JPRS ID: 10672 USSR REPORT POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS CURRENT POLITICAL ISSUES

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• Content Type: REPORTS

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JpRS L/ 10672
20 July 1982
USSR Re ort
p
POIITICAI AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS
cFOUO 2sisz~
CURRENT POLITICAL ISSUES
FBIS FOREIGN BROADGAST INFORMATION SERVICE
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JPRS L/10672
20 July 1982
USSk REPORT
POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS
(FOUO 25/82)
~ CURRENT POLITI CAL I SSUES
~ CONTENTS
IN TE It~1ATI0NAL '
Zagladin an Unity, Taslcs of World O~mmuniat Movement ~
(SLOVO LEKTORA, Jun 82) 1
NATI~IAL
~ Fe~.oseyev ~cfers Model Lecture for USSH Jubilee
(P. N. Fedoaeyev; SLOVO LERTORA, J~ 82) 18
~ .
_ a _ (III - OSSR - 35]
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INTERNATIONAL
ZAGLADIN ON UNITY, TASKS OF WORLD COrIl~IUNIST MdVEMENT
M~sco~ SLOVO LERTORA in Russian No 6, Jim 82 pp 34-42
jAbridged version of Prof V.V. Zagladia lecture: "In the VaYaguard of the
Struggle for Peace and Social Progress"]
~ [Text] The CPSU consistently supports the strengtheni~~g of
the socialist commivnity's solidarity with all detachmfmts
of the international communiat, worker and national lii~era-
tion moven?ente~.
From the CPSU Central Comnittee decree "60th
Anniversary' of the Formation o: the USSR".
Our journal's readers, primarily intern$rtional affah,ra lec-
. turers, s~re vitally interested in various aspects o!` the
world communist movement. Numerous requeats ar~ expressed
for SLOVO LEKTORA to carry analytical, sun~ary material on
this tppical subject.
Taking this into consideration, we axe publishing an abridged
version of a lecture by Prof Vadim Valeatinovich Zagladin,
memlier of the CPSU Central Co~ittee and first deputy chief
of the party Central Committee's Inter.narional Department.
The author analqzes the state of affa:Crs in the fratemal
parties as a whole and in respect of individual regione in
the light of the decisions of the 26th CPSU Congrees and with
regard for recent events of international life. The approxi-
n~te plan of the lecture ia:
1. Grawth of the role and strengthening of the
positions of the commnniist movement.
2. Great force in the atruggle for peace.
3. For the unity of the communist ranka.
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_ ~
Unprecedentedly broad social forcea have now become a part of the struggle
for the solution of tf?e truly far-reach ing problems which currently confront
the peop]e~-of ~ pianet. The degree of practical participation in politica
of repres~entatives of various social groups and strata has reached in the
1980's tfie hig6eat level in man's Tiiatory.
And there is no dou~it that the moat influential aad energetic political force,
which eu~odies this increased assertiveneas of the masaes and at the same time
serves as a factor of ita further ~.ncrease, is the international communiet
movement .
The opponents of the communiat m~vement, primarily the ideologiate of imperial-
ism, claim that it ia expericucfng a time of crisis and collapse, it is trxe.
U.S. President R. Reagan incessantly repeats over and again that the communist
movement Ras~ entered tfie stage of decline.
The same idea, although expressed aoraewhat differently, is also being put
forward by the repreaentatives of opportunist and reformist currents in the
workers' movement. Tttey believe that the communist movement, which "perhaps
did play a definite part in the past," has naw exhausted itself. In their
opinion, the need for coimmmist party activity has "passed".
Of course, the explanations as to why p recisely the communist movement ie
either experiencing a"crisis" or hae "exhausted" its potential are various.
Bourgeois ideologists say one thing, the opportuniats another, but there is
little cfiange in tfie essence here. It is in both casea a question of an at-
tempt to discredit the great revolutionary movement in the preaent day.
It cannot, of courae, be claimed that the communiete are not encountering
unsolved prob lema and difficulties. Certain problems and difficulties there
undoubtedly are (they will be addressed further on). But ~here are positively
no grounds for portraying the present atate of affairs as our enemies depict
it. In real life the role and significance of the communiat movement in our
day not only have not diminished but, on the contrary, are growing and con-
tinuing to grow. Why is this the case?
To answer tfiis question the lecturer could recall the following basic points.
- First, in our time a coneiderab le propartion of mankind ia already living under
socialiat conditions. Many revolutionary-democratic countries have embarked
on the path of eocialist development and are implementing concrete measurea
aimed at the creation af. the foundatione of $ new society. All this ie also
stimulating the procesa of the maturation of the objective prerequieites of
the transition to aocialism on a world ecale.
Naturally, there is a considerable increase under these conditions of the
sub~ective factor in history, including the role of the ~:aDmnuniat movement,
which is called on to head the mssses in the struggle for socialism and impart
to their independent creativity the neceasary revolutionary sweep and due
purposefulnesa.
2
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Second, man's biggest problem naw is that of war and peace. The imperialist
forces are not abandoning attempts to resolve the contradictions between the
- two social sys~tems fiy way of the use of force. But such a policy courae is
creating a real threat to the future oY all mankind. In our nuclear-missile
age progress in any sphere of activity and, of course, social progresa pre-
supposes primarily tfie prevention and exclusion of world war.
In this situation there is an inevitab le increase in the significance of the
activity of tfie social forces which are capable of consistently and emphatical-
ly struggling for the prevention of a world thermonuclear catastrophe.
It is well k.-~own--and this is acknawledged by our class enemy even--that among
- the current political currents it is the communista who were the first to
declare the need for the prevention of nuclear war and who h ave struggled in
a broad front to achieve this great goal. The humanist essence of the ideas
of commanis~m and proletarian internationalism has been manifested anew with
great force in the sharp, clear fot~ulation of thia question by the fraternal
parties.
Third, mankind is now also confronted w ith such very appreciable problems af-
fecting the future of. all countries and peoples as the surmounting of under-
, development and the energy, food, raw material and other problems which it is
customary to term global.* It has now already bPen proven not only in theory
b.ut in practice also that such problems can be radicallq s~lved only on the
paths of a cunsistent class-proletarian approach and the surmounting of the
social limitedness characteristic of monopoly capital and its policy.~
It is precisely the communist movement which is the fighter for ~usC auct~ a
class solu~ion of man's problems. And it is only in the cotmtries where the
coum?unista, at the head of the masses, h ave accomplished a socialist revolu-
tion th at practical approachES for a solut ion of the said problems n~ve now
been found and real steps in their implementation are being talten.
Fourth, in the nonsocialist world a situation is currently taking shape wherein
monopoly capital, incapable of eurmounting the aocioeconomic difficulties, ie ,
endeavoring to find a way out of them by shifting the entire burden onto the
working people. It is a question both of economic burdens and of increased
po~.itical reaction and capital's all-around offensive against the working peo-
ple's vital rights and interests.
Under these conditions there is undoubtedly an increase in the eignificance
and role of the social forces which are capable of putting forward a realistic
program of struggle for the masses' vital interests and str~.~ing for ita
implementation without vacillation and deviation. It is the communist move-
ment which acts as such a force.
*FOr more detail see I.T. Frolov, "Urgent Concerns of All Mankind," SLOVO
LEKTORA No 10, 1981.
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Thus all mankind is today really vitally interested in the exietence and
activi.ty of tfie communist moven~ent. It needs it not lesa but m~re than in any
other previous period of history.
It was from precisely this that our party proceeded, confirming anew at the
26th CPSU Congress the policy of the utmost development of relations with the
fraternal parties of other cotmtries , the strengthening of the intemational
unity of the comm~unist ranks and a further increase in the role of the com-
munist movement in world development.
It is important to emphas~.ze that the ob~ectively conditioned grawth of the
communist mo~tement's role is expressed in its continuing development, which
was dealt with convincingly in the CPSU Central Committee Report tci the 26th
party congress. The congress stated that the international working class
and its political vanguard--the communist and workers' parties--had arrived
at the boundgry of the 19 80's in confident stride.
In this connection the lecturer should mention the outstanding role which
the couununisc parties have performed in the process of the strengthening of
the positions of the forces of social progress. This has brought about their
further quantitative and qualitative growth and increased political influence.
The number of communisC parties in the world in the 1970's grew from 88 to 95
and th e total number of coffinunists increased in this period from 50 million
to more than 77 million.
Developing this point, the lecturer could r~mind his a~idience that the follow-
ing have emerged recently: the Co~aunist Party of Malta (whoae creation was
announced in February 1970); the Communist Party of Saudi Arabia (whose first
congress was in August 1975); the Jaqaican Workers' Party (whose constituent
congress was in December 1978); the Coman~mist Party of Pakistan (whose con-
stiCuent congress, illeg~l, was in 1974); the Egyptian Communist Party (whoae
firat congrese wae in September 1980) ; and the Palestine Conanunist Party
(1982) .
The African Party of In~iependence and Labor of Senegal (whose constituent con-
gress was in 1981), which was hitherto viewed as a revolutionary-democratic
party, has become a part of the conanunist movement.
Together with communist parties which have been in existence for many years
there have emerged in Australia and Staeden (reapectively) the Australian So-
cialist Party and the Swedish Workers' Party-Communists, which have adopted
clear-cut revolutionary, class positions.
As a whole, the number of co~tnml~ ists outside of the socialist world increased
by more than 1.5 million in the 1970's. The ranka of the fraternal parties
were reinforced in practically all countriea. In the developed capitalist
states (West Europe, North America, Japan, Australia) the increase in this
period was over 1 million persons. Communiats in the Latin American countries
grew by almost 90,000. Not that many, aeemingly. But the lecturer must poi:it
out th at the 1970's were yeara of difficult trials for Latin America: the
Chilean revolution suffered a temporary defeat, counterrevolution strengthened
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in Uruguay and rightwing forcea in a number of other countries of the conti-
nent seized power or consolidated their positions. In many cases~ the number
of co~nunist parties in Latin American states declined in the mid-1970's,
but then began to graw again. And this growth is continuing. There are
more than 300,OOQ ~more communists as a whole in the Asian (excluding Japam)
and African countries.
It is important to note that in their social composition the communist parties
are primarily combat parties of the working class wfiich are strongly forged
organizationally and ideologically. And although it is perfectly natural that
they by no means close the door to persons from other social strata and groups
but, on the contrary, endeavor to enlis~t them in their ranks, they pay the
main attention to replenishing their organizations froin the ranka of workers.
As a whole, according to available estimates, workers constitutz oner 40 per-
cent of the fraternal parties' total strength. Together with employees their
proportion of the overall communist movement is over ":0 percent. Peasante,
representiativea of ttie~intelligentsia and middle urban and rural strata and so
forth account for the remainder. In other words, the present-day communist
movement more or less reflects the social structure of the present-day world.
This covld also be put in a different way: practically all the main social
groups of contemporary society, excluding, of course, the haute and monopoly
bourgeo3sie, are currently represented in the communtet movement.
Peasants and representatives of the middle strata constitute the majority in
the communist party ranks in Asian and African countries and 1n certain Latin
American states also. This is an entirely logical reflection of the social
composition of the population of the correspanding regions. Many represent-
atives of the atudent youth and the intelligentsia have ~oined the ranks of
the Afro-Asian and Latin American coannunist parties in recent decades.
The continuing "implantation" of the communist parties in the masses can also
be easily traced in the followtng data. Whereas 15-20 y~ears ago in the non-
socialist countries where the communists participate legally in election cam-
paigns 25-30 million people voted for them, the f igure now is 35-40 million.
Even the communist parties which do not obtain aeats in the representative
institutions as a result of elections are making increasingly akillful use of
the ~lection campaigns to spread *heir ideas and consolidate their political
positions and relations with the broad masses.
The experience of the Communist Party of the United States is interesting from
this viewpoint. In the 1980 election it nominated its preaidential (Gus Hall)
And vice preaidential (Angela Davis) candidates. Not countiag on their elec-
tion, the party concentrated its forces on strengthening its position during
the election campaign as the party of the working class defending the interests
of a11 the oppressed and exploited. The party also made the maxiiaum use of
its opportunities for addresAing Americana via the mass information media.
G. Hall alone took part in 61 radio programs in 23 etates. Candidates of the
Communist Party of ttie United States gave more tham 70 presa interviews and
organized 13 mass meetings. Over 3 million coptes of printed matter were
distributed.
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Suauaing ~ap the development of the couuatmiet movement in the 1970's, L.I.
Brezhnev said at the 26th CPSU Congress: "The conaaunigt movement has continued
to extend its ranks and strengthen its influence in the masses. Coimmunist
parties are currently operating actively in 94 countries. In West Europe
alone approximately 800,000 new fighters hane ~oined their ranke in the past
10 years. Is fiiis not testimony to the invincible magnetic force of communist
ideas!"
2
The 1980's will imdoubtedly occupy a special place in the history of modern
civilization. It is ~.n this decade that a question of extraordinary urgency
and importance has to be cardinally solved. It is a question of the prevention
of~a world thermonuclear catastrophe. Mankind must at all costs to everything
necessary to prevent its eruption.
The front of the struggle for peace is nr-:� broader than ever. And, further-
more, a particular, vanguard role in this greateat political current of the
present day is being performed, as before, by the communists. As observed
at the 26th CPSU Congress, the communist and workers' parties had arrived at
the b~undary of the 1980's "as active fighters for the working peop].e's rights
and peace and the security of the peoplea."
It is well known that in a n~ber of cases there are disagreements and dif-
ferent viewpoints in the ranks of the communist mcvement. They concern the
problems of war and peace also to some extent (we will speak about thia further
on). However, as a whole, it ia on preciaely these questions that the com-,
munist movement acts far m~re oohesively and as a united front than with re-
spect to many other problems.
What is the concrete manifestation~of the communist movemen~'s practical con-
tribution to the defense of universal p~.ace?
The first thing that should be emphasized in this~connection is the fact that
the communist parties provide a correct Marxiat-Leninist analysis of the cur-
rent situation, which enables them to formulate a realistic, effective program
of the struggle for peace.
To speak of recent times, particular significance from thia viewpoint was im-
doubtedly attached to com~unist party congressea. There were 6 congressea
of communiat parties of the ~ocialist countries and 17 congresses of communist
parties of countries of the nonsocialist world in 1981 altogether, for ex-
ample.* Prob lems of the international situation were broached at all the
*For the lecturer's information: in the period January 1971 through December
1981 all the fraternal parties of the social.ist countries held congresses
(many of them twice) and there were 181 congresses of 69 parties of the
nonsocialist world altogether.
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wnuuwiist congresses withuu[ ~xce~ttun. Ma re~ardless ul tl?lb clitl~r~uce ur
the other in their positions, they all reached the conclusion of the particular
significance of the problem of war and peace and the need to do the~maxim~m
possible to prevent a thermonuclear catastrophe.
As has already been s aid, there were certain differences of evaluation. Parti-
cular attention should be drawn here to the position of the leadership of the
Italian and also Span~ish coffinunist parties, which, contrary to the generally
knawn facts, are atternpting to "share," as it were, responsib ility for the
present increase in tension between socialism and imperialism. According to
the opinion expr~ssed, for example, at the PCI Central Committee January (1982)
Plenum, in a number of instances the policies of the USSR and the United
States have little to distinguish them. Their actions, this party's leader-
ship believes, have contributed "equally" to the detertoration of the world
situation.
It is com~on knawledge, however, that the fraternal parties of the socialist
countries, primarily the CPSU, have done and are doing everything possible
and necessary to contribute to the strengthening of peace and to prevent man's
further slide toward nuclear war. The great services of the CPSU and other
fraternal parties of the socialist co~nunity in the struggle for peace have
been acknowledged by all mankind, which, inter alia, was emphaeized again and
again at the time of the commemoration of Comrade L.I. Brezhnev's 75th birthday.
On the other hand, it is well knaan that imperialist propaganda has been as-
serting for many years now that the threat~.to peace is created by the Soviet
Union. Stories about the "Soviet miZitary threat" literally fill bourgeois
newspapers and journals. Under these conditions the ob~ective result is that
the statements of the PCI leaderahip only help the propaganda of the imperial-
ist states. This fact, inter . tlia, has a1s~s.been~ mentiosceti~tiymany communist
press org~s like, for example, NEUES DEUTSCHLAND, in the article "The
Stronger Socialism, the Firmer Peace," and also the Greek communists' paper
RIZOSPASTIS and many others.*
On the basis of the analysis made by the congresaes of the fraternal parties
the communists have put forward wide-ranging, detailed and practical proposals
concerning the struggle for peace. Particular signifiaance from this view-
point was attached to the Peace Program for the 1980's proclaimed by the 26th
CPSU Congress. As is known, this program touches ~n the most basic questions
of the international situation and, primarily, those which concern the arms
race, which is being ~acked up by the imperialists. The Soviet Peace Program
provides for th e concrete measures necessary to put a atop to this process,
which is dangerous for al? mankind.
It is 3mportant to emphasize that many interesting considerations have also
been put forward by other fraternal parties. Thus, for example, the SED, CPCz
*In discusstng these pr~blems the lecturer could use the PRAVDA article
"Contrary to the Interest ot Peace and Socialism" (24 January 19 82) and the
KOMM[TNIST article "On a Slippery Path" (No 2, 1982).
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and Greek Communist Party congresses held in 1981 proposed a nwnber of import-
ant and well-considered measures aimed at the consolidation of peace i_~ ~c:~tral
Europe and the prevention of a new twist to the arm,s race spiral in this part
of the world. The Bulgarian Camsnunist Party congress paid special attention
to the problem of the creation of a nuclear-free zone in the Balkans. The
congress of the Mongolian communists advanced a set of proposals concerning
the consolidation of peace in Asia. The congress of the IsraeTt Communist
Party paid great attention to a peace settlement in the Near East and formulated
realistic proposals aimed at its aclii~ve~ent. TEie congresses of the Mexican
Communist Party,* the Panama People's Party and the Communist Party of Eduador
concentrated their attention on the problems of Central and South America,
emphatically opposed the expansion of imperialism and supported the completion
of the lib eration struggle of the peoples of E1 Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras
and other countrie~.
Big significance in this plane was attached to the collective meetings of the
communist parties also. The lecturer could recall that there were seven such
large-scale meetings in 1981, for example. The representatives of all connnun-
ist parties of Arab countries discussed in April-May 1981 a wide-ranging set
of questions concerning the Arab people's struggle against Israeli aggression
and the actions of American imperialism in the Near and Middle Ea5!-. A meet-
ing of the communist parties of North America (the United States, Canada and
Mexico) lield in June 1981 examined problems of the struggle against the arms
race and the spurring of international tension. The meeting of communist
parties of the Mediterranean, the Near East and the Red Sea region held in
September 1981 diacussed a b road range of problems, from the Near East through
the Cyprus question, from the viewpoint of stimulation of the struggle against
imperialism's acts of aggression. Fundamental questions of the struggle
against th e aggressive policy of imperialism were extensively discussed at a
meeting of secretaries for international and ideological questions of the
centra~ committeea of the socialist countries' fraternal parties in November
1981.
True, thoughts have been put forward repeatedly recently on the proposition '
that ~oint actions of the commtmist movement and coorc~ination of the actions
of the fraternal parties, in the form of their joint meetings included, have,
as it were, become pointless. Various arguments are adduced in support of
this position. But the main thing which communists should consider is this:
the danger of nuclear war exists regardless of the diversity of the national
conditions and geographical location of thia state or the qther and its socio-
- political orientation. The prevention of such a war corresponds to the vital
interests of every people, not to mention the global, long-term needs of all
mankind. The continuation of detente and the implementation of effective
and concrete measures to put an end to the arms race are essential components
of the national policy of any communist party.
*It is naw a part of the Mexican United Socialist Party, which was created
on the basis of the country's five leading parties and organizations of
the left at the end of 1981.
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It is recomomended that the lecturer focus the audience's attention on the
~ fact that the overwhelming majority of nationa~ detachments of the communist
movement is now waging a purposeful and selfless struggle for the prevention
of war and the removal of the mortal threat which has arisen to mankind and
his future.
Tremendous, multifaceted and highly effective work in the stru~38le for peace
iR being performed by the communiats of the socialist countries and, of course,
our Lenin Partq--the CPSU. Since the 26th party congress even Comrade L.I.
Brezhnev personally has presented a number of new ideas, initiatines and pro-
posals which have attracted truly universal attention. As ~raphic examples of
the good will aad the naswerving, sincere endeavor of the Communist Party and
the Soviet state to curb the arms race, avert the nuclear threat and again
direct world deve~opment into the channel of detente and equal and mutually
profitable cooperation it is recommended that the lecturer dwell on the new
peace-loving proposals and ideas put forward by L.I. Brezhnev in speeches at
the 17th USSR Trade Unions Congress and the festivities in Tashkent and in
response to a question of a PRAVDA correspondent and on other Soviet initia-
tives.
In continuation o� the theme that has been broached there are several further
examples of the position of certain fraternal parties on cardinal problems of
international politics. The U.S. communists are participating actively in the.
struggle against the threat of war. In the FRG communists are among the
stanchest fighters against the deployment of new American nuclear missiles on
their country's territory and insist on immediate negotiationa to spare Europe
and all mankind a dangerous ne~w twist bo the arms race spiral.
' A great deal of labor�~~us practical work in their countries simed at their
salvatio~: from the American missile threat is being performed by the communists
of Belgium and Holland. They are implementing a multitude of initiatives and
striving for the maximum e~cpansion of the number of participants in antimissile
demonstrations.
_ This applies equally to the communists of North Europe also, who vigorously
advocate its conversion into a nuclear-free zone. The ideas advanced by L.I.
Brezhnev in an interview with the Finnish newspaper SUOMEN SOTSIALIDEMOKRAATI
have encountered their warm support.
The comm~ists of Greece and Cyprus are striving for the peaceful soluti~,on of
aZl problems of the East Mediterranean, including the Cyprus problem, and
struggling against the deployment of American~military basea on these coun-
tries' territory.
The co~unists of South and Central America unanimously demand an end to U.S.
interf~rence in the internal affaira of E1 Salvador, Nicaragua and other
countries of the Western Hemisphere and emphatically protest the dangerous
policy of blackmail and military threats directed at revolutionarq Cuba.
The Asian communist parties are conducting an extensive campaign of solidarity
with the peoples of Kampuchea, Vietnam and other Indochina countries struggling
against the military and political provocations of American imperialism and
Chinese hegemonism.
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In a word, the communist parties--and the lecturer should take this into con-
sideration in his speeches constantly--are operating tirelessly as unbending,
consistent fightrrs for a lasting peace guaranteed for all peoples. The CPSU
Central Co~nittee Report to the 26th congress observed: "The communists' con-
aistent struggle for peace and against the aggressive policy of imperialism
and the arms race, which entails for the peoples the threa*_ of nuclear cata-
strophe, serves as a great unifying principle and powerful factor of the fur-
ther cohesion and increased autliority of the wcrld co~nunist m~vement."
3
The co~unist movement's imdisputed successes, particularly in the struggle
for peace, by no means si.gnify, of course, that it doea not have its unsolved
problems and difficulties. It does, of c~~urse, and at times very serious, more-
over. What is the source of them? The answer to this question is by no means
simple and straightforward. Reduced to a concise formula, it appears para-
doxical even at first sight. ,
The main source of the problems and difficulties being encountered by the
communists currently is their awn auccesses and progress. In fact, it is
these successes and the rapid dynamics of growth which have opened to the com-
munist movement new prospects, but which at the same time have also posed new
and, to be blunt, difficult tasks. The main thing here, of course, is the
fact that the achievements of the co~aunists and all forces of social progreas
have given rise to sharp opposition on the part of their main class enemy--the
haute bourgeoisie, imperialist monopolies and the military-industrial complex.
' The 1970's were marked by a deepening of the general crisis of capitalism, and
this, in turn, was also reflected in its policy--foreign and domestic. In
what and how were imperialism's 3ifficulties reflected in its political beha-
vior? The answer to this question was provided tiy the 26th CPSU Congress.
"Adventurism and a readiness to gamble with man's vital interests in the name
of their narrow selfish goals," the CPSU Central Committee Report says, "are
what is being manifested particularly clearly in the policy of imperialism's
most aggressive circles.... They have truly set themselves ~he goal of
attaining the unattainable--erecting a barrier in the way of progressive changes
in the world and restoring to thea~selves the role of arbiters of the people's
fate."
Erecting a barrier in the way of revolutionary social changes--such is the
present goal of imperialism's aggressive, reactionary circles, for whose
achievement they are truly prepared to spare neither forces nor resources. It
is essentially a question of the fact that imperialism has begun a kind of
crusade againat the forces of peace and progress as a whole and against the
socialist countries and the communist movement primarily. And this campaign
is being developed, moreover, in literally a11 the main areas at once.
Ideologically, the manifestations of this crusade are on the one hand a sharp
intensification of anticommunism and anti-Sovieti9~m in all Western couatries,
beginning, of course, with the United States. The main accent here is being
~ put on an attempt to discredit and compromise the socialist community and real
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~ocialism. Together with this there is an extension of the attacka on Marxism-
Leninism--tfie ideological foundation of the activity of the communist and
w~rkers' parties.
Politically, the campaign against the forces of the revolutionary process ie
developing primarily into ~ttempts to destabilize the situation in the coun-
tries of the socialist world and also in the revolutionary-demoaraCic states.
As far as the soci.alist world is concerned, imperialism's main efforts in
this direction are now concentrated, together with continuing attacks on
Vietnam, Laos and free Kampuchea (with the complicity of Bei~ing and surviving
Pol Pot people) and with provocations against revciutionary Cuba, on the stim-
ulation of subversive, diversionary actions and economic sanctions against
people's Poland and, equally, our countrq.
Summing up in the Central Committee Report to the 26th CPSU Congress the es-
sence of imperialism's antisocialist policy, L.I. Brezhnev observed: '!The
imperialists and their accomplices are systematicallq conducting hostile
, campaigns against the socialist countries. They are diacrediting and distort-
ing everything that is occurring in these countries. The main thing for
them is tc turn people away from soaialism.
"Recent events confirm time and again that our class enemies are learning from
_ their defeats. They are operating against the socialist countries increasingly
subtly and insidiously."
There is also increased political pressure by the monopolies' state and prop-
aganda machinery on the~communist and leftwing forces of the Weat and the trade
unions. We have recently witnessed a number of open attempta to legalize this
pressure by way of the adoption of the corresponding legislation (in the United
States, Britain and a number of other coimtries~}.
The repressive measures are making the co~mmimi.sts' struggle more difficult.
Currently 21 communist parties of the capitalist wor.~d are working under
underground conditions or semilegally. In a number of Latin American, Asian
and African countries the communists are constsntly sub~ected to police sur-
veillance, persecution and terror. Through terror and persecution and through
prisan and the barbed wire of concentration camps and in selfless and frequently
very difficult daily work for the good of the peoples," L.I. Brezhnev said at
the 26th congresa, "the communists of the capitalist countries are carrying
their fidelity to th~= ideals of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internation-
alism."
Socially it is a question of the monopolies' massed offensive agai~st the
working people's vital rights. Let us take, for example, the developed capit-
alist countries. Although the intenaivenese of the class struggle has not
abated here but, on the contrary, has incressed rather, atate-monopoty capital-
ism, having mobilized all its forces and resources, has nonetheless bzzn able
to achieve cert ain changes to its ~dvantage. For the first time in a long
period in the last 2-3 years a palpable decline in the real living standard of
the working people has been obserned in the United States, the FRG, France
and a number of other countries. All this is markedly complicating the poli-
tical situation which exists in these cotmtries and making the conditions of
the class atruggle more diffic~lt.
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So, the main difficulties for the cause of the communiste and all revolution-
aries are being created by imperialism and its political adnenturism and
ideological and military diversions an d sallies. And if we are to aum up the
real result of the path trodden by the communists in recent years, we should
be surprised not that in a number of instances they have suffered defeats and
failures but ~y how far they have advanced. By how successfully they are
repelling the attacks of the class enemy. And by how etrong their gaine are
proving.
Such is the general conclusion which may be c~rawn by analyzing the statements
of the 26th CPSU Congress' foreign gues ts. "The speeches of our comrades in
struggle here, at the congress, and at meetings in Moscow and other cities,"
L.I. Brezhnev emphasized in his speech at tfie conclnsion of the congress, "have
strengthened even nare our belief in t6e invincibility of social pgoreas and
the irreversibility of tlie revolutionarq transformat3on.~of the world."
At the same time the communist movement is encountering difficulties of a
~ different nature, particularly those ariaing within ite own milieu. Iti apeak-
of such difficulties, the lecturer could point out that their causes are
various. They are frequently of an objective, but sometimes of a sub~ective
nature.
Thus it is natural that the tasks confronting the comntmist parties will be-
come increasingly complex and d~verse as their i~lfluence grows. This, in
turn, perfectly logically sometimes engenders differing evaluationa and dif-
ferences in the approach to the solution of concrete questions of the class
struggle and gives rise to debate between partiea.
Life itself proves convincingly that even given such differences it is pos-
sible and necessary to develop political cooperation in the struggle against
the common class enemy. V.I. Lenin was profoundly correct when he pointed out
�
that many disagreements may disappear and unfailingly will disappear. this
being the result of the logic of joint atruggle against a really formidable
enemy, the bourgeoisie..." (V.I. Lenin, "Poln. sobr. soch." IComplete Works],
vol 39, p 225).
But now about another apsect of the matter. In the course of the search
which is currently under way everywhere for new forms and methods of struggle
and answers to imsolved theoretical and practical questions there also arise
in a number of instances imprecise or incomplete solutions which are subse-
quen~l~ not corroborated bq practice. The claea struggle has always been a
complex science and difficult art. It is all the more complicated in our
time--a time of rapid social change.
In analyzing the course of the theoretical aearch engaged in by the co~aun-
ists it is possible to highlight aeveral central problems with respect to
which imprecise or erroneous poaitions are being expressed, we believe,
currently.
One such problem is the attitude toward Marxism-Leninism as the communists'
single international teaching. Tiie opinion is expressed in a number of
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inst~nces currently that Marx~t~rL�nini~sm ib "autdat~d". xl~p ~i~~~ ku ha~~n
this "operation" in our time was the Chinese leaderahip, which subsequently
directly substituted for Marxism-Leninism the fundamentally anti-Leninist,
essentially counterrevolutionary "teaching" of Maoism. The conaequences of
this substj.tutior: are well known. But tfiexe are .otfier instancea of a"renun-
ciation" of Leninism also. Attempts are frequently made to separate Leniniam
(as an allegedly "specifically Russian" phenomenon) from Marxism.
In speaking of these instances it is evidently necessary to first of all re-
call that the "advice" to rtd yourselaes of Leninism has been thrawn at the
communi~?ts:;extraordinarily persistently, not to say importunately, for liter-
ally years by bourgeois ideology. The West's philosophers and socio]~ogists
endeavor to portray matters such that all the difficulties currently being
encountered by the communist movement have their roots in the "domination of
dogmatism" in its ranks. And this "dogmatism" is, of course, a consequence
of the communist parties' fidelity to the ideas of Marxism-Len~.nism. It
transpires, accordingly, that the sole path taward a way out of the difficul-
ties is the "de-Leninization" of the couununist movement and, of course, liqui-
dation of the close relations of the fraternal parties of the nonsocialist
world with the com~munist partiee of the socialiat countries, primarily with
the CPSU, which was created and raised by V.I. Lenin.
No objective observer can fail to draw attention to the most profound baseless-
ness of this approach. In fact, in 1980-1981 many communist parties cele-
brated their "full" 3ubile~s. Among these were a nuinber of big parties, which
have won recognition and enjoy great influence in their countri~s, which ce1P-
brated their 60th anniversary. What do the leasons of the history of these
parties indicate? Primarily that they have reached such considr:rable h~ights
precisely on the basis of the revolutianary principles f:,rmulated by Marx,
Engels and Lenin.
In attempting to substantiate their remarks againat Leninism certain comrades
say, for example, that they would not wish to use the te~ "Leninism" out of
tactical considerations. Reference is sometimes made to the fact that many
currents have arisen in recent decades which have "abused" th~: term'"Marxiam-
Leninism" and that for this reaso:i this term is no longer acceptable. Othere
attempt in all seriou4ness to persuade us that Leninism has "exceeded" its
time and is no longer a dependable support for revolutionaries.... Hawever,
it has to be said that ob~ectively none of these approaches can in any way
serve the overall, international cause of the working class and socialism.
Another big theoretical problem also causing much debate currently is that of
socialism. The present debate about real socialism is brought about primarily
by the fact that, as already mentioned, there has been a sharp exacerbation in
our time of the need for a fundamental transformation of c~pitalist socie~!.
The deepening of the general crisis of capitalism which has been mentioned
also testifies to this. This is indicated by the all-around exacerbation of
the contradictions currently being encountered by the bourgeois world. Very
material, finally, is the fact that imperi~aliat "from-a-position-of-strength""
policy, in the spirit of the cold war, and imperialism's attempts, in spite
� of the objective laws of s~~cial development, to halt the course of social
progress are capable under pr~~eent-day conditions~~fjeopardizing man's very
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existence. This is why the lecturer should in this connection emphasize '
particularly that tn our space, electronic and nuclear-rmissile age socialism
has become an urgent requirement of social deveippment and tfie sole and de-
pendable alternative to world chaas and military Apocalypse.
It is tmderstandable that tmder these conditions there ie an animated and,
at times, very tempera~nental debate about socialism, the waya of advancement
toward it, the methoda of its creation and ita characteristic features. The
participants in tt?e debate are also endeavoring to find solutions to GHe prob-
lems of the struggle for socialism which correspond moet fully to their
countries' national, specific conditions.
"Not so long ago," L.I. Brezhnev observed at the 26th CPSU Congress, "the
leadership of certain con~tmist parties presented a vigorous defense of the
right to national specific features of the ways and forms of struggle for
socialism and socialist tiuilding. However, if an unpre3udiced approach to the
question is adopted, it fias to be acknowledged that no one is imposing on
anyone any stereotypes and outlines which ignore the singularities of this
country or the other.
"V.I. Lenin's position on th~.s questior i~ well knawn. 'All nationa will ar-
rive at socialism, this is inevitatile.' ~z wrote, 'but not all will arrive
entirely identically; each ~~ill impart distinctiveness to this form of demo-
cracy or the other, to this variety of dictatorship of the proletariat or the
other and to this rate or the other of socialist transformations of various
aspects of social life' (V.I. Lenin, "Complete Works," vol 30, p 123).
"Our party adheres unswervingly to this directive o~ Lenin's, which has today
been corroborated as convincingly as could tie by historical practice. Just
think, comrades. After all, in none of today's socialist countries were the
forms, methods and paths of socialist revolution a mechancial repetition
of another's experience....
"There has beer. armed struggle and the~re have been peaceful forms of transition
to the n~w socLal system; and the raBid accession to power of the working peo-
ple's classes ttnd processes which have been prolonged. In some countries
the revolution t:ad to be defended against foreign intervention, others got
by without foreign invasion.
"The creation and atrengthening of the foundations of socialism and the build-
ing of the socialist society," L.I. Brezhnev emphasized, "also had and continue
to have their particular features in different countries.
"Thus it is only possible to speak of some ''standardization' and to contrast
the communiat parties according to recognition or nonrecognition of their
chosen paths of the reorganization of society...by ignoring the actual facts."
The experience of all revolutions, past and present, and the experience of real
socialism, as also the experience and practice of the present class struggle in
the capitalist countries, unequivocally confi~ the obvious fact that socialism
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may be established only as a result of the liquidNtion of ca}~itAlism ae a
system, but by no means by way of a compromise of the old and the new and a
"gentleman's agreement" between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat.
The follawing thought may sometimea be heard. gurture socialism in the de-
veloped capitalist countrtes could, tt ts said, assume various forms, but,
what is most important, it must in no event "repeat" real socialism and must
not be similar to it. The authors of such concepts usually accompany their
considerations with a sharp and, it must be s~aid, an unobjective critique of
socialism, primarilq the socialism which exists in our country. And auch an
approach is called "critical solidarity" with socialiem.
"Certain co~nunist parties," L.I. Brezhnev said in this connection at the 26th
CPSU Congress, "sometimes express critical ~udgments with reapect to this
concrete aspect or the other of our country's deve~opment. We by no means
believe that everything has been ideal here. ~ocialiam in the USSR was built
under unbelievably dif~icult conditiona. The party was blazing a trail in
virgin territory. And no one knows~lietter tfian ua wliat difficulties and ehort-
comings were encountered on this path and wfiich liave atill to be surmounted.
"We listen attentively to comrad~ly, constructive criticism. But we are
, emphatically opposed to 'criticism' which distorts socialist reality and
thereby wittingly or unwi*_tingly does imperialist propaganda and the clasa
enemy a service."
A further consideration should be adde3 to what has been said. The supporters
of the building of socialism by any method, "~ust as long as it differs from
others," frequently say that their position is connected with a need to take
account of "national specifics". But is thts s~o? Talc~ng account of narional
specifics means first of all studying them in depth and drawing precisely
from their own, national situation fundamental, acientifically substantiated
conclusions for the future of socialism in their country. These concluaions
could concur with someone else's earperience ar.d could differ from it. But
they can by no means be drawn by way of a categorical disregard for this
exper~.~nce .
A quest for new ways to move for~ard is entirely explicable, more, it is
essential. But, of course, only if it is a question of a movement forward,
taward socialism and not back from it, toward an unnatural (and, we would note,
impossible) hybrid of capitalism and socialism.
The world coudmmist movement knows both the quest of the first kind and "quest"
of the second. Experience, including that of th~ ~ast decade, has ahown per-
fectly convincingly that "quest" of the second kind leads directly...away
from socialism; leads directly into the embrace of anticommunism, "to a claes
world". It is such a path, for exa~nple, which has been trodden by a group
of new opportunists from the ranks of former members of a number of West
European communist parties.
The question may, of course, be put: whence the appearance of such viewa in
the communiat m~vement? Among the various facmors responsible for their
appearance, we may cite the following:
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the influence of petit hour_geois views on the workers' movement as a reault
of the grawth of ita rank.a thanks to nonproletarian elements;
the strong pressvre of imperialist ideology, propaganda and the "lie concerns,"
phich is~becoming particularly dangerous prectsely by virtue of the cliange
in the social composition of the wortdng class and preaer?ce within it of per-
sons susceptiblE to argw4ents in favor of class collalioration; and
a certain weakness of the theoretfcal-political training of communists who
have joined the party comparatively recently and their lack of due immunity
to ideological principles hostile to tfie cause of co~nunism.
At the end of the speech the lecturer should emphasize that the CPSU has done
and continues to do everything to contribute to the consolidation of the unity
of the communist moveQ?ent, the eohesion of tfie fraternal parties and the de-
velopment of their cooperation. For this purpose our party is stepping up
contacts with the communist parties of other countries and strengthening
interaction with them in the solution of the main present-day proble~ms.
In the past 5 years alone Politburo members and candidates and Central Commit-
tee secretaries have received several hundred partq delegations representing
communist, worker and revolutionary-democratic parties of all continents.
The CPSU regularly and confidentislly aotifies the fraternal parties about
events of our domestic life and tfie foreign policy acts of the Communist Party
and the Soviet state. Foreign comrades also have a broad opporttmity to ac-
quaint themselves with the C~SU's practical activity locally--in the republics,
krays and oblasts, at enterprises and construct#:oni,~ pro~ects and in rural
areas. All this, as the representatives of foreign comaaunist parties themselves
observe, helps them in practical work. Pernian~ent contacta with foreign com-
munists also enable our party also to get a better grasp of the situation in
individual countries and regions.
Stmuoarizing what has been said, the lecturer could refer in conclusion to the
finding of the 26th party congresa that consistent struggle for peace and
against the aggressive policy of imperialism and the arms race being imposed
on the peoples, which entails for them the threat of nuclear catastrophe,
serves under current conditions as a powerful fact4r of the cohesion and in-
creased authority of the world co~anunist movement.
As the CPSU Central Comnittee document on the 60th anniversary of the USSR's
formation observes, commiunists, armed with the teaching of Marxism--Leninism,
are struggling constantly for the interests of the working class, the working
people of their co~mtries and democracy, peace and socialism.
LITERATURE
1. "Material of the 26th CPSU Congress," Moscow, Politizdat, 1981, pp 3-31.
2. "60th Anniversary of the Formation of the USSR". CPSU Central Committee
decree, Moscaw, Politizdat, 1982.
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:~L~Z.. Brezhnev, "Speech at CPSU Central Commi:ttee 16 November 1Q81 Plenuan,"
Moscaw, Politizdat, 1g81.
4. L.I. Breziuiev, "SpeecTi at the 17tTi USSR Trade Uniona Congrese," PRA'VDA
17 MarcA 1982.
5. L.I. Brezhnev, "Speecfi at tiie Cereaanial Seseion in Taafilcent," PRAVDA
25 March 1982.
6. L.I. Brezhn~v, "Speech at the 19th Komaomol Congress," PRAVDA 19 May 1982.
- 7. Yu,V. Andropov, "Leninism--In~iausttble Source of the Revolutionary Energy
and Creativity of tfie Maseee". Report at ceremontal session in Moscaw
devoted to the 112th annivers~ary of Y.I. Lenin's birth, PRAVDA 23 April
19 82 .
8. B.N. Ponoa?arev, "In the Struggle Against the Threat of War". Speech in
Prague at a meeting of representatives of the ~raternal parties to discuss
the work of the ~ournal PROBLEMY MIRA I SOTSIALIZMA, PRAVDA 25 November
19 81.
9. "Velikiy Oktyabr' i mezhdunarodnoye kox~unisticheskoye dvizheniye" [The
Great October and the International Communist Movement?. Collection of
Articles, Mosccyw, Palitizdat, 1981.
10. "In the Struggle for Man's Future," KOMM[JNIST No 14, 1981.
11. Gi~eetings to the 26th CPSU Congress from Commuaist, Worker, National-
Dem~cratic and Socialist Parties," Moscow, Politizdat, 1981.
12. "The 26th CPSU Congress: Dialogues in the Press Center," Moscaw, Izd-vo
APN, 1981. .
13. "Political Parties". Handbook, Moecow, Politizdat, 1981.
14. V.V. Zagladin, "Muzhestvennyye.~b ortsy za narodnoye delo" [Courageoue
Fighters for the People's Cause] ("Decisions of the.26th CPSU Congrese
- in Practice!" Library), Moecaw, Znaniye, 1981.
15. V.V. Zagladin, "Istoricheakaya missiya sotsialisticheskogo obahchestva"
[The Socialist Society's Historic Mission], M~oacaw, Politizdat, 1981.
16. "Real Socialism and the World's Communista," PRAVDA 10 March 1982.
17. "Comm~mist and Workers' Parties on the Positions of the PCI Leaderahip.
On the Question of the Positions of the PCI Leadership," NOVOYE VREMYA
No 3, 10, 1982.
lg. "Once Again Concerning the Positions of the PCI Leadership';" KO1~iIJNIST
, No 4, 19 82.
COPYRIGHT: Izdatel'stvo "Ztuaniye", 19'82
8850
CSO: 1800/737
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NATIONAL .
FEDOSEYEV OFFERS'1~DEL LECTURE FOR USSR JUBILEE
Moeco~w SIAVO LERTORA in Russiaa No 6, Jua 82 pp 26-30
[Syaopsis of lecture by Academician P.N. Fedoseyev, member of the CPSU Central
Cornnittee and vice president ~ of t~e USSR Acade~y of Sciances :"T[te IISSR: ~
New Social and Interaational Co~uaitq"]
jExcerpts] History does not kno~w of a state which in the
ehortest poasible time could have done so mucli for the all-
around development of the nations and nationalities ae the
USSR-the eocialiat fatherland of all our peoples.
From the CPSU Central Committee decree�e "60th
Anniv~ereary of the Formation of the USSR"
In coneideration of readere' wishes we contiaue the publication
of a series of lectures timed for the 60th anniversary of the
formation of the USSR. Our permanent heading ia inaugurated
today by the synopeis of a lecture by Academician Petr
Nikolayevich Fedoaeyev, member of the CPSU Central Committee
aad vice president of the USSR Academy of Scieacea. The author
analyzes certain characteristic trends in the social development
of the world's first unified imian multinational state and
shvais the dialectical interconnect~an and eocial com~atity of
the internatiorial and the national at the stage of mature
socialism.
A rough plan of a lecture or speech on thia s~ject might be:
1. Tri~ph of the CPSU's Leninist nationality policy. New
hiatorical community of people--the Soviet people.
2. Socialist internationalism in action. Grawth of the
social homogeneity of the society of developed aocialiam.
3. The Soviet way of life--new historical form of man's
existence. Dialectics of the international and the national.
The creative potential of the energy of the people's masses and their social
and civic assertiveness are revealed even more fully and natianwide socialist
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competition for the efficient and high-perfo~nance fulfillment of the 5-year
plan quotas is developing extensively at the current stage of developed so-
cialism. Features�of the maturitq of the Soviet peogle as a communitq are
revealed increasingly fully with the building and refinement of dev~eloped
socialism in the USSR. L.I. Brezhnev observed at the 26th CPSU Congress in thi.a
connection that the familq of Soviet peoples has hecome even more cohesive and
is living even mare~amicaFily.
However, it would be wrong to believe that the Soviet people, as a new his-
torical commuaity, have acquired some particular specific ethnic traite which
thereby comgete witfi the ethnic characteristics distinguishing a person as a
representative of thie nation or the other and replace them. Such an under-
standing of the queation inevitalily engenders the fundamentally incorrect
notion that any step along the path of the further development of the Soviet
people's consolidation leads to a mechanical superseding of national com~auni-
ties. The Soviet people is not a phenomenon of the same order as ethnic for~-
ations and nations and nationalities. It is, and the lecturer should emphasize
this, characterized by different parameters, different measurementa an~ dif-
ferent levels of its manifestatior.~. Our party has given a precise scientific
interpretation of this queation, determining that the Soviet people as a new
historical comm~ity are not an ethnic and a particularly national but a so-
_ cial and i.ntemational conrmunity of people.
In the report on the draft USSR Conatitution L.I. Brezhnev criticized attempts
to introduce the "single Soviet nation" concept. "The Soviet people's socio-
political tmity," he emphasized, "by no means signifies the disappearaace of
national differences" (for more detail see L.I. Brezhnev, "Leninakim kureom"
[Lenin's Way], vol 6, Moscaw, 1978, p 525). The new historfcai.com~unity not
only does not abolieh the extating nations and erect some kind of supra-
national superstructures over them but, on the contrary, is a model of the
organic unity of people of different nationaliti.ea at the same time ae the
nati.onR and national:~.ties themselves and thei.r disti.nctiveness, 1anEuage and
cultr.re Pre p~eserved. Furthermore, che e~oviet people as a aew hi.stcrical
camnimity are an organic and effective f.orm of thF development e.nd burgeonin~
of the material and spiritual forces of each nation and nationality.
In this connection it ia recommended that the lecturer recall V.I. Lenin's
instruction to the effect that the international ie not the nonaational. It
stands to reason that an international community is inconceivable without
specific national components and without the preaence and aelf-development
of nations and nationalitiea.
And one further recom~endation for the lecturer and rapporteur. The platform
speaker must ~failingly draw the audience's attention to the fact that the
development and rapprochement of the nations are not isolated procesaes pro-
ceeding in parallel but cloaely interconnected processea expresaing the single
internaticm~llist essence of the socialiat society. The optimum conditions
and means both of national development and the rapprochement of the nationa
are created simultaneously, in organic interact~.nn. Thia dialectical inter-
connection is warranted in respect of the material, social and spiritual con-
ditians and the prerequiaites of the formation, functioning and ongoing develop-
ment of the new social and international coimnunity.
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Such primarily are the processes of the building of co~mism's material-
technical facilities and the strengthening of the single all-state national
economic complex represe~ting the material b asis of the fraternal friendship
of the USSR peoples. The task of equalization of the levels a~ the Soviet
republics' economic development has b~en accomplished, in the main, at the
stage of mature socialism. T[ie economy of each republic occupiss an important
place in the all-union division of labor and makes an increas3ngly impresaive
contribution to the country's national wealth (it is reco~ended that the lEC-
turer use lecal illustrative materia~ in this part of the speech).
The need for an increase in the role of all the national republics in the
accomplishment of all-~ion tasks and the optimum combination of the interests
of each nation with the interests of the Soviet people as a whole now becomea
paramount. The general upsurge of the USSR's national ecoaomq and the reali-
- zation of such najestic national economic pro~ects as the development of the
fuel-energy and raw material resourcea of Siberia and the Far East, the build-
ing of the Baykal-Amur Trunk Line, the development of the nonchernozem and
the creation of the Angar-Yeniaey complex are inconceivable without the uni-
fication of the efforte of the working people of all republics and the mobili-
zation of the material and lalior resources of the entire country.
Thus~essentially all the union republics are participating in implementation
of the vsst comprehensive program of transfarmation of the RSFSR's nonchernozem
zone which has been developed by the p arty. In consideration of the consider-
able ahortage of labor resources in this region of the RSFSR the other union
republics are sending specialized construc~ion and inetallation convoys,
mobile mechanized columns and equipment and, in su~rtime, student conetruc-
tion detachments. The party's socioeconomic strategy in the llth Five-Year Plan
and the period through 1990 envisages an increase in the material potential of
each republic and at the aame time its maximum use for the harmonious de- ~
velopment of the entire couatry. This, as emphasized at the 26th CPSU Congresa,
is an easential and subatantial condition of Soviet society's further progresa,
the strengtfiening of the USSR's econo~c and de~ense might and the growth
of the working people's well-being.
The development of the scientific-technical revolution is also proceeding in
the direction of a continued intensification of the proceas of the socialist
internationalization~of production in the covatry. Modern conditions ob~ectively
require a further increase in the efficiency and an extension of the coopera-
tion of the nations and nationalities in the production sphere and in the
sphere of acientific research and the speediest introduction of the achieve-
ments of the scientific-technical revolution in practice. Under its influence
the economic b asis ~d operational life of the nationa are becoming increas-
ingly interconnected. New sectors of industry are grawing rapidly in the
national republics, and at the same time hlre working people's scientific-
tecfinical level is riaing.
However, the effect of this factor, which is contributing to the rapprochement
of the nations ~der the conditions of developed aocialism, is realized far
from automatically. Like any other complex and multi-aspectual process of
socialist building, it requires a constant improvement in the scientific
control of social development, primarily centralized planning in combination
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with the broad initative of the uaion aad autononaus republics, an increase
in the creative assertiveness of the masses and a riae in their consciouaness
and cultural level and aa emphatic struggle against all manifestations of
localism and departmental preference (it is recommended that this point of
the lecture also be illustrated as far as possiBle oriti~ figurea, facts and
concrete examples on the basis of local material).
Analyzing 'the prere~uisites and regularities of the formatioa of a historical~y
new socisi and international comm~mitq, the iecturer ehould also emphasize that
Soviet people, irrespective ~f their national origine, are united by the imity
of their spiritual life and coamnunity of world-outlook orientationa.
A single Soviet culture which is common:iand international for all the social-
ist nations and which imbibes the best, progressive achievements and values of
each national culture has matured and strengthened. The profound dialectica
of the common and the particular aad the national and international exist
in its development, as in other apheres of social life. Ita easence ie that
the flawering of the national cultures is possible cnly on the basis of
their rapprochement aad interpenetration. The contribution of each nation
and nationality to all-Soviet culture increases uaswervingly as their social-
ist national culture develops.
It is recammended that the lecturer dwell in this part of the speech on the
role of Russian, which under our country's conditions has become the means of
inter-nation communication. Mention should be made here of the erroneousneas
of the opinion which is sometimea expreased to the effect that Russian is an
ethnic characteristic of a single Soviet nation which is allegedly taking
shape. In reality, Ruseian, as the language of the most populaus nation,
served even in prerevolutionary times to a certain extent as a means of peo-
ple's operational and cultural coa~unication in our multinational country.
Internationalization of people's social sphere and standards of behavior and
the way of life gs a whole is under way in the developed socialiat society.
Despite the preservation of national, local and group si ~gularities, tradi-
tions, forms of community living and so forth, a single soeia3ist way of
life has been established under current conditions which is couo~on for the
entire Soviet people, determines the most essential and most important mani-
featations of people's vital activity and cementa them in a single, organic
com~unity.
The socialist way of life as a new historical form of man's existence ie
established in the process of society's transformation on commuaist principles.
The communist ide~al is of an international nature. For this reason the ne~w
type of people'a vital activity and their collective cooperation and communi-
cation engendered by socialism is alao of a genuinely internationalist na-
ture in its content and spirit. The process of the internationalization of
the Sovicet way of life, wh~.ch integrates the most valuable features, tradi-
tions and singularities of the culture and social existence of each USSR
people, reflects the ob~ective requirements of the socialist society's
economic, sociopolitical and cu~tural-hiatorical develppment under the con-
ditions of the scientific-technical renolution and the building of communiam's
material-technical facilft~ias.
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All this presupposes a concentration and degree: of actual socialization of
the means of production and a uaiversalization of all spheres of Soviet peo-
ple's vital activity whic6 are incompatible with the re~ants of national
eaclusineness which still e~i.st. In this sense the procesa of internationali-
zation of ttie way of life is an objective regularity of t~ie ongoing movement
of developed socialism and a manifestation of the process of the socitlist
nations' continued rapprochetnent.
In this connection it is important that the lecturer emphasize that interna-
tionalist trenda and features of the Soviet society's ~tay of life, transform-
ing the material foundations of people's vital ~antivity, are contributing
to the education of the new man, a man of high co~tmist ideals with the all-
Soviet traditions and traits of social life and mentality inherent in him,
and increasing the sigaificance of the common, related elements of the national
cultures. Internationalism is exercised here in daily life and in Soviet
people's creatine labor and everyday life.
Thus the process of internationalization permeates :~?i aspects of the aocial-
ist way of life--production, sociopolitical, spirttual, social and family--
being realized in a specific way in each of them. However, despite all the
intensiveness of the internatimalization of Soviet people's way of life, it
does not abolish the existing nations and does not e~ect anq superstructures
over them. International consciousnesa and behavior are not nonnational.
The international does not exiet other than in the nattonal and via the na-
tianal.
The Soviet people's way of life represents a~ity of the international essence
of the socialist way of life and national-specific features. It takes shape
from common, international features engendered by tbe community of historical
fate, living conditiona and world outlook and from the specific singularities
and forms of tfie embodiment of this th at is common in tfie life of different
_ nations and nationalities.
The internationalism of sll aspects of the Soviet society and the diverse
process of the rapprochement of the USSR nations and nationalities are a most
important condition of the accompliahment of the tasks of com~unist building.
However, tTie xnternational, being tfie leading, main aspect of the socialiat
way of life under the conditions of develop~d' socialiem, is inseparably con-
nected with and rpalized via the all-around burgeo~ting of the national.
The specifica of~the dialectics of the international and the national at the
stage of developed socialism are that the rapprochement and all-around cooper-
ation of all our country's nations and nationalities and their all-around
prosperity are not isolated but interconnected procesaes expressing the aingle
essence of the socialist way of life. It is therefore methodologically
wrong to reduce the national merely to the national-spec3fic and national-
particular. In reality, in the 1~rocess of dialectical interaction the inter-
national and the national are co*~tinuously enriched with co~unist content,
the esaential prerequisitea thereby being created for the achievement of the
complete international untty of the Soviet people in the future.
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The lecturer should also talce accownt of the ~act that under current condi-
tions the very? content of the "new" and "old" cancepta with referen~e to the
sphere of national relations is becoming more varied. For exa~aple, the "new"
concept now eapresses tlie progressive thrust of the changes in the technical
basis of society, public well being, city planning, education, health care,
culture, art and so fortfi. The sphere of the s~truggle between old and new ia
also expanding as a consequence of the strengthening of the international posi-
tians of world socialism and the intensification of ideological and other forms
of class struggle in the modern world. The totaltty of these changes is, in
turn, conditioning the pointedness and implacabilitq with which the Commuaist
Party opposes petit bourgeois, awnera~hip vestiges in people's ~inda and beha-
vior and deviations from the standards of socialist ethics and morals:
In conclusion the l~cturer ahould emphasize that the foYward line of the strug-
gla between new and old today lies not only in the aphere of ideology and in-
ternational politics but also on the domestic front of peaceful economic build-
ing, where the task of the national economy's transition to the tracks of an
intensive, highly efficient aad economical economy is being tackled currently.
Addressing the ceremonial meeting in Tashkent, L.I. Brezhnev pointed out
that under the conditions of ou~ nultinational state internationaliem in
practice is primarily the honest, conacient~ous dind full-fledged labor of all
peoples of the country for the common good.
COPYRIGHT: Izdatel'stvo "Znaniye", 1982
8850
CSO: 1800/735 END
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