THE CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY BY THE HONORABLE ALLEN W. DULLES*

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP84-00161R000100170012-9
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 6
• Document Creation Date: December 12, 2016
• Document Release Date: May 30, 2002
• Sequence Number: 12
• Publication Date: November 1, 1960
• Content Type: SINT

THE Bu SINESS b LAWYER roved
~t'.' _~~ pp
Naanheri96O
For Release 2002/06/18: CIA-RDP84-00161-R000100170012-9
The Business Lawyer
4?3
THE CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY
that he has no purpose to enlarge or mo y
Barnes has made, which remains h the principal asahe maypadd are only to
~
the Director of the CIA. In coming d;; the statement that Mr.
(Editor's Note : Mr. Dulles was introduced by Mr. George D.
, Chairman of the Section, who made the following n
so, Of
GibsonWe are signally honored today by the appearance, in per
here he wants to make it clear
oy
THE HONORABLE ALLEN W. DULLES* ~1J, I L 0 1
Washington, D. C. L 1 ^,J
for CIA. To the contrary, - -
f the American Bar Association, and for the
Cromwell, he came down to Was Ing down to
ashington-to
investi g t that New Yorks
as it turned out, the CIA investigated him instead
gate the CIA, but
and has never been willing. to let him go.
I present to. You a modest, loyal, fearless and brilliant director of
eat defenders of America, the Honorable Allen
the CIA, one of the gr
W. Dulles.)
After nearly twenty-five years. ton-incidentally, I wonder why
letting his right hand know what his left hand Is o to sure that there are many other Scriptural injunctions that he has
followed as well. of legal practice with Sullivan &
attest his warm regard or
aims and members of our Section.
You may be interested
in the Foreign Service before nhe? even thought
served for ten years
servihis degree with ng as head of his left hand, so to
s Division of Near
studying law,
the same time took
speak, , while at
Eastern Affairs in the Department of 'State.
Since that time, he has followed the Scriptural
inJunIndeed I am
Thank you very much, e? e?binter~est in this gathering rand in the
I have, I think, even a p
Bar. I feel I have a little sort of residuary interest, and one can never
ladiestand
tell when that residuary my pos position with theoBar nd with. you,
I want to o keep keep my P ossible.
s
This document has been
approved for release through
This is a TEMPORARY DOCUMENT. the HISTO tICAL REVIEW PROGRAM of
only, for the use of DCI/HS. the Central Intelligence Agency.
The record copy has been Date 3 ~3J /C 2-
released tp National Archives
under the HISTORICAL REVIEW PROGRAa , ;-.
Approved For Release 2002/06/18: CIA-RDP84-00161 R0001001700?2- gam""
c ern- ~-~,- , YT Date HRP - =
p
gentlemen of the Bar, as warm a
CHAIRMAN GIBBON : You have a tenancy all the dues that I
MR. DULLES : I have kept up P .,
1-nn find. and they are quite considerable, from. your ^ A tsoc atiand o all
the City Bar Association, y _ x
address before the 29,1960, at Washington, D. C. .
13usin siness Law on August ;
 Approved For Release 2002/06/18: CIA-RDP84-00161 R00010017001.2-9
November 1960 49
problems.
Unfortunately, it falls upon the United States, apparently, to settle
them all and settle them all quickly. That is hardly possible.
Intelligence and the operations related to intelligence of course play
a role, I believe an important though modest role, in that whole com-
plex of problems. As Mr. Barnes has pointed out, we draw up the
estimates of the facts, and that is somewhat easier to do than to meet
the problems of the Department of State as to what you do about it.
It is quite. simple for us to say we have a problem in Cuba, to -analyze
that problem I hope with reasonable accuracy, and then to pass that
paper on to the members of the National Security.-Council,.where
Bobby Cutler was and served so effectively for so many years, to the
the others. So I am in good standing, I hope, as far as the legal com-
munity is concerned, even though some of the business that I am en-
gaged in may have an extra-legal tinge.
I do want you to know, though, that I have such a high degree of
respect for the law that I have quite a large legal establishment, and
they tell me what I can and cannot do legally. Then I do what I think
is in the national interest I I always hesitate to speak on the same platform with Bobby Cutler.
We have done it two or three times before. I think he is one of the
most pungent, one. of the most delightful, and one of the most respected
speakers that we have here in Washington. I unfortunately didn't
-get here to hear his speech. I thought he was going to speak second.
I had an idea of what Mr. Barnes was going to say, but I didn't know
quite what General Cutler would say. You reversed the order, so I
missed hearing what he had to say. We had dinner together the other
night, and he told me a few things about his most important work.
I have no speech, and as Mr. Gibson and Mr. Steadman have
understood, when you did me the honor of asking me to speak here
at this meeting, I had other and very different plans.' I expected to
be far away from here looking over some of the activities of the CIA
in the foreign field. Man proposes and God and the Senate and Con-
gress disposes. When they decided to return, I thought I had better
be back here, because you never can tell what can happen to legisla-
tion that may deeply affect one's own operations, unless one is closely
watching developments. So I returned, and meanwhile Mr. Barnes
had been working on his talk for you this morning.
I might add to what he has said one or two words. I feel that in
our work, because of the broad sweep of it, that we have to turn from
Laos today, to Cuba, to the Congo, to the offshore islands, to the
Dominican Republic. We are in an age of the eruption of new prob-
lems. We are in an age where nations are being born almost before
we know their names or their geography. We are in an age where
the government has never faced as before a complicated complex of
Approved For Release 2002/06/18 : CIA-RDP84-00161 R000100170012-9
 Approved For Release 2002/06/18 : CIA-RDP84-00161 R000100170012-9
50 The Business Lawyer
State Department, and say, "Now, this is your problem. We have told
you the facts. It is up to you to handle those facts."
We try to go a little beyond that and be. at least sympathetically
helpful in any way we can, in marshalling the assets of this govern-
ment and the assets of our allies toward the settling of these prob-
lems. But we are going to have them with us for a long while and
many more. We are in an age of change.
I wanted this morning to speak of one or two problems which are
foremost in our minds at the moment from the intelligence angle. Be-
cause of the breadth of these problems, we have to concentrate as
much as we can. One of the most difficult problems we face in getting
the intelligence we need for our national security is the problem
created by the secrecy surrounding Soviet military preparations.
They are sealing off great areas of the Soviet Union in which they
are building up their nuclear, their missile and aircraft production.
In fact, 25,% of the great land mass of the Soviet Union is a barred
area. Foreigners are not allowed in. And those areas aren't the
Great Northern Tundras where you wouldn't want to go very much
even if you were allowed in.
It is very essential for our defense that intelligence should be able
to report to some extent what is going on in these barred areas. There
has been a good bit of publicity about that since the first of May, and
I won't go into the details of that. But that was not a program
lightly assumed, and the risks were known and weighed against the
need of our national. security. How can we prepare without knowing
whether the danger is from bombers, with their nuclear cargoes,
whether it is from guided missiles, also with nuclear warheads, and
in what degree does it have a vast effect on our own military pro-
grams, and it is vital to direct our own military defense efforts to-
ward the nature of the possible attack so as to be' prepared with our
defense of the proper kind in the proper places, and with the proper
timing. '
As you know, for a long time we had the problem between aircraft
and missiles. Seven or eight years ago, it seemed that the major
threat to us would be the Soviet heavy bomber, with the back-up of
a very large number of medium bombers; and then along came the
guided missile, on which they had been working actively since the
days following the war and have carried on tests, many, many hund-
reds of tests of their short- and medium-range missiles before they
started to bring into production and have ready for use their inter-
mediate; their long-range missiles, and' had those spectacular tests
which they advertised in the Pacific, wherein they showed their
ability to send a missile with, ! we believe, good accuracy to a distance
of over seven thousand nautical miles. That was done in order to
advertise to us a certain part of their potential for their own purposes
of negotiation and pressure.
Approved For Release 2002/06/18 : CIA-RDP84-00161 R000100170012-9
 Approved ForRelease 2002/06/18 CIA=RDP84-00161 R0001 00170012-9
ovem or - 51-
The duty to try to penetrate this secrecy and security of military
preparations by the United States falls upon the CIA working in
coordination, and I may say a very happy and effective coordination,
with the military services. We are doing our best, and we propose to
continue to do what we can to build up the body of that information.
The second major problem is to properly analyze Soviet intentions.
What are their short-term tactics, and what is -their long-term
strategy? In my opinion-and I think this opinion is shared by the
American Bar Association (I know of their work in this field) -there
can be no. doubt as to their ultimate aims. All Communist leaders,
from Lenin and Trotsky to Krushchev, through Stalin, have pro-
claimed them. It it the ultimate triumph of the Communist system.
It is the "We will bury you" theory that Khrushchev has pronounced.
Not a physical burial, he says, all at one time, but he will slowly take
over the world for Communism.
On these basic objectives, there has been no change over the last
forty years. The menance of subversive Communism directed from
Moscow and from Peiping, chiefly from Moscow-debates among the
two over the idiology of the movement at the present time-has not
changed. It is very different from any other menace, I think, that
the world has faced.
We have seen all kinds of movements going back to the early days,
from the days of Alexander on. There have been military dictators,
military leaders, who have sought to take over great areas. Hitler
tried to break out from what he thought was a pressure on' him and
find his place in the sun. But all of those leaders in the past have had
limited aims, whereas the aims of international Communism? are un-
limited. They are world-wide. I do not believe that they can be or
would be satisfied by any partial agreement. They will take what
they can get, and then they will move on from there.
Lenin and Stalin talked, and Stalin practiced in the immediate
post-war period, aggressive pressure. It was pressure short of all-out
war, although it led to war in Korea, led to the Berlin blockade earlier,
the pressure on Greece, Turkey and Iran.
Krushchev now is preaching a somewhat different doctrine. De-
spite the fact that today Khrushchev's military' position and the mili-
tary position of the Soviets vis-a-vis the United States is better than
it was in the Stalin days because in the Stalin days the Soviet Union
had no atomic weapon until the very latter part, and then only a
very few, and the long-range missile was not even tested. But even so,
Krushchev believes that he needs time. He wants time to build up
his economy-the seven-year plan that carries through 1965. He
wants a sound economic industrial base. He wants time to :complete
his missiles. Now I am not saying that there will be war when he
Approved For Release 2002/06/18 : CIA-RDP84-00161 R000100170012-9
 Approved For Release 2002/06/18 : CIA=RDP84-00161 R000100170012-9
52 - The Business Lawyer
has done this, but in the meantime, in preaching coexistence, despite
the belligerencies.of many of his actions since the break-up of the
Summit Conference and after-despite that he still insists that coex-
istence in his aim. But with coexistence, and despite his preaching
of it, he is trying to carry forward the interests of the Communist
world by every political, economic and subversive means that he can
use. He is showing that in Cuba today, he is showing that in the
Congo and in many other parts of the world, wherever he finds what
he considers a weak spot, a spot where he can through the preaching
of extreme nationalism weaken the United States, there he moves in
with military equipment, with economic aid, with vast numbers of
technicians, and tries to build strong points for Communism.
We must expect this form of .activity to continue. We must gird
to, meet it. We must analyze it and over the next ten years I believe
that this is likely to be the major threat we will lace. One cannot ever
let down one's military. preparation, because if one did at any time,
then there might be a change. But if we keep up our military guard,
if we continue to persuade Khrushchev of the tact, as I believe he is
persuaded today, that if he took the risk of war he would receive
unacceptable damage-if we ever let that conviction fall, then we
might Lace more. It we keep up our military preparations, then I feel
that the danger we are facing is more in the pon tical, economic and
subversive side in the newly emerging nations, who are so susceptible
to the blandishments of the Kremlin.
And in conclusion, I would like to emphasize one other point : in
order to meet the threat of Communism, I think far more should be
done than is being done today to build up our knowledge of what it
means. I have spent some time recently in connection with a little
talk I made to the Veterans of Foreign Wars last week in studying
the curricula of our colleges and universities, and I have been reading
some books on the study of the Russian problem, and I am rather
shocked to find that while one can learn almost everything, it is not
easy to get a course covering a full background of the sweep of the
Communist movement beginning with its history of 1848 and Karl
Marx, and particularly the last forty years.
There are many, many colleges-Harvard, Columbia, California
and Stanford, the University of Washington and others-where there
are admirable advanced courses, graduate groups who are studying
this. But we don't get it nearly soon enough in our schools and
colleges. And yet while we can learn all about the Renaissance, and
we can learn all about the 'conquests of Caesar. and Napoleon and
others in our history, we don't really get the background we ought to
get and our children ought to be getting, as they some. along, because
this is a danger that may face : our children and our grandchildren.
Approved For Release 2002/06/18 : CIA-RDP84-00161 R000100170012-9
 Approved For Release 2002/06/18 : CIA-RDP84-00161 R000100170012-9
November 1960 53
It is high time that we should learn far more about it than we know
today.
. I know that the Bar Association has taken the lead in this general
field, but I think a new study ought to be made. I am not suggesting
that in our schools we should have a great propaganda machine.
Let the facts be told of the story of the Communist movement over
the last forty years and its background. Let those facts speak for
themselves.
As I said the other day to the Veterans of Foreign Wars, that will
be in itself an indictment of the system and,will build up in this
country a people who will be able to give their' government better
support in trying to meet this menace which we face today, and
which is likely, as I say, to be faced by our children and grandchildren,
unless we are more effective in meeting it than we have been so far.
Approved For Release 2002/06/18 : CIA-RDP84-00161 R000100170012-9