SOVIET PROPAGANDA ALERT NO. 10

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP83M00914R002100120030-7
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 21
• Document Creation Date: December 21, 2016
• Document Release Date: May 14, 2008
• Sequence Number: 30
• Publication Date: September 30, 1982
• Content Type: REPORT

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EXEC. SECRETARIAT
Routing Slip
ACilON
INFO
DATE
INITIAL
1
DCI
!
2
DDG
3
EXDIR
4
D/ICS
5
DD{
6
DDA
7
8
DDO
DDS&T
9
Ch t/NlC
10
GC
11
IG:
12.
Comet
13
D/ EEO
141
D/Pers
15
D/OEA
--
16
C/PAD/OEA
17
5A/lA
18
AO/DCI
19
C/IPD/OIS
20
21
22
State Dept. review completed
Executive Secretary
om.
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No. 10
September 30, 1982
(Further details of the items on this sheet
can be found on the referenced pages)
Soviet propaganda on international themes in August stressed:
Arms Control and Peace Movements. .Soviet media denounced See p. 1
the U.S. yor alleged espousal of the doctrine of "winnable
protracted nuclear war," failure to pledge "no first strike,"
and failure to join in certain arms control treaties. The
Soviets charged that the U.S. participates in arms talks
only under pressure, and uses them as cover for a huge mili-.
tary buildup aimed at attaining global superiority. A second
edition of the Soviet booklet Whence the Threat to Peace was
advertised as countering "U.S.lies on the mythical Soviet
threat." Coverage of Peace March-82 stressed the supposed
congruence of European peace movements -and Soviet policy.
Middle East. Soviet propaganda on the Lebanon crisis See p. 6
overreached itself in claiming that Israel would never ac-
cept a political solution, only the military solution of
physical annihilation of the Palestinians. With the success
of the Habib mission, Soviet propagandists had to fall. back
on other themes, such as the putative Israeli goal of
annexing southern Lebanon.
Poland. The Soviet media emphasized the progress of See p. 8 % "'normalization" in Poland in connection with the mid-August
meeting between Wojciech Jaruzelski and Leonid Brezhnev,
and the dangers of "counterrevolution" in connection with
Solidarity's call for demonstrations at the end of August.
Gas Pipeline Sanctions. The Soviets criticized American See p. 10
pressure" on NATO allies, but declared that sanctions are
futile. They asserted the USSR can and will build the pipe-
line with its own technology. Washington was said to be
anxious to wreck mutually advantageous trade between Europe
and the USSR not only for anti-Soviet motives but because
of U.S. fears of a strong, economically competitive Europe.
Psychological Warfare. The overall theme was denunciation See p. 11
of the American "anti-Soviet propaganda campaign." The
Reagan administration was accused of hypocrisy and lies on
a range o issues. Western radio broadcasts were strongly
attacked,, particularly broadcasts to Poland.
U.S. Gover-meat and Society. Soviet media focused on See p. 14
depicting P:-esident Reagan 's foreign policy as unpopular
with the American people; aiid 'h'is,e`fforts to solve economic
problems as a total failure.
Office of Research
United States Information Agency
Washington, D.C.
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ARMS CONTROL AND PEACE MOVEMENTS
As always; arms control and peace movement issues constituted
principal themes of Soviet propaganda. In reporting on inter-
national events, Soviet media consistently strove to depict
the U.S. as a bellicose, expansionist power and the USSR as a
steadfast champion of peaceful causes.
Military octrine and Policy
Soviet propaganda intensified its attacks on U.S. policymakers
for allegedly embracing the doctrines of winnable "limited"
and "protracted" nuclear war. Soviet media also complained that
Washington ignored the official Soviet pledge of "no first use
[of nuclear weapons]." They lauded the "no first use" pledge as
proof positive of the USSR's total commitment to peace. Mean-
while, the U.S. was repeatedly accused of "planning" or "pre-
paring" nuclear war against the USSR.
Several Soviet commentaries responded specifically to statements
by Secretary Weinberger appearing in the U.S. press. Citing in
particular an interview in the New York Times and the Secretary's
speech in San Francisco, Soviet reporters declared that
all military planning groups in the U.S. have been ordered to
prepare for protracted nuclear war.... [Weinberger] again
confirmed the intent of the United States to achieve strategic
.superiority over the Soviet Union (TASS, August 11).
The Secretary was also subjected to personal attacks: TASS
(August 12) asserted he had an "odious reputation" which his
recent "salvo of brazen misinformation and falsehoods enhanced."
Toward the end of August, Soviet propaganda concentrated on
denouncing "the U.S. Defense Department's directives on building
up the U.S. Armed Forces in the next 5 years," and the "new
presidential directive which provides for waging a protracted
nuclear war." The latter was characterized as "a logical exten-
sion of President Carter's notorious PD-59." Soviet media
described the two as "complementary documents" which set forth
"Washington's new strategic credo [of] the advocation of the
'Permissibility' of a nuclear war and the 'possibility' of a
victory in it" (TASS, August 22).
Treaties and'Arms Control Talks
The U.S. decision not to ratify previous agreements limiting
nuclear weapons explosions and not to renew U.S.-British-Soviet
talks on :banning nuclear tests drew a hail of fire from the
Soviet media. According to a.Moscow radio English broadcast to
North America (August 4):
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The fact that Washington is going back on agreements that are
already effective and is withdrawing from the talks on a com-
prehensive nuclear test ban treaty proves once again that the
United States is fully committed to the arms race, to boosting
its nuclear arsenal in a bid to achieve military superiority.
The Soviets charged that the U.S. is claiming problems of veri-
fication as an excuse for these steps so it can continue to test
new weapcns under development. Actually, argued Soviet commen-
tators, over arms talks indicate that satisfactory compromises
on veriication can be reached. In addition, it was pointed out
that "back. in 1979 UN experts made a special report saying the
problem of verification was riot an impediment to agreement any
more" (Moscow English, August 4). Furthermore, the Soviets
contended that they have honored all their commitments and that
the U.S. has provided no proof to the contrary. .
On the MBFR talks and on the subject of arms control negotiations
in. general, Soviet propaganda stressed the familiar lines that:
o U.S. proposals are "unrealistic," demanding unilateral con-
cessions from the Soviet side;
o the U.S. ignores Soviet proposals which are fair and feasible;
the U.S. Participates in talks only under "pressure" (from
domestic sources and world public opinion); and
the U.S. uses talks only as a smokescreen while it continues
an enormous arms buildup.
Military Publications
Soviet media heralded the release of a second edition of the USSR
Ministry ol Defense publication Whence the Threat to Peace. TASS
English announced (August 4):
They in the West have launched a large-scale propaganda cam-
paign over an alleged military superiority of the USSR and
"intolerable lag" of the U.S. in the military field. [Whence
the Threat to Peace] convincingly refutes these lies and quotes
concrete figures to illustrate the real balance of forces and
the existence of military equilibrium between the sides.
The Soviet publication's overall theme is that the U.S. is pur-
suing military supremacy while the USSR, by contrast, "has never
strived for military superiority, and always confined itself to
measures that are indispensable for ensuring its own reliable
security and that for its allies" (TASS, August 5). Soviet argu-
ments are predicated on the claim that rough parity currently
prevails between U.S. and Soviet, and NATO and Warsaw Pact
forces. Soviet reviews of the second edition stressed the same
ideas as had been emphasized the first time: the U.S. is the
initiator of the arms race; it uses false pretexts of being
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behind the USSR to justify arms escalations; it is escalating
the race by producing qualitatively new kinds of arms; and U.S.
chemical and neutron weapons pose special threats to the world.
The NATO publication NATO and The Warsaw-Pact--A Correlation of
Forces met with strong condemnation in Soviet and East bloc
media. An interview with Soviet General Nikolai Chervov
appearing in the Czech press (Rude Pravo, August 3) accused the
publication of being one-sided and distorted in its attempt to
substantiate the thesis of the Warsaw Pact's "crushing supre-
macy." ;Without offering much detail in support of his arguments,
Chervov criticized it as
limited to enumerating the strengths of the two sides' armed
forces and arms and [intentionally overlooking] the military-
econcmic and mobilization possibilities, the human and material
resources, the geographical positions and other factors in the
military-strategic situation.
Peace March-82
Soviet media at the end of July and beginning of August heavily
covered. Peace March-82, emphasizing the "cordial welcome"
marchers received from the Soviet citizenry along their route.
Reporting on the speeches and conversations of march partici-
pants, Soviet propagandists paid great attention to words of
praise for the "peace-loving course" of the USSR, especially the
""peace initiatives" of President Brezhnev. Non-Soviet
participants--particularly those from NATO countries--were often
quoted on this. subject.
Efforts were made to convey the impression that the peace march
and Soviet policy are on one side against "anti-peace" U.S. and
NATO forces. For example, slogans and expressions customarily
used in connection with Soviet policy were also used in
describing the aims of the peace march. The Soviets sharply
denied Western reports of restrictions placed on the marchers,
and claimed that such reports were designed to mislead people
and discredit the Soviet Union.
Responding to Western press criticism that the USSR is manipu-
lating the peace movement, Yurii Zhukov, chairman of the Soviet
Peace.Com mi ttee, offered rather disingenuously: "We would be
happy to organize Peace March-83 in the West in order that the
people there can hear about our striving for friendship" (Moscow
English, August 3).
Soviet media reported on other peace movement activities, ranging
from a "world youth festival" in Finland to a conference in New
York on "disarmament and mankind's needs." Also discussed was
the "Week of Peace" (August 6-13) and the "Day of Peace"
(September 1) declared by the World Peace Council in connection
with the commemoration of the victims of Hiroshima and.Nagasaki.
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The Role of Europe
The peace march served as a peg for broader media treatment of
the peace movement in Western Europe, characterized as already
considerable in size and influence and constantly increasing.
In direct response to Western media criticisms of the peace
movement's one-sided anti-American orientation, Soviet propa-
gandists blandly responded that there is simply no reason for
protest against the USSR since its policies are perfectly in
line with the goal of peace.
The theme of Western intra-alliance. tensions continued to be a
Soviet. favorite. The U.S. was depicted as fiercely pressuring
its NATO allies to increase their military budgets "to take on
a greater share of the cost of implementing President Reagan's
militarist policies." TASS English (August 3) said the U.S.
is "seeking to subjugate [the Europeans] more to Washington's
global imperial ambitions." This goal, according to the Soviets,
is pursued by various methods: by "arm-twisting" (supposedly
the mission of administration officials traveling to Europe), by
the banning of pipeline-related equipment deliveries, and by
attempts to revive an "anticommunist crusade" among Europeans.
Discussing, among other things, U.S.-European "steel wars,"
S('?viet commentators alleged a close interrelationship between
U.S. economic and military-strategic "calculations" in the over-
all effort to undermine detente and weaken socialism.
Soviet propaganda also expressed strong objections to planned re-
location of U.S. troops in border areas of West Germany. This was.
called a "blatant provocation" against the socialist states, and
a link in the "militaristic chain" of measures supposedly taken
"to 'Europeanize' any possible nuclear war,.thereby diverting the
threat of retaliation from [U.S.] territory" (TASS, August 16).
Military Uses of Outer Space
As in the previous several months, Soviet media affirmed the
USSR's support for the exclusion of military activity from space.
President Brezhnev's August 9 message to the international con-
ference on the study and use of outer space for peaceful purposes
in Vienna was widely publicized. Juxtaposed with declarations of
the official Soviet position on this issue were accusations that
the U.S. is "stepping up military preparations in outer space."
U.S. A ms Sales
In detailed reports on U.S. arms exports, Soviet media charged that
the United States...has long been the world's biggest weapons
trader.... It foists a monstrous burden of militarization on
the developing countries, diverting tremendous funds from the
struggle against economic backwardness, hunger and poverty....
American weapons serve aggression, interference in sovereign
states' internal affairs and the suppression of the national
liberation struggle (Krasnaia zvezda, August 4).
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The Soviets further contended that "the flow of weapons to
pro-American military dictatorial regimes increased sharply
with the coming into power of the Reagan administration"
(TASS, August 8).
The anniversary of the signing of the Helsinki Accords (August
1, 1975) provided the occasion for editorials on the alleged
threat to European security posed by U.S. bellicosity. Lauding
Helsinki with the customary platitudes, the Soviet press warned
of U.S. aehavior that "flagrantly violates the spirit and let-
ter of Helsinki." The most strident commentaries professed
outrage t_-.at the security of Europe "should depend on the, whims
of an American president."
A number of Soviet "catchall commentaries" on peace and security
questions linked various U.S. policies and actions, and gave
blanket condemnations of these alleged manifestations of U.S.
.militarism and expansionism. As a Moscow radio English (August
3) political observer put it:
There.is continuing active support of Israel's barbaric action
and of the destruction of the peaceful population in Lebanon.
There is also support for the pro-American government in El
Salvador, which is annihilating its own people. America sup-
plies arms to Pakistan, whose territory is used for staging
hostile acts against neighboring countries. The U.S. continues
to hold onto its old military bases and build new ones....
As for U.S. diplomats, they are advancing clearly unacceptable
demands at the talks on limiting arms, and have decided to cur-
tail in general talks on ending nuclear tests. U.S. diplomats
are very active when it comes to working out various sanctions
against economic contacts among countries, and extremely passive
when discussing measures of strengthening universal peace....
The Pentagon is carrying out an unprecedented in peacetime
program of building up the strategic potential of the United
States, from nuclear missiles and neutron shells to new bombers
and chemical weapons.
While stressing the peace-loving nature of Soviet policy, Soviet
propagandists lost no chance to remind audiences that the USSR
will do whatever necessary to provide for its own--and its
socialist allies'--defense:
Today people [in Washington] care not about equality and
equal security but about creation of new and increasingly
destructive weapons. ..and about establishing their domin-
ance over other countries and peoples. In the face of
this aggressive policy...it becomes clear that the Soviet
Union, while firmly pursuing the course of safeguarding
peace and detente, is not only forced but obliged to take
measures to strengthen its defense capability. (Izvestiia,
August 5).
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MIDDLE EAST -- CRISIS IN LEBANON
Israeli "Genocide" in Lebanon
The Soviet media's harshest criticism in recent weeks was di-
rected against the Israeli invasion of Lebanon. On August 3,
TASS international Service accused Israel of
genocide in the fullest meaning of the term: the deliberate
calculated destruction of the Palestine and Lebanese peoples--
men, -,?omen, children and old people. Bombs are rained down
on their heads, they are thrown into concentration camps
and "Jails to rot.
Soviet commentators openly ascribed "such unrestrained behavior"
to the "racist nature of international Zionism." An Izvestiia
commentator likened Israeli premier Menachern Begin to Adolf
Hitler:
The hateful word Hitler is coming up often in international
communications now, but not in the context that Begin used
it. It is he, the Israeli premier, who is being compared
with Hitler, both in the East, in the socialist countries,
and more and more often in the West, He is revealing him-
self to be a maniac and fanatic like Hitler, and probably
no less a racist than the fuehrer either--yes, a racist.
A second Israel objective was seen as the annexation of southern
Lebanon and the establishment of a puppet regime in Lebanon. A
third Israeli goal was, as one TASS analyst stated (August 2),
to secure "the withdrawal of the pan-Arab peace-keeping force
from Lebanon"--or, in other words, to strike-at Syria.
U.S. "Responsibility"
The theme of "U.S. responsibility" runs consistently throughout
Soviet media coverage of the Lebanon crisis. The aims of the
U.S. and Israel were portrayed as fully congruent. Soviet com-
mentators also drummed away-at the theme that the U.S. has ren-
dered "complete support" to Israel. One Soviet observer stated
that "Israel is getting the most modern weapons; it is getting
practically unlimited financial assistance and is given politi-
cal support."
Finally, Soviet propagandists purported to discover U.S. "collu-
sion" even to the extent of advance knowledge of the Israeli
invasion (TASS, August 14):
This is confirmed by a statement made today by Israel's
Defense Minister Sharon. In an interview with U.S. television,
the ringleader of the Tel Aviv military states outright that.
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ten days before the beginning of the invasion he met in
Washington with U.S.. Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger
and the then U.S. Secretary of State Alexander Haig. He
told them: "The situation sets in when we must act."
Going by the words of the Israeli defense minister,
Washington gave a green light for the implementation of
the cruel intentions of the occupiers.
Given such "evidence," it was a foregone conclusion that Soviet
propaganda would characterize U.S. Middle East policy as
"duplicitous" and scorn U.S. efforts to resolve the crisis as
no more than a "propaganda circus."
The charge of duplicity fell most heavily on Philip Habib, the
U.S. special negotiator in Lebanon:
Habib is using Israeli threats in order to blackmail
Lebanese and Palestinian leaders. His quiet diplomacy is
successfully supplementing the barbaric actions of the
Israeli military. The American emissary pretends to be
some kind of neutral arbiter, but whom does he represent?
Not a single international organ recognized his mission....
He represents only the Reagan government (TASS, August 14).
Propaganda Deadends
The success of the Habib mission soon forced the Soviet media
to stretch well beyond the bounds of credulity.
First, Soviet propagandists carried to extremes even their posi-
tion that Israel wanted the "physical annihilation" of the
Palestinians. Lev Korneev, a "prominent Soviet strategist,"
predicted in the Kuwaiti media on August 5 that "Israel would
launch a nuclear attack on besieged Beirut and other Arab
countries in the future." Other Soviet commentators tried to
claim that the only reason the Israelis had not entered Beirut
was because they had been repulsed by strong Palestinian resist-
ance, and that Israel would never agree to a political, rather
than military, settlement in Lebanon.
Second, Soviet propagandists claimed that Washington "covets the
stationing of American troops" in Lebanon "disguised as a peace-
keeping force..." (Moscow radio, August 13).
As the elements of the Habib plan were made known, however, the
Soviet propaganda line crumbled rapidly. Soviet propagandists
strained to see U.S. and Israeli ogres at every turn. Israel was
stalling: "the implementation of the [Habib] plan could be
started at once, if Israel displayed at least the slightest wish
to achieve peace through negotiations" (TASS, August 14).
Israel wanted to pull a double cross: the Palestinian fighting
men have the impression that the truce represents "attempts...
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simply to disarm and then to destroy them, thereby attaining the
first aim of the oppressor's invasion of Lebanon" (Pravda, August
18). The U.S., for its part, still sought a permanent troop
presence: "there are reports that the White House already has a
plan of keeping an American military presence in Lebanon" (Moscow
radio, August 27).
In the end, Soviet observers lamely continued to insist that
"the Tel Aviv rulers were forced to agree to the evacuation of
the Beirut defenders." ("Vremia" television program, August 24).
Soviet. propagandists were compelled to fall back on other favored
themes: the "remaining" U.S.-Israeli objectives of a parti-
tioned Lebanese puppet state and withdrawal of the pan-Arab
peace-keeping force from eastern. Lebanon.
The Reagan.Peace Plan
On September 4,. Pravda flatly rejected the Reagan peace proposal
of September 1: "one cannot imagine a just and lasting peace
when not peaceful ideas of cooperation, but aggressive objectives,
are laid as its basis." The Soviet media have always attacked
the Camp David accords, and in the present case Soviet commen-
tators called the Lebanon invasion a "direct result of the Camp
David agreement." Instead, they have called for a "comprehen-
sive solution" with Soviet participation, to be worked out at an
international conference.
The Soviet media continued to repeat their standard line that
Poland "is'gradually returning to normal" (Moscow radio, August
6), but would do so more quickly were the process of normaliza-
tion not blocked "by a counterrevolutionary underground whose
activity is being inspired and supported mainly by the United
States" (Moscow radio, August 18).
"Normalization"
Soviet propagandists emphasized three themes. First, they asserted
the unshakable unity of Polish-Soviet interests."on the basis
of the principles of socialist internationalism, equality of
rights, respect for sovereignty and friendly mutual assistance,"
as the communique of the Jaruzelski-Brezhnev meeting phrased it.
Second, they noted Soviet "generosity" in extending economic as-.
sistance. Replying to Western charges of Soviet intervention
in Poland, one Soviet commentator claimed that "if there is any
Soviet involvement, it is the delivery to Poland of the goods and
commodities it requires, the guarantee of credits and orders to
keep busy the bulk of its production capacity" (Moscow radio,
August 19). Third, they hinted on several occasions that Poland
must rely on the Soviet Union for support against West German
"revanchism." Radio. Moscow charged that West German CSU leader
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Franz-Josef Strauss aimed "at removing individual East European
states from the map of Europe" (August 5).
"Counterrevolution"
Soviet propaganda denounced Solidarity but continued to make
careful distinctions about its various parts and constitu-
encies. The sharpest words were directed at emigre Solidarity
activists and organizations, and at KOR, KNP, and other
"counterrevolutionary groupings." Nevertheless, the Soviet
media said little about the Solidarity rank-and-file or the
Polish working class in general. A Moscow radio comment of
August 30 was typical; when the Gdansk accords of 1980 were
signed, they "showed the country the way out of its economic
crisis" but "the Solidarity leaders, especially their advisers
from all manner of anti-socialist organizations and their .
overseas patrons, were by no means interested in normalizing
the situation," The Polish Catholic church was mentioned only
briefly--in passing references to "some priests" who are
"accomplished rabble-rousers" and to the church's. "double game."
(Trud, August 25).
Soviet statements on the future of the trade union movement
were ambiguous. On August 27, Moscow radio promised that "there
can be no return to the situation in the 1970's, when the
bureaucratic trade unions ceased to fulfill their main function
of defending the interests of the working class; but in no way,
either, can there be a return to the situation existing in 1981,
when...the trade union was used for antisocialist activities."
Soviet media ment.ioned the possibility of demonstrations only
toward the end of August. When the demonstrations did occur,
the Soviets systematically diminished their significance. The
demonstrators were portrayed as "groups of hooligan elements"
and "rioting thugs"; TASS claimed that "workers did not take
part," or even more disingenuously, asserted that, "there were
no strikes" (it did not note that Solidarity had not generally
called. for strikes).
Western "Aggression" in Poland
Since it was "precisely support from the West which is the con-
dition for the existence of antisocialist forces in Poland"
(Pravda, August 19), Soviet media complained loudly against the
Wes s "anticommunist, anti-Polish" campaign of "aggression,"
which amounted. to "a crude violation of norms of international
relations" (Moscow Radio, August 5).
According to the Soviet media, the principal offenders were Western
radios broadcasting into Poland, especially Radio Free Europe.
TASS (August 10) quoted a Polish intelligence officer as saying
that RFE's work "can be summed up as political diversion and
espionage.." A close second was the "reactionary" AFL-CIO leader-
ship, which was charged with "subversive acts" against Poland
and "continued financing of counterrevolutionary activity."
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Soviet media extensively covered developments in the gas pipe-
line controversy. While there was much direct Soviet criticism
of the sanctions, equal or greater space was devoted to criti-
cism emanating from Western European and other non-Soviet
sources. Opposition to the sanctions voiced by official Western
Europeans, prominent Americans, Western media, and ordinary
citizens was cited repeatedly as Soviet media dwelled on the
"storm r protest" over the sanctions.
Major Soviet themes included:
o The Soviet Union can, if necessary, supply all its needs
for the gas pipeline domestically. If the U.S. thinks it
can hinder the pipeline by any sanctions, it is greatly
mistaken. Soviet efforts to use U.S. technology in the
first place grew out of the Soviet commitment to "mutually
advantageous" international economic cooperation and
division of labor, and had nothing to do with the USSR's
inability to produce the technology itself.
o U.S. actions are one more manifestation of an arrogant
attitude toward other countries, including its European
allies. The U.S. refuses to consider European concerns
and needs, and seeks to impose its "diktat" on Europe.
(Some commentaries alleged that the U.S. fears economic
competition and independence on the part of Western Europe,
and is therefore trying to prevent those countries from
growing stronger through beneficial East-West trade.)
o The sanctions have totally backfired on the U.S. Tremendous
damage has been done to European-American relations. And
Soviet determination to complete the pipeline on schedule
has been redoubled--witness the pledges issued at meetings
of workers involved in pipeline construction.
o U.S. Ipseudcarguimients" against the pipeline do not stand
up under scrutiny. For example, France will not become
energy-dependent on the USSR; according to French fore-
casts, in 1990 Soviet gas will not exceed five percent of
French energy imports.
The Soviets also responded to Western media reports of political
prisoners from Soviet concentration camps being used to work on
the pipeline. Such Western assertions were scornfully called "a
dirty falsehood ...most likely supplied by Washington, where under
the current administration lies are produced on a mass scale."
Accordinc to a Moscow Finnish-language broadcast (August 5):
Central television has shown many programs describing the Soviet
people's determination to build the gas pipeline according to
plans.... Thus, who could believe that the Soviet Government
told foreign consumers that they will receive the gas in.accord-
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ance with plans by relying on the reluctant work of its pri-
soners? Not to mention that in the Soviet Union there is not
a single person who has lost his freedom for political reasons.
PROPAGANDA AND PSYCHOLOGICAL WARFARE
Charges that the U.S. is escalating "propaganda warfare" against
the USSR and other socialist states pervaded Soviet media. This
alleged "American campaign of slander and lies" was blamed on
U.S. "failure to adjust to current reality" or, in other words,
U.S. desperation in the face of Soviet and socialist gains in
the world. Allegations of Western "psychological warfare"
against Poland constituted an important subtheme (see page 9).
Soviet propagandists often employed harsh rhetoric on this sub-
ject, but their accusations contained nothing new in substance.
Typical Soviet attacks on President Reagan and his administration
for supposed lies and deceit included the following:
Slander, multiplied by hypocrisy, brazen lies, strongly mixed
with duplicity and pharisaism--this is today one of the main
components of the hegemonistic foreign policy of the United
States.... The ideologists of imperialism, who tear like
fire the ever-increasing strength of the example of real
socialism, are. widely prattling about "tyranny" and "freedom,"
about "totalitarianism" and "human rights," seeking to smear
the USSR and simultaneously, without any foundation, claim for
themselves the role of "pillars of democracy."
(TASS English, August 3)
It- has become every day practice in American life for political
declarations and documents... by highrankiny representatives
of the present administration to contain a substantial dose of
obvious exaggerations, flagrant distortions, false assertions
and slanderous attacks,... The ignorant compilers of statements
and speeches do not even bother to substantiate their conjec-
tures with facts or historical references, supposing self-
effacingly that since they themselves do not know history and
do not have even the most elementary idea of the political
situation For leaders) of a particular country, their readers
and listeners cannot or must not know these things. (Za
rubezhom, August 5)
(Attacking Reagan' s interview in Le Figaro) in the interview.. .
he contrived to say not a single word of truth about the
most important recent events--the tragedy in Lebanon and the
relations between the United States and its West European
allies. (Za rubezhoin, August 12)
Soviet media continued to allege that a U.S. "anti-Soviet cam-
paign" is designed to increase international tensions in order
to provide a pretext for an arms buildup:
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Unable to justify its hegemonistic line of destroying every-
thing positive achieved in the international arena in the
seventies, the present United States administration combines
its turn towards fanning tension and intensifying confronta-
tion with rude anti-Sovietism and anticommunism, converting
them into a tool of stepping up the arms race, a means of
undermining detente.... (TASS, August 3)
A typical attack on U.S. international radio broadcasting sought
to equate ..t with lethal weaponry:
First, 'gar on the air and then a limited nuclear war in.
Europe. The one as well as the other are parts of a
homogeneous whole, the homogeneous plan of American world
domination.... Not information but disinformation is dissem-
inated, and inflammatory propaganda which harms relations
between countries and can threaten world peace no less than
the chemical and nuclear arms race.... (Moscow Radio in
German, August 22).
This same commentary included what also appeared elsewhere--a
parallel drawn between President Reagan and Hitler:
This information is merely capable of spreading on our con-
tinent Californian political morality as well as the lack of
culture and manners of the Wild West.... If Reagan knew
history better and made its lessons his own, he would not
harbor any illusions since there were people before him,
like Hitler: who had a special liking for using the mirac-
ulous weapon of inflammatory propaganda on the air....
(Moscow Radio in German, August 22).
In addition to attacking "propaganda warfare,", Soviet media
featured sensationalistic stories on the CIA and. its alleged
subversive activities against the socialist and developing
worlds.
Japan. Soviet media were chiefly concerned with describing
and condemning plans for increased Japanese defense spending.
Krasnaia zvezda (August 27) noted strong objections by "broad
public circles" in Japan to Tokyo's "militarist preparations."
The Soviets contended that the decision was made under pressure
from Washington. They ascribed an "anti-Soviet thrust" to the
"militarist program," and warned that it threatens peace anu
security in the Far East. According to an article in Izvestiia
(August 16):
Washington would like to see its Far Eastern ally's armed
forces as some unpaid appendage in any adventure the people
on the banks of the Potomac consider necessary in that part
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of the world to implement the White House's projects....
By joining in the buildup of tension... Japanese ruling
circles .;ce promoting the growth of the threat of a
thennonuu_ear conflict, the first victim of which could
be Japan itself.
Reporting on the U.S.-Japanese consultative conference on
security opening at the end of August, TASS claimed it "serves
to speed up military. preparations" and is an opportunity for
the U.S. L.:. impose further military demands on Japan.
Southeast Asia. In response to U.S. official reports on Soviet
chemical -.weapon use, Soviet media denied all such charges and
sought to curn attention to "the chemical war which the United
States conducted in Southeast Asia from 1961-1971" and its
consequences.
Greece. Moscow radio in Greek (August 10) enumerated alleged
J -angers of having U.S. military bases in Greece, concluding
that "the U.S. military presence in Greece constitutes a
restriction on the country's sovereignty [and] a threat to its
independence and the existing political regime."
Sweden. A Moscow Swedish-language broadcast (August 17) criti-
cT e- Scandinavian media coverage of Soviet submarines in
Swedish territorial waters as an "anti-Soviet campaign" con-
sisting only of "absurd fabrications" inspired by Washington.
Nicaragua. TASS International Service (August 12) alleged that
the U.S. is waging an undeclared war against Nicaragua. The
U.S. aim, claimed TASS, "is to provoke a war between Honduras
and Nicaragua and then use the conflict as a pretext for direct
,American intervention."
U.S. Caribbean Policy. TASS International Service (August 3)
.accused the U.S. of spreading a- ."campaign of threats against
Cuba, Nicaragua, and Grenada, and of lies about the patriotic
forces of El Salvador and Guatemala"' and claimed that "U.S.
military preparations" in the Caribbean "are being stepped up."
Kenya. TASS (August 2), in noting the attempted coup in Kenya,
reported that "the rebels who had undergone military training
in the USA or in Kenya under American military instructors,
used American arms during this coup attempt." Moscow radio in
Swahili (august 16), however, asserted that since the West,
especiali;.' the U.S., has large investments in Kenya, "it is not
surprising that in quelling an attempt to overthrow the govern-
ment, foreign military advisers working in Kenya took part."
Iran-Iragg War. Moscow television (August 5) called the Iran-
Iraq war "a senseless war which has caused and is causing great
damage" to both sides. The "winning. side," it concluded, "is
the international imperialists."
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Soviet propaganda's overriding concern vis-a-vis the United
States is foreign policy, especially its military-strategic
aspects. This preoccupation affects virtually all media treat-
ment of the U.S. Thus it is not surprising that even Soviet
reports which focused primarily on U.S. domestic issues had a
foreign policy slant.
The Reacan Administration
Soviet propaganda continued to stress that the "extreme right
wing" is in power in the U.S. The Reagan administration was
often referred to as the."Californian clique" and was charac-
terized as a small, very wealthy group that is rabidly anti-
Soviet and set on the goal of U.S. global supremacy. Under this
administration, according to the Soviets, policymaking is imbued
with a "Wild West" spirit that is totally unsuitable for present
times and conditions.
A number of Soviet items on American perceptions of foreign
policy stressed a supposed "growing resistance" to the Reagan
administration among the American people and even in "influential
circles." Differences over policy questions were not presented
a soraethia normal and desirable in American society. Rather,
Soviet media concentrated only on portraying official American
floreig.n policy as unpopular. Moscow domestic radio (August 15),
enumerating cases of Capitol Hill/White House differences,
stated:
Each of these facts by itself might not be very significant
or very big, but taken together they suddenly create a pic-
ture of mounting opposition to the foreign policy being
pursued by the U.S. administration.... We are witnessing
growing opposition to.Washington's present militaristic
course.
Economic Situation
Soviet reportage on this subject was designed to show that the
American economy is in bad shape ("prompting people to recall
the Great Depression of the thirties"), high unemployment is a
critical problem ("the multimillion-strong army of unemployed is
increasing"), and the Reagan administration has failed to improve
conditions. These problems were always explicitly tied to high
and increasing defense spending:
...A process of the mass ruin of large, medium and small com-
panies and also of farms is underway. The Federal budget
deficit is growing, all the social programs have been almost
completely cut back and the cost of housing, education, medical
services and basic necessities is soaring disastrously upwara....
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-15-
But Washington is more and more strongly cranking up the
military-industrial complex, hurling billions upon
billions of dollars into the furnace of militarization,
literally shaking the money out of taxpayers' pockets
(Selskaa zhizn, August 14).
Debate over and passage of President Reagan's tax bill was re-
ported in some detail. A Moscow television commentary on August
17 observed:
The President was forced to publicly acknowledge the
full and stunning failure of his tax reform, which. he
presented only 2 years ago as a miraculous cure for the
rehabilitation of the American economy.
Soviet commentators noted that the only solution for American
economic problems would be an end to the "insane" military
spending.
Several Soviet media features (e.g. a Russian-language radio
broadcast on August 15 and an article in New Times on August
20) focused on unemployment in the West. Claiming the necessity
of refuting "bourgeois propaganda" on the subject, the Soviets
scorned unemployment benefits as inadequate and declared that
financial help in any case cannot compensate for the grave
psychological trauma caused by unemployment.
Juxtaposed with the negative treatment of econorf,ic conditions
in the West were favorable references to Soviet and East bloc
economic "progress." Soviet media emphasized supposed improve-
ments in living standards, the benefits guaranteed by socialism
(in particular full'employment), and "mutual help" among
Comecon nations.
State Department Leadership
Soviet observers reflecting on the resignation of Alexander Haig
had no kind words for the former secretary of state. But they
cautiously refrained from expressing opinions on Secretary
George Shultz. A typical commentator (Moscow television, August
1) summarized favorable Western assessments of Shultz (calling
them "optimistic opinions") and acknowledged his reputation for
"sobermindedness." however, the commentator stressed the Soviet
view that since the Reagan administration outlook is "narrow"
and its foreign policy fundamentally "unrealistic," Shultz,
even if he were to try, is unlikely to be able to achieve any
significant improvements.
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Listed belcw are representative Soviet press and TASS items on
themes discussed in this report. Translations or summaries of
virtually all appeared in the FBIS Daily Report (Soviet Union)
during August.
ARMS CONTROL AND PEACE MOVEMENTS
"High Responsibility," by V. Kuznetsov, izvestiia, Aug. 4.
"Who is `ois ting the Arms Race on the World?" by I. Ablamov,
Krasnaia :vezda, Aug. 4.
"U.S. Imperial Policy Threatens Peace," by Col. Yu. Viktorov,
Izvestiia, Aug. 5. [Review of Whence the Threat to Peace]
"International Peace Marches," by V. Tereshkova, Pravda, Aug. 5.
"View of Events: "Dangerous Playing With Fire," by G. Shishkin,
Selskaia zhizn, Aug. 7.
"Indifference or Criminal Irresponsibility?" by V. Bogachev,
TASS, Aug. 10.
"The American Threat to Mankind," by Capt. R. Samolis,
Krasnaia zvezda, Aug. 10.
"Another Concession to Washington," by A. Grigoriants,
Izvestiia, Aug. 11.
"To Ensure that the Tragedy of Hiroshima Does Not Recur,"
Za rubezhom, Aug. 12.
"Weinberger. Incorrigible," by V. Bogachev, TASS English, Aug. 12.
"The Challenge to Peace from Washington," by G. Sidorova,
Novoe vremia, Aug. 13.
"USA: Development of New Means of Mass Destruction," TASS
English, Aug. 13.
"Disarmament in the Demand of our Times," by A. Nikonov,
Pravda, Aug. 13.
"On the Tightrope of Tension: The U.S. Militarists' Dangerous
Preparations," by Lt. Gen. D. Volkogonov, Pravda, Aug. 16.
"Dollars that Reek of Blood," by K. Geivandov, Izvestiia, Aug. 18.
Interview with USSR Defense Minister D. Ustinov, TASS, Aug. 19.
"International Security and Nuclear Adventurism," by M. Lvov,
Pravda, Aug. 23.
"The West's Negative Stance," by Yu. Sibirtsev, Izvestiia, Aug. 25.
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"Hands Off Lebanon," Izvestiia, July 30.
"The Palestinian People's Just Cause," by A. Vlasov, Izvestiia,
July 31.
"End the .Aggression, " Pravda, Aug. 3.
Interview with Vitalii Kobysh, International Information
Department, Prague Domestic Television Service, Aug. 6.
"Not a Victorious 'Blitzkrieg' but a Bloody Impasse," by
A. Madiarov, Komsomolskaia pravda, Aug. 10.
Interview with Ye. Primakov, head of the Institute of Orient-
al Studies, Moscow Arabic Service, Aug. 13-15.
"Brazen. Brigandage Continues," by V. Vinogradov, Krasnaia
zvezda, Aug. 15.
"Camp David and the Lebanese Tragedy," by S. Kondrashov,
Izvestiia, Aug. 17.
"Washington's Duplicity," by L. Koriavin, Izvestiia, Aug. 18.
"Masking the True Goals: U.S. Secretary of State G. Schultz
Press Conference," Pravda, Aug. 24.
"The Lebanese Tragedy and the Near East Crisis," by Pavel
Demchenko, Pravda, Aug. 26.
"Political. Observer's Notes: Indelible Spot," by V. Matveev,
Izvestiia, Aug. 26.
POLAND
"Contrary to the Spirit of Helsinki," Pravda, July 27.
"From the Ideological Front: Aggression Against Poland," by
Jerzy Krasewski, Pravda; Aug. 7.
"Tool for CIA Provocations," TASS, Aug. 10.
"Who Is Directing the Counterrevolutionary Actions," Pravda,
Aug. 19.
"In a Difficult Struggle," by 0. Lesoto, Pravda, Aug. 26.
"The August Provocation: Who Is Organizing Subversions Against
the People's Republic of Poland," by Yu. Nikolaev, Izvestiia,
Aug. 27.
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GAS PIPELINE SANCTIONS
"Contradictions Sharpen," by F. Voloshin, Selskaia zhizn, Aug. 6.
"World of Socialism: A Worthy Answer," TASS English review of
Izvestiia articles, Aug. 9.
"U.S. Diktat: A Flop," TASS English, Aug. 13.
TASS review of Izvestiia, full page on pipeline progress, Aug. 18.
"New Fabrication," by V. Serov, Sovetskaia Rossiia, Aug. 19.
Interview with Minister of the Construction Oil and Gas Industry
Enterprises B. V. Shcherbin, TASS English, Aug. 20.
"Notwithstanding the Diktat," TASS, Aug. 24.
"We Will Complete All Gas Pipelines on Schedule," editorial,
Pravda, Aug. 25.
"Despite Pressure from Washington," by A. Krivopalov, Izvestiia,
Aug. 26.
PROPAGANDA/PSYCHOLOGICAL WARFARE
"Policy of Big Lie," TASS, Aug. 3. [Reviews article by Yu.
Kornilov in Sotsialisticheskaia industriia, Aug. 3]
"Lies as Policy, or the Policy of Lies," by "D.K.," Za rubezhom,
Aug. 5.
"Firebrands," by G. Alov, Izvestiia, Aug. 9.
"Espionage," TASS International Russian, Aug. 10.
"Escalation of Washington's Lies," by N. Pastukhov, Selskaia
zhizn, Aug. 14.
"President R'.eagan's Miraculous Weapon," commentary by V.
Ostrogorski., Moscow radio in German, Aug. 22.
FOREIGN POLICY -- REGIONAL ISSUES
Commentary on submarines in Swedish waters, by G. Deinichenko,
Moscow radio in Swedish, Aug. 17.
Commentary on U.S.-Greek relations, Moscow radio in Greek, Aug. 10.
"Programmed Adventurism," by Yu. Bandura,. Izvestiia, Aug. 16
[on Japan]
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"Virus of Revanchism," by V. Ovchinnikov, Pravda commentary
on Northern Territories. and Japanese defense plans, carried
on Moscow Russian radio, Aug. 26.
"Pleasing Washington," by V. Vinogradov, Krasnaia zvezda,
Aug. 27, ?.S.-Japanese relations]
U.S. GOVERNMENT AND SOCIETY
"Popular ity Slumps," Krasnaia zvezda, Aug. 18.
"Washington's Hypocritical Policy," by A. Bovin, Izvestiia,
Aug. 6.
"'The other America'--Life Below the Poverty Level," by G.A.
Shishkin, Moscow domestic radio Russian, Aug. 5.
"The World Today," television program by I. Fesunenko, Moscow
television, Aug. 17.
"President Reagan Stakes Prestige on Tax Bill," TASS English,
Aug. 18.
"International Panorama," program with S. Kondrashev, Moscow
television, Aug. 1.
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