichman's office at the White House,
Walters told the committee. Bob Halde-
man was also there, Walters testified,
and said "that the Watergate incident
Ruckelshaus (left), Halperin: The
logs wound up in Ehrlichman's safe
was causing trouble and was being ex-
ploited by the opposition." Walters was
prevailed on-with Helms sitting by-to
go that afternoon to acting FBI director
L. Patrick Gray III and ask him to call off
the FBI's recently begun investigation of
"Mexican aspects of the matter," using
the professional excuse that the FBI was
trampling on CIA cover activities in
the area.
The "Mexican aspects" of the case
were four unreported GOP campaign
checks-later traced to Gulf Resources
executive Robert Allen-that had been
laundered in Mexico and dispatched to
Waterbuggers G. Gordon Liddy and Ber-
nard L. Barker, who cashed them for the
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
NATIONAL AFFAIRS
telltale $100 bills that the burglars were
carrying at the break-in. Walters said he
delivered the White House message to
Cray-who promised to honor the CIA's
territorial priorities-and returned to CIA
headquarters, where he discovered that
the CIA had no covert activities going
in Mexico that might be upset by the
FBI investigation.
Walters protested as much when he
was called to John Dean's White I-louse
office three days later, according to the
general's Senate testimony, and Dean
responded with two not terribly delicate
prods. "Dean asked whether the CIA
A SECRET AGENT NAMED `TONY 0 Possible fi ancial links between Maine
S Edmund Muskie and corporations L
e
might have taken part in the Watergate
episode without my knowing it," Walters
told the senators. The general said he
replied that this "was not possible," but
Dean, persisting, "asked whether there
was not some way in which the agency
might have been involved." If these
were attempts to remind Walters of the
CIA's earlier involvement in the Ells-
berg raids, however, they fell on stony
ground, because Walters had not joined
the agency at the time and apparently
had been told nothing about them. Dean
finally asked "whether I had any idea
what might be done," Walters said, "and
I replied that those responsible ought to
be fired. He seemed disappointed."
Dean tried again the next day, Wal-
ters testified, this time making a more
direct proposal. "Ile asked if the CIA
could not furnish bail and pay the sus-
pects' salaries while they were in jail,
using covert-action funds for this pur-
pose," Walters said. The general refused
"to be a party to any such action," he
said, and threatened instead to resign
and to take his reasons to the President
or, failing that, to the CIA "oversight
committees" in Congress-which would
be interested in knowing that the White
............. ..,,, ..................... ...? i ......................................................... ... .............................. ...... . 1.,, 1,.?u,..
H is code name was "Tony." A retired
New York City cop with twenty
years' experience in security and intel-
ligence operations, he found a second
career as a political undercover agent
for the White House-strictly off the rec-
ord. Beginning in 1969, government in-
vestigators told NEWSWEEK last week,
Tony was part of a super-secret police
operation: tracking a string of prominent
politicians and their relatives, following
up tips about their drinking problems,
finances and sexual improprieties.
According to NEWSWEEK'S sources,
Tony-whose real name is Anthony T.
Ulasewicz-was hired by Presidential As-
sistant John Ehrlichman and paid by Presi-
dent Nixon's personal attorney, Herbert
Kalmbach, on orders from White House
chief of staff II.R. (Bob) Haldeman.
What's more, the sources suggested that
Tony's operations-of a piece with the
burglary of Daniel Ellsberg's psychia-
trist's office and the Watergate break-in
-were only parts of a larger pattern of
secret police activity under President
Nixon. "Some of it was conducted under
the guise of national security by estab-
lished agencies," one investigator told
"
Other
NEWSWEEK's Nicholas Horrock.
phases were handled strictly free-lance.
There is an absolute pattern of this ac-
tivity throughout the Administration."
Mystery Voice: Tony's link to the
White House was none other than John
J. Caulfield, another former New York
cop, who was named by convicted Wa-
tergate burglar James McCord last week
as the man who tried to buy McCord's
silence with an offer of "executive clem-
ency." Indeed, Senate sources identified
Ulasewicz as the "mystery" voice who
called McCord several times to repeat
the offer. In March of 1969, Ehrlichman
brought Caulfield into his office to serve
as liaison with various law-enforcement
agencies and handle "certain discreet in-
Soon after, Ehrlichman reportedly or-
i
ld
nvestl-
LU 1111U u veteran
QCPCQ lCi111111e
gator to help with the field work and
s Caulfield chose Ulasewicz--a buddy from
the NYPD's elite Bureau of Special Serv-
ices (once known as BOSSy), which pro-
tests foreign embassies and VIP's and
carries out intelligence and undercover
operations throughout the city. Ulase-
wicz, 54, a trolley-car operator before
becoming a cop in 1943, had also
worked a beat in Harlem and collected
nine commendations.
Ehrlichman, Caulfield and Ulasewicz
first met in May or June of 1.969 at the
Ul?I
Ehrlichman: `Discreet investigations'
American Airlines terminal of New York's
La Guardia Airport, the sources said,
and Ehrlichman hired Tony on the spot
-on a code-name-only basis. His first as-
signment was reportedly a thorough in-
vestigation of Sen. Edward Kennedy's
involvement in Mary Jo Kopechne's
death on Chappaquiddick in 1969, with
the report to be forwarded to the White
House. Over the next two years, he re-
portedly conducted more than half a
dozen field probes into all sorts of alle-
gations, among them:
^ An incident in Washington's George-
town section that might have proved em-
n.
with significant pollution problems.
^ Hubert Humphrey's campaign funds.
^ Rumors that a brother of one Demo-
cratic hopeful might have been involved
in a homosexual incident.
^ The alleged harassment of Julie Nixon
Eisenhower by a Florida schoolteacher.
In every case, said the sources, Tony's
assignments came down from Ehrlich-
inan. And in the summer of 1971, the
veteran agent was ordered to begin co-
ordinating his activities with the White
House "plumbers" team then trying to
plug security leaks. More political as-
signments followed. Ironically, one in-
volved the suspicious activities of a man.
who turned out to be Donald Segretti,
assigned to carry out political espionage
and sabotage in Mr. Nixon's behalf, and
also paid by Kalmbach.
NEWSWEEK has also learned that at
least two other Nixon dirty-tricksters
were imitating Segretti's tactics around
that time. Government sources report
that former White House aide Herbert
L. (Bart) Porter has told investigators
that lie and Jeb S. Magruder, deputy
director of the Nixon campaign, recruit-
ed operators who were code-named "Se-
dan Chair I" and "Sedan Chail? II" and
paid them thousands of dollars to disrupt
Democratic primary campaigns.
But Tony's assignments were more sin-
ister-and he was paid for them, NEWS-
WEEK'S Stephan Lesher learned, through
two bank accounts started by Kalmbach
j with approximately $1 million ostensibly
left over from Mr. Nixon's 1968 Presi-
dential campaign. The agent's salary and
expenses continued until the fall of 1971,
the sources said, and "another $30,000"
was given him in March 1972 by Caul-
field (who had just received some
$50,000 in cash from Kalmbach). Ulase-
wicz and Ehrlichman were not iminedi-
ately available for comment. Haldeman
denied the story ("I had absolutely noth-
to do with this guy"), but Kalmbach
ing
has testified that Haldeman told him to 1
funnel money to Ulasewicz. Kalmbach t
insisted, however, that he did not know
. Kalmbach,"
r
Tony's real mission. "M
said his lawyer, "had no idea of the
purpose at this early stage."
3
.~~ ........................nm..
~w.....u3~~,~,..~~~~~~,,,.,.~,~,,,,.~,.,,.,~~~~~~.~~.~,..~.,~.,~~~.~,.~~.,~.,~~,.~~.~~.,~.,~.~~~~.~~.,~.~~.~~~~~~~.~~.,~.~~~~.,~.~~.~~.~~~~~,,.~,.~~~~~~~.~~.~~.~~~~.~~.~~.~~~~.~...~.~~.~.~~.~~.,~~~~~~.~.~~ Newsweek, May 213, 1973
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
House was ordering the CIA' to violate
the law by spending agency funds with-
in the U.S. Dean seemed "taken aback,"
Walters reported, but called him in
again the next day to ask: once more if
Walters had "learned anything more
about CIA involvement" and to solicit
helpful ideas.
Brave Men, Brave Talk
Walters heard nothing: more about
Watergate for another week, but then
Gray told him that the FBI could not
hold up its Mexican investigation with-
out a formal letter from Helms or Wal-
ters. Walters replied, he said, that the
CIA had no reason to make such a re-
quest. Walters said he told Gray that
"attempts to cover this up or to implicate
the CIA or FBI would be detrimental to
their integrity" and added that he "was
Services intelligence subcommittee told
newsmen that Helms "felt he was getting
orders from the highest authority."
Senators Symington and Henry Jack-
son picked up the same feeling from
Helms's testimony at their committee
hearings. Again without asking the Presi-
dential question directly, Jackson said
he was satisfied that Helms and other
CIA officials "had reason to believe the
requests had the sanction of the Presi-
dent." Symington said after IIelms's testi-
mony that "it is hard for me to visualize"
how Mr. Nixon could have failed to
know about the cover-up. But Jackson
admitted that Helms had never actually
asked Ehrlichman or Haldeman if they
spoke for the President ("You don't ask
those questions when you're a profes-
sional and in this kind of climate") and
that the senators had unearthed no evi-
UPI
Former counsel Dean: Two prods for the CIA.
quite prepared to resign." Gray replied,
Walters said, that "he too was prepared
to resign on this issue." (Gray eventually
did resign, enmeshed in scandal, but not
until nine months later.)
Walters' explosive account of top-level
White House advances was backed up
in every respect except one by Helms-
but that one exception was perhaps the
jackpot question. By his threat to go to
the President with Dean's alleged im-
proprieties, Walters clearly implied his
belief that Mr. Nixon did not know that
his aides were trying to unload the
whole scandal on the CIA. Helms, sum-
moned home from Iran to appear before
three separate Congressional committees
last week, apparently managed to imply
just the opposite. Though no direct
question was put to helms about Presi-
dential authorization or knowledge by
any Congressional committee, chairman
Lucien N. Nedzi of the House Armed
dence linking Mr. Nixon to his aides'
overtures.
Though the two Democratic senators
expressed a belief that Helms "behaved
very well" in his handling of White House
overtures, the former CIA director was
clearly in trouble with angry legislators
in both houses. In addition to taking
Presidential authorization for granted,
Helms apparently made no attempt to
tell anyone of the transparently illegal
advances allegedly made by Haldeman,
Ehrlichman and Dean-in spite of the
fact that Congress had established over-
sight committees in each branch precise-
ly in order to safeguard the intelligence
agencies from the danger of being
turned by executive whim into domestic
tonton macoutes. Helms had also as-
sured the Senate Foreign Relations Com-
mittee during his confirmation hearings
last winter that the CIA had not been
involved in the Watergate case.
Senatorial outrage was not mitigated
by the senators' own laxness as watch-
dogs. Under intensive pressure from
newsmen, Symington admitted that "our
oversight committee hasn't been func-
tioning for the last year or so" and con-
ceded that "it would have been up to
them [the CIA directors] if they didn't
report it to us." Helms has testified be-
fore the Watergate grand jury and will
appear before both the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee and the Ervin co-n-
mittec-and Washington insiders were
wondering if he would survive with his
ambassadorship intact.
The Senate's growing testiness over
the whole Watergate scandal surfaced
elsewhere in an extraordinary exchange
between Maine Sen. Edmund Muskic
and South . Carolina Republican Strom
Thurmond, one of those most irked by
the CIA disclosures. The arena this time
was a joint committee hearing in which
Daniel Ellsberg was testifying on execu-
tive branch secrecy. As Ellsbcrg persis-
tently injected comments on Watergate,
Cambodia and other matters that Thur-
mond regarded as off the subject-twice
saying that he believed President Nixon
was guilty of wrongdoing in Watergate
-Thurmond got progressively angrier.
And when Ellsbcrg concluded that J.
Fred Buzhardt-a Thurmond prot6g6 and
Mr. Nixon's super-clean new White
House Watergate counsel-had lied un-
der oath at Ellsberg's trial, Thurmond
retorted furiously that Ellsbcrg had got
off the hook in Los Angeles only because
government misconduct had made the
case unprosecutable.
Unfit to Be President?
"His innocence is established," Muskie
replied tartly, "until a court decides
otherwise." The colloquy went back and
forth-Thurmond arguing that Ellsberg
had not been found innocent, Muskie
that he was innocent in the absence of
a conviction-until Thurmond exploded
at Muskie: "You brought him here today
to criticize the President of the United
States. I'm surprised at you, a Presiden-
tial candidate. You're not fit to be a
Presidential candidate."
The gasps that followed that. exchange
promise to be echoed again and again
as the congressmen, in their several in-
quiries, circle closer to what Representa-
tive Nedzi called "the $64 question"-
the President's own possible involve-
ment. Not much else is left. Last week's
disclosures not only solidified the case
against three of the President's most
powerful advisers and further tarnished
the image of the National Security Coun-
cil, FBI and CIA, but it also called into
paradoxical question the White House's
well-trumpeted concern for national se-
curity. It was in the name of national
security, after all, that the antecedents
of Watergate were born-yet when the
crunch came, the White House seemed
instantly ready to compromise the agen-
cies most responsible for safeguarding
that security.
? Newsweek, May 28, 1973
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
THE NEW YORK TIMES, SUNDAY, MAY 20,197J
`Supersecret' Work of C. I. A. Is Scored
By PAUL MONTGOMERY
Two leading scholars in the
field of national security said)
yesterday that the "superse-
cret" operations mechanism of
the Central Intelligence Agency
had become a self-serving and
uncontrolled danger to United
States foreign policy and should
be abolished by Congress.
A paper was presented at a
conference on government se-
crecy here by the scholars,
Morton H. Halperin of the
A Jer-
ous dissent, so common in other
proposals of a controversial
nature, tends to lead to routine
approval," the authors say.
New Policy Trends
The paper contends that the
covert operations mechanism
was not authorized in the in-
tent of the legislation creating
the C.I.A.
It also argues that covert
interference in the internal af-
fairs of other countries has been
made unnecessary by recent
foreign policy trends toward
"disengagement" with the Com-
munist nations. The only likely
targets, it says, are Third World
countries-"an area with which
we are not at war, and from
which we are not in danger."
The authors urge the aboli-
tion of the entire covert-opera-
tions apparatus. The intelli-
gence-gathering activities of the
C.I.A. and the National Security
Agency could then be made
almost entirely public, and their
plans and budgets scrutinized
by Congress like ,those of other
Government agencies, the paper
states.
The two-day conference on
Government secrecy, which
ended yesterday, was sponsored
by the Committee for Public
Justice and the Arthur Garfield
Hays Civil Liberties Program at
records ra er
knowledge. He said that when crecy is so intense, the budgets
he was in the Government, he of operations do not come
did not have the security clear- under the usual scrunity.
ance necessary to participate Separate Meetings
in official discussions of covert The paper says that many
operations. situations arise in which policy-
Members of Committee makers with high security
The paper said that approval clearance hold meetings to
of covert operations, which discuss options open to the
could include rigging elections United States in a given coun-
. in Chile or supporting an inva- try. The "dirty tricks" opera-
sion of Cuba or conducting a tives, however, with even
secret war in Laos, came from higher clearance, meet sepa-
a committee whose existence rately to discuss a whole range
had never been publicly an- of options unknown to the
nounced by the Government- others.
the Forty Committee. consequence, the paper
The membership of the com- says, is that assessments by
mittee, according to the paper, the State Department, Con-
is the assistant to the Presi- gress, th executive, the public
dent for national security af- and even the overt intelligence-
fairs, the Deputy Secretary of gathering arm of the C.I.A. are
Defense, the chairman of the distorted because they are not
litical affairs and the Director I country, for example, the State),
of Central Intelligence. Department might decide that
Mr. Halperin and Mr. Stone a certain trend was developing
said that each member was and base its policy on that
served by a staff that operated trend, when in fact a covert
independently of the depart-
ment operation might rigged
to which, he was assigned. op The operatives for the covert the election.
plots, the paper said, come The "supersecret" clearance
from the C.I.A.'s Plans Direc- required also tends to limit par-
torate, whose administration is ticipation in covert decisions to
at C.I.A. headquarters in Lang those who support them and
ley, Va., and which maintains
staff members overseas, usually earn their living by them, the
with embassy cover. paper says. "The lack of vigor-1
Brookings InstrtuUion an All the paper said,
emy J. Stone of the Federation participants,
of American Scientists. It de- have a security clearance far
scribed the working of the above "top secret" whose ex-
mechanism for covert political istence is itself a classified
action in foreign countries and matter that cannot be dis-
indicated the ways in which cussed by insiders.
they said it distorted public The paper says that original-
policy. ly the Forty Committee was
Mr. Halperin, a former De- created to carry out assign-
fense Department and White ments from the National Secur-
House staff member, told his ity Council. However, it said,
audience at the New York Uni- since there is now such an
versity Law School that the extensive "plans" establish-
paper was based on public ment, the establishment itself
th than inside generates proposals. Since se-
f FiS/l~C- ~V
After an election in a given New York University.
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
CROWS. NOYES
THE EVENING STAR and DAILY NEWS
Washington, D. C., Thursday May 17, 7973
Nixon Can to Expected t? Riesian
We are talking about his powers as commander- izing the office of Daniel one aspect of his leader-
legalities - about a sense in-chic'' to mobilize the Ellsbcrg's psychiatrist in ship, no matter how impor-
of fair play - about the apparatus of the federal September 1971. It was not tant. The dimensions of his
awesome trauma that government in his own until considerably later, power forbid categorically
might be involved in the behalf. That this was done Cushman says, that he. any gross abuse of that
deposition of a president. in the last election - with became suspicious of Hunt power, at the risk of enor-
We are talking, in short,' or without the President's and called off the deal. mous danger to the nation.
about what may happen personal knowledge and The implications of this It is impossible to deny
and studiously evading the consent - is beyond incident are frightening. that this has happened.
implications of what al- doubt. Regardless of who may. Innocent as the Presi-
ready has happened. To a degree that is yet to have been at fault, the fact dent himself may be, his
The central issue of the be fully established, the that the CIA was put to use administration has been
Watergate affair -? which Justice Department, the by the likes of E. Howard discredited as no adminis
now, of course, includes Central Intelligence Agen- Hunt = on the orders of tration within my recollec-
the Ells berg and Vesco cy and, the State Depart- the man who now runs the tion by the Watergate dis-
affairs -- it seems to me, meet - to say nothing of Marine Corps - reflects a closures. Talk of protect-
is the issue of the abuse of the White House itself - corruption at the top levels ing the "rights of the
presidential authority: have all become im
lic
t
p
a
- of command in this ?coun- defendant" as against the
And on the basis of what is ed in the skulduggery en- try that is quite simply "rights of the
now undisputed public ' gineered by the men
,
-
i
fcrrcd the issue to the
domestic scene.
man, by his own admis-
sion, never doubted for a
xnowieage, there can be ready tried and convicted
no doubt that the abuses for the Watergate break-
were many and flagrant. in. And in each case it is
From the outset of this abundantly clear that the
administration, the issue officials involved believed
of presidential authority that they were acting in
has been one of strenuous accordance with the wish-
contention between the' es - if not on the direct
White House and the Con- orders - of the President
gross, mostly relating to himself.
the war-making powers of Take, just for one exam-
the President as Com ple, the case of Gen. Rob-
mandcr-in-Chief and the ert H. Cushman Jr., the
use of armed forces in the former deputy director of
Indochina conflict. Water- CIA and now commandant
gate has abruptly trans- of the Marine Corps. Cush-
ntolerable. It is small government'' is absurd in
comfort to be assured by a situation where the exec-
Sen. John L. McClellan, D- utive is itself the defend-'
Ark., that he doesn't think ant.
Cushman "would do it The measure of accepta-
again." bi]ity of all presidential
It has been pointed out appointments at this point
that I have supported the . - including notably the
policies of Richard Nixon `special prosecutor" - is
- which have been, par- how independent they will
ticularly in the area of be of executive direction
foreign affairs, a modifica- - in short, how relentless
tion of the policies of Lyn- they will be in "getting to
don Johnson, John Kenne-
dy, and Dwight Eisenhow-
er - with some enthusi-
asm and consistency.
I still (to. If this adminis-
A-21
**
affair - which, of course,
really means getting to the
top.
Quite properly, the Pres-
ident has assumed full
,,,,,u, bet president
an aide John D. 1/hrlichman entirely - or even pri- responsibility for the ap-
af an incumbent president palling abuses of the pub-
at election time have al- was speaking for the Pres- manly - on its diplomatic lie trust that were commit-
ways been reco ident when Ehrlichman performance -on the skill
gnized and ? asked him to place-the fa- with which it has extricat- ted by his people in his
conceded. Regardless of ed us from our involve- name. It is no longer a
campaign finances, no one edifies of the CIA at the question of proving fore-
else has the same disposal of E. Howard ment in Vietnam - on the
power to Hunt Jr., later convicted way it has exploited our knowledge,complicityor
rttbbill t ititbiirg gij8niotl or it) the vVotorgnix~ e?tteplra- influence with adversaries criminality of any kind. No
to manipulate events at and friends in the Interest mattu
Political advantage r how fair-minded
home and abroad to his c As the result of this re- of world peace -Nixon, in be, American people may
. quest, the CIA provided my book, deserves a large be, they will not suffer a
What has not been rec. Hunt with a variety of ex- measure of gratitude and leadership that has be-
ognized or conceded - one spy equipment, includ- applause. trayed and humiliated
until now - is that an in- ing voice-modifiers, cam- But the President of the them. I for one am con-
cumbent president faced eras, wigs and'hidden tape United States cannot be vinced that when Nixon
with an election can assert recorders used in burglar- judged or exonerated by -the extent to
Y which his authority has
oeen shattered by these
events, he will resign.
HS/HC-9 0
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
 .e Exit
srs that he spent build-
.urcau of Investigation,
skillfully made it a na-
t, seemingly as solid as
-nid. In the year since
the FBI has been so ri-
weaknesses and strife as
-gate that it more close-
disintegrating piece of
.ands. Several of its top
o retire in the next four
_au's vaunted esprit de
-s, and the morale of its
been shattered.
-fear that their proudly
:ency has become, at
?lic eye, a mere tool of
e. They privately assert
after the disclosure
ped the phones of some
9icials and newsmen for
use-many Americans
-BI as a potential threat
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
twelve assistant FBI directors: Leonard
M. Walters, 54, chief of the inspection
division, and William B. Soyars, 50,
head of the computer-systems division.
Together with the retirement of Assis-
tant Director Dwight Dalby a few
months ago, this rush for the exit will
leave vacant four of the 13 top posts in
the bureau. By a quirk of the FBI re-
tirement law, the three leaving next
month will collect an extra cost-of-liv-
ing retirement bonus, but that is not the
main reason for their quitting:
"Those guys are plainly fed up,"
said a colleague in the command ech-
elon, adding: "I'm fed up, too, but I'm
going to stick around for a while. We
feel that the President almost wrecked
the bureau with the appointment of L.
Patrick Gray as director. Then after
Gray was forced out, we were insulted
by the President's refusal to look for a
new director within the bureau."
On April 30, all of the FBI's top brass
in Washington and all but one of its 59
field-office chiefs sent a telegram draft-
ed by Walters asking Nixon to pick one
of the FBI veterans-"among whom
faults, Hoover kept the there is an inherent nonpartisanship"
the quadrennial quakes -as the new chief. Instead, he made the
itics. He played politics interim choice of Ruckelshaus, who had
-i Republicans and Dem- been the able head of the Environmen-
ain the independence of tal Protection Agency, without even
agents knew this and re- bothering to inform Felt, who learned
ch they benefited from of the appointment from a reporter. The
could not stomach some telegram elicited no response.
.tocratic actions got out Bum Rap. "Ruckelshaus may be a
they did not talk. Only fine, independent fellow," said a high
-s was there a split in the FBI man, "but he's only holding the job
pro-Hoover and anti- until the President picks a permanent
as, and this was scarcely director. After our bitter experience
outside. with Gray, any appointee from outside
ast week W. Mark Felt, the bureau will have trouble winning
Ig associate director, an- the acceptance of the agents."
tention to retire June 22. The FBI's Washington headquarters
.lo. 2 man in the FBI since is demoralized. Said a senior field agent:
-lh the temporary, pinch- "There's very little leadership. Decision
-William D. Ruckclshaus making? Forget it. There's a vacuum.
st all his time to prob- The decisions are being made now in
Watergate, Felt has been the field offices. If you phone Wash-
.ow. Only 59, Felt could ington with a problem, more often than
for eleven more years. not headquarters will say: 'Don't both-
.ion follows closely on re- er us with your problems-we've got
uncements by two of the our own.' "
HS/HC- 9j#
27
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
THE NATION
The agents feel that the entire FBI
took a "bum rap" because of blunders
by Gray and the Department of Jus-
tice in the Watergate investigation. Al-
most to a man, agents argue that Nixon
is trying to gain control of the agency
for his own purposes and to "politicize"
it. Echoing a common sentiment, one
high-ranking agent says: "Nobody
wants to work for a political hack."
And, he adds, the retirements will grow
to a mass exodus if the President picks
another political appointee to head the
bureau.
Operating at Home
By law, the Central Intelligence
Agency is prohibited from doing any
spying or other internal security work.
But the Watergate scandal has raised
doubts about whether the agency is fol-
lowing the rules.
From the beginning, the CIA has had
links to the case. Two of the convicted
conspirators, James McCord and E.
Howard Hunt, are former employees of
the agency. The CIA admitted supplying
Hunt with equipment-including false
identification papers, a camera and a
disguise kit-used in burglarizing the
office of Daniel Ellsberg's psychiatrist.
Last week the CIA deputy director,
Lieut. General Vernon Walters, said
that White House aides had persistently,
though unsuccessfully, tried to enlist the
agency's help in covering up the Wa-
tergate break-in.
On other occasions, the CIA has been
exposed as operating within the U.S. In
the late 1950s, according to David
Wise's book, The Politics of Lying, the
CIA trained Tibetans in Colorado's
Rocky Mountains to fight against Chi-
nese Communist rule. At the same time
agency men were preparing Cubans for
the Bay of Pigs invasion.
For 15 years, until exposed in 1967,
the CIA subsidized the National Student
Association so that it could send del-
egations to international gatherings that
were well attended by official Commu-
nist groups. During some of those years,
the agency also had been secretly giv-
ing funds to other private organizations
-among them, the Asia Foundation,
Radio Free Europe and Frederick A.
Praeger, Inc. The intent was to finance
work abroad that would enhance de-
mocracy's image, such as cultural
projects, helping to organize agricultur-
al cooperatives, and anti-Communist
propaganda.
In February the agency admitted
that it had trained policemen from nine
U.S. cities and counties, including New
York, in clandestine photography, iden-
tification of explosive devices and anal-
ysis of intelligence data. The purpose
was to improve police ability to fight
crime.
Then there was the curious case in
1960 of the gangster's girl friend. Un-
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
THE NATION
der a deal that was never fully ex-
plained, the CIA got information about
Fidel Castro's regime in Cuba from
Sam ("Morro') Giancana, then boss
of the Chicago Mafia. Momo's girl
friend was Phyllis McGuire of the sing-
ing sisters, and he wanted to chase off
a rival, a well-known comedian. Sam's
strategy was to convince Phyllis that
the rival was a philanderer. The co-
median returned to his Las Vegas hotel
suite one night to discover two private
detectives digging through his belong-
ings. At his call, sheriff's deputies ar-
rested the pair, and they languished in
jail for days before disclosing that they
were working for a Miami detective
agency. Three years later, some em-
barrassed CIA officials admitted that
they had staged the raid as a favor
The Ways and Means of Bugging
in Chicago, ex-Cop Eddie Bray, who
heads a private detective agency called
American Security Agents, Inc., reports
that there has been a 100% increase
in one lucrative phase of his operations
-"debugging," the detection of hidden
devices used to eavesdrop. In New
York, John Mcyner, president of Son-
ic Devices, Inc., which also peddles
"bug"-finding skills, says he cannot
drive through downtown Manhattan
without picking up a flood of illegal
eavesdropping signals on his sensitive
detectors. Just four blocks from the
White House, an electronics store
named the Spy Shop is doing a thriv-
ing business selling both eavesdropping
and debugging equipment.
Has the ear of Big Brother become
omnipresent in the U.S.? The disclo-
sures of extensive eavesdropping in the
Watergate and Pentagon papers cases
suggest that it has.
The Nixon Administration, helped
into power by its pledge to restore law-
and-order, has never made any secret
about its intention to use the bug as an
anticrime weapon. Former Attorney
General John Mitchell justified this pol-
icy by saying: "Any citizen of this Unit-
ed States who is not involved in some
illegal activity has nothing to fear what-
soever." That would have been scant re-
assurance for the Congressmen, jour-
nalists, FCC employees, campus
radicals, black nationalists-and
even White House aides-who
have been subject to Government
wiretaps. Most had engaged in no
illegal activity.
The legal authority for Gov-
ernment eavesdropping is murky.
As long ago as 1928, in the first
wiretapping case to reach the Supreme
Court, Justice Louis Brandeis declared
that the right to be let alone is "the right
most valued by civilized men." His was
a minority view, however, and despite
the Fourth Amendment's protection
against unreasonable search and sei-
zure, the majority held that tapping tele-
phone wires leading into a house was
not in itself a breach of the premises or
a violation of the owner's privacy.
It was not until the'60s that it aban-
doned the technical, legalistic view of
privacy and held that the Fourth
Amendment does indeed protect the cit-
izen from wiretapping. In response,
Congress enacted the Omnibus Crime
Control and Safe Streets Act of 1968,
the first federal statute legalizing elec-
tronic eavesdropping in investigations
of such crimes as treason, robbery, mur-
der as well as bribery and narcotics traf-
ficking-provided that the Government
first obtains a court warrant. Since then,
local versions of the federal law have
been passed in 21 states.
Still, the Federal Government has
continued to do some of its bugging
without a judge's permission, claiming
authority for the taps under the Pres-
ident's oath to "preserve, protect and de-
fend the Constitution" against foreign
and domestic enemies. This was the in-
terpretation of the law that al-
S,y
t, lowed the phones of Henry
Kissinger's aides to be
^?> t~ tapped. Last June,
however, in an 8-
to-0 decision, the
Supreme Court
held that such
taps could not be
used against pure-
ly domestic political
"suspects" with-
out a warrant.
Under provi-
sions of the 1968
to their gangland spook Giancana.
Supporters argue persuasively that
the agency sometimes has to act on
home ground to counter Communists
and other subversives, who have much
latitude for operating within the U.S.'s
free society. Still, one of the conse-
quences of Watergate will be rising de-
mands by Congress that it get greater
powers to police the CIA.
act, ordinary citizens, including private
detectives, cannot use bugging devices
The penalty: a fine of $10,000 and/or
five years in prison. Nonetheless, the ac-
cessibility of new and hard-to-detect
eavesdropping gadgetry has encouraged
an increasing number of citizens to vi-
olate the law. As a result of the min-
iaturization of modern solid-state elec-
tronic equipment, tiny pea-pod-size
microphones, transmitters no bigger
than a package of cigarettes and other
sophisticated gear are available over the
counter in ordinary radio stores at
prices ranging from a few dollars to
thousands. They can readily be adapt-
ed for spying and implanted in walls,
flowerpots and draperies.
What is surprising about Watergate
is that, despite fine equipment, the Re-
publican operatives used such sloppy
techniques; they broke into the office
of the Democratic National Committee
and planted two electronic bugs, con-
sisting of tiny microphones and trans-
mitters that could broadcast a distance
of several hundred yards. They hid one
in the ceiling, but it failed. The other, in-
tended for Democratic Chairman Law-
rence O'Brien's phone, was inadvertent-
ly planted in an aide's phone. It was
when they returned three weeks later
to repair the foul-up and also to take
some photographs that they were
caught.
According to Columbia University
Professor Alan Westin, author of Pri-
vacy and Freedom, they could have
done a better job without risking entry.
One possibility: directional parabolic
microphones (like those used by tele.
vision at sports events) that could have
picked up whispers in the Democratic
committee rooms from the Howard
Johnson's listening post across the
street. If the sliding glass door to the ter-
race was closed, the operatives could
conceivably have bounced a laser beam
off the glass. Since the pane vibrates
from the talk in the room, the reflected
laser light would have been "imprinted"
with this conversation.
~
DEMOCRATIC OFFICIAL INSPECTS BUG PLANTED IN HIS WATERGATE PHONE (LEFT); TRANSMITTER IN
FAKE FLOWERPOT (ABOVE); RECEIVER USED BY WATERGATE BUGGERS (ABOVE RIGHT)
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
ty '~"r~.cl~s' eve
By Marilyn Berger
Washlngton Post Staff Wrltor
The techniques of Watergate-bur-
glary, , electronic surveillance, laun-
dered money, , "plausible denial"-
have had a long history in. the intelli-
gence craft.
They are the so-called "dirty tricks"
that for years have been the province
of the Central Intelligence Agency and
its foreign counterparts, tricks refined
through nearly 30 years of a "cold
war." In the United States, a myste-
rious group known as the Forty Com-
mittee has the last word, or some-
times the next-to-last word, ,about giv-
HS/HC- 9(0
ad a Lon(y HistorlwT
ing the green light to any specific
operations.
Its role is clearly defined: to con-
sider and approve covert activities in
foreign countries in a manner that
would be "disavowable" or "deniable"
by the United States-or at least by
the President of the United States.
Currently its designated members
are Henry A. Kissinger, the Presi-
dent's national security adviser who
serves as chairman; Deputy Secretary
of Defense William P. Clements Jr.;
Under Secretary of State for Political
Affairs William J. Porter; acting Direc.
tor of the Central Intelligence Agency
Williann E. Colby, and the chairman of
the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Adm. Thomas
H. Moorer. The head of the joint
chiefs is an addition made during the
Nixon administration. The Attorney
General was also added while John N.
Mitchell held the job.
In the years of its existence under
five Presidents, the committee, which
has been known by a variety of names,
dealt with such activities as the 1954
overthrow of Guatemalan President
Jacobo Arbenz Guzman, the 1953 coup
in Iran that overthrew Premier Mossa-
dcgh, the Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba
in 1961, the "laundered" funding of
friendly political parties in Europe
See TRICKS, A9, Col. 1
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
TRICKS, From Al
and Latin America, the U-2
reconnaissance flights over
China and the Soviet Union,
and the mounting armies of
Moo tribesmen a n d Thai
.-volunteers" in Laos.
"The committee was the
;.President's surrogate," said
one official familiar with na-
tional security operations.
-:.',The whole idea was to al-
-'low the President 'plausible
denial' , .. It protected the
.President." The President
,-never signed any papers so
;.there was never any evi-
-:dence on the record that he
-Hither had knowledge of or
approved any of the covert
-operations undertaken, in.
formed sources said.
Witnesses from the vari-
:aus government agencies
:yore often brought before
.,the handful of top officials
.to explain particular opera-
'tions. Said one experienced
411ficial: "They were like a
brinch of schoolboys. They
-would listen and their eyes
would bug out. I always
`-lrsed" to say that I could get
.$5 million out of the Forty
l'ommit.tee for a covert op-
oration faster than I could
,et money for a typewriter
but of the ordinary bureauc-
racy,"
Another said that the
y.nmmit.tce was the most ef-
ficienl. in town, There were
7ho "horse holders," no
`"colonels turning . charts."
Recisions came quickly, he
-raid.
The roro group had from
-Jihe ho-finning been four of-
ficials who dealt exclusively
vith forci^;n affairs and who
_,were just under the top-
-'(he natir>nal security ad-
-visor, the deputy secretary.
,of defense, the under secre-
-?tary for political affairs in
the State Department and
the director of Central In-
telligence. The head of the
joint chiefs, was specifically
excluded, according to one
informed source, because
political rather than mili-
tary considerations were the
subject of the committee's
deliberations.
The Attorney General was
specifically excluded be-
cause his concerns were sup-
posed to be exclusively do-
mestic. During the Kennedy
administration Robert F.
Kennedy is said by a num-
her of sources to have
sought membership but was
refused.
For this reason the Mit-
chell appointment to this and
other highly secret commit-
tees, such as the verification
panel for arms control,
raised serious concerns in
the intelligence community
about the "mixing up" of do-
mestic and foreign matters.
Invited Confusion
Mitchell, in the view of
those familiar with the oper-
ation, was there because of
his close relationship with
the President. As the only
Cabinet officer on the com-
mittee, he became its rank-
ing member although the
national security adviser
continued as chairman.
To those who saw the
committee in operation,
"Mitchell served as the
President's eyes and cars."
When Richard Kleindienst
succeeded Mitchell at the
Justice Department, he did
not move into the slot crc-
atpd for the Attorney Gen
oral on the Forty Commit-
tee.
In the words of Thomas L.
Hughes, former ? director of
intelligence and research at
the State Department, "the.
.Mitchell appointment was
an early and symbolic act,
either of carelessness or
purposefulness, which inevi-
tably invited confusion and
temptation for a partisan
past and future campaign
manager currently holding
the office of Attorney Gen-
eral."
Hughes said the commit-
toe "was originally set up
carefully and exclusively as
a small and responsible
group limited to those peo-
ple at the highest levels be-
low the President whose of.
ficial responsibilities were
clearly in the foreign affairs
area, to consider and pro-
pose foreign operations."
In the view of one source
familiar with national secu-
rity operations, clandestine
matters-which were sup-
posed to be examined from
the long-range foreign pol-
icy point of view and from
the national security point
of view-imperceptibly be-
came a question of whether
they would get this adminis-
tration into trouble, The
question became to be
whether immediate domes-
tic implications would be
too great.
Variety of Names
Throughout its history, by
whatever designation it had,
the Forty Committee wa.5 to
fulfill one overriding
.function: to assort. 11olit.ical
control of covert operations.
The committee was to con-
sider the wisdom of any pro-
posed activity, its chances of
success, whether it would
accomplish the purposes de-
sired and whether it was
"moral," "proper" and in the
interests of the United
States, In the words of one
person familiar with its
But the existence of the
committee itself was a sub-
ject of 'plausible denial.' In
its first incarnation it was
known as the 10/2 or 10/5
Committee, named after the
documents creating it. Un-
der President Eisenhower
the name changed to' the 54/
12 Group, again named after
the secret order establishing
its role - "54" referring to
the year of the order. It was
also known at that time as
the "Special Group." When
someone inadverteptly ac-
knowledged the existence of
the group, it was renamed
the 303 Committee.
Thus if someone asked
whether there was such' a
thing as the 54/12 Commit-
tee the answer could be, in
truth, no. For by that time it
was the 303 Committee, now
named for the room in
which it met.
The most recent christen-.
ing - the Forty Committee
- is derived from a national
security decision memoran-
dum redefining its duties,
according to Morton II.
Halperin, former member of
the National Security Coun-
cil Staff, and Jeremy J.
Stone of the Federation of
American Scientists.
During the Kennedy ad-
ministration, covert opera-
tions were also under the
control of a parallel secret
crmmittee with far more
limited responsibilities. This
was the counterinsurgency
committee.
Sources familiar with na-
tional security operations at
the time recall that the
President's brother, Robert,
then Attorney General, was
fascinated by the covert op-
eration being run by the
operations: "This was an
arm for the furtherance of
American foreign relations,"
r~ r*~ Errs"'' J
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
THE WASHINGTON POST Saturday, MRy 26,1913 A9
CIA, lie fervently wished to
get on the 303 Committee,
forerunner of the Forty
Committee.
This was vct.oed, appar-
ently by Gen, Maxwell Tay-
lor, who was brought into
the White House after the
Bay of Pigs fiasco. As a sub-
stitute, Taylor agreed to
place Robert Kennedy on
the counterinsurgency com-
mittee. Once this group
started operating, a certain
number of cases that might
have gone to the Forty Com-
mittee (then the 303
Committee) went to the
counterinsurgency section.
Weekly Meetings
At least since the Ken-
nedy administration, there
has grown an active debate
over the propriety of any
such covert operations
perpetrated by an open soci-
et.y. The agruments in oppo-
sition have grown stronger
during the current pro-
claimed era of negotiation
and the warming of rela-
tions among former Cold
War rivals.
In the Truman and early
Eisenhower years, when the
Forty Committee was known
as the 10/2 or 1.0/5 Commit-
tee, meetings were irregu-
lar. Then, according to au-
thoritative sources familiar
with the operations, Presi-
dent Eisenhower decided
that covert operations
needed a closer look,
He ordered once-a-week
mectin-'s. There was no offi-
cial chairman but Allen
Duties, then head of the
CIA, pretty much controlled
the sessions which met in'
the office of the under sec-
retary of State.
The meetings were said to
be rather formal, with an
agenda and well prepared
staff papers. Few outsiders
knew what it was doing, but
occasionally witnesses were
brought into present spe-
cific projects. By most ac-
counts, the committee itself
was empowered to consider
and approve operations.
Only in cases of disagree-
ment was a specific project
brought to the President.
But at all times the com-
mittee operated under the
President's overall policy
determination. Authoritative
sources say that it was
chiefly when Dean Acheson
was Secretary of State that
specifics were brought to
the Oval Office, because of
Acheson's frequent reserva-
tions.
"In its pristine days," ac-
cording to one, knowledgea-
ble source, "the theory was
that 'things were thrashed
out here so that all depart-
ments understood each
other." Often the commit-
tee's report went to the Na-
tional Security Council with
the President Ar tending;
said this source. "It was
here that one,, of the Cabinet
members might, register the
dissent of his agency if such
dissent existed."
Fewer Meetings
Because 'of the secrecy
surrounding the very exist-
ence of the committee, it is
difficult to give an account-
ing of its more recent func-
tions. From recent Senate
testimony it is known that
the subject of "participa-
tion" in the 1970 . Chile
elections was one con-
cern of the Forty Commit-
D 1 0 r'" e
In 47 AInZ r~
aff EY . I 9,M4190
tee. That election brought
Salvador Allende, a Marx-
ist, to power in Santiago.
Informed sources say,
howpver, that during the
Nixon administration there
were fewer and fewer for-
mal meetings of the Forty
Committee and more and
more "telephonic concur-
rences" - involving quick
checks rather than intensive
discussions.
One possible reason for
the slackening number of
meetings could be that the
number of covert operations
has diminished, but some
sources attribute it to a
more ad hoc style and a
greater than ever dedication
to secrecy.
One source said there has
not been a formal meeting
of the group for more than
a year-although it is always
possible that some who for-
merly knew about-the com-
mittee have been cut out as
the White House became
more secretive. "There grew
up a narrow, incestuous se-
cretive quality among the
advisers to the President,"
said one source. "The old
formality used to make this
impossible."
Domestic implications be-
came an increasingly impor-
tant consideration, accord-
ing to one official who noted
that the Forty Committee
was only one of a number of
similar groups with virtually
the same membership- For
example, this source noted,
the issue of arms to Israel
might come to the Defense
Programs Review Commit-
tee where domestic political
implications in the United
States might weigh in the
considerations.
One official who occasion-
ally had appeared before
..any White House commit-
tees which Mitchell at-
tended spoke of the changed
atmosphere during the Nixon
administration.
"I never felt comfortable
being there when Mitchell
was there. I felt his presence
caused the members to
speak in a very guarded
way, not saying what they
really thought of foreign po.
litical risks for fear they
would show themselves not
mindful enough of the inr,
pact on this administration.
He was the administration's
presence, not the U.S. gov-
ernment ...
"There was no real intel-
lectual discussion ... This
was a travesty of serious
governmental operations ...
There was inadequate staff
work, secretiveness, narrow-
based decisions, There was
always an intense effort to
make the President look
good as the main considera-
tion."
By their very nature, co-
vert operations, if success.
ful, become known only af-
ter the fact if at all. Some-
times it takes years, some-
times only months-as the
domestic covert., operations
known under the heading of
Watergate show.
Thus what, if anything,
the Forty Committee or. its
successor by another name
may be considering now is
known to only a few men.
Of greater interest for the
moment is whether there
was a domestic equivalent
of the Forty Committee
dealing with covert opera,
tions in this country, and if
there was who was on it.
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
THE EVENING STAR and DAILY NEWS
Washington, D. C., Wedrwsday, May 16, 1973
WASHINGTON CLOSE-UP
Keeping the Burglars Out
By FRANK GETLEIN
Perhaps prematurely,
everybody has been draw-
ing moral lessons from the
conspiracy, burglary and
corruption of the Ameri-
can political process
summed up in the name
Watergate.
The Rev. Billy Graham,
for example, thinks the
Watergate crimes show
the need for a great spirit-
ual revival in America.
This is understandable
from a professional point
of view, Dr. Graham being
the nation's leading spirit
ual revivalist, but a more
realistic analysis would
find Just the opposite to be
the` Watergate lesson.-The
burglars and other crimi-
nals were acting on behalf
of and apparently also on
the instructions of the
most self-consciously holy,
spiritually revived, pray-
er-breakfasting, God-in-
voking White House gang
since "Lemonade Lucy"
Harrison had the temper-
ance ladies in.
If Watergate is where
godliness has led the holy
clowns from the White
House, this country may
not be able to afford a
spiritual revival.
President Nixon seems
to have drawn several
other -moral lessons: Pay
more attention to what
people are doing in your
,name; fire people you are
deeply convinced are inno-
cent of wrongdoing, and,
above all, no doubt, don't
hire a counsel who isn't
willing to be a scapegoat.
For their part, the Dem-
ocrats must have learned
a lesson they ought to have
learned a long time ago:
When you are running
against Richard M. Nixon,
keep your back to the. wall
and your hand on your
wallet. No one would sug-
gest the President of the
United States is a bandit,
but he does seem to inspire
an excess of zeal in those
devoted to his cause.
Jerry Voorhis and Helen
Gahagan Douglas were
but the first in a long line
of political corpses found
floating with the knives in
their backs inscribed
"RMN." The latest vic-
tims of that zeal seem to
be Sens. Muskie, Hum-
phrey and Jackson, done
in by forgeries in Florida,
false and embarrassing
phone calls and letters,.
bogus orders for large
quantities of food, drink
and flowers, and, of
course, the familiar zeal-
ous acts of breaking and
entering and burglarizing
files.
For the rest of us, the
lessons cannot really be
drawn until all the returns
are in, but one fundamen-
tal necessity seems clear
even this early: We have
got, somehow, to get the
CTA the hell out of our
domestic politics.
The agency has, of
course, denied that it had
anything to do with the
cameras, the red wigs, the
bugging apparatus and so
on that burglar and ex-CIA
agent E. Howard Hunt Jr.
has testified he got from
the agency in an agency
outpost, a "sttfe house"
maintained for just such
purposes.
But even on the record
as already established,
the CIA gave us Hunt,
McCord and most of their
mob from Miami, alumni,
with dne exception, not
only of the agency but of
its finest hour, the Bay of,
Pigs blow for freedom by
surreptitious invasion of a
so/ereign country.
The theory of late
20th century government
seems to be that we have to
have people like Hunt and
McCord on the government
payroll to save us from the
dread Commies.
Fair enough: At the
moment, however, a more
urgent problem is how to
save the Republic from
Hunt and McCord and per-
haps from the CIA at large.
The very least we can
expect is a law preventing'
graduates of the CIA, like
Hunt and McCord, from
engaging in political adtiv-
ity for a period of years,
particularly from accept-
ing employment or con-
tracts from outfits like the
Committee for the Re-elec-
tion of the President.
If retired spooks want to
run for public office them-
selves, that's fine:. There
are many constituencies
that from time to time feel
the need for a trained bur-
glar as their man in Con-
gress or the city hall. Also,
their opponents are fairly,
warned and can hire their
own free-enterprise bur-
glars to protect them.
But to have government-
trained burglars in the
White House as political
consultants is now untena-
ble and mttst be stopped by
statute.
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
. n',. u ... ~i Sk? 'd. n A y~,~afeu0'~LdYMti.4?w~ti
Former CIA Director Richard Ilelms arrives to testify bet
Nixon Name Used
CM
~"o Pressure By William Claiborne
Washington Post Staff Writer
cral high White House helms, who is now ambas- ?,
e
v
aides invoked 'the name of sadoe to Iran, emerged from'
President Nixon when they the hearing room with his .
I asked the Central lntelll- jaw tightly clenched and
bored through a crowd of
gence the Agency ro help cover' newsmen to a waiting car.
u p p the Watergate a without making a comment
and asniat key conspirators, , ? shout the first. of at lenst
Sen. John L. Nil-Clel 'in (ll lhr. n er 1, ri,th rl rt~hrar
Alt ) ell- 1--xrl
HH3/IIC- 9(o
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
IIgl61d i#FlfiA INMAFNQM SMI
Former CIA Director Richard Helms arrives to testify before a.Senite subcommittee..,
Nixon NarnUsed.
To Pressure CIA.
By William Claiborne
Washington Post staff writer
Several high White House Helms, who is now ambas-
aides invoked the name of sador to Iran, emerged from
President Nixon when they the hearing room with his i
asked the Central Intelli- jaw tightly, clenched and
gence Agency to help cover bored through a crowd of
up the Watergate scandal newsmen to a waiting car
and assist key conspirators, without making a comment ,
Sen. John L. McClellan (D- about the first of at lea
r-
appear-
Ark.) disclosed yesterday. three scheduled appear-
For that reason , Mc-i ances before Watergate-rela-
ted investigating panels.
Clellan a a I d, Richard M. But McClellan later re-
I Helms, who was then CIA viewed helms' testimony,
director, and other intelli- and then angrily accused
I genre officials did not in-. the White House of form.either Congress or the
ent about the re- ing the National Security
Presid
Act by trying to pressure
quests. the CIA Into covering up f1=
McClellan said they .nanctal manipulations con -I;
"wanted to go as far as they netted with Watergate. l..
1 could to accommodate the Referring to the 1947 act'
President" because the re- that prohibits the CIA from'
quests had come from such domestic intelligence work,
high offices of the Executive McClellan said, "I'm satis?'
Branch. fled the CIA made a mis-
"Some things went too far
} and they put a stop to It," take. I'm satisfied that the
McClellan said after listen- CIA was imposed upon.
McClellan also Implicitly
ing to three hours. of testa- criticized. Helms for his at-"
mony by Helms in a closed lance over a two-year pe-
Senate Appropriations sub-
committee hearing. See HELMS, A20, 001. 1
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
Aides Invoked JVixon 's lWime
HELMS, From tha mitigate those impositions ., providing equipment to 'made last June 23 by Halde }
riod, saying that when it be- by doing as little as they. Hunt. man to Helms and his dep-
came obvious "a cloud was could, and finally they did McClellan' Said. the . next :' uty, )_,t. Gen. Vernon Wal-
being passed over the refuse," McClellan said. request came when David L. ters, McClellan said.
agency" the former C(A di-. The first CIA Involvement Young, a National Security McClellan said Helms tes-
rector had an opportunity to with Watergate figures, Mc- Council staff member, asked tified . that Haldeman
complain about the pres? :? Clellan quoted Helms as tes- the CIA for a psychological "suggested to him that Gen.
sures brought to bear by the tifying, occurred when the profile on Ellsberg. Walters go to see the direr-
White House. agency provided E. Howard Helms "reluctantly went tor of the FBI and ask them
i
t
h
li
on
e invest, lga
But he reserved his most Hunt and G. Gordon Liddy along with that request, to call off t
stinging criticism for former with disguises, burglary McClellan said, even though into the Mexican money
presidential aides H.R. (Bob)', tools and electronic surveil. he "didn't think it was quite journey."
Haldeman, John D. Ehrlich. lance equipment that were proper~~ by reason, of the He was referring to the.
man and John W, Dean III, used to break Into the of. source." $100,000 check 'that was
calling their actions "beyond flees of Pentagon Papers de. Former presidential aide . "laundered" through a Me x.
Two maJor White House psychiatrist, sworn.' statement that the'. which ended up in the sale
1. requests of the CIA to assist McClellan said Helms did profile provided no useful,. .of Nixon fund-raiser Mau
not know the equipment had information to . a special' rice H. Stans. The money
i
i
es
rac
in apparent consp
were met, McClellan said, been provided-at Ehrlich- White House security squad figured in bankrolling the
break-in and
l
b
d
ll
d ""
th
t
W
t
"
e p
um
ers, an
. .
erga
e
e
a
ca
some-
and a third was refused.. man's request-until
three rn- time later. when Hunt began for that reason the burglary other political espionage op-
f th
O
l
y one o
e
n
ally approved by Helms, and CIA assistance. -- was planned by Hunt apd 4 for the Re=election of the
r 1aa.,
rel
tantly
lms
as
accord
h
-
ng
uc
. --.
,
a? ?
done
__ ,.
-
_
"Mr. Helms and his assist- .. Clellan, ordered former The third White House at-, Walters testified before
ants were seriously imposed ' Deputy CIA Director' Gen. tempt to involve the CIA In another Senate subcommit-
gpon and they undertook to Robert E. Cushman to stop the Watergate scandal was tee on Monday that he told
teas
Dean three' .days. later, that
promise the CIA in the
'Watergate case.
McClellan said yesterday
that It Was Helms who or-
dered Walters not to get in
volved In asking Acting FBI
Director L. Patrick Gray to
cover up the probe. Mc-
Clellan said Helms was con-
vinced that the FBI investi.
gation of the Mexican con-
nection would not interfere
with the CIA's operatives in
Mexico, which he said had
been suggested by Halde-
man. ,
McClellan and Sen. Ro-
man L. Hruska (R-Neb.)'re-
peatedly emphasized Helm's
reluctance to become., in-
volved in a Watergate cover-
up. Another subcommittee
member, Sen. John Pastore
(D-R.I.), described Helms as
"quite hurt that his` reputa-
lion has been tainted, after
by the, White House to com-
raaag CIA
40 years .(of government firmation , hearings Hellas.
service)." did not connect ,the requests
However, .when asked why : made to the, CIA to-! the
Helms did not take his con- break-in at Democratic Np-
cerns to President Nixon tional Headquarters.,
while his agency was alleg McClellan conceded that
edly being pressured by: he "didn't intend to put
Haldeman and Ehrlichman, ' .(Helms) through the grill",'
McClellan said: during the hearing. He said
"He remained silent. :. ? that he and other subcom? .
He didn't feel that he was mittee members had' little
called on to go to the Presi- time to prepare questions
dent. He didn't want the and that Helms was testify-
CIA involved." tag mostly from memory.
When reminded that in at ? However, McClellan said
least three confirmation ap- ' he probably will seek more
pcarances before the Senate testimony from Helms at a
Foreign Relations Commit- future date. He said he also
tee last January and Febru planned to seek testimony
ary Helms flatly denied any , from Haldeman, Ehrlichman
CIA Involvement in Water- and Young.
gate, McClellan ' said, "He Helms, meanwhile, is
did not relate this to the "scheduled to testify at 10
Watergate." a.m. today before the Senate
Hruska chided reporters , , Armed Services Committee
for. . attaching . the. and sometime later before
'.'Watergate" label to every.'. a federal grand jury' here
allegation of White House and the Senate Select Sub-,
misfeasance" He claimed committee Investigating the'
that at the time of the con- 'Watergate scandal.
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499ROO1000120003-0
V
,fl
0
4
U U A
J'- 0
al
- U / x O %.
U
>
O
CL)
U Y'd
cn
L.
U ry
+..,, r sr
Q
(3)
r 'C7 O a, ., ctt .,
C, CI) C
N N r
V) +, X
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499ROO1000120003-0
 ..,.,.
AlIft
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
0 - L
CIA Watergate Role Probed
BY OSWALD JOHNSTON
Star-News Staff Writer
Former CIA Director Richard
Helms became the focus of
scrutiny in the Watergate case
today in the wake of disclosures of
persistent White House efforts to
use the Central Intelligence Agen-
cy to cover up administration re-
sponsibility.
Testimony disclosed by the
Senate Armed Services Commit-
tee has put it on record that Helms
knew as early as June 23, 1972 -
six days after the Watergate
break-in - that White House aides
H. R. Haldeman and John D. Ehr-
lichman tried to order CIA inter-
ference with an FBI investigation
related to the case.
The testimony by Lt. Gen.
Vernon A. Walters, the CIA depu-
ty director under Helms who still
is in that post, gave no indication
that Helms ever tried to communi-
cate any misgivings to President
Nixon, despite his knowledge of
what White House aides were
doing. However, the testimony did
indicate that CIA officials did not
give in to the pressure.
It was disclosed in testimony
before the special Senate Water-
gate committee last week that act-
ing FBI director L. Patrick
See CIA, Page A-6
Former CIA Director Richard Helms be-
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499 R001000120003-0
 W!MWA
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
L
X-I
0 (Ti C7) V 3 Cy?.w p E.?? NO. O ' N
? v, o~ mo ~0 V3
a) ~. O C 'O C w Y C
E- cu u >arowCu "4 aw?a)a
"c own p:3 >?
y N ,p ? tp~:p.: ?~p U cad cd cUq w N + v y?., U C?1 ?~ w CO
Cl v P ivy cUd ?w? X y co acd a +~ ~;
CaUO ro bn a a)a w a'd>,mu .~a
bDU cd~i O wj cd cd cd cd ax y a) w
V ~ C9r o 3 X 0 78 2 C
?aoo w
Ua,~a)b08oaua)w t~.c?N n a
aaw,av~,
C3 to ? d a -ca
$d
ds~r' o...~ ~EUUSC0 .c Ti t,.gyn . Fl) .ccn.~...
En a)o '0 0'0"0a
5~ aa)R w gcnC
En 0 1-4
a) sO., 0 Lam. O w a) w .~
0 a) .'.~ 7 .ro0 0 y N
x..,L4 0? U) a) a a) o ycn a) a o N 3 0 C
ba)viUp 0X0 ii bba `" , >, p?o 'OC ., C) cdw
3 o a) v a i n o^ 0 >1 - 61u, ~" o ~, ca o `, ybyino -
a) td a+ cd N ~D w C 'r7 .C O cn C .? C ) N O cd
cad o ? (U ? y+q o `CIS a 3 O w ~A.
U oa bnio cd... wo a)~ ?~cd
? o 0u bna o 43 ~: m o y,+'"d w N ?U.-? CL ti?
x y y '% w aV) a 5aS tOibid~ ox~ O mw ca
[w
w v a 03 cu 0 3 cd o y a
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
vaded Democratic party
headquarters in the Wa-
tergate, where they had
placed an electronic
eavesdropping device.
On June 23, Helms and
Walters were summoned
to Ehrlichman's White
House office and were
there informed by Halde-
man "that the Watergate
incident might be exploit-
ed by the opposition" -
presumably the Demo-
crats - and told that
something must be done.
With Helms apparently
acquiescing, Haldeman
ordered Walters to bypass
his boss and go directly to
Gray in an effort to block
an FBI investigation of the
Mexican funds on the
grounds that the probe
would compromise CIA
operations in Mexico.
THE ORDER, according
to an Armed Services
Committee paraphrase of
Walters' still-classified
testimony, was "decided"
within the White House.
Syinington, presenting the
Walters narrative to re-
porters yesterday, said
there was no testimony or
evidence to link such or-
ders to Nixon himself.
Walters, who joined the
CIA only that spring,. car-
ried that message to Gray
the same day. Afterwards
he checked agency rec-
ords and discovered there
were no operations in
Mexico that could have
been compromised by an
FBI probe of the bank
accounts. Helms, an agen-
t cy veteran who had been
director since 1966, appar-
ently still did not inter-
vene.
IFI7ad been impressed
on both Helms and Walters
that John W. Dean III, the
President's counsel, was
in charge of Watergate
affairs in the White House.
Accordingly, Walters on
June 26 went to the White
House counsel with the
information that there was
no CIA involvement in
Mexico and let the matter
rest there. He related this
the same day to Helms,
who apparently was satis-
fied and "assured Gen.
Walters that he was acting
correctly," according to
the testimony.
Walters' reluctance to
cooperate evidently both-
ered the - White House
group, however. The next
day, Dean summoned Wal-
ters to another meeting
and, according to the
committee account,
"asked if there was some
way the CIA could go bail
or pay the salaries of the
individuals accuses in the
Watergate case while they
were in jail." Walters
again refused and this
time threatened to resign
rather than identify Mc-
Cord and the "Miami
four" of the Watergate
burglary as regular CIA
operatives.
DEAN CALLED Walters
again June 28 - the third
try in as many days. This
time he asked "if there
could have been some CIA
involvement that Gen.'
Walters did not know
about."
Walters again refused to
go along, and this time
threatened to go directly
to the President to protest
if he were ordered to com-
promise the CIA in Water-
gate, according to testimo-
ny.
There is no publicly
known evidence that ei-
ther Walters or Helms
actually did this. But by
this time, June 28, FBI
director Gray was becom-
ing restless and doubtful
on his side of the investi-
gatory fence.
ACCORDING TO Gray's
reported testimony to Sen-
ate investigators, he had
grown extremely worried
about the CIA involvement,
he had been told about by
Walters on June 23 and
by the White House team
intermittently since then.
He independently tried to
set up a meeting with
Helms and Walters on
June 28, but was dissuaded
that morning by Ehrlich-
man, who according to
reported Senate testimony
canceled the meeting.
Finally, on July 5, Gray
took his doubts directly to
Walters.
In a telephone call re-
ported in~Walters' testimo-
ny, Gray told the CIA dep-
uty "that he could not stop
the investigation of the
Mexican financing unless
he received a letter from
the (CIA) director or Gen.
Walters stating that such
an investigation would
damage the agency's ac-
cess in Mexico.
This must. have dis-
tressed Walters, who had
been told more than a
week before, on June 26,
that Dean would deal with
his misgivings on this
point. On July 6, according
to the Walters account, the
CIA deputy went to see
Gray, personally insisted
that the FBI probe of the
Mexican financing would
endanger no CIA opera-
tions, and assured him
that the CIA had no inter-
est in interfering with any
investigation.
WALTERS "then testi-
fied that he told Mr. Gray
the story of his meeting
with Mr. Haldeman and
Mr. Ehrlichman, and that
he had been told to convey
his previous message to
Mr. Gray," the committee
narrative continues. "Gen.
Walters testified that he
repeated to Mr. Gray his
determination to resign if
there was an attempt to
compromise the CIA in
this issue."
It was on that same day
that Gray tried to warn
Nixon directly that there
was something wrong with
the White House handling
of the case, according to
his own reported testimo-
ny before the Senate Wa-
tergate investigating
committee.
On July 6, Gray tele-
phoned campaign director
Clark McGregor to com-
plain about the "run-
around" he was getting
from the White House
staff. According to on
report of the testimony,
Gray made this call with
the acquiescence of a high
CIA official - presumably
Walters.
Within 30 minutes of the
call to McGregor, Gray
received a call from Nixon
himself, and he repeated
the complaint. According
to his reported testimony,
Gray was told to continue
his investigation as he had
been doing, and not to
concern himself with
White House involvement. ,
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
y T Am d.Z SMA1 1973
!'AGING' OF STAFF
A C.I.A. PROBLEM
Spies Are Too' Old and Too
Numerous, Director Says
,By JOHN W. FINNEY
Special to The New York Timer
1-
WASHINGTON, May,
James R. Schlesinger, the Di-
rector of Central Intelligence,
has told Congress that a major
problem confronting the Cen-
tral Intelligence Agency is'that
its spies are becoming too bid
and too numerous.
The difficulty, he explained
In recent testimony before the
Senate Armed Services Com-
mittee, is that agents in clan-
destine overseas operations
have "stayed around as long
as they have wanted." As a
result, he said, "we have an
aging staff" in the agency's
operations division that handles
overseas activities and there is
little room for promotion of
aspiring young spies.
Suggestions that some of the
spies have come to look upon
their jobs as "a sinecure," Mr.
Schlesinger said:
The -intelligence community
of the United States is not de
,' signed to provide cushy posi-
tions for time-servers."
Mr. Schlesinger testified be-
fore the committee early _last
month in support of legislation
that would raise from 830 to
1,200 the number of former
overseas agents whom the
agency can retire at the age of
50 after 20 years of service.
His slightly censored testimony
was made public today in one
of the rare occasions when the
i -testimony of a Central Intelli-
gence Director has been pub-
lished.
HS/HC- 'J''O
Many Recruited After War
Since taking over as director
in February, Mr. Schlesinger
has begun a major reorganiza-
tion of intelligence activities,
including the largest personnel
cutback in the history of the
agency. From his testimony,
which provided the first official
explanation of his plans for
personnel reorganization, it is
apparent that one of Mr. Schles-
inger's major objective is
to weed out over-age spies
through retirement.
Mr. Schlesinger disclosed
that in recent years the intelli-
gence agency had reduced its
"overseas population," with
some of the. agents absorbed
into the headquarters staff and
others retired. But, he said, it
still has "too many people in
the operational areas," particu-
larly as it turns increasingly to
technological means, such as
satellites, for obtaining intelli-
gence information.
This surplus of operatives, he
said, is compounded by the
problem of the agency's clan-
destine service. "We are facing
a very severe hump in age com-
position" between 1970 and
1980, he said.
Immediately after World War
IT, in its formative years, the
intelligence agency engaged in
an extensive recruitment pro-
gram, particularly on Ivy Leaguer
campuses. Most of those Post-
war recruits are now reaching
the age of 50 or more but show
little desire to leave the agency.
The agency's problem, Mr.
Schlesinger said, it that, unlike
the military or foreign service,
It has no system for "selecting
out" agents as they move up In
seniority.
"It has been assumed that
people come in and de facto
they have stayed around as long
as they wanted,". he said. "As
a result, we have an aging
staff."
Promotions Delayed
As compared with the rest
of the Government, the director
said, the intelligence agency
has a disproportionately old
staff. For example, he said,
about 70 per cent of the
agency's employes In executive
grade positions are over 45,
compared with about 50 per
cent in other Government
agencies.
Mr. Schlesinger attributed
some of the agency's morale
problems to the overlay of older
agents, with the resulting "re-
duced opportunity for younger
people." In the early days of
the agency, he said, a person
.could expect to acquire execu-
tive responsibilities b;? age 48
but now he must wait until
age 55.
Consequently, he said, "we
had a movement out of some of
our younger people whom we
would like to retain in order
to build for 20 years ahead."
Mr. Schlesinger acknowl.
edged that his personnel re-
organization and reductions
had caused morale problems
and criticism within the
agency. But he suggested that
this reaction should be bal-
anced against the morale prob-
lems of persons who left the
agency "because they saw In-
sufficient opportunity, partly
because they did not believe
that the agency was vigorous
enough, that It had become a
tired bureaucracy."
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
THE EVENING 0. C., Wedrw dyDMay DAILY 1973
United Press International them have been in the govern-
More Spry Spies
CIA Chief Wants
Old age has hit the spy busi-
says they must give way to
tee, Schlesinger estimated
over 45, and 85 percent of
As a result of this
"disproportionately high"
percentage, top positions in
the CIA are clogged up, and
young, promising personnel
have been quitting because of
"Our problem is that unlike
the State Department, unlike
the Department of Defense,
there has been no selection-
out system," Schlesinger
said. "It has been assumed
that people have come in and
de facto they have stayed
around as long as they have
wanted. As a result, we have
Schlesinger, who took over
the top CIA job this year, has
been engaged in an extensive
overhauling of the agency and
hundreds of CIA officials have
lost their jobs. Many have,
come flocking to Capitol Hill
and the government bureauc-
shakeup would diminish the
CIA's role and lead to domina-
tion by the Defense
Department's intelligence-
gathering agencies.
The April 5 hearing was on
a bill, since passed by Con-
gress and now before Presi-
dent Nixon, to increase the
ceiling on annual CIA retire-
ments from 800 to 2,100.
Schlesinger said the intelli-
"
not
gence community was
desigl'fed to provide cushy
positions for time servers."
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
Min
Reacting to disclosures
-linking the Central Intelli-
gence Agency to a White
lIouse-directed undercov-
er.operation that included
burglary and a covert
psychiatric profile of Dan-
iel Ellsberg, CIA director
James R. Schlesinger has
ordered an organizational
housecleaning to prevent
such activities in the fu-
ture. -
Schlesinger assured
senators yesterday that he
is reviewing "all agency
activities" in order to put
a stop to future domestic
operations "outside its le-
. gitimate charter" and in
violation of laws barring
the CIA from security op-
erations within the coun-
try.
Supplying cameras, dis-
guises and false docu-
ments to Watergate con-
spiiators E. Howard Hunt
and G. Gordon Liddy on
request of the White House
was careless and in viola-
tion of "procedural steps'
and approvals normally
required by agency regu-
lations," Schlesinger said.
The observation amounted
to all but direct criticism
of the administration of
former CIA Director Rich-
ard M. Helms.
,HS/HC- fro
WS
THE EVENING STAR and DAILY 1973
Washington, 0. C., Thursday, May
erect
to E
FURTHER, referring to
the use of the agency's of-
fice of medical services to
work up two assessments
of Ellsberg on White
House demands, Schlesin-
ger declared: "The prepa-
ration of a profile on an
American citizen under
these circumstances lies
beyond the normal activity
of the agency. It shall not
be repeated."
More generally, Schles-
inger said that he has
domestic operations has
sometimes been bent - if
not broken outright.
TESTIFYING on the
material and operational'
support the CIA lent a
covert White House probe
of Ellsberg that included a
burglarly of his
psychiatrist's office in
September 1971, Schlesin-
ger also made' these
disclosures:
? Helms, Schlesinger's
predecessor as CIA chief,
directed the preparation of
and invited each ex- , a. psychiatric profile of
employe" to report direct-
ly to him any questionable
cases in which the CIA
may be indulging in for-
bidden domestic activities.
Schlesinger's statement,
delivered to a Senate
committee behind closed
doors, and then - in an
unprecedented move -
made public with his bless-
ing, came closer than any
director in the 25-year his-
tory of the CIA to admit-
ting that the legal ban on
Ellsberg by agency spe-
cialist Dr. Bernard Mal-
loy. Two profiles were
worked out over a series of
months, Schlesinger re-
ported, and there were
several consultations be-
tween Malloy and . the
White House agents, Hunt
and Liddy.
The profile had original-
ly been requested by Da-
vid Young, the White
House aide whose repre-
sentations gained Hunt
access to classified State
Department files during
? The paths for Hunt, a
former CIA agent, and
Liddy to agency coopera-
tions were smoothed by
White House. domestic
adviser John D. Ehrlich-
man in a phone call to
Marine Corps Gen. Robert
E. Cushman, then the
agency's deputy director.
The call, on July 8, 1971,.
came only a few days after
publication of the Penta-
gon Papers began in the
New York Times, and
'agency records show that
Ehrlichman advised Cush-
man of Hunt's appoint-
ment as-` a special White
House security consultant.
Agency cooperation with
him was requested.
? Hunt, paying a personal
call on Cushman at the
CIA headquarters, sought
technical help from the
CIA's clandestine opera-
tions directorate to help
him carry out a White
House mission. Schlesin-
ger described the mission
in these terms: "To visit
and elicit information
from an individual whose
~. ideology he was not entire-
ly sure of."
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
Hill to Probe.
CIA Link, "
To Break-In
By Laurence Stern
Washington Pat Staff writer
gative activity. Is being
launched on Capitol Hill
into the Central Intelligence
Agency's alleged role in the'
'burglary of the office of the
psychiatrist , who treated
Pentagon Papers defendant
rate Senate and House pan-
els which pversee CIA oper-
ations announced yesterday
that they would . immedi- {,
Mich.), chairman of an Ar
med Services subcommittee
on the CIA, disclosed that
the agency's director, James
R. Schlesinger, confirmed to
him yesterday that 'Marine
Corps Commandent Robert
E. Cushman Jr.' authorized
use of CIA equipment in the
Ellsberg burglary case.
The equipment was used
by the Watergate break-in
team headed by former CIA,
agents E. Howard Hunt Jr.
and G. Gordon Liddy to bur-'
gtarize the office of Dr.
Lewis Fielding, Ellsberg's:
psychiatrist; in connection;
with the White House inves-
tigation of the Pentagon Pa-.
Vera case during 1971.
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
A 24 Tw"&-y, Mey k 1973! . THE WASHINGTON POST
Congress to Probe CIA Link to Break-In
e" . .,n A 1 unl9ca Airrrlinn ramp? as a.' provide the White House Nedzi said that his Armed
Nedzi said Schlesinger
confirmed to him, In a tele-
phone conversation yester-
day, that the CIA equipment
was issued to Liddy and
Hunt "and that the order
emanated from Gen. Cush-
man. The role of Cushrnan,'
who was at the time of the
severe jolt to 1nstimuunaa wuu o 1,~~.....~.., r? - -?-
morale at CIA's Langley,. Ellsberg. the CIA will begin hearing
u
,,Va., headquarters,
Sen. Stuart Symington (D-
Mo.), chairman of the, Sen-
ate's Joint ,CIA oversight
committee, announced
tersely of the new
development: "We plan to
nced that, "'
McClellan anno
.
former CIA Director Rich- witnesses on Thursday "to
and Helms, who headed the find out what they know
agency at the time of the about the situation." {{
Pentagon Papers investiga- He said he, too, will ask
'lion, will be called to testify for Helms' return from Iran
later along with Cushman. is a.e termer Airarlnr in nor-
Incident deputy director of
the Central Intelligance
Agency, was disclosed. yes-
terday by The New York
Times.
The Michigan Democrat
said Schlesinger had also or-
within the agency of the ex-
tent of its involvement In.
the Watergate case. and the
Ellsberg investigation. ,
One high-ranking CIAi of-
fici-al said the disclosure of
the agency's ' role ' in the
operations of the Hunt-
Liddy team underr 'White
look into it. If true, I don t lilt! Au~ff 01-.1 like it." created the CIA decreed sonauy Implicated In the
Sen. John L, McClellan that the agency should, Pentagon Papers break-in.
(D-Ark.), who heads a sepa- "have no police, subpoena, "If I had to make a guess,"
rate Appropriations subcom- ? law-enforcement powers or he said, "this was not too
mittee on operations, said internal security functions," widely ~~ known in the
he is calling in top CIA wit. McClellan noted. The atat? agency.
nesses on Wednesday to tes- ute did, however, assign re- Cushman's involvement In
tify about' the agency's in- ' for protecting Internal ri se t on White significant l in view
Papers cs
vol in the Pentagon .curity functions."
Papers case. of his long and close re-
Lead-off witnesses, lip `'. The basic responsibility -lationship with President-
said, will be Schlesinger and for' domestic surveillance Nixon. In the late 1950a he .
!-Dr. Bernard, Melloy, chief of against espionage .and Sabo- served as Mr. Nixon's spe-
. _ ..
n_
-g breaches
f - _i.l assistant for national
i
ludi
o
hi
i
Sion. Melloy 'was reportedly national intelligence, is that
otdered - by his, superiors . of the Federal Bureau of In-
over his o'wn' obiectidns to vestigation.
s
ng
security affairs dur
last four years In the vice
presidency.
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
THE EVENING STAR and DAILY N EWS
Wa$hlrtoro^, f7. C., ru~.dar. My
BY OSWALK JOHNSTON
Star?Newa Staff Writer
James R. Schlesinger,
the newly installed CIA
director, has confirmed
privately that the CIA
supplied a camera, dis-
guises and false docu-
ments to Watergate consi-
pirator E. Howard Hunt
before the 1971 bread-in at
the office of the psychia-
trist who had once treated
Daniel Ellsberg.
Schlesinger, who offered
the confirmation in a tele-
phone conversation yester-
day with Rep. Lucien N.
Nedzi, D-Mich., chairman
of the House Arms Serv-
ices subcommittee on in-
telligence, acknowledged
that Gen. Robert E. Cush-
man Jr., then deputy
director of the CIA, or-
dered the supplies, Nedzi
said.
Confirmation that Cush-
man, now Marine Corps
commandant, authorized
clandestine supplies for
Hunt and fellow conspira-
tor G. Gordon Liddy in
S C- 7 ro
their administration-di-
rected probe of the Penta-
gon Papers leak, emerged
from an internal probe
now under way at the CIA,
Nedzi was told.
Still unconfirmed is
Hunt's testimony to the
Watergate grand jury that
the CIA also gave Hunt,
Liddy and the team of
Cuban emigrees recruited
for the Ellsberg burglary
operational assistance,
two "safe-house" rendez.
vous points in Washington
and an untraceable
"Ssterile" telephone num-
ber to call if help was
needed.
(Cushman has been or-
dered by the. Defense De-
partment not to discuss his
alleged involvement in the
burglary. He failed to
show up for a scheduled
news conference at Rotter-
dam yesterday, where he
is touring Dutch defenses.
An aide announced the
(general would have noth-
ing to say.
(The aide said Cushman
had been ordered to sub-
mit an affidavit, to the Jus-
tice Department on the
matter when he returns
here:)
Nedzi, concerned that
CIA activities in the case
may have violated laws
banning the agnecy from
domestic operations, is
planning a subcommittee
investigation this week.
Sens. Stuart Symington, D-
Mo., . and John L. Mc-
Clellan D-Ark. also an-
nounced yesterday seper-
ate probes of the incident.
The State Department,
meanwhile, has offered
seperate confirmation of
another aspect of the rap-
idly developing case. Offi-
cials acknowledged late
yesterday that Hunt in
1971 had free access to
State Department cables
relating to the 1963 coup in
which South Vietnamese
President Ngo Dinh Diem
was assassinated.
According to a sketchy
State Department version
of the incident, officials
acceded to White House
request that Hunt be given
unlimited access to the
department's fileof cable
traffic to and from Saigon
during 1963.
Hunt worked in the file
room during late Septem-
ber and early October of
1971, officials recalled,
and he was allowed to
make photo copies of as
many cables as he choose.
Some of these copies
may have provided the
raw material for cables
Hunt later fabricated, al-
legedly on orders from
former White House Spe-
cial Counsel Charles W.
Colson, to implicate Presi-
dent John F. Kennedy in
the Diem assassination.
According to grand jury
testimony released in Los
Angeles by Federal Dis-
trict Judge W. Matthew
Byrne Jr., Hunt plowed
through several thousand
state Department cables
in order to vhunt plowed
through several thousand
State Department cables
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
THE EVENING STAR and DAILY NEWS
Washington, D. C., Tuesday, May 8, 1973
in order to "verify the
authenticity of materials
that had already appeared
in the press" in the Penta-
gon Pase.
The actual regulations
under which the CIA has
operated are set forth in a
series of highly classified
directives from successive
presidents and national
security councils over the
years - from the Truman
administration to the pres-
ent.
These are sometimes
collectively referred to as
the "secret charter."
Glimpses of this charter
have surfaced occasional-
ly, especially when domes-
tic operations of the CIA
I have been hcallenged. In a
case involving an Estonian
emigre employed as a CIA
counter intelligence agent
that reached the Supreme
Court two years ago, it
was revealed in an affida-
vit signed by Helms him-
.self that the deputy direc-
tor for plans (ie. chief of
clandestine operations)
has "specific responsibili-
ty - for the conduct of the
agency's counter intelli-
gence operations."
As an organizational
matter, the support Hunt
claims he got from the CIA
in the Ellsberg burglary
would have been carried
out under the deputy
director of plans, presum-
ably under the heading
"counter-intelligence op-
erations."
Under the 18-month-old
reorganization of the CIA,
Cushman, as deputy direc-
tor of the agency, would
have had unquestioned
authority to order the
camera and other materi.
als and probably to offer
operational support as
well.
The burglary of
Ellsberg's psychiatrist
took place in September
1971, however, some two
months before the reorga-
nization plan was an-
nounced by President Nix-
on, so the line of authority
may not have been that
clearly defined.
Helms himself has pri-
vately assured Nedzi and
other congressional over-
seers of the CIA that he
had no advance knowledge
of the Watergate break-in,
and the agency through an
official announcement has
disclaimed any advance
knowledge of the Ellsberg
break-in.
In his only publicly rec-
orded reference to the
Watergate case, Helms,
now ambassador to Iran,
last February admitted to
members of the Senate
Foreign Relations Com
mittee that both Hunt and
James W. McCord, anoth-
er convicted Watergate
conspirator, were former
CIA agents. He added, in a
voice verging on anger:
"They had all retired.
They had left. I have no
control over anybody who
has left . . . they had both
been retired at least two
years."
Despite Schlesinger's
limited confirmation that
Hunt, himself a former
CIA operative in the clan-
destine services or "dirty
tricks" division of the
agency, enjoyed CIA sup-
port in the burglary of
Ellsberg's psychiatrist,
serious questions remain.
The distinction between
merely supplying equip-
ment, reportedly on White
House orders, and actually
lending operational sup-
port could be crucial, ac-
cording to informed
sources in the intelligence
community.
The supplying of equip-
ment is viewed as a rou-
tine administrative matter
that would have carried
out without question upon
orders of Cushman, who
was number two in the
agency as deputy director,
under Richard M. Helms,
the then CIA director.
A request for agency
cooperation in a govern-
ment-wic probe of a na-
tional security leak such
as the Pentagon Papers
would be regarded as
"normal administrative
stuff" once sources ob-
served. "The fact the
White House was trying to
find out about those leaks
was hardly something the
agency would re unrecep-
tive to."
CIA participation in ac-
tual support of the burgla
ry team, through the sup-
ply of safe houses and a
secure telephone contact.
such as Hunt described
could be more serious,
however, since a violation
of federal law might have
been involved.
Nedzi and other con-
gressmen charged with
overseeing CIA activities
are keenly sensitive to a
proviso in the 1947 Nation-
al Security Act which ex-
pressly forbids the CIA to
engage in , domestic
"internal security func-
tions."
Federal courts have
sometimes favored the
agency with a liberal read-
ing of the law, however.
The same act empowers
the agency to "protect in-
telligence sources and
methods from unauthor-
ized disclosure," and this
clause has been interpret-
ed to authorize some do-
mestic counter-intelli-
gence activity, even
though counter intelli-
gence is technically the
exclusive province of the
FBI.
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
Times Links Marine General
To CIA Role in Ellsberg Case
By Martin Well
Washington Post Staff Writer
Marine Corps Commandant
Gen. Robert E. Cushman Jr.,
while deputy director of the
Central Intelligence Agency
in 1971, authorized CIA in-
volvement in the,plot to burg-
larize the office of Daniel
Ellsberg's former psychiatrist,
the New York Times reported
in today's editions.,
Attributing its report to
A CIA spokesman said that
a detailed explanation of any
CIA Involvement In the burg-
lary plot has been given to the
Department of Justice, and de-
clined to comment further on
the matter.
In his testimony, Hunt, a
CIA veteran, said the CIA
provided cameras, disguises,
false papers and other "tech-
nical assistance" for the bur-
glary operation.
sources close to the Water-!
gate case, The Times said
Cushman, who left the CIA
Jan. 1, 1972, and is now a mem-
of the Joint Chiefs off
ber
Staff, authorized the use of ,,
CIA help E. Howard Hunt Jr.
and G. Gordon Liddy prepare
for the break-in.
Cushman acted at the re-
quest of John D. Ehrlichman,
:;who resigned last, week ail
,;President Nixon's chief - do-
mestic affairs assistant, ac-
cording to the Times report.
Hunt, a convicted Watergate
,conspirator, has testified be-
fore a grand, jury here that he
and Liddy, also it convicted
conspirator, sought to get In-
formation from the break-in
that would bear on the men-
tal makeup, and "prosecuta-
bility" of Ellsberg, who is on
trial on charges of espionage
and theft in the Pentagon
Papers case.
Efforts by The Washington
h Cushman last
P
t t
r
a
os
o
e
c
I night were unsuccessful. HS/HC-yJOQ
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
CIA material and research In
the burglary.
The Times. said that the gen-
eral was questioned last week
by'the FBI and is reported to
have accepted full responsibil-
ity for the decision to let the
fA10
He described meetings with
CIA agents In so-called "safe
houses" -- secret hideaways -
in Washington; and said he
was given a "sterile," or un-
listed, phone number, whose
billings are not reflected.
In addition, he said that
when the break-in? turned up
nothing the plotters went to
the CIA for a psychiatric pro-
file of Ellsberg, compiled. at
second hand.
Monday, Ma 7,1978 THE 'WASHINGTON_POST
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
THE EVENING STAR and DAILY NEWS
Y A w h k ti / V1. C . , AI,n kyl May 7, IV"
k tine operation Inside the Unit-
w
`
s
By SEYMOUR M. IIERSII
" t f'~" "?t~ " *u{ of t yF ~:J ed States.
New York Times News Service. One source knowledgeable
, k r e
f 7 a e C
f z~,yx
i a~'
'r
r+
Y
x
~
Gen. Robert F. Cushman M,;"~ r !~ " x . { y$ about the Hunt-Liddy burgla-
Na + 3 +' 3 n " r ,I+ ? ht xy
Jr., the Marine Corps com- , x , N t14 dia' ~y+ a t+ } e a~ ry plan gave the following
mandant who in 1971 Was cep jsaP~k version of how the agency's
< a lY r rV cooperation was enlisted:
Yr f~ es,
director of the Central s ~~ kiss' f '' s
t
d
5
epu
y
Intelligence Agency, author- xt The CIA connection was ini-
terial bated by Hunt, who had in
ized the use of CIA ma
and research in the burglary jlf Stant telephhone communica-
^'` lion with that agency and oth-
. Daniel N
Dr h f is is
I of the office of
3 0 z sr
EIlsberg's former psychic- er intelligence offices through
ii, a s~r5 r a highly secure scrambler
trist, sources close. to the,
Watergate case say. m~, X telephone that he and Liddy
s
i
~~
;
,,.
r
-k1 M
, ordered installed in the
y' ~,
?.
The sources said yesterday
that the general, who is now a , t quarters in the Executive Of-
member of the Joint Chiefs of , flee Building, next to the.
Staff, acted at the request of zs a~5 White House.
John D. Ehrlichman, Presi- s t ~ ~ 5 q ? AFTER BEING told by a
dent Nixon's chief adviser fort
t9r ;i~iws 3 3r CIA official that further au
is affairs until he re
si
gned thorny was needed before the
domest
signed last week.- 1"f#~,~t~,g,n agency could provide any as-
CIA
Cushman, who left the
F t t ~'" ;} ~` v t, ! sistance, the source said,
In 1971, was questioned by
Hunt went to Krogh, who took
FBI agents late last week, the he thhe problem to his superior,
'Y' '1 $; a t lt1
sources said, and reportedly Ehrlichman.
accepted full responsibility Then the source went on.
for the decision to permit the "
CIA to help E. Howard Hunt Ehrlichmaan makes a
Jr. and G. Gordon Liddy pre- telephone call to Cushman,
pare for the break-in. and says, Hey, these guys
need some chores done. Won't,
GEN. ROBERT E. CUSUMAN JR. you take care of it?' Cushman
Cushman could not be says,'OK I'll do it."'
reached for comment. "There as absolutely noth-
The federal prosecuting Hunt, a 20-year CIA veteran the Pentagon Papers to deter- "
; in in a was "tut source
.
team in the Watergate case ' who, along with Liddy and mine who was involved in the g writing,"
first learned of the burglary. five others, were arrested last ' disclosure of the documents. said. "There was only one call
just a little lean-on call by
at the office of Dr. Lewis year in connection with the Krogh, who reportedly has Ehrlichman. And then Hunt
Fielding in an interview last Watergate bugging ^also told resigned histne~w Job as under
and Liddy began asking for
who resigned as c unsseel to the ' lieved that cooperation with : hasp sent a classified affidavit : safehouses and all the rest."
trial court At the time of Ehrlichman's
d b
Eli
b
h
erg
s
y to t
e
President last week. Then, in the CIA had been arrange
grand jury testimony Wednes- one of his superiors, Egil , Friday in which he reportedly , alleged call, all the key intelli-
day, Hunt told of utilizing CIA. Krogh Jr. accepted full responsibility gence agencies of the govern-
disguises, fake identification At the time, according to, for the burglary. ment were said to be cooper.
papers, and even a "safe' grand jury testimony, Krogh, Two sources confirmed ating with the Hunt-Lidddy
house" In the Washington deputy to Ehrlichman was yesterday, however, that group.
area that were provided by directly in charge of a special Krogh did not have the au- President Nixon was known
the agency's clandestine sere' White House team that had thority to deal directly with to have been angered by the
Ices, the so-called "dirty been set up in the aftermath the. CIA on such matters as disclosure of the Pentagon
tricks" department... of the June 1971 .pubi c tion of arranging help fora dander- lee CUSUltl1AN. Pap M7
!7~,j. -.. ,
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 ;i " ;
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
THE EVENING STAR and DAILY NEWS
W6*bipla Q C. MondJ, Mir 7, 1973
,.~ HMA
t M 1
r'1 ^
1? 1~ h
mineral Clare
id to Duralars'
Continued From Page A-1
Papers, which were published
in part by The New York
Times in June 1971, and by
publication by The Times a
few months later of details of
`r. the strategic arms agreement
then being worked out by the
White House and the Soviet
Union.
Ehrlichman, in a statement
provided to the FBI and read
at the Ellsbcru trial, acknowl-
edged learning of the burgla-
ry - which failed to produce
'
, any of Ellsberg
s psychiatric. lion oof the CIA's chaarter."
records - after it took place,
?' and warning Krogh and the
It others not to do it again. The legality of the agency's
The complete connection cooperation with Hunt and
between Hunt's White House Liddy is questionable. The
operations and the CIA has Naational Security Act of
not been fully determined. 1947, which set up the agency,
One former high-ranking expressly bars it from having
White House adviser said yes- any "police, subpoena, law-
terday that Hunt had been enforcement powers or inter-
recommended for his job with nal security functions." But
? the "plumbers" by Richard the maw als3 authorizes the
Helms, former CIA director, agency to protect
who was named ambassador. . "intelligence sources and
i methods from unauthorized
to Iran early this year
.
disclosurre" -- aan authority
Attempts to reach Helms by thaat seems relevant to what
telephone this weekend were the government viewed in
unsuccessful. June, 1971, as the illegal theft
ency officials refused to : and publication of the Pentda-
A
g
~".comment on the reported link gon Paapers, a secret De- I .
between Ehrlichman and few Deepartment utuuY do
r Cushman, but-one oofficial did the History of the Vietnam
?
. war.
confirm a repgrt in the Wasb-
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
ineton Post that an agency
berg haad been prepaared ~ ,;?i (' Id,
One source with close
connections t the agency de-
scribed maany senior aagen-
cy officials as being "aangry f
closures. "They feel that ir-
reparable damaagge has been
done by this to the CIA," the
source said of the senior offi-
cials. "They think the whole
pr9ject was an absolute viola- 1!
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
?
c~ Mat
eD.,-, f1-'~ e t? S,
Published by THE EVENING STAR NEWSPAPER CO., Washington, D.C.
JOHN H. KAUFFMANN, President NEWBOLD NOYES, Editor
The CIA and Ellsberg
HS/HC- 9, ro
On and on come the ugly revela-
tions, the almost daily disclosures of
how this nation's political and judicial
processes have been manipulated and
corrupted. Now we learn that the Cen-
tral Intelligence Agency shares heavi-
ly in the responsibility for the Ellsberg
case, which if not directly related to
Watergate nevertheless helped set the
stage for it and is indisputably part of
the same poisonous syndrome.
Start with the premise that, for its
own purposes, the CIA had no interest
in digging up damaging information
on I)aniel Ellsberg and his role in
leaking the Pentagon papers in June,
1971. But the White House surely did.
And someone at the White House, pos-
sibly John Ehrlichman, induced some-
one high at CIA, probably General
Robert E. Cushman, to authorize the
use of the agency's clandestine serv-
ices in the burglary of the office of
Ellsberg's psychiatrist. That hap-
pened in September, 1971, while Rich-
ard Helms was still head of CIA and
two months before General Cushman
left his post as deputy director of the
agency to become commandant of the
Marine Corps. Meanwhile, and just as
disturbing, the head of CIA's psycho-
logical assessment unit was directed
(by whom?) to cooperate with the
White House in working up a psycho-
logical profile of Ellsberg.
At this point, the CIA-Ellsberg epi-
sode is subject to any number of inter-
pretations. Loose threads and unan-
swered questions are everywhere. Yet
even an interpretation most favorable
to the'agency leads to conclusions that
are devastating.
The CIA, in brief, has been used
and compromised and discredited in
somewhat the same way that the FBI,
under Patrick dray, was used and
Watergate investigation. Perhaps it,
was the guiltier of the two. For the
CIA lent its offices to the perpetration
of a shoddy crime, to the trampling of
civil liberties and to a domestic sur-
veillance operation that by law it had
no business conducting even indirect-
ly.
It is difficult to believe that
Helms, a canny and professional man,,
would have known all this beforehand
and consented to such an improbable
venture as the Hunt-Liddy burglary of
the psychiatrist's office. Of course,
anything is possible, as the nation has
learned with relentless regularity the
last few weeks.
General Cushman, even if his im-
plication in the affair can be partially
explained as unthinking, has a great
deal to answer for. He is, to be sure, a
distinguished military officer. He is
also a longtime friend and supporter
of the President's. Those two things
need not have been incompatible. But
in this case, apparently, they were. In
the anything-goes pattern of Water-
gate, an otherwise decent man ap-
pears to have blocked off conscience
and good judgment, and gone along
with whatever the White House re-
quested.
At first the Watergate scandal
was said to be the work of a few ideo-
logical zealots. Lately, it has been
fashionable to lay the blame on men
close to the President with a super-
loyal, ad-agency turn of mind. But the
web of Watergate-Ellsberg spreads
much farther than that. In the FBI, in
Justice, now in the CIA, it involves
men and vital institutions the Ameri-
can public should have had every rea-
son to trust, but now do not. Aside
from the diminished stature of the
presidency itself, that is what is hard-
. ct to trArp
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
THE EVENING STAR and DAILY NEWS
Wa.hinglon, 0. C., Tuesday, May 8, 1973
HS/HC- P4 -0
MARY McGRORY
Tim e k o So un d the
What Gen. Alexander
Haig, President Nixon's
pew chief of staff, might
do is to sound the bugle for
some "whiskey-drinking,
poker-playing, evil old
men" to fill the decimated
ranks of the White House
staff.
'II'he President has hint-
ed that all pols are cads in
the crunch - and his own
record is compelling evi-
dence on the point - but
what most politicians have
that was never exhibited
by the clean-living Phari-
sees who served Nixon
was a sense of limits.
They will do almost any-
thing to get elected, but
even a ward-heeler would
have balked at forging
cables in the name of a
dead president.
,An honest rogue might
have suggested caution in
approaching the judge
with a job offer in the
middle of the Pentagon
papers trial.
"It wouldn't look right if
it got out," he might have
murmured.
SOME THINGS ARE
scared to the housebroken
politician. J. Edgar Hoo-
ver, for instance. But the
later director was appar-
ently inveigled into giving
his approval for a White
:House "investigation" of
Daniel Ellsbcrg - an in-
vestigation that should
have been done by the
FBI.
The old man, it has been
said hereabouts recently,
would never have been
lured into the trap that
closed on his successor, L.
Patrick Gray, who blindly
accepted an order to con-
duct a patsy probe of the
Watergate.
Gray was compromised,
gangster-style, we have
since learned. They have
something on hrtn.. He
burned "hot" documents
passed to him in the White
House by John Dean and
John Ehrlichman.
In 1971, Hoover may
have been compromised
himself. The White House
had indulged his cry for
the blood of the Berrigan
brothers and their friends.
SO PRESUMABLY the
old man gave way in his
turn. And the White House
was literally turned into a
den of thieves, something
that might have shamed
an old precinct worker,
especially while prayer
meetings were being held
so ostentatiously under the
same roof.
Gov. Ronald Reagon
offered the thought that
the men around the Presi-
dent were not "criminals
at heart." That may be
true. They were something
more dangerous to a Re-
public. They were barbari-
ugle Ca31?
Now the Marine Corps,
another symbol of incor-
ruptibility, has been
dragged in. Its comman-
dant, Gen. Robert Cush-
man, when he was deputy
director of the CIA, gave
the White House all it
asked in the way of masks
and wigs and false papers,
"safe" houses and
"sterile" phone numbers
when the burglary of Dan-
iel Ellsberg's psychiatrist
was being plotted in the
Excutive Mansion.
"Semper Fidelis" is the
motto of the corps. Cush-
man had served the Presi-
dent as a military aide,
and he knew the terrain.
Fidelity to the president is
all that counts.
Seemliness is still elud-
ing the men around the
President, and, for the
matter, the President him-
self. H. R. Haldeman and
Ehrlichman rode to the
grand jury in White House
cars. It was a touch of
bravado perhaps. They
once owned the govern-
ment, they still command
its trappings. It does not
cross their minds that
people might offended by
the cavalier use of public
property at a moment
when their abuse of public
trust was being attested to
in courthouse a continent
apart.
They seized the govern-
ment the way the Vandals
fell on Rome. They sacked
and pillaged it. They tore
down the temples and
smashed the statues. Noth-
ing they had not tone
themselves had any value.
No institution, not tradi-
tion, no idea beyond pow-
er, had any meaning.
They treated the FBI
like a private detective
agency. They made a
mockery of the Justice
Department. They used
the CIA as a wardrobe and
camera-supply house. It is
against the law for the CIA
to conduct comestic opera-
tions. But for the men who
wore the flag in their la-
pels while excoriating
those who burney}, it, there
were no laws. < T.
The emperor who pre-
sided over the most mas-
sive heist in the history of
the Republic - the nation-
al honor - is sitting in the
ruins, issuing new decrees
about executive privilege
and new denials of his
knowledge of what went on
at his door and in his
name.
And self-respecting poli-
tician would have long
since resigned.
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
THE EVENING STAR and DAILY NEWS
Washington, D. C., Twsday, May 8, 1973
SMITH HEMPSTONE
A New
It is now clear that the Cen-
tral Intelligence Agency has
been far more deeply impli-
catted in the Watergate-Pen-
tagon Papers scandal than
had previously been suspect-
ed.
Earlier this week, the New
York Times, quoting "sources
close to the Watergate case,"
said that Gen. Robert E.
Cushman Jr., the agency's
former deputy director and
now commandant of the Ma-
rine Corps, authorized CIA
assistance in the burglary of
the office of Daniel Ellsberg's
psychiatrist. The Times said
Cushman, who is out of the
country and has not comment-
ed publicly on the allegation,
acted at the request of former
presidential counselor John
D. Erhlichman.
An indirect CIA connection
with the Watergate Seven had
been evident from the begin-
ning of the affair last June. G.
Gordon Liddy, the former
White House consultant and
operational chief of the hug-
ging of Democratic national
committee headquarters, had
been an agent for the Federal
Bureau of Investigation. E.
Howard Hunt Jr., his deputy,
had been the CIA agent who
planned the aboritve Bay of
Pigs invasion.
James W. McCord had
served 19 years in the CIA
until his "retirement" in 1970;
he became security chief of
the Nixon campaign commit-
tee in 1972, Cuban-born Ber-
nard L. Barker worked with
Hunt on the Bay of Pigs inva-
sion, acting as a link between
the CIA and the army of ex-
iled Cubans.
Frank Sturgis (alias Frank
Fiorini) also was involved in
the Bay of Pigs and has CIA
connectikns. The two Cuban
members of the raiding party,
Eugenio R. Martinez and Vir-
gilio R. Gonzalez, also had
records of anti-Castro activi-
ty.
But the emphasis always
was on a past CIA associa-
cad of Pigs for CIA?
tion. It was easy to believe
this: Washington and Miami
are full of former intelligence
agents willing to undertake
contract work which their col-
leagues within the CIA would
be forbidden by law to engage
in (under the National Securi-
ty Act of 1947, which created
the agency, CIA's activities
are restricted to work
abroad).
It now appears possible,
even probably, that Liddy,
Hunt and possibly others of
the Watergate Seven had not
in fact severed their relations
with the intelligence commu-
nity and were, indeed, operat-
ing with the knowledge and
consent of the CIA.
These seemingly isolated
but possibly interrelated
events point to a pattern of
CIA involvement:
? Hunt was hired by the Rob-
ert R. Mullen & Co. public
relations firm in 1970 on the
personal recommendation of
the then CIA Director, Rich-
ard Helms. It is still unclear
as to whose payroll Hunt was
on after he joined the White
House staff in the summer of
1971.
? In December of last year,
when Watergate was just be-
ginning to heat up, Helms was
fired as CIA chief and shipped
off to Teheran as ambassador
to Iran.
?? Helms' successor, James R:
Schlesinger, who came to CIA
from the Office of Manage-
ment and Budget via the
Atomic Energy Commission,
has been conducting a wide-
spread purge of the agency.
?. 1-Lunt testified last week to
the Watergate grand jury
(according to a transcript
released by attorneys for
Pentagon Papers defendants
Daniel Ellsberg and Anthony
Russo) that the CIA provided
him and Liddy with cameras,
disguises, false identity pa-
pers and other "technical
assistance" for the burglary
of the Beverly Hills office of
Dr.. Lewis Fielding, Ells-
berg's psychiatrist.
Hunt told of meetings with
CIA agents in two of the
agency's "safe houses" -
secret hideaways - in this
city. He also told of being giv-
en a CIA "sterile" telephone
number - an unlisted number
in which billings are not re-
flected - to call when in need
of "material" assistance.
Hunt's grand jury testimo-
ny can be given a great deal
of credence because in it he
correctly identified Dr. Ber-
nard Melloy as the head of the
CIA's psychiatric unit. Dr.
Melloy's identity previously
had been a closely held se-
cret. He is not listed in the
Washington, Maryland or
Virginia telephone directo-
ries, but he maintains a pri-
vate office at 2520 Pennsylva-
nia Ave., in addition to his
CIA office in McLean, Va.
Hunt also revealed, correctly,
that Melloy's unit works up
psychiatric profiles on per-
sons "of interest" to the U.S.
government. Ellsberg was the
subject of one of these pro-.
files; similar studies have
been made of Fidel Castro
and Leonid Brezhnev.
Although Helms was ap-
pointed head of the CIA by
Lyndon Johnson in 1966, Pres-
ident Nixon has close person-
al links with the present depu-
ty director of the CIA, Maj.
Gen. Vernon A. Walters, as he
had with Walters' predeces-
sor, Gen. Cushman, the Ma-
rine Corps commandant.
Gen. Cushman was Nixon's
naval aide during the
former's vice presidential
years. Gen. Walters was
President Eisenhower's per-
sonal interpreter and accom-
panied Nixon on his disas-
trous 1958 tour of Latin Amer-
ica.
- In short, it looks as if CIA
may have been into the Wa-
tergate-Ellsberg mess up to
its clandestine ears.
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
James R. Scllesiiiger: To the Peniaigon
?y, FardAy, HHnsay#9-71
Fact-Finder.
By Stuart Auerbach print on the CIA. Ile took
Wnnhlnaton Post.Blsttf Wrlt.er the ,joh as CIA direclor with
a a mandate from ]'resident
Pentagon briefers have
Nixon
coming when James xon to c lean out dead
R. Schlesinger takes over as wood and to end the bicker-
Secretary of Defense; he ing between the nation's in-
hales the chart and slide telligence a'cnices.
shows that military men Schlesinger worked so
love to use to make their hard at the assignment that
poinls when he came to work one
.
"tel.'s cut. out. that. Penta- day with a cast on his right
gon baloney," he once told a hand a story went, around
retired Air Force colonel, the agency that he had bro-
. give me the facts." ken it pounding on his desk.
'l'hat.'s Schlesinger in a The new director com-
nutshell: abrupt, impatient plained to Congress that, the
with superficial trappings CIA is overloaded with over-
and searching for facts; a are spies recruited during
War
man who knows the value of trouhleladjusting who have
using shock tactics while
trying to gain control of a more peaceful world. Ile he-
sprawling federal agency. gars hushing caddy retire
In his four years and ment, for some ' and has
three months in government 'started reducing the CIA's
- -almost the length of the 15,000 employees by at least
Nixon administration- 10 per cent.
Schlesinger has been shak- Moreover, he was ap-
ing up the establishment. palled by some of the Mic-
In 16 months as chairman key Mous,: supersecrecy at
of the Atomic Energy Com- "the agency."
mission he reorganized and lie ordered switchboard
transformed It from a pro- operators to answer calls
mot.er of nuclear power to a with "Central intelligence
regulator of the atomic in- Agency." Employees now an-
dustry. And then, before he swer the phone with their
left, for the Central Tntelll names or office identifica-
genee Agency, he persuaded tions (such as Vietnam
President Nixon to pick an. Desk) instead of merely re-
other maverick, Dixy Lee pealing the extension num-
Ray, as the new AEC chair- beSrhlesinger also has Or-
man,
During the past four dered the removal of signs
months he has put, his im- identifying the CIA head-
quarters at Langley as a
highway research station.
Ile ordered new ones say-
ing, "Central Intelligence
Agency, Langley, Va.," in-
stalled.
Earlier this week he
brought a display of candor
rare to CIA directors when
he admitted to a congres-
sional committee that CIA
assistance in a burglary at-
tempt on the office of Dan-
iel Ellsherg's psychiatrist
was "ill advised." He
pointed out three times
however, that it occurred
while Richard Helms was di-
rector.
This didn't endear Schle-
singer to the "old boy" net-
work in the CIA.
One CIA veteran com-
mented yesterday that
"there wasn't a wet eye in
the place" when word got
out that Schlesinger was
moving to the Pentagon.
He will not be among
friends when he moves to
the Pentagon either.. During
his two years with the Bu-
reau of the Budget. and its
successor agency, the Office
of Management and Budget,
Schlesinger was an overseer
of the Defense Department's
money requests. lie had a
reputation for insisting that.
better management ' could
save defens: dollars.
In the Nixon administ.ra-
tion's first year, his friends
report, he was personally re-
sponsible for trimming $6
billion from the Pentagon
budget.
"11e had the hammer on
the defense guys for more
than a year," recalls a high-
ranking Nixon aide. "He's
made very few friends in
the Pentagon."
Nevertheless, Schlesinger
indicated recently that the
era of cutting defense
spending should end. In a
little-noticed speech deliv-
ered last September when
lie was still AEC chairman,
Schlesinger said:
"I am firmly persuaded
that the time has come, if it
has not already passed, to
call a halt to the self-defeat-
ing game of cutting defense
outlays . .. It is an illusion
to believe that we can main-
tain defense forces adequate
for our treaty obligations to,
say, NATO and Japan, with
sharp curtailment in de-
fense expenditures suppos-
edly directed only to waste
and duplication."
Schlesinger first came to
President Nixon's attention
through his work as assist-
ant director of OMB, when
he headed a survey team
that in 1071 evaluated the
nation's intelligence net-
work. The report recom-
mended the sweeping re-
forms that Schlesinger was
eventually to undertake.
HS/11C-
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
HS/HC- 9J''Q
Former White House
counsel John W. Dean III
says he believes that the
Nixon administration is
inveighing national securi-
ty to force him to give
"very limited testimony"
in Watergate investiga-
tions.
Associates of Dean, who
was fired by President
:Nixon after becoming
deeply implicated in the
Watergate scandal, have
offered further details
behind his statement yes-
terday charging an
"ongoing effort" to see
that he does not tell all he
knows to a grand jury or
to the Senate.
His complaint inthat
statement that someone
was trying to put
"restrictions" on his testi-
mony was meant as a ref-
erence to restraints in the
name of national security
as well as claims of privi-
leged communications
with the President, his
associates said.
These sources said that
the stationing of FBI and
Secret Service guards to
watch over Dean's files at
his White House office was
behind his complaint that
he was being kept from
"obtaining relevant infor-
mation and records."
DEAN'S STATEMENT
yesterday also said there
were attempts to influence
how federal prosecutors
handled his testimony - a
reference, associates said,
to what Dean considers to
be pressure to den y him
immunity from prosecu-
tion.
In discussing Dean's
suggestion that efforts
were being made to
"discredit me" or to "get
me," associates cited a
statement broadcast by
CBS News that Dean did
not want to go to prison
principally because he
was fearful of being mo-
lested sexual) y.
That is " a lie spread b y
his enemies," one asso-
ciate said.
The argument that
"national security" con-
siderations dictated that.
data relating to the Water-
gate affair should not be
given to investigators was
used b y Dean himself,
another former White
House aide, Charles W.
Colson, has declared.
In an interview with FBI
agents, made public yes-
terda y during the Penta-
gon Papers trial in Los
Angeles, Colson said that
the issue had come up at a
meeting with Dean when
they were discussing what
he would sa y about FBI
THE EVENING STAR and DAILY NEWS
Washington, D. C., Friday, May 11, 1973
questioning of him on the
Watergate affiar.
COLSON SAID that he
asked what he would do if
the agents quizzed him
about a bunglary that was
related to government at-
tempts to probe the leak of
the Pentagon Papers to
the newspapers. That bur-
glary, of a psychiatrist's
office in Los Angeles in
1971, has been related to
the Watergate scandal
because it was carried out
by some of the same men
convicted of the Watergate
break-in.
Dean advised him "that
if asked, he was not to dis-
cuss the matter inasmuch
as it was a national securi-
ty matter of the highest
classification," Colson
said.
According to Colson's
testimony, he received the
same instructions from
Ehrlichman in March or
April of this year.
Meanwhile, there were
these other developments
in the Watergate affair:
? Former Nixon campaign
treasurer Hugh W. Sloan
Jr., in sworn testimony
released yesterday, said
that a number of high Nix-
on campaign and adminis-
tration officials were
aware - or had reason to
be aware - last summer
that the scandal might
reach higher in the gov-
ernment than was being
publicly acknowledged.
? Gen. Robert E. Cush-
man, former top CIA aide,
who has been cited as the
source of authority for the
CIA to help equip the men
taking part in the
psychiatrist's office bur-
glary, was preparing an
affidavit on his role. Csh-
man was scheduled to
appear soon before two
Senate committees prob-
ing CIA involvement, per-
haps later today. Aides to
the general have been in-
dicating the general did
not know what the men in
the burglary were plan-
ning. -
? A CIA psychiatrist told
senators yesterday that
the personality profile he
was ordered to prepare on
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
Daniel Ellsberg, accused
of stealing the Pentagon
Papers, was the first of its
kind ever made on an
American citizen. The pro-
file was prepared as part
of the same Pentagon
Papers leak-plugging ef-
fort which involved the
burglary of the office of
Ellsberg's psychiatrist.
Former CIA Director
Richard Helms is sched-
uled to appear early next
week to tell what, if any-
thing, he knows about the
CIA role in the buglary
episode.
Nixon campgian aide
Sloan, in his sworn testi-
mony made pblic yester-
day, indicated that Mau-
rice H. Stans, chief fund-
raiser of the Nixon
campgian in 1972, had
some inkling of the bug-
ging scandal last summer.
Sloan recounted how he
became suspicious of the
large amount of money
being given Watergate
conspirator G. Gordon
Liddy, and asked Stans if
deputy campaign director
Jeb Stuart Magruder had
the authority to approve
such disuursemlents.
Stans checked with
campaign director John N.
Mitchell - also indicted in
the New York case yester-
day - who said Magruder
did have the authority,
Sloan said.
expressed concern gener-
ally (to Stans) about the
fact that the totals were
mounting up without any
knowledge on our part of
what, in fact, had hap-
pened to our money."
Stans replied, Sloan
said, "I don't want to
know, and you don't want
to know."
Sloan also said that fol-
lowing the June 17 arrests,
Magruder asked Sloan to
perjure himself at any
forthcoming trial regard-
ing how much money
Sloan had given Liddy.
Sloan said he refused to
perjure himself - and did
not do so - and said he
began attempting to alert
higher-ups in the Nixon
Administration about what
apparently was going on.
But Dwight Chapin, then
the President's appoint-
ments secretary, brushed
him off by saying:
" . (1) you are over-
wrought, and (2) the im-
portant thing is to protect'
the President, and (3) you
ought to take a vacation."
He then went to John D.
Ehrlichma, then head of
the President's domestic
counsel and one of the top
presidential advisors, he
said.
"I think I got as far as
saying there were funds
that I did not know where
they went, and there might
be a connection with the
situation. He told me to go
no further, that he didn't
want any of the details, if I
had any personal prob-
lems I had a special rela-
tionship with the White
House and they would be
glad to arrange anaattor-
ney.
"I said, `That isn't my
concern. I just want you to
know there is a problem
over there,' and he said
his position was that he
would have to take execu-
tive privilege until after
i the election in any case."
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499ROO1000120003-0
The Weather
Today--Cloudy, high in 70s, low in
low 50s. The chance of rain is 50
per cent today an 20 per cent to-
night. Saturday-Cloudy, high in
upper 60s. Temp. range: Yesterday,
82-54; Today, 73.53. Details, Page C6.
96th Year ? . . . No. 157
(x91973. The Washington Post Co.
Part-tiine Presidential Adviser
JAMES R. SCHLESINGER
EiRfense Secretary
HS/Hc- ~Ja 0
WILLIAM E. COLBY
.. . CIA director
JOHN B. CONNALLY
... presidential adviser
Tilt
FRIDAY,
By Carroll Kilpatrick
Washington Post Staff Writer
In a major administra-
tion reshuffle forced by
Watergate disclosures,
President Nixon yester-
day named CIA director
James R. Schlesinger
Secretary of Defense and
former Treasury Secre-
tary John B. Connally a
part-time presidential ad-
viser.
Mr. Nixon said he will
nominate William E. Colby,
the C e n t r a I Intelligence
Agency's deputy director
for operations, to succeed
Schlesinger.
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499ROO1000120003-0
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
MAY 11, 1973
0
0
FINAL
108 Pages-4 Sections
Amusements B12
Metro
Classified
C:12
Obituaries
Comics
D18
Outdoors
Editorials
A30
Religion
Fed: Diary
D19
Sports
Financial
D12
Style
Gardens
B18
TV-Radio
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
Cl
C10
D9
B20
D 1
B1
B11
6200 i,5c Phone [phone] clrcalation 223-6100 Maryland R a vir6lnts lOC
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
From the Defense Depart-
ment, the President tapped
.J. Fred Buzhardt Jr., the
Pentagon's general counsel,
to be special counsel to the
President to handle all Wa-
tergate matters affecting
the White House.
Yesterday's shift of posi-
tions was the second major.
one in less than two weeks.
On April 30, the ('resident
announced the resignations
of IT. R. (Bob) Haldeman,
John D. Ehrlichman and
John W. Dean ill from the
White House staff and of
Richard G. Klcindienst as
Attorney General.
That day, the President
moved Elliot L. Richardson
from Secretary of Defense
to the post of Attorney Gen-
eral. Richardson, former
Secretary of Health, Educa-
tion and Welfare, had been
at the Pentagon only since
Feb. 1. Like Richardson,
Schlesinger' had just taken
over the CIA directorship in
February, after serving as
chairman of the Atomic En-
ergy Commission.
The President also told
his Cabinet yesterday, at a
meeting attended by both
Connally and Schlesinger,
that there would be more di-
rect personal communica-
tions with each member. Mr.
Nixon said he was ending
the "super - Cabinet" ar-
rangement, in which three
Cabinet. officers had broad-
ened responsibility and
acted as counselors to the
President, press secretary
Ronald L. Ziegler reported.
The three who revert to
regular Cabinet status are
James T. Lynn of the Trans-
portation Department, Cas-
par W. Weinberger of
Health, Education and Wel-
fare, and Earl L. Butz, of
Agriculture. Secretary of
the Treasury George P.
Shultz will retain his added
See PRESIDENT, A12, Col. 5
The Watergate
Former Attorney General John N. Mitchell and for-
mer Commerce Secretary Maurice Stans were indicted
in New York yesterday on charges of lying to a federal
grand jury and obstructing justice by interfering with a
government investigation. New Jersey politician Harry
Sears and financier Robert Vesco were indicted in the
same case.
In Washington, the White House announced another
major shakeup in the management of the government-
CIA Director James Schlesinger was nominated for Sec-
retary of Defense; William Colby, a career CIA man,
was nominated as his successor; Texan John B. Connally
accepted a part-time job as a presidential adviser; De-
fense Department Counsel Fred Buzhardt was shifted to
the White House as a special counsel. At. The same time,
three "super-Cabinet'' posts were abolished.
There were new disclosures in Los Angeles at the
Pentagon' papers trial of Daniel Ejlsberg. Some of his
conversations, the government disclosed, were inter-
cepted from a phone tap-in place more than a year-
at the home of a former high government official, Mor-
ton Halperin. Arguments to dismiss the case against Ells-
berg will be heard today.
Hugh W. Sloan Jr., treasurer of President Nixon's re-
election campaign, disclosed in a deposition that he had
warned the White House and his superiors last year that
campaign officials may have been involved in the Water-
gate case.
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
Garment will be in
Chief Named ,( / t.ion the President h a s
I promise([ to guard against
future corruption in noliti-
PRESIDENT', From Al
assignment as assistant to
the President.
In yesterday's actions, the
President followed a pattern
he set earlier in reorganiz-
ing his administration in the
wake of the Watergate dis-
closures and the resulting
resignations. He turned to
(old and trusted advisers in-
stead of going outside.
However, informed sources
said' that the President
emphasized in the Cab-
inet meeting and in a meet-
ing with Republican con-
gressional leaders that he
would move outside that
close circle in future ap-
pointments.
In the past, a criticism in
Congress, among Cabinet of-
ficers and from the press
was that presidential aides
Haldeman and Ehrlichman
erected a "Berlin wall"
around the President,
shielding him from cr i t i c s
and friends alike.
Mr. Nixon reportedly
promised to enlarge and
strengthen the White House
legislative staff under Wil-
liam E. Timmons and to
make himself more fre-
quently available to mem-
bers of Congress. The Cabi-
net departments were In-
structed to strengthen their
legislative liaison as well
and to seek Capitol Hill con-
tacts on a bipartisan basis.
Mr. Nixon also promised a
decentralization of authority
away from the White House
and to the Cabinet depart-
ments.
With Gen. Alexander M.
Ilaid Jr. now the White
house staff chief instead of
Haldeman, there will be a
different approach, with
more reliance on the estab-
lished bureaucracy, more
freedom for departments to
be true executors of policy
and with new pledges to
spread rather than to 'con-
tract. authority.
Whether the new prom-
ises will be carried out re.
mains to be seen, but the
change in intentions reflects
Approved For
the extent to which the
President has been shaken
out. of old habits.
Reports on Capitol Hill
that he is considering bring-
iing Secretary of State Wil-
liam P. Rogers into the White
House and making national
security adviser Henry A.
Kissinger Secretary of State
were denied by an official
spokesman.
Connally, w h' o recently
switched to the Republican
Party, will serve without
pay and will have no opera-
tional responsibilities, Zieg-
ler said. Connally will make
himself available on a part-
time ' basis whenever the
President. wishes to consult
him, the press secretary ex-
plained.
The rest of his time Con-
nally will devote to his law
practice in Houston. Zieg-
ler insisted that there would
he no conflict of interest
between Connally's public
and private life.
In answer to questions,
Ziegler said the P>;csident
could consult anyone he
wishes, but that he was sure
he would not consult Con-
nally on oil problems, for
example, since Connally's
law firm represents oil in-
terests..
They will consult i on a
broad range of matters," for-
eign as well as domestic, but
the President does not ex-
pect to give Connally speci-
fic operational assignments,
Ziegler said.
"I am sure the President
cal campaigns, Ziegler said,
and will have all the other
duties of a White House
counsel.
Garment was named act-
1ng counsel after Dean's de-
parture from the post last
week.
The new Secretary of De-
fense-designate, taught eco-
nomics at the University of
Virginia and was a senior
member of the Rand Corp.
before joining the govern-
merit in 1969. While an as-
sistant director of the, Of-
fice of Management and
Budget, a report he pre-
pared caught the President's
attention. From OMB,
Schlesinger moved to the
chairmanship of the AEC
and more recently to the
CIA.
Ills successor at the CIA,
Colby, has spent three dec-
ades in intelligence, starting
with the Office of Strategic
Services in World War IL'
He served as first secretary
of the U.S. embassy in Sai-
gon from 1959 to 1962 and
then. he returned to Wash-
ington as chief of the CIA's
Far East division. In 1968,
he went back to Vietnam
and took over the pacifica-
tion program until June of
197.1.
Buzhardt practiced law in
South Carolina before com-
ing to Washington in 1961,
where he worked for eight
,years on the staff of Sen..
Strom Thurmond. He joined
the Defense Department in
1969.
and Governor Connally
would in any discussion
eliminate anything that
would involve conflict of
interest," Ziegler main-
tained.
While the Connally and
Buzhardt appointments are,
for an interim period, Zieg-
ler indicated they may last
mot,ths rather than weeks.
The exact lines of author-
ity between special counsel
Buzhardt and acting pres-
idential counsel Leonard
Garment were not spelled
out iri the Ziegler announce-
ment, but both appear to
have some responsibility in
,Watergate matters while
Buzhardt has the major re-
snonsibilit.v-
it
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
CROSBY S. NOYES
THEEVENOtO , DSTAR ~add/Day 17 9i
W 3
Nixon Cc,
We are ,talking about
legalities - about a sense
of fair play - about the
awesome trauma that
might be involved in the
deposition of a president.
We are talking, in short,
about what may happen
and studiously evading the
implications of what al-
ready has happened.
The central issue of the
Watergate affair - which
now, of course, includes
the Ellsbcrg and Vesco
affairs - it seems to me,
is the issue of the abuse of
presidential authority.
And on the basis of what is
now undisputed public
knowledge, there can be
no doubt that the abuses
were many and flagrant.
From the outset of this
administration, the issue
of presidential authority
has been one of strenuous
.contention between the
White House and the Con-
gress, mostly relating to
the war-making power.,; of
the President as Com-
mander-in-Chief and the
use of armed forces in the
Indochina conflict. Water-
gate has abruptly trans-
ferred the issue to the
domestic scene.
The inherent advantages
of an incumbent president
at election time have al-
ways been recognized and
conceded. Regardless of
campaign finances, no one
else has the same power to
mobilize public opinion or
to manipulate events at
home and abroad to his
political advantage.
What has not been rec-
ognized or conceded -
until now - is that an, in-
cumbent president faced
with an election can assert
IIN/IIC- 9 f D
his powers as commander-
in-chief to mobilize the
apparatus of the federal
government in his own
behalf. That this was done
in the last election - with
or without the President's
personal knowledge and
consent - is beyond
doubt.
To a degree that is yet to
be fully established, the
Justice Department, the
Central Intelligence Agen-
cy and the State Depart-
ment - to say nothing of
the White House itself -
have all become implicat-
ed in the skulduggery en-
gineered by the men al-
ready tried and convicted
for the Watergate break-
in. And in each case it is
abundantly clear that the
officials involved believed
that they were acting in
accordance with the wish-
es - if not on the direct
orders - of the President
himself.
Take, just for one exam-
ple, the case of Gen. Rob-
ert Ii. Cushman Jr., the
former deputy director of
CIA and now commandant
of the Marine Corps. Cush-
man, by his own admis-
sion, never doubted for a
minute that White House
aide John D. Ehrlichman
was speaking for the Pres-
;dent when F,hrlichman
asked him to place the fa-
cilities of the CIA at the
disposal of E. Howard
Hunt Jr., later convicted
in the Watergate conspira-
cy.
As the result of this re-
quest, the CIA provided
Hunt with a variety of ex-
otic spy equipment, includ-
ing voice-modifiers, cam-
eras, wigs and hidden tape
recorders used in burglar-
0-1 0
izing the office of Daniel
Ellsberg's psychiatrist in
September 1971. It was not
until considerably later,
Cushman says, that he
became suspicious of Hunt
and called off the deal.
The implications of this
incident are frightening.
Regardless of who may
have been at fault, the fact
that the CIA was put to use
by the likes of E. Howard
Hunt - on the orders of
the man who now runs the
Marine Corps - reflects a
corruption at the top levels
of command in this coun-
try that is quite simply
intolerable. It is small
comfort to be assured by
Sen. John L. McClellan, D-
Ark., that he doesn't think
Cushman "would do it
again."
. It has been pointed out
that I have supported the
policies of Richard Nixon
- which have been, par-
ticularly in the area of
foreign affairs, a modifica-
tion of the policies of Lyn-
don Johnson, John Kenne-
dy and Dwight Eisenhow-
er - with some enthusi-
asm and consistency.
I still do. If this adminis-
tration could be judged
entirely - or even pri-
marily - on its diplomatic
performance -on the skill
with which it has extricat-
ed us from our involve-
ment in Vietnam - on the
way it has exploited our
influence with adversaries
and friends in the interest
of world peace - Nixon, in
my book, deserves a large
measure of gratitude and
applause.
But the President of the
United States cannot be
'judged or exonerated by
A-21
one aspect of his leader-
ship, no matter how impor-
tant. The dimensions of his
power forbid categorically
any gross abuse of that
power, at the risk of enor-
mous danger to the nation.
It is impossible to deny
that this has happened.
Innocent as the Presi-
dent himself may be, his
administration has been
discredited as no adminis-
tration within my recollec-
tion by the Watergate dis-
closures. Talk of protect-
ing the "rights of the
defendant" as against the
"rights of the
government" is absurd in
a situation where the exec-
utive is itself the defend-'
ant.
The measure of accepta-
bility of all presidential
appointments at this point
- including notably the
"special prosecutor" - is
how independent they will
be of executive direction
- in short, how relentless
they will be in "getting to
the bottom" of this tragic
affair - which, of course,
really means getting to the
top.
Quite properly, the Pres-
ident has assumed full
responsibility for the ap-
palling abuses of the pub-
lie trust that were commit-
ted by his people in his
name. It is no longer a
question of proving fore-
knowledge, complicity or
criminality of any kind. No
matter how fair-minded
the American people may
be, they will not suffer a
leadership that has be-
trayed and humiliated
them. I for one am con-
vinced that when Nixon
realizes the extent to
which his authority has
Decn shattered by these
-vents, he will resign.
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
 .A30
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
06t
AN INDEPENDENT NEWSPAPER
'Watergate and the CIA
The rush of events has cast the impression that the
Central Intelligence Agency, too, was caught up in the
crisis of governance known as Watergate and was
somehow despoiled or suborned. But such a compre-
hensive indictment should not be handed down casually.
A closer look at the three main episodes of Watergate-
CIA. involvement suggests another and more complex
view..
In the first episode, in July-September 1971, the CIA
was asked by John Ehrlichman to give retired CIA em-
ployee Howard Hunt, then identified as a White House
security consultant, technical help for an undisclosed
mission. The Pentagon Papers had just been published.
the . CIA's legislative charter gives it "responsibility
for protecting intelligence sources and methods from
unauthorized disclosures," and in that context the then-
deputy director, Gen. Robert Cushman, who had long
known Mr. Ehrlichman and who had also served as a
personal aide to Vice President Nixon, granted tech-
nical aid to Howard Hunt. But he was put off by
Hunt's manner; the agency, learning that "domestic
clandestine operations" were involved, cut the Hunt
link. in five weeks; General Cushman quickly informed.
Mr. Ehrlichman. The burglary of Daniel Ellsberg's
psychiatrist took place a month later. At the same time,
CIA .Director Richard Helms, in the same context of an.
ostensible White House investigation of security leaks,
ordered up a CIA psychiatric profile of Mr. Ellsberg at
White House request. His successor, James Schlesinger,
later termed-these missions "III advised."
In the second episode, beginning only six days after
the Watergate break-in of June 17, 1972, top White
house aides reportedly tried on repeated occasions to
induce the CIA to halt an l"l11 probe into the "laundered"
Mexican money that financed the break-in (by having
the CIA invent a false rationale that the probe would
compromise CIA sources); those aides then asked CIA
to use secret funds to "go bail or pay the salaries" of
Watergate conspirators. By available testimony, the CIA
resolutely rejected these entreaties. Gen. Vernon Wal-
ters, . the then-deputy director and also a formei` aide
to Vice President Nixon, even said he would resign and
go to the President before so compromising the agency.
In the third episode, in early 1973-by then, 'Water-
gate" was rapidly unfolding-the White House sought
to have the CIA receive back (knowingly) the Ellsberg
burglary materials it had blindly given Hunt in 1971.
The CIA absolutely refused.
Ji RIDAY, MA
So what do we have? In all three episodes, the White
House trampled over the provision of the CIA's charter
specifying that the agency function "under the National
Security Council" and it sought to turn the CIA to
purposes having at best a tenuous connection to the
agency's intelligence mandate-even tie way the White
House presented it-and at worst no connection what-
soever. In the episodes involving the Mexican money
and the receiving back of Ellsberg burglary materials,
successive CIA directors and their deputies stood 'off
fierce White House pressure aimed at forcing them to
violate the spirit and letter of their charter. In the
episode involving aid for a mission whose purpose was
at first unknown to the CIA, the agency recovered
promptly when it got a better sense of what was going on.
The, further question arises of whether Mr. Helms
should have reported, either to the President or Con-
gress, whatever may have been his suspicion or knowl-
edge at various times that something sour was going on.
We submit that no final answer can be offered until
there becomes available a fuller record not only of
precisely what Mr. Helms told Congress last February
and March and again in the last few days, but also of
the steps he may have taken to protect the CIA from
taint before he was relieved of the agency's director-
ship.
To establish a kind of base line, we think it ap-
propriate meanwhile to recall a rare public speech Mr.
Helms gave in April 1971, before any of the known inci-
dents had occurred, in which he spoke with feeling and
'sensitivity of the difficult role of a secret intelligence
agency in a free society. The CIA operates "under
constant supervision and direction of the National Se-
curity Council," he said. It assumes only "normal re-
sponsibilities for protecting the physical security of our
own personnel, our facilities, and our classified infor-
mation . . . In short, we do not target on American
citizens."
To the extent that the integrity of the professional
intelligence community may have been compromised,
we think it necessary to look first to the White House.
It was the men there who in their cavalier abuse of
power and their contempt for the institutions of Ameri-
can government-even an institution as sensitive as the
CIA-tried but, it seems, largely failed to compromise
and subvert the CIA.
HS/11C .94 0 ti Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
Agency Rejected Plea
By OSWALD JOHNSTON
Star-Yews Staff Writer
White House aides seeking to enlist CIA aid in
covering up the Watergate case last summer tried
to get agency officials to pay "scared" and
"wobbling" witnesses from top secret funds, appar-
ently to hide their connection with the Nixon re-
election campaign, a top CIA official has charged.
. According to an affidavit by the CIA deputy
director, Lt. Gen. Vernon A. Walters, prepared Sat-
urday and made available late yesterday, former
White House counsel John W. Dean III specifically
asked that "covert action funds" be used to pay bail
costs and salaries for the Watergate burglars.
Use of funds earmarked for foreign "covert
actions" normally requires a directive from the
President himself. Dean was "much taken aback,"
Walters reported, when he was told CIA funds could
not be used for domestic purposes without specific
approval by Congress.
ACCORDING TO Walters' affidavit, which in
most respects paralleled his closed-door testimony
m recent days before a Senate committee, Dean
made this request June.27, 1972 = 10 days after a
team of five headed by a former CIA agent was dis-
covered inside Democratic party headquarters at
the Watergate here.
During the meeting, Walters said, Dean
"reviewed the Watergate case, saying that some
witnesses were getting scared and were `wobbling.'
I said that no matter how scared they got, they
could not involve the CIA because it was not in-
volved in the bugging of the Watergate."
See CIA, Page A-o
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
D
Continued From Page A-1
Dean then made his
request: "He then asked if
the CIA could not furnish
bail and pay the suspects'
salaries while they were in
jail, using covert action
funds for the purpose."
IN MAKING the re-
que: can was asking
the CiA deputy to draw on
a top secret fund which is
specifically committed in
the CIA's budget, itself
highly classified, to clan-
destine operations over-
seas.
The covert action fund is
under the jurisdiction of
the deputy director of
plans, the agency's de-
partment of "dirty
tricks," and is used for
such secret operations as
bribing candidates or vot-
ers in elections and med-
dling more violently in the
domestic affairs of other
nations. The 1961 Bay of
Pig, ` vasion of Cuba, the
195, ip that restored the
Shah to control of Iran, or
the more recent clandes-
tine war in Laos were all
eligible for funding from
the covert action fund.
Under CIA operating
regulations, set forth in a
series of highly classified
memorandums handed
down by the National Se-
curity Councils of succes-
sive presidents, covert
action operations and their
funding must be cleared
by the top-secret "Forty
Committee" in the White
House.
THIS COMMITTEE,
named after a numbered
National Security Council
memorandum, is the suc-
cessor to the similarly
named "303 Committee."
It is composed of repre-
sentatives from CIA, the
State Department the
Defense Department and
the Joint Chiefs, and is
chaired by Henry A. Kis-
singer. It is responsible for
approving all clandestine
operations by CIA opera-
tives, and it carries the
express authority of Presi-
dent Nixon.
Walters rejected Dean's
request out of hand. His
affidavit continues:
"I replied that this was
out of the question. It
would implicate the agen-
cy in something in which it
was not implicated." He
added, in an evident refer-
ence to the Forty
Committee. "Any such
action by the agency
would imply an order from
the highest level, and I
would not be a party to
any such action."
He also pointed out that
using the covert action
fund for a domestic opera-
tion would violate another
CIA regulation designed to
keep the agency, which is
governed by the National
Security Act of 1947, out of
inte-nal security opera-
tions. When the CIA spent
money for operations in-
side the United States,
Walters explained, "We
had to report this to the
Oversight Committees of
the agency in Congress."
1 Walter's affidavit and to
THIS WAS a clear warn-
ing to Dean that the White
House group he represent-
ed, which included H. R.
Haldeman and John D.
Ehrlichman, could not rely
on a CIA cover to hide
payments to the Water-
gate burglars. It evidently
dismayed Dean.
"He was much taken
aback by this." Walters
reports, adding that Dean
at length agreed that "the
risks of implicating the
CIA and FBI in this matter
would be enormous."
Walters added: "I said
that what was now a pain-
ful wound could become a
mortal one. What was now
a 'conventional explosion
could be turned into a mul-
ti-megaton explosion."
Dean's request for cov-
ert funds to pay the Water-
gate suspects was evident-
ly the second part of a
White House effort to en-
list the CIA in covering up
the source of funds for the
Watergate team's fi-
nances.
Earlier, according to the
Senate testimony made
public in recent days.
Haldeman and Ehrlich-
man had tried to order
CIA interference in an FBI
probe of campaign funds
which had been
"laundered" through a
Mexico City bank.
Meanwhile, in a continu-
ing probe of CIA responsi-
bility in the case. former
CIA Director Richard M.
Helms faces two commit-
tees today: Sen. Stuart
Symington of Missouri's
Armed Services Commit-
tee, where Walters made
his disclosures earlier this
week, and Rep. Lucien N.
Nedzi of Michigan's intelli-
gence subcommittee of
House Armed Services.
Helms yesterday report-
edly told a special subcom-
mittee of the Senate Ap-
propriations Committee
chaired by John L. Mc-
Clellan, D-Ark., that he
had been concerned by
what White House aides
were ordering the CIA to
do in covering up Water-'
gate, but that Helms made
no effort to warn Presi-
dent Nixon what was going
on.
Helms, currently ambas-
sador to Iran, has been
recalled from his post to
explain CIA involvement
with White House staff
operations. He will be on
call for further testimony.
McClellan said.
testify: Haldeman, Ehr-
lichman and David R.
Young.
According to Mc-
Clellan's account, Helms,
in most details, corrobor-
ated the earlier testimony
of Walters that Haldeman,
Ehrlichman and Dean
sought CIA interference in
an FBI investigation relat-
ed to the Watergate case.
"Mr. Helms and the CIA
were seriously im-
posed upon," McClellan
said. "They tried to do as
little as 'they could, and
finally refused to do what
was required of them."
McClellan said Helms
was "concerned" when
Haldeman and Ehrichman
sought CIA interference in
an FBI probe of the Re-
publican campaign funds
which were "laundered"
through a Mexico City
bank before winding up in
the bank account of one of
the Watergate conspira-
tors.
Helms was likewise
aware of a White House
request that the CIA pay
bail charges for five men
arrested in the Watergate
last June and pay their
salaries. '
THE CIA director did
not, however, try to tell
Nixon about it, McClellan
said. "He didn't feel he
was called on to go to the
President. As I understand
the facts, he remained si-
The Senator said that lent."
three White House aides Helms, as director of
implicated in administra- Central Intelligence and
lion efforts to involve the enjoying enhanced author-
CIA in domestic opera- ity after a 1971 reorganiza-
tions would be called on to Lion of the intelligence
community, could reps
directly to the Preside
and the National Securi
Council.
Asked'if he would ha
done the same thing
Helms' position, McC}rr,"
told reporters, "I thin'
would have warned
President. I would his
come forward if I tho
a cloud was being r
over my agency."
McClellan, howe'rz
refused to criticize Heir,
directly for his reticent
"These requests w coming from t9
President's top men.
McClellan pointed out.
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
NoW, *"W
Watergate
NIX U1 I
Pg
THE PIECES
Big changes are taking place-with the Pres-
ident moving to restore confidence in the
White House, seeking to rebuild an Adminis-
tration damaged by the Watergate scandal.
A sweeping overhaul of the Executive
Branch of the Government is now under
way as President Nixon picks up the
pieces of the Watergate wreckage.
Some of the President's closest friends
and most-trusted advisers have resigned
or been swept out of office. As May be-
gan, only a few of their places had yet
been filled on a permanent basis. More
shifts were foreseen.
The Watergate scandal itself kept on
spreading. Almost every day a new de-
velopment pointed an accus-
ing finger at some new vic-
tim. Forecasts were that a
federal grand jury, when it
completes its investigation,
will hand down a number of
criminal indictments-includ-
ing the names of several men
who served at the side of the
President.
Some processes of govern-
ment were slowed as the
housecleaning removed key
administrators or shifted theta
to new jobs. Most heavily af-
fected were the White House
itself, which lost top members
of its staff; the Defense De-
partment, left temporarily
without a full-time chief; the
Justice Department, put tnt-
der new management; the
Federal Bureau of Investiga-
tion, with its second Acting
Director in a year; and
the Environmental Protection
dministrator
FBI.
There were omens of trouble for the
President in his efforts to win enactment
of his legislative program. And the Nixon
hope of building a "new majority" to
extend his party's control of the Govern-
ment was conceded to have been set
back.
In the President's time of political
trouble one bright ray shone through for
him: On May 2, John Connally, a for-
mer Texas. Governor who had served 18
months in the Nixon Cabinet, switched
from the Democratic to the Republican
Party. That story begins on page 26.
The Republican Party which Mr. Con-
nally joined was riven by dissension.
Many Republicans, looking to future
elections, were trying to disassociate
themselves from the Watergate affair-
and all who had any connection with it.
Democrats are seizing on the scandal
as an opportunity to strengthen their
hands in their battles with President
Nixon in Congress and with the Repub-
licans in the coming elections of 1974
and 1976.
All this was in the mind of the Presi-
dent as he made a big move on April 30.
Responsibility accepted. In a dra-
matic appearance on nationwide tele-
vision, Mr. Nixon denied personal guilt
in the burglarization and hugging of the
Democratic Party headquarters at the
Watergate complex last June. But he
accepted "full responsibility"-as the
boss-for what the appointees (lid.
Saying "there can be no whitewash at
the White House," he pledged action to
purge his Administration of the possibili-
ty for such abuses in the future. The full
text of the Nixon address begins on
page 70.
A purge of the President's official
family began even before he spoke.
Among those resigning were H. R. Hal-
deman, the White House chief of staff,
and John Ehrlichman, the President's
top adviser on domestic affairs.
Both had been named in leaked re-
ports to the press as implicated in an at-
tempt to cover up the involvement of
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
 rcontinued tr- ,.--41-- 1 a a r
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
- White House aides in the bugg~ ot. F
m
The acceptance of their resignations was
described by Mr. Nixon as "one of the
most difficult decisions of my Presiden-
cy," and he praised them as "two of the
finest public servants" he knew.
There was no such expression of presi-
dential unhappiness at the simultaneous
departure of John W. Dean III, the
White House legal counsel. It was Mr.
MAJOR CHANCES 1N
NIXON COMMAND
John 1). Fbilichniall, t('
adviser to the President
John W. Dean. IIT, lega
to the President.
Jcb Stuart Magruder
Secretary of Cirtrtmei ce.
Gordon Stcach in g c ni t? tl c.oiu sel
to the (1 S, Infornvitio i A*Uicy
IN-Old hands in new jabs
Gen. Alexander Al. .llaig.-
jr;
chosen iitleriiii chief of thea Whitik
House staff, rioting froth dl{` prast,of
Elliot L. Richardson, noniiiuaCcd
as Attorney General, thovi 1 T over: ~
from job as Secretary of .~Dt [cn c
\Villiani T), Bitekelsh us, it.ua7eG1 ,
as Actin; l)irectoi' of P'13fora(.1"
Director of hnvirournental Pr-otec'tioii:
legal counsel to the President, tticiv
ing from post as
spt cial coon ttltant
Dean who had been ordered to make the
original investigation and report which
the President used as the basis for deny-
ing for months any involvement by any-
one on his staff.
Out, at the sane time, went Attorney
General Richard Kleindicnst. Although
not personally linked with the bugging,
lie said lie resigned because of his close
relations with some persons involved.
To replace Mr. Kleindienst as Attorney
General-and to take over the Watergate
prosecution-Mr. Nixon appointed Elliot
Richardson. An old friend, Mr. Richard-
son had already served Mr. Nixon as
Secretary of Health, Education and Wel-
fare, then as Secretary of Defense.
President Nixon described Mr. Rich-
ardson as "a man of unimpeachable integ-
rity" and said:
"I have given him absolute authority
to make all decisions bearing upon the
prosecution of the Watergate case and
related matters. I have instructed him
that if he should consider it appropriate,
he has the authority to name a special
supervising prosecutor for matters arising
out of the case."
This idea of a special prosecutor, in-
dependent of the Administration, drew
strong support in Congress, and Mr.
Richardson indicated to several Senators
that he would bring in such a man.
With the Watergate's criminal prose-
cution placed in new and trusted hands,
the President turned to rebuilding the
shattered command structure of his Ad-
ministration for the tasks of governing
the nation that lie ahead.
The rebuilding begins. Among Presi-
dent Nixon's early moves were these:
? David Packard was tagged as his
choice to succeed Mr. Richardson as
Secretary of Defense. Mr. Packard, a
California industrialist, was Deputy De-
fense Secretary 1969 through 1971.
? Gen. Alexander M. Haig, Jr., was
brought back to the White House as co-
ordinator of the President's staff, succeed-
ing Mr. Haldeman.
General Ilaig's term of service was
described as indefinite-perhaps long
term. Since January, lie has been Vice
Chief of Staff of the Army. Before that,
he served in the White Ilo>1
w to .0 0
C ca
0.3 ca % Oro. C ro to .+q W A 4. q y ro ro CA
cd y.~gvrooto Q 3H3 ~,~~ tgro [wa W?;Ay
0 0 b u a q d 00 td -~ "~ t> am. O~ to 0 0
rov, d'o G9ro
q a)ro cu .0 y .. Od d 4)
ca .0 cu - U ?, v
V +?, 00 C ro q ?n . q a q ?~ y A 4? 0o
. a) N trot, (y [y 0) .a
O U H m :CO
~+ O ca q 0) U) L. S.
.. + .
+, 4)i ) 10 O ca 4)i 'o 4Ui 0 u) a) a1 .D a' -~i O a) t, w q E tkO
pCO
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
 Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
M 117 Z --7,
' t+,~ A? m' y Q' O 0 m `C 'y m fD? H~ (D Wa ro ~. m ay p'?w b y m M W p (D - ~'
M O '.7' m e"ri. m rt. DC m y ~"] d ~. m .+ C w, O m' m IQ O 0 n Z m r?i, m O m w 0 o-1?'~i ?a^ a ?.
O .w O x O [~0 ~ fCD ^ ro O 0, e CD N m '+ Y O ro a .. O (~ m
.. '.?" G
H O (D (b r* w H w n pw O m m Dt m O m C t+, w 0' 0 C
0 w H m "' w w ~~~ c ooa w on ? ti ro 14.^-d G~"d ? ro C
(D t 0 In
OR
w (D t] y fD? O .`! ro' Jf ew+ (D "y O 0ry~ (D pj - Al w+ J q ?s 4 Hy .H `.3' y ?p ? O y ?O w fS
M .'3" 0 m ff .. y G ro r+ ryq P `~ w O O O O H m m f.,. w+ m m '~9 ro O r' ~? m m
O. m -IQ E ro ro .'Y R. R. `C t O" po m 0. O , .: `? `+ y Q' ? R. r Cn
CL" h (D (D
(D (D
m (n CD (D I
G n-I ? a"`i? o N. :RT tGw.ID -3, cvw," A ~ to y ..
y G O
ro m tj ,y. ~ ~
.-r a O, CO, - rr ep w m n m m O ? w m y ?? O O (DD I f??r, r??i.
m w O m in m v 0 f e, l~D w l7 . i. CL (D m C P En w O K o-] Q. H m
CA on "' m 10 w m m w m.m m (Dd a a? o w 0 ro o.m ~? o ...
p ?. CD
V ?'. m 'd ?, $ IU CDD 0.+ O. CA O ~' o~ 04 O m n fD OQ v' y ~, 'd E m -? m (D
y O 'O..
C~?'~,m rOiw~ ?,aati~.w~wmx~~m moiy cowry Vtj
m m m (D a. a. 0 w `%~ p. ~ m b o a y ?, d m ?. ~ m
Pr , C (0 0 ro x p H O ? m m ro
w a H d ro b4 4 w h+ fD lYD D G G H W
roon (D ~.w~. w CA b~mOZ~m bi0oo
?
?
hdE ob w w bm % o B CD 1d H'. t D' (~o
:? R m OcC Fo ro'('D
ro
tir o ro - G ti" DD o (D 0- M H o ". H .K y"
O. R. G O. m o o m ~. "'?r c~D ro C n o a' A" X p~ w 0 ~?
COD (D
mwtrwm m
0 O rOr ~"' C `-. N .n. ""Y '.r w R. O . O w O ~" '-' LL w "x .? w rr, h CD ro mow '.4
to roaohjm HPI ` fA
?w~wC,pmo ? wy t3~wtironm(wi+~anoIr ro c ~~0 o C
in ' w o sad (" o fD ~y tr O ? w oa D s~ 0 `D - d -M 0 'd 0, ? D o ?
m :r P.
C1. W a' O m m w u m '~3 m 0 m r 0', 0 m~ ?2, 87 41 ~-.. o H m bw4 HO n .~?. Drn n ~' M ?, m DC
CytD wb d n w mw ~d ro ~~c o'~?o m trc o ^~ ~1 c7a 'E ~~ a y
t r+
d ^ w.o o w w ro o?..? 0 ~ Rr w x'~ cD H~?~ o G Ate' H~ ro
m PO n 0 C "? aQ m Cl O n O y 0 n 4.O ((DD y r< C m m r+ ? eC m p d a'' w
K (D CDD C w
M `.' O `"`. Y '?c rmi
w y n m Q. p O' y H w ~R. rt w O `C m C3 rf ? 'J ( fi n H (D
A. N rtn, O.n m N - N?m .., O R. CL A) A
m ~, m ~~... ?r [n .".'C :'w C r?n T'~ Z H.., m
., Cp GL 3u ? E t~y* ~." (9 '' y . iri C o O O (?n `" " pp C a OD
kY ,0?t a H; rOn O' fD m o. a O p O G. ~+ w.. p ? aca a? o 0 0
- m m R. m? a + p + o
5 `Y m m O `~ a O? ??i 'C 0 Ul O' m
O' m m ?7
~ dr0 q o ~m p a a.a, ?q.~ w H ~a~ rD ~~.? m m w mu 0
HS/iC- .. ... .. m -. , m n ...... .,. C( ... o O' n .+ C ..,O' b ]' O LL x ~?'! O
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0 OP
co
 --
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0
CASE FILE (DESCRIPTION) I. INSTRUCTIONS
Vol 1- 19'73
Place cer upright in place of char
place card horizontally in returned
CASE FILE CHARGE-OUT CARD
god out folder.`
-file folder.
!
FORM NO. 119 PLA RELACES FORM. 35.152
I AUG 54 RE I~~
Approved For Release 2008/04/14: CIA-RDP84-00499R001000120003-0