US IN GLOBAL ECONOMY

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CIA-RDP83M00914R001000010012-1
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_~... _ , ,. .._. ,r.. , , ..,.:. per: UNCLASStFI~pr~- r 00~~ IA i~.l~ 01~0~2=1~ ROUTING AND RECCiRD SHEET Approved For Release 2007/04112 :CIA-RDP83M00914R001000010012-1 ,~-~ - ~= - .~ THE UlRECTOR OF CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE u National Intelligence Council DDI #2676-82 26 March 1982 MEMORANDUt~1 FOR: Director of Central Intel l i gen ' Deputy Director of Central~~r~tel-1 i Bence ationa me igence Officer at Large SUBJECT US in Global Economy 1. Attached is the paper I promised you, presenting an alternative, unabashedly up-beat view of US economic prospects in the 1980s. It attempts to counter what I regard as unjustifiable anxieties about the erosion of the US competitive position in the world economy. If it errs on the side of optimism, that is intentional. 2. In addition to the charts included in the paper, there is a much larger body of annotated graphic materials that amplifies many of the points made about the evolving US position in the world economy. These materials could be published separately or as an annex to the paper. Distribution: 1 - DCI 1 - DDCI 1 - Ex. Di r. 1-ER 1 - NIO-at-L/HH 1 - DDI Re w/o attachment NIO-at- Approved For Release 2007/04112 :CIA-RDP83M00914R001000010012-1 ~ 4`~~ -a3 Approved For Release 2007/04112 :CIA-RDP83M00914R001000010012-1 26 March 1982 Summary In assessing the US performance in the global economy, the following factors are often overlooked: o The US economic position within the industrial world stabilized during the 1970s after declining for two decades, and there is every expectation that it car. sustain its present position through the 1980s. o During the 1970s, the United States did quite well in competing for international markets: It ran a larger cumulative current account surplus than any other developed country; it did exceedingly well in selling services and agricultural products; it even improved somewhat its share of the global market for manufactures. o The US had to and did put to work far more people in the 1970s than other industrial countries, a major factor that contributed to holding down the growth of US productivity. o The introduction of flexible exchange rates in the early 1970s has created a highly cyclical pattern in the international competitive position of US goods that reverses about every three years. The period of "non-competitiveness" of US manufactures we are now entering is more a reflection of this cyclical pattern than of fundamental factors. Approved For Release 2007/04112 :CIA-RDP83M00914R001000010012-1 The global economy will experience a number of stresses and challenges in the 1980s, as it has in previous decades. !~!hile these challenges will be different, there is no reason to believe they ~~~ill be less manageable than the extraordinary upheavals of the 1970s. The US is particularly well equipped to adjust. It enjoys: o A higher degree of flexibility acid resilience than most other industrial countries; o greater domestic energy resources and a potential for further gains in conserva~io~~; o A large backlog of industrial investment requirements and the only major investment stimulation program newly put in place; o A power of attraction to foreign investors that goes beyond present high interest rates; o A demographic trend that will reduce unemployment pressures and stimulate investment in labor saving capital equipment; o A striking competitive advantage in the dynamic service industries, particularly in the sector that integrates computers, communications and knowledge; o A large-scale R&D and technological innovation effort conducted across a broad range of economic activities, as well as anew- found awareness of the need to compete internationally as well as domestically. Approved For Release 2007/04112 :CIA-RDP83M00914R001000010012-1 Approved For Release 2007/04112 :CIA-RDP83M00914R001000010012-1 The US Role in the Global Econa;r,y: An Alternative Perspective Introduction This paper examines the perfor~?ance cf the United St~:tes in the arorld economy in the past decade and looks beyond the present recession toward the mid-eighties. The perspect ive that emerges is considerably more encouraging than the gloomy perceptions now gaining wide currency even among well-informed observers. In particula~~^, it challenges the assertions often made that o The US is steadily losing its competitive edge in worldwide and key export markets; o The downward trend in US productivity growth is a firmly imbedded phenomenon; and o Japan's recent dramatic high-technology accomplishments foreshadow the end of US technological pre-eminence. Not surprisingly, these and other assertions attesting to the steady erosion of America's economic strength tend to gain maximum momentum when the economy is in the trough of a business cycle. Worrisome signals emitted by adverse economic indicators -- rising unemployment, widening deficits, negative growth -- tend to focus attention on present transitory troubles and mask the significance of more favorable longer term trends. In this atmosphere, observers and forecasters tend to put the most gloomy Approved For Release 2007/04112 :CIA-RDP83M00914R001000010012-1 r is interpretation on what has transpired. "The US economy lost its elan during the 1970s" proclaims one prognosticator. "Productivity increases, economic growth and international competitiveness all dropped 1i'cn stones." If true , this wo~aid offer a worrisome prospect, indeed. But a more careful look at the historic record reveals. a relatively robust US performance in the past decade and a more favorable prospect for the mid-eighties than is generally assumed. Specifically, this paper argues that a retrospective look at the troubled decade of the 1970s can be quite misleading if it fails to take into account the exceptional nature of the halcyon decades of the fifties and sixties that preceded it. Those were decades of extraordinary postwar growth during wi~ich the badly mauled economies of Western Europe and Japan were restored to their proper place in the world economy, closing the economic gap with the US. The high growth momentum of those decades could not have been sustained much longer in any event. A slowing was already apparent in the US after 1966. But the two OPEC shockwaves of the seventies put an extra-heavy damper on the performance of all the big capitalist economies. Real growth fell and inflation and unemployment rose in all of them. Seen against this backdrop, the US economic performance -- compared to that of other industrial countries -- remained surprisingly strong throughout the 1970s. The 1970s Record Some highlights of the US performance may help put the US economic posture in better perspective. Relative Growth: o US growth in real output during the 1970s exceeded or at least matched that of all other industrial countries except Japan. Approved For Release 2007/04112 :CIA-RDP83M00914R001000010012-1 Approved For Release 2007/04112 :CIA-RDP83M00914R001000010012-1 Although the gro.~~th rate of all of the OECD countries slumped during the decade, that of the US declined less steeply, thus enabling it to hold on to its 40% share of the industrial countries' collective ~iVP (see figure 1). o The sharp appreciation of foreign currencies against the dollar in the 1970s created the exchange rate illusion that other industrial countries were still gaining on the US. In fact, the exchange rates +~rere merely catching up Frith the real changes that had occurred earlier. In real terms, the US maintained its relative economic power position through the 1970s. Employment and Productivity: o The way the US achieved its economic gains was by putting people to work rather than increasing their productivity. Unlike Western Europe and Japan, where employment grew very little, the US had to cope with a massive influx of new entrants into the labor force as the children of the 1950s baby boom shot into the labor market, along with a large new influx of women and (mostly Hispanic) immigrants. Almost 19 million new jobs were created -- a net increase in the employed labor force of 239'. With labor thus relatively cheap, it was more profitable for US firms to- hire more workers than to invest in new plant and equipment (see figure 2). o In sharp contrast, Western European firms, in the face of a much tighter labor market and higher wage costs, placed greater emphasis on labor-saving capital investments. The results in terms of improved productivity were much better. Public pressure Approved For Release 2007i04~~-~"'ZeIA~RDP83M00914R001000010012-1 In~~St~~~f Gauntries: EC~~~~C Poorer 5~fts (~~ore of ~~~' ~~ 1875 Pr~C~s~ Legend D ~fher ? Japan ? E.C. ? U.S. 150 19SQ 197 1~~0 Approved For Release X007/04112 :CIA-RDP83M00914R001000010012-1 Approved For Release 2007i041~1~:'-'~~A,~DP83M00914R001000010012-1 w.~ ~ i,++~ ~ ~ ! ~++~ ~ V 1l .nV 1 P ~~ J-+. S a rzr. .f$. /? r- .~ o , ~ { 4i ~ I Employment ~?gl Y~~~~_nT ~por ~s~ a'~cg v~ ~~~~y ~ ~ ~t Rea) Wages 40 -! 30 -i 20 -~~ 10 -~~ ~~~~-~~n~r ,~#~~~~~~ ~~7~ ~~ 19~t~~ Rea( GNP per Employee Approved Far Release 2007104/12 :CIA-RDP83M00914R001000010012-1 Approved For Release 2007/04112 :CIA-RDP83M00914R001000010012-1 for hiyi~er wages and social welfare benefits, however, pushed up real wages beyond the productivity gains, undercutting Western Europe's international competitiveness. Europe also has been slower than either the US or Japan to move out of mechanically- based into electronically-based technologies. o Japan, through a high rate of investment and a remarkably adept technology development strategy, was able to achieve productivity growth rapid enough to accommodate a large boast in real wages without impairing its international competitiveness. The move toward greater labor-saving investments also reflected a significant decline in new entrants into Japan's labor force. This labor trend was the opposite of those that took place in the US and Western Europe. Export Performance o Value versus Volume -- In value terms (undeflated US dollars) total world exports doubled in the 1950s and doubled again in the 1960s, but increased six-fold in the 1970s. The US share of world exports, measured in this way, declined modestly in the 50s and 60s, and fell sharply in the 70s. But again, exchange rate and price movements (dramatic changes in the value of the dollar, the huge jump in oil prices) convey a blurred image. When we correct for these elements to permit a look at the volume of exports, we find that the US share of world exports actually increased slightly in the 1970s (see figure 3). o Looking at manufactures alone, the volume of US exports climbed almost as rapidly as that of Japan and faster than that of our Approved For Release 2007/04112 :CIA-RDP83M00914R001000010012-1 Approved For Release 2007i04112~~1~~C~'83M00914R001000010012-1 ~/olume of__In~lustrial Country Exports (Average c~nnua! gr~t,~~tl~) ~9sas Approved Far Release 200710.4/12 :CIA-R?P83M00914R001000010012-1 Approved For Release 2007/04112 :CIA-RDP83M00914R001000010012-1 European competitors for the decade as a whole. The US share of OECD exports of manufactures thus aras actually higher in 1980 than at the beginning of the 1970s (see figure 4). o The US share of exports of manuf actures, measu?r~d in volume terms, was higher in 1980 than at the beginning of the 1970s in all markets -- Japan, 4~Jestern Europe, the LDCs, and the Co^~munist countries. Only in the OPEC countries did the US market share slip marginally, but that was largely a consequence of the Iranian upheaval. The US did particularly ,!ell in t"e rapidly groti~!ing markets of the ne~fllvi in~!ustrializing c~~~ntries ('ICs) -- Mexico, Brazil, South Korea, Tai~r!an, Hong Kong and Singapore. o The influence of shifts in exchange rates, however, made the US export performance in manufactures highly erratic during the decade, with exports growing rapidly during periods of a depreciating dollar (1971-74 and 1977-80) and exports actually declining in a period of dollar appreciation (1974-77). The upswing in the value of the dollar beginning in late 1980 is now again having an adverse effect on US exports. The continuing strength of the dollar in 1882 augurs badly for US export competitiveness for the next year or so, until the cycle reverses again. The impact of exchange rate fluctuations on the US balance in manuf actures for the past 12 years is illustrated in figure 5. In order to demonstrate the impact that changes in US dollar valuation have on the balance of manuf actures after several years, we have plotted the two movements with a three years lag. Approved For Release 2007/04112 :CIA-RDP83M00914R001000010012-1 Approved For Release 2007/04112 :CIA-RDP83M00914R001000010012-1 Figure 4 ~~~~~~~~ c~~~~e 1~~~~ #a ~9~C3) Approved For Release 2007/04112 :CIA-RDP83M00914R001000010012-1 Figure 5 lJ~ Bad ~n~~ ~n ~d~n~~a~~~res n Exchange Rd~e Changes ~o~ -, r25 US BALANCE IN MANUFACTURES Weighted Average of 14 Industrial Coun#~les Approved For Release 2007/04112 :CIA-RDP83M00914R001000010012-1 o The structure of US trade differs significantly from that of our OECD partners. Manufactures are far less ~importar~t to the US than they are to Europe and Japan in balancing the trade account. The US has had an increasingly favorable position in foodstuffs since 1973 and has run a near balance in raw materials, while most other developed countries have large deficits in these two categories. The US deficit in fuels is moderated by its large domestic energy resources and by some $5 billion in coal exports (see figure 6). o Service transactions, moreover,. represent afar more significant factor in balancing the US current account than is the case for any other country (see figure.7). In recent years, large US trade deficits have been more than offset by even larger surpluses on service account (see figure 8). The steady, spectacular increase in US service exports over the past five or six years, and the crucial role these now play in balancing the US current account is a widely under appreciated area of US competitive strength. Particularly significant for the early 1980s is the observation that the growth of service exports appears to be less affected than manufactures by the shifts in exchange rates that make US merchandise exports so volatile. In sum, the US overall trade performance in the 1970s was highly creditable. o Its current account position alas strongly positive. Over the past tarelve years, the US earned far more than it payed out in its current international transactions (goods, services, return Approved Far Release 2007/04112 :CIA-RDP83M00914R001000010012-1 Approved For Release 2007/04112 :CIA-RDP83M00914R001000010012-1 Figure 6 ~~ ~~sfri~ ~e~~~~~ ~i~~ ~~~e ~~~ar~~es b~ ~~~~e~ Commc~~ties~ ~9~3~ ~~ n ~~~ ~ * Imports c.i.f. Approved For Release 2007/04112 :CIA-RDP83M00914R001000010012-1 Figure 7 Cur~~e~# AG~ount Bc~~~n~es, 19~~ ~'rad~ vs. ~~~-~f~~s (Billion $~ ~S or e~ r c~ Approved For Release 2007/04112 :CIA-RDP83M00914R001000010012-1 Figure 8 Approved For Release X007/04112 :CIA-RDP83M00914R001000010012-1 Approved For Release 2007/04112 :CIA-RDP83M00914R001000010012-1 on capital invested abroad, and private remittances). In fact, its cumulative surpluses for the entire period topped $50 billion, more than those of any other industrial country (see figure 9). o Japan, alone among the industrial countries, perfor,,ed better than the US. But its penetration of ~,vorld export markets is highly concentrated in a very few commodity categories. Only five categories -- road motor vehicles,. steel, consumer electronics, industrial machinery and ships -- make up more than half of its exports. It is precisel,~ this concentration that contributes to -- and also limits -- the scope of Japan's success. Stresses and Challenges What does the relatively strong US performance during the 1910s portend for the ability of the US economy to cope with the stresses and challenges that now confront it? Some of these stresses are short term and transitory, others are structural and more enduring. Recessionary Anxieties It is not easy to preserve a sense of underlying US economic strength in the face of two years of sagging economic activity and seven months of f ull- scale recession. And yet, at some point, the downward slide will be arrested and reversed. There is now an emerging consensus among economists that the cyclical low point has just about been reached and an economic upturn will soon begin. There is much anxiety, however, about how vigorous and how long- Approved For Release 2007/04112 :CIA-RDP83M00914R001000010012-1 Figure 9 ` II ~ .F+ ~+~ ~ a~ O^?.J~~ t'om''' ~~~~o ~~ ~~~~ ~` Includes goods, s?rvices, and privafs trssns~~rs Approved For Release 2~007i04112 :CIA-RDP83M00914R001000010012-1 Approved For Release 2007/04112 :CIA-RDP83M00914R001000010012-1 lived the expansion will be. The great fear is that growth in 1983 could be choked off by another rebound i ~i interest rates resulting from the combi r~ati on of stubbornl,~ high federal d:~i~icits and restrictive monatar4~ policies. ?ut precisely because this threatening possibility has been so widely advertised, _~conomic policymukers are likely to adjust their policy mix so as to e,~^?rd against it. In any event, the long term forces at a~ork -- described in tt~~ last section of this paper -- favor a sustained and a substantial recovery of the US economy. Thy Overvalued Dollar The most immediately troublesome issue affecting near-term US export performance is the substantial overvaluation of the dollar. in foreign exchange markets (especially against the yen and the mark). The "strong" dollar has imposed a competitive handicap on US goods both in world export markets and in US domestic import-competing industries. As we have already seen, US merchandise trade perf ormance in the 1970s was alternately boosted and dampened by cyclical changes in the value of the dollar. The current overvalued dollar -- overvalued, i.e., in terms of the underlying competitive relationships between the US and other major industrial countries -- has substantially weakened the price competitiveness of US goods and caused the US share of OECD exports of manufactures to slip beginning around mid-1981. This loss of competitiveness will almost certainly continue well into 1983. The slipping US trade performance, once it is widely recognized, will be taken as further confirmation of the already strong belief at home that US manufactures are no longer competitive and will increase the clamor for protection of US industries against foreign competition and for stronger efforts to open up foreign markets. Approved Far Release 2007104/12 :CIA-RDP83M00914R001000010012-1 --~- -- Approved--For Release 2007/04112 :CIA-R DF'83M0.0914R001000010012-1 Two factors, however, should be kept in mind. One is ~he likelihood that U5 export performance in services will be less affected by the current dollar overvaluation, and will thus be able to attenuate, if not offset, the heavy deficit on trade account. This was certainly the pattern w? have observed in earlier strong-dollar/v~eak-competiveness cycles. The other is that a relatively poor US trade performance will eventually cause t'12 dollar to depreciate against the yen and the mark. But the automatic adjustment forces may not come into play quickly or strongly: the demand-pull of high US interest rates (should they persist) and the cost-push of political uncertainty in Europe could sustain the dollar's value even though trade trends call for a depreciating dollar. The longer these two factors encourage dollar investments in the United States, the longer it will be before the US can recoup its competitive pricing position in international trade. Meanwhile, some fundamental factors influencing price competitiveness will tend to favor the Japanese and Germans. Their inflation rates have for several years been running below those in the United States and these two countries may well continue to enjoy faster growth in productivity in the manuf acturing sector than the US. As a result, the longer the dollar maintains its strength, the larger will be the cut needed in the dollar's value to restore the price competitiveness of US goods. Restoration of that competitiveness, thus, may not be accomplished as quickly this time than in previous cycles. Tilting at Japan The most important mirror image of dollar overvaluation is yen undervaluation. But the undervalued yen is more than just a mirror image; the yen is independently depressed by Japan's fiscal-monetary policy mix, which is Approved Far Release 2'007/04112 :CIA-RDP83M00914R001000010012-1 Approved-__~t~r-R~efease-~2fl0~-ff3~tg2 : CiP,=RDP83M00914R0~1-OII00'C00=12.-i- the reverse of that of the US. To stimulate their domestic economy in the face of sagging demand, the Japanese are combining a tightening fiscal policy with a loosening monetary policy. The resulting low interest rat^s, of course, contribute to a weaker yen and to the persistent huge Japanese trade sur}~luses with the US. It is ~:.orth noting that every major e'~i5^de of US- Japan economic friction has been preceded by a period of substantial yen undervaluation -- in the late 1960s, in the mid-1970s, and again right now. This year, Japan's current account, its overall trade balance, and its bilateral trade balances with the US and the EC will all reach surpluses of record proportions. Public outcries against Japan both in the US and in the EC will be particularly strong in the current distressed economic environment. If past experience is any guide, the Japanese are unlikely to make significant enough concessions to disarm the rising trade antagonisms against them. This could result in an unbridled outbreak of anti-Japan protectionism that could severely undermine the integrity of the international trading system of the post-war era. Can such a development be avoided? The fundamental problem underlying Japan's souring economic relations with the rest of the industrial world is the longstanding lack of reciprocal competitive opportunities. While the United States and to a lesser extent European firms have had to compete head-on with Japanese firms in their domestic markets and in third country markets, they have been kept out of the Japanese market. The frustrations are particularly keen because after ten years of considerable efforts by the United States and the EC to make Japan open its markets, that country still effectively shields its home market from foreign competition. US high technology firms are kept from capturing the Japense market in an early phase of the product cycle, a move which undercuts US exports and prevents US firms from thr~rarting potential competitors at an Approved For Release 2007/04112 :CIA-RDP83M00914R001000010012-1 Approved For Release 2007/04112 :CIA-RDP83M00914R001D00010012-1 early stage. Moreover, the lack of reciprocal competitive opportunities in Japan diverts some of the rapidly growing exports of ~lICs to other more open markets, especially the United States. The problems of resolving these highly caustic trade problems are particularly difficult because of significant differences that exist b~t~reen Japan and other industrial countries in regUrd to each side's political- economic system and bargaining stance. The Japanese political-economic system functions mainly through an informal consensus process rather than depending heavily on legal procedures as do other industrial nations. F,s suvh, Japar, protects its demestic market mainly through the informal interaction of various interest groups while tariffs and other statutory trade restrictions play a minimal role. Foreign firms in Japan must deal with (1) an endless array of nuisance restrictions involving inspections and .approvals handled by a highly ambiguous bureaucratic process, (Z) informal cartel arrangements among major producers, and (3} unwritten guidelines under which buyers purchase goods only from Japanese firms. As a result foreigners cannot easily pinpoint where and how the restrictions are being applied. The trade bargaining process since the late 1960s has been a highly skewed one which favors Japan. In nearly every instance, foreign governments have been asking Tokyo to give up something rather than the other way around. It has been far easier for the Japanese to resist changes in their well entrenched and highly successful political-economic system, than it has been for the United States and others to make the Japanese change. The Japanese leaders also have had an advantage because they could easily blame the problem on the competitive failures of others, and because they realize the United States is highly unlikely to use the only really effective leverage Approved For Release 2007/04112 :CIA-RDP83M00914R001000010012-1 it has vis-a-vis japan -- clue thn US mar'