THE UNITED STATES GOAL IN TOMORROW'S WORLD

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP83-00415R002900020020-5
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 8
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: October 5, 2000
• Sequence Number: 20
• Publication Date: February 27, 1949
• Content Type: BULL

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THE UNITED STATES GOAL
IN TOMORROW'S WORLD
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DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Publication 3451D
General Foreign Policy Series 6
DIVISION OF PUBLICATIONS
OFFICE OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS
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The United States Goal in Tomorrow's World
By Ambassador Philip C. Jessup'
I am grateful for this opportunity to come here
to discuss American foreign policy with you lead-
ers who have come to the National Farm Institute
from so many parts of the country. Because of the
position of leadership the United States now has in
world affairs, foreign policy is of vital and imme-
diate concern to all of the American people. Not
only do the larger issues of war or peace affect the
'lives of everyone in this country, but every indi-
vidual is affected to some degree in his business
affairs and personal life by conditions in the world
at large. It is now clear to us all that our security
and prosperity in this country depend in large
measure on the degree of security and prosperity
prevalent in other areas of the world. President
Roosevelt said that "poverty anywhere constitutes
danger to prosperity everywhere." And one can
add that fear of aggression anywhere constitutes
danger to peace everywhere. Therefore, it is in
the interest of every American citizen to under-
stand and to help shape the policies by which this
Government may promote world conditions favor-
able to the preservation of our free institutions and
the continued well-being of ourselves and our chil-
dren. For this reason particularly I am glad to
have this chance to discuss with you some of the
important aspects of foreign policy. with which
our Government is now concerned and on which
we need to have your considered views.
I have been asked to speak on the subject, The
United States Goal in Tomorrow's World. The
United States certainly has a goal in tomorrow's
world. That goal is described in President
Truman's inaugural address. The President set
forth a four-point program with which we are all
generally familiar. The four points in that pro-
gram include : first, support of the United Nations ;
second, continuation of our programs for world
economic recovery; third, strengthening the free-
dom-loving nations against the dangers of aggres-
sion; and fourth, "a bold new program for making
the benefits of our scientific advances and indus-
trial progress available for the improvement and
growth of underdeveloped areas."
February 27, 1949
827370--49
Tonight I want to talk particularly about the
first and third points ; that is, the support for the
United Nations and the strengthening of freedom-
loving nations against the dangers of aggression.
Before dealing with these points in detail, how-
ever, I should like to touch on the philosophy
underlying this program which was expressed
by a distinguished American Secretary of State,
Elihu Root, who wrote in 1905:
"I observe that there are two entirely different
theories according to which individual men seek
to get on in the world. One theory leads a man to
pull down everybody around him in order to climb
up on them to a higher place. The other leads a
man to help everybody around him in order that
he may go up with them."
Secretary Root applied that second theory to
American foreign policy. The same theory under-
lies in our foreign policy today. Hitler followed
the opposite theory. Let me repeat to you the first
point in President Truman's "program for peace
and freedom."
"We will continue to give unfaltering support
to the United Nations and related agencies, and
we will continue to search for ways to strengthen
their authority and increase their effectiveness.
We believe that the United Nations will be
strengthened by the new nations which are being
formed in lands now advancing toward self-gov-
ernment under democratic principles."
I think there is still some lack of understanding
of the United Nations in this country and out of
this lack of understanding comes the feeling of
discouragement with its progress. The situation
is best described by recalling a change in the atti-
tude which occurred with surprising suddenness
after 1945. When the Charter of the United Na-
tions was signed at San Francisco on June 26,
1945, the general comment of the delegates from
'Address made before the 11th Annual National Farm
Institute in Des Moines, Iowa, on Feb. 18, 1949, and re-
leased to the press by the U. S. Mission to the United
Nations on the same date.
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the Y countries who took part in this great task retariats, and all the machinery which is re-
of drafting a constitution for a world organiza- quired for so complicated and widespread a busi-
tion, was a realistic comment. What was being ness. But at the same time there is much to be done
said then was that we must not set our hopes too through diplomatic channels. Most of the mem-
high. Most of the delegates who were at San bers of the United Nations have permanent repre-
Francisco were representatives of countries who sentatives at Lake Success, as we do. But at the
had taken part in the old League of Nations. When same time we all maintain our embassies or lega-
the League was formed after World War I people tions in each others' capitals. Our ambassadors
felt that it was the ultimate answer and that war and ministers abroad and the like representatives
was now eliminated from the world. They soon of other Governments in Washington, are still busy
found that they were wrong. The League did not and will continue to be so no matter how many
succeed in its 19 years of existence in preventing group meetings we have. Some of the interna-
war. When the United Nations was set up in tional problems handled through the embassies
1945, people were conscious of the experience of and legations are routine ones involving bilateral
the League of Nations. They said this is not a relations. Some have to do with carrying out de-
panacea for all of our ills, but it is a step in the cisions or recommendations of United Nations or-
right direction. They did not expect the United gans. Some involve preparation for United. Na-
Nations to accomplish miracles and they knew tions, meetings. There is nothing underhanded or
that only a miracle could eliminate war over- surreptitious in such discussions. They are part
night. The general comment in the United States and parcel of normal diplomatic relations. At
was along the same lines. However, very soon times it is convenient to discuss a question with
that caution and realistic attitude were forgotten. another representative on the Security Council or
People were desperately eager for the tension of on the Economic and Social Council or the Trus-
the war period to cease and for a firm peace to teeship Council or some United Nations Commis-
be established. They began to feel that the sion at Lake Success. At other times it is useful
United Nations had failed because it had not to hold conversations in the Department of State
brought about the millennium. The United Na- or in the Foreign Office of the other country.
tions is still less than four years old. It is an As a matter of fact the Charter of the United
infant organization. If we stop and reexamine Nations, in article 33, encourages and indeed re-
its real nature, I think we come to the conclusion quires the full use of the processes of negotiation
that it is not a failure but that on the contrary and the other peaceful means even when dangerous
it is doing its real job and doing it well. disputes are brewing. That is why, for example,
The real job of the United Nations, as I see it, the Berlin question was first discussed in Moscow
is to provide a way of doing business-a way of before the three Western Governments took it to
carrying on international affairs. In earlier times the Security Council of the United Nations.
we carried on our international relations by having The annual meetings of the General Assembly
individual negotiations with all of the various of the United Nations have a double aspect. The
countries involved. Under modern conditions,
where international relations touch every aspect central feature of them is that they are "town meet-
of our life, farming, manufacturing, trade, educa-
tion, science, and everything else-we need an addi- countries can state publicly what they think on
tional method. That method is international or- current issues. It is however natural, inevitable,
ganization. We Americans did not have the and highly desirable that the secretaries of state
League of Nations experience with this method of and foreign ministers, and other high ranking offi-
which many other nations had, but in a smaller cials who gather at these meetings, should take
field we had used it in our Pan-American relations advantage of the occasions to talk together pri-
and used it successfully. vately about matters of common concern. No one
Nowadays, it seems to me fantastic to suppose would suppose that they would confine their ex-
that the world will ever abandon the modern tech- changes of views to the public platform. Of course
nique of international organization with its vari- they meet together in between meetings and the
ous international conferences, its permanent see- opportunity which this affords for personal con-
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tact and personal acquaintance is one of the very Soviet union aoone on y t ree o e , a
valuable aspects of the Unites Nations method of week, I regret to say, the Soviet Union withdrew
carrying on international affairs. from one of those three-the World Health Organ-
One specific group negotiation is now widely
discussed in the press and on the radio. I refer to
the negotiations for a North Atlantic pact. You
may have gotten the idea that the negotiation of
this pact is inconsistent with our basic policy of
working through the United Nations. If you do
have this idea I can assure you it is not the idea
of those who are carrying on the negotiations.
The North Atlantic pact does not by-pass the
United Nations.
United Nations.
It is not a substitute for the
It will not weaken the United
Nations.
If we did not intend to work through the United
Nations, we could boycott the Interim Committee
or "Little Assembly." The Soviet Union has boy-
cotted this committee which was set up by the Gen-
eral Assembly to study ways in which the United
Nations can more effectively keep the peace.
If we did not intend to work through the United
Nations, we could have acted alone in Korea. In-
stead we took the matter to the United Nations,
helped a United Nations Commission supervise
elections in our zone and recognized the Korean
Government only after the United Nations Gen-
eral Assembly had adopted a resolution which ac-
knowledged that this was a proper thing to do.
The Soviet Union would not let the Ukraine accept
a place on the Korean Commission. It would not,
let the Commission operate in the Soviet-occupa-
tion zone. It supports a puppet Government in
the northern part of Korea. Three days ago in the
Security Council, the Soviet Representative was
repeating all their old arguments about Korea, in
total disregard of the resolutions adopted by the
General Assembly. As you listen to some of their
long speeches it sounds as if they took as gospel
the old song which said "Wishing Will Make It
So."
If we did not intend to work through the United
Nations, we would not have taken the Berlin case
to the Security Council. The Soviet Union re-
fused to admit that the United Nations, or any
organ of it, could deal with the case. When the
Security Council discussed the question, Vyshin-
sky sat in sulky silence. When the Security Coun-
cil voted, Vyshinsky vetoed.
We, the United States, cooperate in all the 13
specialized agencies of the United Nations. The
February 27, 1949
Look at the records of United Nations meet-
ings-General Assembly, Security Council, Eco-
nomic and Social Council, Trusteeship Council,
Commissions and Committees - dealing with
atomic energy, disarmament, the struggle for
human rights, the struggle for peace in Indonesia,
for peace in Palestine, for peace in Kashmir, for
peace in the Balkans, and many other subjects, and
you will find the proofs of United States coopera-
tion in the work of the United Nations. The rec-
ord is long, our record is good. No American need
be ashamed of the record. Every American should
be proud of it.
I do not mean that every American citizen will
agree with every decision which has been taken
during these last three years. Our Government is
made up of human beings. It is not infallible.
Maybe it has made mistakes. Maybe it will make
other mistakes. Maybe some of the things you
or someone else think were mistakes were actually
sound, wise decisions. We are a country with
many varied interests and we have citizens with
many different national backgrounds. Often in
our history these differences have been reflected
in disagreements on foreign policy. In my own
short experience in Government, I have seen many
examples of this. But we don't want in this coun-
try the unitary thinking which follows a party
line like a needle on a record. We think our own
thoughts and reach our own conclusions. Your
representatives handling our foreign relations
have to consider a great number of points in every
case. They have the responsibility-the very
grave responsibility-of making decisions. Again,
looking at the record, I do not hesitate to give my
own opinion that it is a good record.
Well, you may say, the past record is good but
have we changed? Has the attitude of the Soviet
Union poisoned our policy ? Have they succeeded
in wrecking the United Nations? Flatly and
categorically my answer is "No". I quote again
the first of the four major courses of action laid
down in President Truman's program for peace
and freedom :
"We will continue to give unfaltering support
to the United Nations and related agencies, and
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 we will continue to search for ways to strengthen
their authority and increase their effectiveness."
At the same time I do not hesitate to say that
the attitude of the Soviet Union is making it more
difficult for the United Nations to do its job. The
U.S.S.R. has not yet begun to cooperate with the
United Nations. Behind its Iron Curtain it is
manufacturing fear. Out in the open we along
with fifty-two other countries are building peace.
Make no mistake about it, we are going to win.
But it is not going to be an easy job or a short
one. Peace is not merely the end of a war. Peace
has to be made and it also has to be kept. No-
body in the democratic world can ever be unem-
ployed if lie or she works for peace. You can
work on it full time or part time-as a government
official or as a private citizen. But we can't just
sit around under a tree and expect peace to drop
in our lap like a ripe piece of fruit. The U.N.
Poster says : "Peace takes practice." That's true.
One result of the Soviet attitude and policy
has been to create and maintain a state of tension.
That state of tension is, of course, greatest in
those parts of the world which are closest to the
Soviet Union and the Red Army. It is an in-
contestable and striking fact that in the United
Nations General Assembly in Paris, the other
countries of the world distrusted Soviet arma-
ments and took comfort in American armaments.
In the votes on resolutions dealing with atomic
energy and disarmament they showed that this
is the way they feel. We deserve that confidence
because we have no aggressive intent. We must
and we shall continue to deserve it. The Russians
can't expect others to trust them so long as they
hide behind the Iron Curtain and nourish the
aggressive and deceitful hostility which Commu-
nism teaches.
In Western
the war have
Europe the countries overrun by
two vital and inescapable needs.
They need economic revival and they need the
f4ing of security and hope without which a man
can't put his heart into his work. As was said at
lunch today, security is a feeling inside you.
Through the Marshall Plan we are helping the
economic revival. Through the United Nations
and the proposed North Atlantic pact we are
creating the feeling of security and hope.
Because of the Soviet attitude, the necessary
feeling of security has not come from the bare
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existence of the Security Council of the United
Nations. Belt while the Charter of the United
Nations says in article 24 that the Security Coun-
cil has primary responsibility for international
peace and security, it does not give it sole respon-
sibility. That responsibility is shared by all the
Members. The Charter, in article 51, authorizes
Members to act in self-defense. Chapter VIII of
the Charter authorizes them to form regional or-
ganizations. These are supplementary methods
for maintaining international peace and security
and they are methods within the structure of the
United Nations.
I again quote the third point of the President's
four-point program : "We will strengthen the
freedom-loving nations against the dangers of
aggression."
In 1947 we signed the Rio pact which relies on
these supplementary methods for the Americas.
A North Atlantic pact would also rely on article
51 of the Charter which expressly recognizes "the
inherent right of individual or collective self-
defense". By providing in advance for collective
self-defense, this pact would decrease the likeli-
hood that such measures will ever need be taken.
If the activities of the states which sign such a pact
fall within the provisions of chapter VIII of the
Charter, they will be governed by those provisions.
This will be true regardless of what the exact text
of such a pact may be. This is true because article
103 of the Charter says that if there is any conflict
between the obligations of a member of the United
Nations under the Charter and its obligations un-
der any other international agreement, the "obli-
gations under the present Charter shall prevail".
We are bound not to make a treaty which would set
aside the Charter. We do not want to make such a
treaty even if we could. "We will continue to give
unfaltering support to the United Nations". We
shall not cease to develop the universal approach
to international peace and freedom but obstacles
placed in the way of its rapid development will
not deter us from uniting with other like-minded
nations in developing simultaneously other ap-
proaches which the Charter allows.
If we look back at the recent record preceding
the current discussions of a North Atlantic pact,
we see all the more clearly how it fits in with the
United Nations system. The general problem of
groups of states uniting for the preservation of
peace was discussed by Secretary of State Marshall
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 before the'Houose I~ orelgri AilaeaL'on'Ihfi~t110o06 te3"L~?r1 gA"'n+ei'~ti1 r1b~~b
May 4, 1948. At that time, he referred to the Rio
pact and to the Western Union pact in Europe. He
noted that "our intention to afford encouragement
and support of arrangements made by free nations
for the preservation of their independence and
liberty" had already been stated by the President
in his message to the Congress on March 17, 1947.
On June 11, 1948, by a vote of 64 to 4 the Senate
adopted the Vandenberg resolution. This reso-
lution, like the President's four-point program,
begins with an affirmation of our support of the
United Nations. It then goes on to reaffirm the
policy of the United States to pursue particularly
the following objectives among others :
"Progressive development of regional and other
collective arrangements for individual and collec-
tive self-defense in accordance with the purposes,
principles, and provisions of the Charter.
"Association of the United States, by constitu-
tional process, with such regional and other collec-
tive arrangements as are based on continuous and
effective self-help and mutual aid, and as affect its
national security.
"Contributing to the maintenance of peace by
making clear its determination to exercise the right
of individual or collective self-defense under
article 51 should any armed attack occur affecting
its national security."
Thus, the present stage of our discussion of a
North Atlantic pact follows the lines of policy
recommended by the Senate and previously re-
ferred to by the President and by Secretary
Marshall.
We can and do welcome every step which brings
groups of nations closer together for the purpose
of promoting peace. With our good neighbors in
this hemisphere we have developed the Pan
American Union. Our relations with Canada are
of the best and Canada is again a partner in ne-
gotiating the North Atlantic pact. Over many
years opinion in this country has favored the idea
of European union. Great strides are being made
in our day toward such union. We now know that
we are not separated from Western Europe by the
North Atlantic. That ocean and the airspace
above it join us to Western Europe. In the Nor-
wegian Parliament two weeks ago, Foreign Minis-
February 27, 1949
scathingly declared that it was curious to talk
about "regional cooperation" across the Atlantic.
Mr. Lange said: "The people of Norway know that
an ocean connects, not separates. Therefore, it is
natural to try getting in touch with a people with
whom we share opinions in the dignity of the
human being, faith in our privilege to say and
think whatever we want, faith in real democracy".
It would not be appropriate for me to comment
on the Norwegian Foreign Minister's discussions
recently during his visit to Washington. I quote
his statement merely to show how our minds meet
across the Atlantic.
The more the countries of Western Europe work
with each other the better can they work with us
and other Members of the United Nations. The
United Nations spans the whole world. I agree
it is already one world but it is not yet a world
union. There are many people who urge that we
should have world government now. I cannot dis-
cuss that whole question this evening but I should
like to say that we cannot get world government
overnight any more than we can get permanent
world peace overnight. What we have done and
are doing is to join in a process of bringing the
nations of the world closer together-in the United
Nations itself and in groups of states which have
common interests. So long as the smaller groups
operate within the United Nations, inspired by
its purposes and principles, we are moving for-
ward. I don't believe any of us here want to move
in any other direction. We may disagree among
ourselves from time to time on the best road to
take-thank God we live in a country where we
are free to disagree-but I think we will always
agree on the objective which is peace and freedom.
Some people want to take a short cut to peace.
They don't want to start from where we are, but
we are in a world of sovereigai states groping their
way to better international organization. The
world of ours does include the Soviet Union and
hundreds of millions of other people who haven't
our traditions or advantages or ways of thinking.
We have to start from that situation.
In seeking our objective we will cooperate with
every other country which is willing to act in
accordance with the purposes and principles of
the United Nations. That includes the Soviet Un-
ion. We do not want any country to underesti-
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Ma T9 seriousness wit w we intend to curity would be met with overwhelming force, the
support the peace system for which the United
Nations stands. That too includes the Soviet
Union.
41
"The primary purpose of these agreements",
said President Truman referring to the Rio and
North Atlantic pacts, "is to provide unmistakable
proof of the joint determination of the free coun-
tries to resist armed attack from any quarter.
Each country participating in these arrangements
must contribute all it can to the common defense.
"If we can make it sufficiently clear, in advance,
that any armed attack affecting our national se-
armed attack migl?t never occur."
It would also be a great mistake for the Soviet
Union or any other country to think that we are
hoeing a lone row. We are using modern inter-
national machinery to harvest the most important
crop in the world and there are more than fifty
nations helping us. Any other country that, wishes
to join in the job is welcome. If they join with
the rest of us, they will have the same satisfaction
in looking in their pay envelopes and finding each
week, each month, each year that peace pays and
that it pays to work for it.
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