ADDRESS BY ALLEN W. DULLES DIRECTOR OF CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE TO THE VETERANS OF FOREIGN WARS DETROIT, MICHIGAN 22 AUGUST 1960

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP84-00161R000100170014-7
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 16
• Document Creation Date: December 12, 2016
• Document Release Date: May 30, 2002
• Sequence Number: 14
• Publication Date: August 22, 1960
• Content Type: SPEECH

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For Release 8:30 p.m. EST
ADDRESS
BY
ALLEN W. DULLES
DIRECTOR OF CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE
TO
THE VETERANS OF FOREIGN WARS
DETROIT, MICHIGAN
22 AUGUST 1960
I am deeply grateful to you for your action in awarding to me the
Veterans of Foreign Wars - Bernard Baruch Gold Medal, an award given
because you have judged that the recipient has made a contribution to
world peace and to American security.
As a young man at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919, over 4+0 years
ago, I had my first opportunity to know and to appreciate Bernard Baruch,
an American who himself over the years has made an outstanding contribu-
tion to these great aims. I feel honored to be among the privileged few
to whom you have given this award which bears the name of your organiza-
tion and that of Bernard Baruch whom we salute as he passes his 90th
birthday.
The Veterans of Foreign Wars have worked for more than 50 years in
promoting patriotic objectives and in extending.. the..instituti.ons,.of
American freedom. It is natural that you should devote special attention
to the twin objectives of world peace and American security.
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In your announcement of this evening's meeting and of your speaker
tonight, you describe me as a man who knows more about Communist
techniques and intrigue than any man in the world.
This is a bold assertion. It would be immodest of me to claim that
it is true.
But I do admit that I have devoted many years of my life to the
study of Communist theory and practice, and during the last ten years
since I have been with the Central Intelligence Agency, a mountain of
hard evidence on Communist intrigue has passed over my desk.
The Communists have a blueprint for conquest. It is not a rigid
plan detailing exactly when and where every nail will be driven. It is,
rather, a flexible plan permitting the Communists to adjust realistically
to changing conditions in the world. In any event, they think they know
what the edifice of the future will look like. It is a Communist house
in which they say our grandchildren will all live.
Their ambitions are not those inherited from the old Czarist regime.
They seek much more than access to warm water ports and to extend their
national boundaries. They are aiming at nothing less than domination of
the world.
The United States is today their major target. And yet, though I
believe this is patently demonstrable, there is a dangerously complacent
attitude among many people in our Country. Too many, motivated by wishful
thinking, grasp at every Soviet whim, - their every call for coexistence,
their grandiose and impracticable schemes for universal disarmament and
emotional pleas to ban the bomb.
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Too many jump to the conclusion that the Communist leaders have
changed their spots, and that they really want to settle down to live
in peace with us.
All our past relations with the Ccsmnunists belie any such inter-
pretation. Their plans, their statements, and their actions show that
they have no real faith in coexistence.
It is well to look at the record.
. The origins of the Communist movement go back to Marx and the
Manifesto of 1848. But, we have had only about 40 years experience in
a world where Communist principles controlled the actions of the leaders
of a major power with great human and material resources.
Then for a decade or more after the Communist revolution of 1917,
the power of the Soviet leaders was limited. They were occupied with
consolidating the Communist position inside Russia itself and applying
Communist theory to the practical task of ruling the peoples within the
U.S.S.R. who have never been given the opportunity to choose for them-
selves.
I was a member of the American delegation to the Paris Conference
in 1919 when the peace to end World War I was being negotiated. Then
the Communist movement was regarded as a nuisance, but not as a serious
threat outside of the borders of the U.S.S.R. Even then, however, Lenin
was preaching the doctrine of worldwide Communism. He predicted an
eventual clash between the Communist world and the Free World -- or the
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capitalist world as he chose to call it -- the eventual collapse of
capitalism and the fratricidal struggles among capitalist countries.
The outbreak of World War II seemed to bear out the accuracy of
this last prediction. However, the Soviet Union, despite its effort to
stand aside, - as, for example, through the disgraceful agreement with
Hitler for the partition of Poland, - was eventually attacked and drawn
into the conflict.
Stalin sought and received the maximum of aid from us in the common
fight against Hitler, but he never cooperated fully during World War II.
As the war drew toward a close, Moscow's main preoccupation was preparing
the ground for Communist takeover of the greatest possible areas in
Central Europe and in the Far East rather than in bringing the war to a
quick conclusion.
The most tragic example of this was when Soviet armies sat idly by
on the outskirts of Warsaw and allowed the bitter struggle between the
Poles and the Nazi to decimate the leaders of the Polish resistance.
Communist actions in these closing days of the war revealed that
they had not abandoned their long-term objectives. While this began to
alert us to Communist objectives, we were still far too slow in realizing
the full implications of their policy.
For the second time in recent history, we have had an antagonist tell
us in advance both by word and by action what he proposes to do. Hitler
in "Mein Kampf" gave the world a clear picture of his intentions. We paid
little attention to it until too late and he had moved on to the attack.
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We cannot afford to ignore the present and even more precise warnings
which the Communists have been giving us.
Over the past 15 years since the end of World War II, we have had
many an opportunity to learn the lessons of Communist purposes, particu-
larly during the days which immediately preceded and followed the loss
of mainland China to Communism.
During these years Stalin's policy of military pressure and
adventurism continued. He probed our resistance and our determination
in Greece and Turkey and Iran, at Berlin during the days of the blockade
and the airlift, and, in league with the Chinese Communists, in Korea.
We held the line against this type of Communist attack, and we learned a
great deal about Communist techniques.
Then, in 1955, Khrushchev took over the effective leadership of the
Soviet Union. He had the same objectives, the same philosophy of the
worldwide mission of Communism as his predecessors, but he proposed
different techniques to accomplish these objectives.
As soon as he had firmly consolidated his position, Khrushchev pro-
ceeded to denounce Stalin and all his works. He repudiated Stalinist
methods and in effect asked the rest of the world to forget the tyranny
and the cruelty of Stalin in domestic affairs and his-aggressive foreign
policy in threatening the Free World from Berlin to Korea.
Khrushchev let his people know that he was shocked that, during a
time when the United States had overwhelming superiority in nuclear
power, Stalin had engaged in dangerous foreign adventures. In a
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thoroughgoing repudiation of Stalin's policies, Khrushchev tried to
delude us into believing that a new era was at hand.
What are the basic elements of Khrushchev's present policy?
First of all, he proposes to build up Soviet military might based
on ballistic missiles. His main target has always been the United States.
Intercontinental missiles would give him an effective weapon for direct
attack on the United States. During the missile build-up, he will main-
tain an intercontinental threat with his bomber forces.
Second, Khrushchev proposes to build up Soviet industry, the base
of Soviet military power, by completing the ambitious seven-year plan
which covers the period through 1965. This will still leave him well
behind the United States in overall industrial production. But Khrushchev
believes that he can devote to military and world power aims a far
greater percentage of his industrial production than we are likely to do.
He expects to satisfy his people with a far more modest share of the
consumer goods and luxuries that have seemingly become for us so essential
a part of.our own much higher living standard. Whether he will succeed
in deluding his people,who today have far greater knowledge-of the'outside
world than during Stalin's days, remains to be seen.
Third. He is supporting all elements of extreme, rabid, nationalism
in Asia, Africa and Latin America. At the XXI Party Congress held in
February 1959, as well-documented reports in our hands establish, the
leaders of Communist parties from these areas were specifically instructed
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to play down the link with Moscow and with the Communist movement and
to stress nationalism and hostility to the nations of the non-communist
bloc, the United States in particular. He is working for chaos in
countries from Cuba to the Congo. And chaos breeds Communism.
Fourth. He is targetting economic and technical aid to certain
critical countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America where the Communists
believe they can make the most headway.
Fifth. Khrushchev has put into high gear his worldwide subversive
apparatus consisting of local Communist parties, underground and overt,
Communist fronts, and all the espionage and agitprop assets of Moscow
and its satellite allies. This apparatus is very active today from Cuba
to Central Africa and to Southeast Asia, and indeed throughout the world.
Sixth. Khrushchev is directing the greatest propaganda machine
the world has ever known. One voice of Moscow goes abroad to try to
seduce the newly-emerging countries by citing the Soviet example of rapid
industrial and military growth and of the aid which awaits them if they
turn to Moscow. Behind the Iron Curtain, quite another voice is aimed
at the people of the Communist Bloc to reassure them that all is going
well.
And Seventh. The Kremlin is jealously guarding the physical
security of great areas of the Soviet Union where it is building up in
secrecy its formidable military weapons. The Soviets have repeatedly
refused to accept a meaningful form of inspection, - the best guarantee
that disarmament can be honest.
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To protect their security the spy phobia is being exploited
by the Soviets with attacks on our planes and harassments of our
tourists. Well-publicized trials and the imprisonment, of our RB-47
airmen are all calculated in Khrushchev's view to bring pressures to
bear to help preserve the secrecy of military preparations.
By these tactics Khrushchev hopes to prevent the Free World
from gaining the knowledge which may be essential to our on security.
Behind this shield, rejecting the President's proposals for adequate
inspection and open skies, the Kremlin believes that it is free to
prepare for a surprise attack on the Free World in relative security.
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This, in brief, is Khrushchev's program. It is vigorously supported
by Communist China despite growing ideological differences and political
disputes between the two on the home front. These are the tactics which
Khrushchev is using to help along what he describes as the inevitable trend
of history; the victory of Communism.
This is how he explained his often quoted phrase, "We will bury you,"
when he was talking to the National Press Club in Washington last September:
Social systems change as society develops.
There was the feudal system. It was superseded by capitalism.
Capitalism was more progressive than feudalism. Capitalism
created better conditions than feudalism for the development of the
productive forces.
But capitalism engendered irreconcilable contradictions.
Every system gives birth to its successors. Capitalism, as
Marx, Engels and Lenin have proved, will be succeeded by communism.
In saying this, Khrushchev would have us believe that this evolution
to communism will be a peaceful, painless process if only we will let him
carry out his many-sided program to "bury us."
I am convinced that we can do far more to meet the threat if the
people of this country truly understand the nature and purposes.of... communism;
its objectives; and the means the Communist leaders are using to accomplish
their aims.
* * * * *
For too long, and by too many, subversive communism has been viewed
as just another international danger like those which we have faced before
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from the ambitions of malevolent dictators or the thrusts for power by
foreign potentates and rulers. We have assumed that if we remain strong
at home, the danger will in time disappear.
We are still too prone to believe that the Communist movement is no
more than an international conspiracy of evil men, interested solely in
their own power. If this were true, I should feel more easy in my mind.
A conspiracy can be defeated by effective police work. The citizen under-
stands this, and will support it.
But the situation is not that simple. The threat is far greater, and
the defense far more difficult.
The threat is greater, first, because many Communists are not mere
conspirators but fanatically dedicated men. True, there are innumerable
time-servers in the movement, and many who are corrupt, self-interested, or
ineffective. True also, there are indications that revolutionary fervor is
diminishing in some important circles in the USSR, and giving way to more
practical considerations.
Nevertheless, throughout the world there are still thousands of
dangerously rabid Communists. Many of them believe that they are working
for the progress of mankind, - as they see it. Many of them -- perhaps
most of them -- are willing to sacrifice themselves to.the.cause. They.are
ready to work and struggle with little material reward, and with comparatively
little of the sense of power which their bosses may enjoy. Many of them
are highly trained and extremely competent. We have to deal not with mere
conspiracy, but with genuine revolutionary fervor.
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These men disseminate ideas, and ideas must be met by sounder and
more satisfying ideals, not merely by force.
The threat is greater than mere conspiracy, secondly, because the
Communists seem to offer what much of the world -- the underdeveloped
world particularly -- is striving for. The underdeveloped countries are
seized with a passion for rapid economic growth and social advance.
We know from history, and from our own experience, that economic growth
is not achieved easily. It involves discipline, self-sacrifice and a great
deal of hard work. The Soviets promise to deliver it on a platter.
Moreover, Communists know the techniques for enforcing the most ruth-
less discipline upon their own and other peoples. They are masters of
organization. Also, as they have demonstrated their ability to achieve rapid
economic growth, and quickly to develop national power, they can advertise
their accomplishments. Peoples in the underdeveloped countries tend to see
only the achievements of Communism; they overlook its cost in terms of human
dignity and political freedom.
If we could offer a prospect of economic development without pain or
sacrifice, we should doubtless triumph fairly easily over the Communist
adversary in underdeveloped countries. But we cannot do so. We know better
than to try to do so. We refrain from making false.. promises. The.Communists
have no such inhibitions.
* * * * *
We as a people have never given to the study of Communism, as I have
described it, the depth and breadth of effort sufficient to understand it
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adequately and to gird to meet it. It can not be done merely by the
setting up of new machinery of government or the creating of a Cold War
Executive, or such measures.
We need far and wide in this country more education on the whole
history of the communist movement.
In our schools and colleges we can find many courses in ancient
history, in philosophy, courses on the great movements of the past, the
conquests of ancient times from Alexander the Great to Napoleon. Courses
on Communist theory and practices are few and far between.
Yet, today we are face to face with a revolution which since 1917 has
absorbed almost a billion people; a movement which boasts blatantly and
openly that it will destroy us and all the institutions which we hold
essential to our freedom and to.our growth, spiritually and materially.
There is a vast body of readily available and useful literature
descriptive of communist policies, ambitions and successes. Our press,
radio and television are doing a fine job in current reporting and
analysis. There are ample biographies of Communist leaders and plenty of
case histories of their actions in Berlin, Korea, and Hungary. We know
a great deal, and can tell a great deal, about the secret apparatus which
has promoted its revolution.
By and large, however, in our educational institutions, except in the
graduate field or in specialized schools and seminars, these subjects are
not generally taught.
I have reviewed the curricula of many of our universities and colleges,
and, despite a considerable advance in recent years, our students are not
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yet afforded a broad opportunity to gain the essential background know-
ledge of Communist history and policy. And we should start this education
in our secondary schools.
It is only the very few who have read about Marx, the titular father
of the system. Here was one of the meanest, least admirable characters
in his relations with other human beings who ever existed. He was an
unoriginal theoretical thinker. His economic writings were outmoded even
when they appeared. Even the Communists themselves are beginning to admit
that he is not a completely reliable guide for political action.
Such an educational program should not be approached in any spirit
of propaganda or trying to "make a case" or sell a thesis. The history
of the cc znism movement should be taught objectively, recognizing, as
appropriate, scientific, technical, and other accomplishments of the
peoples who have been absorbed by it.
We should not be afraid to teach the subject. A history of communism
and of all its works would bear its own indictment of the system.
Let the facts speak for themselves.
* * * * *
There is a real urgency to build up our knowledge on the entire
background of the Communist thrust against our civilization.
During the years immediately ahead it seems more likely that the
immediate danger we will be facing, and on a worldwide basis, will be
Communist political, economic and subversive action and penetration; not
a hot or nuclear var.
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In general, we and the other peoples in the Free World have a relatively
good understanding of the nature of the Soviet military threat. In this
country a major effort in money, manpower and research has been and is being
devoted to meet it. People may differ here and there whether it is adequate
but certainly it is massive and there is broad agreement that no effort should
be spared in the military sector. We must maintain our military strength.
I believe we will do so.
The Soviet Union today has a healthy respect for our military and
retaliatory power and we must see to it that they continue to have this
respect. They realize that the devastation they would receive in the event
of nuclear war would be unacceptable.
Hence, I conclude that the Soviet are not now planning primarily for
military attack, although they will use the military threat, they will
rattle their ballistic missiles and may exercise military pressure on the
periphery of the Communist Bloc.
Given adequate defense on our part, the military threat is not our
most immediate pressing danger. Where then does the danger to us lie? One
thing is sure: we must conclude, without peradventure of a doubt, that
the Communists will move against us on every front where they consider
action to be effective and for the time being they will. move.. primarily on
the "short of war" fronts.
Are we ready, if instead of attacking us militarily, Khrushchev should
direct his major thrust to subverting other countries in the Free World
by secret, disguised and undercover means?
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By blackmailing the leaders in the newly emerging, the shaky countries,
to follow his lead.
By luring them with promises, and with the actual delivery, of large
quantities of arms and economic aid and of considerable quantities of flashy
but sometimes rather second-rate goods and equipment; and of the services
of many skilled technicians.
By taking control of revolutions which may have started out with sound
motives, but which have been perverted and turned from their original course
into the Communist pattern.
In this way he will try to turn into Communist or communizing tools the
regimes in many countries which today are free, but which tomorrow, under
the pressure of Communist techniques might become slave.
Maybe many people in this Country will be taught a new lesson in
Communism because Khrushchev, right at our doorstep, is applying his methods
and techniques. He is perverting a revolutionary movement which initially
had the support of some estimable people but which now is in the throes of
a Communist take-over. Cuba is not the only country, though it is the one
nearest to us, where such a process is under way.
Are we alerted fully to this kind of danger, and are we prepared to do
all that we can to see that this development does.-not-occur.-in a. dozen or
more countries elsewhere in the world?
This, today, is the major element of the Soviet scheme for world
domination. We must understand it. We must analyze it, and through a well-
coordinated program of education and of action, protect ourselves against it.
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The people of this country are and will continue to be basically
opposed to communism in general. This opposition is based more on
instincts than on knowledge. This is not enough. Our people should be
sufficiently educated in all of the ramifications of communistic intrigues
and its historical background, its purposes and programs adequately to
contribute towards an effective answer.
The initiative for new knowledge comes more often from those of us
who want to learn than from those who teach. But let us also call on our
educators, and on those in authority who have influence over the develop-
ment of our educational system to begin to expand the realistic teaching
of the history and policies of Communism.
We must do this with an eye to the future and to the coming generations
who will be living in a world of continuing Communist challenge.
Today, it is relatively easy to get the manpower and the money for
the vital needs of military defense. This is as it should be. But it is
desperately difficult to get the tools and the funds that the government
needs to meet the present and threatening danger of non-military Soviet
penetration and subversion; the corruption by communism of vast areas of
the Free World.
I hope that your great organization with its-high ideals.and,patriotic
membership will help to build up an understanding and an educated public
opinion to enable this country effectively to meet this grave danger we
face today. This is a cause worthy of the best efforts of the Veterans
of Foreign Wars.
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