JPRS ID: 10613 TRANSLATION THE COLLECTIVE DEFENSE OF SOCIALISM BY MAR SU VIKTOR GEORGIVICH KULIKOV

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_ JPRS V10613
24 JuNE 1982
.
Tran~ at~~n
THE COLLECTIVE DEFENSE OF SOCIAL:SM
BY .
MAR SU VI KTOR GEORG IYEVICH KULI KOV
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JPRS L/10613
24 June ].982
THE COLLECTIVE DEFENSE OF SOCIALISM
Moscow KOLLEKTTVNAYA ZASHCIiYTA SOTSIALIZMA in Russian 1982 (signed
to press 11 De~ 81) ~p ~-96
[Translation of book "The Collective Defense of Socialism" , by Mar
SU Vikto~ Georgiyevich Kulikov, Voyenizdat, 100,0A0 copies, 96
pages; published in the series: "Implementing the Decisions of the
26th CPSU Congress"; passages enclosed in slantlines printed in bold-
face, in italics when indicated by jit.]]
CONTENTS
Anx~otat ion 1
Introduction 1
Chapter One. Victorious Advance of Socialism 3
Chapter Two. International Character of Def ense of Socialist Achievements 15
Chapter Three. The Warsaw Pact Reliable Shield of Peace and Socialism 30
Chapter Four. Fighting Alliance of Brother Armie~ 52
Conclus ion 68
~
- a- jII - USSR - 4 FOUO]
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ANNOTATIUN
[Texr_] Tt~is volume presents the main points of the documents of the 26th CPSU
Congress pertaining to cooperation among the socialist nations in the area of
strengthening their defense capability: the author discusses activities of the
Warsaw Pact Organization to ensure reliable delense of peace and socialist
- ac}iievP.^.:�nts, and presents an analysis of the international situation, which
- dictates the necessity of further strengthening the unity of the nations of the
socialist community. This book is intended for a broad readership.
INTRODUCT I ON
International imperialism, led by the United States, nurturing aggressive
. plans against the USSR and the entire socialist community, is continuing
_ feverish war preparations. The military expendj.tures of the NATO countries
- are increasing year by year. Growth of the war ~nachine of the imperialist
powers is being accompanied by retrogression by militarist circles in tl~e
West, particularly the United States, to positions of "colu war" and "policy of
st~ength" [politiki sily]. The present U.S. administraticn, to please the
narrow, selfi~h interests of the L~osses of ~he military-industrial comple:{,
is intensively whipping up anti-Soviet, anticommunist,hysteria, which has
taken on a particularly furious character in connection with the events con-
cerning Poland and Afgha~istan.
Expanding the scale of militarist preparations and material preparations fer a
nuclear missfle war, the imperialists are endeavoring on the one hand to
strengthen their military blocs, particularly NATO, while on the other hand
they are endeavoring to weaken by any means the unity of the socialist
countries, including in the area of deFense.
~ssuming ever increasing significance in these conditi~ns is a consist~ert campaignby ttlE
nations of the socialist community to strergthen the unity and cohesiveness of
their ranks. "We are fighting," emphasized CPSU Central Committee General
Secretary Comrade L. I. Brezhnev in the Central Committee Accountability
Report to the 26th Cor.gress of the Comn~unist Pdrty of the Soviet Union, "for
the just cause of peace and security of peoples, for the interests of working
people. The truth of Marxist-Leninist teaching is on our side. Our strengttt
lies in unity and solidarity."1 Guided by this thesis, the ~PSU Central Com-
;~it~ee and Politburo dev~te unab~ting attention to strengthening friendship
a~d cooperation with the socialist countries and are doing enormous work in the
interests of developing and deepening our mutual relations with them. Like
work is being performed in.the other nations of tha socialist community,
The ideas of friendship and cooperation with the Soviet Union are stressed in
the constitutions of the brother nations. "This," stated L. I. Brezhnev,
"represents great trust in our country, and we respond in kind. The new USSR
Constitution proclaims friendship, cooperation and mutual assistance with the
socialist nations to be the cornerstone of Soviet foreign policy."2 Unity,
solidarity and comprehensive cooperation among the socialist countries,
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r~~K urr~~.~:~~ u~c, u~v~,v
- ~;roiind~d ~n ~he ~rinciplea of proletarian and socialist internation~lism, con-
sti~ute a powerful weapon in their joint struggle for peace and international
detente, and in organization of effective resistance to any and all aggressive
attacks by imperialism and its attempts to infringe upon the interests of
- socialism, to place an obstacle in the path of progressive changes in the
world, and to regain the role of rulers of th destiny of peoples.
_ For more than a quarter of a century now the Warsaw Pact Organization has
~ been reliably promoting successful implementation of collective efforts on the
part of the nations of the socialist community in def ending ~ile achievement~
of socialism. The 26th CPSU Congress highly praised its influential and
benEficial role in international affairs and the fruitful activities of its
agencies in strengthening peace and general security.
- Elaborating grandiose plans of economic and cultural construction and
- directing the constructive activities of peoples, the Communist and worker
parties of the socialist countries are keeping a close watch on development
of international events and are taking collective measures to ensure that
' ttieir military-political defensive alliance possesses everything required for
; reliable defense of the revolutionary achievements of socialism and wor13
_ peace.
FOOTNOTES
1. "Materialy XXVI s"yezda KPSS" [Proceedings of the 2oth CPSU Congress],
Moscow, ~.~81, page 10.
2. Ibid., page 6.
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Chapter One. VICTORIOUS ADVANCE OF SOCIALISM
- The Great O~:tober Socialist Revolution ushered in a new era in world history,
the principal content of which is the transition of mankind from capitalism
to socialism. Socialism, peace, and freedom, inscribed on the banner of the
Great October Revolution, have b ecome reality in countries which have em-
= barked on the road of building a new society. The emergence and development of
a world socialist system is the main resul t of the international con-
sequences of the October Revolution and a reliable guarantee of the further
- advance of mankind.
In present-day conditions leading trends in societal progress are determined
more than ever before by growth in the might of the world socialist community.
It constitutes a most important factor of social progress and the principal
revolutionary force of the present day, demonstrating by its economic, socio-
political and spiritual development the great vital strength and triumph of ~
the ideas of Marxism-Lenin.ism. "There is no country or group of countries,
no ideological or political current," noted L. I. Brezhnev at the 26th CESU
Congress, "which has not feLt the influence of socialism to~one degreP or
another."1 ~
The world of socialism appears before mankind as a dynamically developing
soci~l system, which has accomplished in a practical manner liberation of
_ working people from ~ppression and exploitation, which has secured their
sovereignty, flourishing of cultur~ and increased prosperity of the masses,
e q u ality and brotherhood of all peoples and nationalities. The indis-
sol~uble alliance of the nations oi the world socialist community an
- international alliance of a new type constitutes a reliable foundation for
successful development of these countries. Continuous and diversified tnter-
action among equal socialist nations has become a practical reality in
their relations and has firmly entered the consciousness of the brother
pe~ples, who see in this an embodim~nt of Lenin's prediction that socialism
"is creating new, higher forms of human intercourse, where tlle legitimate
needs and progressive aspirations of the working-people masses of /any [it.J/
nationality will be satisfied for the first time in an ii?Cernational unity...."2
Together with the flourishing of each socialist nation and strengthening Di the
sovereignty of the socialist states, their interrelationships become in-
creasingly closer, and there arise more and more elements of comm~nality in
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~ ~~urc clri�~c ~,?i. ~i~r: c~~v~.~~
their policies, economics, and social af'fairs, ~nd the level of their develop:~ent
,rraduslly equalizes. Enterin~ into and serving as a most important r~anifestation
of the ov~rall process of the comprehensive drawin~; together of the brothnr coun-
tries is social~st economic intPQration. In ~i;he formation of its fotindation:� and
in its further development cooperation within the fracnework of the Council for
Econo~r.ic htutual /Issistance (CEMt~) is of ~r~at significance.
The activ~ties of CEMA constitute a concrete embodiment of a new,
socialist type of international rel~tions. Today we point with
legitimate pride to the major projects of the joint labor of the brother
peoples of the nations of t~~e socialist community. They include the "Soyuz"
[Alliance] natural gas pipe~ine, which stretches almost 300C' kilometers, the
":fir" [PeaceJ power system, expanded with new power transmissi~on lings, the
Ust'-Ilimsk Pulp Mill, the Erdenet Mining and Concentration Combine in Mongolia,
nickel plants in Cuba, plus many other construction projects.
~s we know, /the decisive battle front of competition with capitalism is to be
- found in the damain of the economy and economic policy./ The successes of the
CEPSA member nations in the economic domain present a vivid contrast with
those processes which are taking place in the world capita~ist system, clearly
demon.~trating the advantages of genuine socialism. In spite of the fact that
recent years have not been the most favorable for the economies of a number of
socialist nations, the rate of economic growth in the CEMp, member nations in '
the last decade was twice that in tt-ie ~eveloped capitalist countries. While
occupying approximately 19 percent of the world's territory and containing
10 pzrcent of the world's population, the CEMA member nations today produce
approximately one�-third of world industrial output.
Discussing the compet~.tion between socialism and capitalism in the area of the
economy, we must remind the reader of a statement made by L. I. Brezhnev on
this subject in the book "Vozrozhdeniye" [Rebirtih]: "There is taking place in
the world a rivalry between two social systems. It began during Lenin's life, '
it is continuing today, and comparisons are unavcidable who has produced
how much steel, how much petroleum, how much electricity, grain, and cotton. '
We resort to these calculations, as do our ideological adversaries. Forced to
admit that in many respects the Soviet Union has caught up with the United
States, for example, and has far outstripped that country in a number of
major economic in~licators, our adversaries constantly emphasize those economic
indicators in which the largest capitalist power has not yet yielded
preeminence.
"At the same time they assiduously ignore and attempt to conceal from their
readers and listeners those nistorical conditions in which we and they were
existing. And yet in this, to quote their words, 'honest' competition one
side, protected by an ocean against enemy invasions, was profiCing from every
war, while the othel~ ~ide was the target of constant acts of provocation, was
bearing the ponderous burden of wars and devastation, and in many areas was
forced to begin practically from zero."3
_ /The results of the constructive activities of the Soviet people/ look partic-
ularly impressive in this light. In spite of the fact that out of the 64 ~
years during which our nation has been in existence, approximately two decades
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were devoted to wars which had been forced upon us and subsequent rebuilding
of the economy, our country's percentage share of world output, which
amounted to approximately 5 percent before the revolution and about 1 percent
in 1922, has risen to 20 percent. Nor has world output been marking time
during all these years.
The scale of our country's development during the years of the lOth Five-Year
Plan is impressive. During this period USSR national income increased by
400 billion rubles over the preceding five-year period. More than 1200 large
industrial enterprises came on-stream. Industrial output volume increased
by 717 billion rubles. Those branches which determine technological progress
were developing at an accelerated pace. Fuel production, generation of
electric power, and production of ferrous and nonferrous metals increased.
The advantages of socialism are particularly graphically evident in a com-
parison between the economic development of the Soviet Union and the largest
country in the capitalist world the United States. In the period 1970-
1979 national income in the USSR rose by 57 pPrcent, and only by 33 percent
in the United States; industrial output grew by 7? percent and 41 percent
- respectively. This foster~d a substantial reduction in the gap in level of
- economic development between the two countries. At the present time USSR na-
tional income compri,ses approximately two�-thirds of U.S. national income.
While the Soviet economy has been steadiiy growing, the United States, as well
as the other leading capitalist countries, have experienced crisis-proportion
production declines three times in the last 10 years. Thus the hopes of
_ bourgeois political leaders 3nd economists that the scientific and technologi-
cal revolution and state-monopoly control will save capitalism from profound
economic shocks were buried once and for all.
New pro~pects for building communism are spe~ified in the "Basic Directions of
Economic and Social Development of the USSR i~ 1981-].985 and the Period up r_o
- 1990," adopted at the 26th CPSU Congress. The significance of this document
goes beyond the framework of our country. This is determined not only by the
substantial pe?-cEntage share of the USSR in the world economy and politics.
The /plan of peaceful construction/ advanced by the party, a plan of building,
a plan of productive activity by the people of a great socialist country,
expresses the great significance of the revolutionary-transforming activities
of the CPSU: "Everything on behalf of man, for the benefit of man!" Not one
capitalist country has such plans. Herein lies one more convincing evidence of
~ the triumph of the ideas and practical realities of genuine socialism.
~ The grand program of economic, sociopolitical and spiritual development of ttie
USSR for the 1980's, specified at the 26th CPSU Cot~gress, is enCirely directed
toward a peaceful building process. In the llth Five-Year Plan our country's
national income is targeted to increase by 18 percent, industrial output by 26
percent, and average annual agricultural produ~tion by 13 percent. At the same
time an entire system of ineasures was specified for improving conditions on and
_ off the job, improving houaing conditions, providing foodstuffs and manufuctured goods,
- medical care and public educatior_, as well as environmental protection.
~ Public consumption funds will increase by 23 percent during the five-year
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FUR OF'F1t:lAl. U5E ONI.Y
period. As in the past, a substantial portion will be expended on social
securityy public education and health care, development of culture and the
arts, organization of rest and recreation for working people, and improvement
of public transportation services.
A special f.ood program is being drawn up for the purpose of further raising
the living standards of Soviet citizens, a program which aims at securing a
substantial increase in agricultural production and securing a closer link
between agriculture and those branches involved in storage and processing of
and trade in agricultural commodities. The party considers continuation of a
policy of all-out intensification of agricultural production and its further
technical retooling on the basis of new technology to be the main prerequisite
for boosting agricultural productivity.
There is a large volume of work to be accomplished in the for.*_hcoming rive-year
period in the area of capital construction. Work will be continued on im-
proving the distribu~ion of productive resources both in previously developed
_ and in new regions. Plans call for increasing their comprehensive development
and specialization and for measures to be taken to make economic interrela-
tions more efficient. Such territorial-production complexes as the Western
Siberian, Sayan, Angara-Yenisey, Timan-Pechora, Southern Yakut, Pavlodar-
Ekibastuz, Southern Tajik, and others will undergo further 3evelopment. There
_ will be extensive work in progress on the economic exploitation of a vast zone
adjacent to the Baykal-Amur Mainline.
Present and future achievements of the SoviPt Union as a component part of the
world community of socialist nations signify further stren~thEning of the posi-
tion of genuine socialism and /growth of the economic might of the entire
socialist community./ Party congresses held in the brother socialist
~-:o~sntries have shown that the CPSU and the other r.'ing Communist and worker
parties are following a course of policy aimed at trai-?sforming the 1980's into
- a period of intensive production and scientific-technical cooperation among the
socialist countries. Great significance in accomplishing this task is at-
tached to such important questions as bringing the structures of economic
mechanisms closer together, further development of direct links between
ministries, a~sociations and enterprises participating in co-production, es-
tablishment of joint firms, and other forms of uniting our efforts and
resources.
We must state that the effer_,: of such cooperation is expressed not only in
~ economic indicators. Coordination of plans and direct links between thousands
of enterprises and organizations actively promote formation of the soc~alist
way of life and foster indoctrination of the broad masses in a spirit of col-
lectivism and socialist internationalism. Outright financial grant assistance
to Vietnam, which in 1979 was the victim of barbaric aggression on the part of
_ China, and to Kampuchea, which had been reduced to ruin by Beijing's henchmen,
serves as a vivid examFle of manifestation by the peoples of the brother so-
- cialist nations of their characteristic spirit of collectivism and interna-
tional solidarity.
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Mutual relation~ among the member nations of the Council for Economic Mutual
Assistance are not limited to the domain of the economy. They are also
characterized by political and cultural ties whi~h are constantly growing
stronger, and by close cooperation in the area of foreign policy. Cooperation
amcng the brother socialist nations is embracing more and more new domains. A
graphic example of this is successful implementation of the Interkosmos Program.
As was emphasized at the 26th CPSU Congress, cosmonauts of the r_atiiors of th2
socialist couununity are working not only for science and the national economy.
They are also performing a political mission, ~iemonstrating the strength and
indissolubility of the friendly relations among the socialist countries.
An influential and beneficial role in European affairs, as well as in interna-
tional affairs as a whole, is played by the /military-political defensive al-
liance of the socialist nations the Warsaw Pact Organizatior~,/ which was
established more than a quarter of a century ago, and particularly its Politi-
cal Consultative Committee (PCC). The documents and recommendations adopted
by the PCC and the initiatives which it puts forward are constantly discussed
at the most important international forums. The Committee of Ministers of
Foreign Affairs and the Committee of Ministers of Defense are also working
fruitfully within the framework of the Warsaw Pact Organization. Peace
initiatives by the allied z~ations, acting in a united front in the interna-
tional arena, exert considerable influence on the foreign policy of the
capitalist countries. Constituting the nucleus of the system of collective
security of the socialist t:ations, the Warsaw Pact Organization has time and
- again exerted-a sobering effect on the imperialist warmongers.
Creation of a military-political defensive alliance of socialist natibns was
dictated by the necessity of resisting the aggressive aspirations of im-

i perialism. Its activities are grounded on the Leninist principles of peace-
ful coexistence of nations with differing social systems and the principles
of proletarian, socialist internationalism, equality before the law, respect of
the independence and sovereignty of nations, and noninterference in one
a~other's internal affairs. The main goal and historic mission of the Warsaw
~ Pact Organization is the struggle for peace and security of peoples. The
fraternal alliance of peoples of the nations of the socialist community has
been effectively performing this noble mission during the entire period of its
_ many ~ears of existence.
The 26th CPSU Congress highYy praised the role which the Warsaw Pact is
- playing in defense of the achievements of socialism, preserving and
strengthening international security. "...The military-political defensive
alliance of the socialist nations," states the CPSU Central Committee Ac-
countability Report, "is faithfully serving the cause Qf peace. It has every-
thing it needs in order reliably to defend the socialist achievements of
peoples. And we shall do everything to ensure that this continues in the
future as well!"4
The strength of the ties of friendship among the brother socialist nations is
determined to a consideLable degree by the fact that a/new type of inter-
governmental relations, unprecedented in history/ genuinely just, equal,
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and frate:nal has formed between them. These relations, which are steadily
de~eloping on principles of socxalist internationalism, became possible thanks
to a commonality of root goals and interests of the peoples of th~ nations of
the socia~list community, a societal system, ideology, political and economic
systems of the same type, and thanks to the unity and cohesion of the ruling
Communist and worker parties and a correct ratio of international and national
interests in their policy. "Relations betwecz nations have long been called
international," L. I. Brezhnev stated in this connection at the 26th CPSU
Congress. "But only in our time, in the world of socialism, have they genuine-
ly become.relations between peoples. Millions and millions of people par-
ticipate directly in them. This, comrades, is a fundamental achievement of
- socialism, a great service of socialism to mankind."5
A decisive and ever increasing role in forming the entire aggregate of inter-
relations among socialist nations is played by the /brother Marxist-Leninist
parties./ Their indissoluble alliance comprises a solid foundation, a living
soul, the community's guiding and organizing force.
Annual get-togethers between L. I. Brezhnev and the leaders of the Communist
and worker partie~ of the brother socialist naticns, which have become a fine
tradition, constitute an effective political instrument which promotes
strengthening ~~f the position of world socialism. Major questions gertaining
to bilateral cooperation, general problems of the socialist community, and
fundamental questions of international affairs and foreign policy of the so-
cialist countries are discussed in the course of these meetings, and new
decisions and initiatives are drawn up and coordinated.for joint action in the
international arena.
' Major tasks pertaining to the development of cooperation among the socialist
nations were discussed at meetings held in the Crimea in the summer of 1981.
Questions pertaining to intensification of the economies of the b rother na-
tions, specialization and co-production in various branches of production oc-
cup~ed the attention focus. The will of the socialist countries to do every-
thi-,g possible to resolve complex international problems on the basis of the
peace initiatives advanced at the 26th CPSU Congress was confirmed during these
ta.lks. Leaders of the brother parties and nations sta~ed a warning in con-
nection with the danger which could arise as a result of implementation of
U.S. and NATO plans to deploy new U.S. missiles in Furope, as a result oi
escalation of military budgets and the decision of the U.S. Government to
produce neutron weapons. The 1981 Crimean meetings confirmed the will of
the nations of the socialist community to strengthen their unity and not to
slacken efforts aimed at ensuring reliable defense of the achievements of so-
cialism and at strengthening peace and the security of peoples.
The practice of holding multilateral conferences of secretaries of the Central
Committees of the brother parties, at which the present world situation is
analyzed, ways to achieve further expansion of joint ideological activities
are detailed, and the tasks and goals of ideological cooperation are con-
cretized has also become an important form of international ties. Such forms
of relations as visits by delegations and working groups representing central
committees, local party agencies, establishments, educational institutions, and
- friendly armie.s are becoming more and more widely practiced.
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, ~
- Unswerving adherence to the principles of socialist internationalism and
- uniting of the efforts and resources of the bzother peoples enables Communist
and worker parties successfully to carry out plans of buildin~ socialism and
comrnunism and to look with confidence to the future. This is particularly
important in vie,a of the fact that in recent years the brother socialist
countries have been compelled to carry out constructive tasks in conditions
' which have become more co~plex. Endeavoring to impede the objective course of
history, to regain ti~~ir lost position and to achieve superiority over the
so~ialist nations, the imperialists are pursuing an extremely dangerous, ad-
venturistic policy in the international arena. Continuing further es calation
of the arms race, they are at the same time mobilizing all means of ideological
struggle in order to undermine the confidence of_ the masses in genuine s~-
cialism and to intoxica*_e their consciousness with the poison of anti-Sovietism
and anticommunism.
The imperialists and their accomplices are systematically carrying out hostile
- campaigns against the socialist countries, are slandering and distorting every-
thing which is taking place i:l these countries. Exerting ideological pressure
on the socialist world, they are counting on its internal "erosion." At the
same time international imperialism is attempting to drive a wedge into the
unity of the nations of the socialist community and to undermine the ideological
and sociopolitical cohesion of peoples which are proceeding along the path of
building communism. The Beijing leaders, who have become direct accomplices
of imperialism in the struggle against genuine sacialism, the world Communist
movement and other revolutionary and progressive forces of the present day, are
marching shoulder to shoulder with imperialism.
' The events of re.cent years once again cor~Firm that the well-known Lenin thesis
that "the more we are victorious, the more the capitalist exploiters learn to
unite and shift to more resolute attacks"6 has retained its validity right up
to the present day. A graphic example of this is the events in Poland. In-
ternational imperialism, directing the actions of domestic antisocialist
forces, undertook an attempt to undermine the foundations of the socialist
system in this country and to turn it into a focal point of tension in Europe.
Reactionary circles in the West, stepping up tha hostile campaign against the
socialist countries, seek to utilize the events in Poland in order to discredit
the ideals and principles of socialiam. They are counting on a deve?_opment
- of events in Poland which could lead to a change in the correlation of forces
in Europe and in the world as a whole, and to a weakening of the socialist
couununity. Polish Communists and all elements of the Polish people who are
faithful to the principles of socialism are working to overcome the crisis
situation. The meeting of top officials of the Warsaw Pact member r.ations
which was held in Moscow in December 1980 became an important political sup-
port for socialist Poland. This meeting demonstrated that Polish Communists,
the Polish worker class, and the working people of this country will always
be helped by their friends. The subsequent development of events has confirmed
this. In a situation where the U.S. Government, by means ~f econonic and
~ political blackmail, is attempting to force the Polish Government to give up
the measu-~P.s it had ~aken to norma~ize the situation, the Warsaw Pact couiitries
are giving Poland comprehensive assistance and support.
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The imperialists and their accomplices should have long since comprehended
the fruitlessness of their hopes of succeeding in turning back the course of
history ar,.d destroying the achievements of socialism. "The history of world
socialism," stressed L. I. Brezhnev in the Central Committee Accountability
Report to tht ~6th CPSU Congress, "has seen all kinds ~f trials, it has con-
tained bo~h complex ~nd crisis elements. But Communists have always boldly
- met the enemy's assault and have emer~ed victorious. This is the way things
have been and will continue to be. Let nobody doubt our common resolve ~o
- secure our own interests and to defend the socialist achi~vements of peoples!"~
Mankind sees the socialist community as the vanguard of social progress.
Guided by the principles of proletarian internationalism, the CPSU and the
other brother parties of the socialist nations are persistently an.r: cun-
sistently implementing a policy of /expanding cooperation with countri~~s c~Thich
have become liberated from colonial oppression/ and which have entered upon the
path of independent development.
TYie powerful upsurge in the national liberation struggle evoked by the great
October Revolution, which became even more intensified with the formation of
a worlu socialist system, has led to the elimination of colonial empires and
the formation of more than 100 young independent states. The processes which
are taking place in these countries affect the de~tiny of dozens of peoples
who together comprise more than SO percent of the world's population. Some of
the liberated countries decline the capitalist path of development and set as
t.heir goal the bLilding of a society which is free of exploitation and
orient themselves toward socialism. The number of these countries is grow-
ing, and the progressive reforms being carried out in these countries are
deepening.
Ot enormous importance for the fate of national liberation revolutions is
their link with genuine socialism. Liberated countries have true and
dependable friends in the person of the Soviet Union and the other nations of
the socialist community, friends who are ready and willing to give them help and
support in their development along a progressive path. A total of 1180 in-
dustrial enterprises, electric power stations, water engineering, agricultural
and other projects for the national economy hav~ been constructed or are being
constructed in the governmental sector of liberated countries with the as-
sistance of the USSR. These include metallurgical enterprises designed for an
annual production of 26 million tons of steel, ana electric power stations
with an aggregate generating capacity of more than 15 million kilowatts.
Projects to build 69 irrigation systems, to put into exploitation approximately
74U,000 hectares of new land, are being constructed with Soviet aid.
TYie Soviet Union has also greatly assisted in training indigenous cadres in
developing countries. Each year 70-80 thousand citizens of these countries
receive various forms of production, vocational-technical, secondary specialized
- and higher education and training within the framework of cooperation with our
country, which exerts considerable influence on qualitative renewal of the
sacial structure of previously backward countries.
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~
The socialist community is giving economic and technical assistance to a total
of 78 d�~veloping countries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America. As of 1 January
1979 2685 industrial and other facilities had come on-stream i~~ these countries
with the participation of CEMA nation~. Tens ~~f thousands of specialists from
- the USSR and other socialist nations are worki.ig at construction sites in the
countries of Asia and Africa, in industry and agriculture, at hospitals and
educational institutions in these countries.
T.ogether withthe other brother countries, our country�also helps strengthen the
defense capability of the liberated nations when they make such requests. We
know, for example, of what enormous significance has been the selfless inter-
national assistance by the USSR and Cuba to the peoples of Angola and Ethiopia
in .iefending their revolutionary achievements and in repulsing aggression
against these African nations organized by imperialist circles. The resolute
position taken by the Soviet Union helped prevent imperialist military interven-
tion in Iran.
Our country is rendering great assistance in defending the achievements of the
April revolution to the people of friendly Afghanistan, against which im-
perialism unleashed a most genuine undeclared war. This assistance, given at
the request of the Afghan Government, is fully in conformity with the treaty
of friendship, good-neighbor relations and cooperation between the USSR and the
DRA signed in 1978, and with the letter and spirit of the United Nations
- Charter, which recognizes the inalienable righL of individual and collective
defense to a nation subjected to any form of armed attack (Article Sl), that is,
the right to request and re.ceive assistance, including military, from other
countries. In rendering such assistance to Afghanistan, the Soviet Go~rernment
_ is guided by the definition of act of armed aggression ratified by the UN
General Assembly. As we know, according to this definition, aggression covers
not only a direct attack by the armed forces of one nation against another, but
also.the infiltration of armed bands, irregular forces or mercenaries which
perpetrate acts of employment of armed force against another country.
~ The consistent campaign being waged by the USSR and the other nations of the
_ socialist community to eliminate focal areas of international d~tente is of
great importance for retaining national independence by Ziberated countries and
their movement along the path of progress. The USSR and the other nations of
the socialist community seek to achieve a just political settlement of the
crisis in the Near East and resolutely support the struggle of the Arab peoples
to liquidate the consequences of Israeli aggression, against the anti-Arab Camp
David separate peace deal, and for implementation of the just demands of the
Arab people of Palestine. Young nations and fighters for national independence
in other regions of the world as well have a firm and consisterit defender of
their interests in th~: nations of the socialist community. This also applies
in full measure to Southern Africa, the peoples of which are struggling
against apartheid and for the liberation of Namibia, which is being illegally
held by Ehe racists of the Republic of South Africa; and to East Afzica, where
the question of the necessity of armed defense of the revolutionary achievements
- of the peoples of Ethiopia ~nd Mozambique is still on the agenda; and to
Southeast Asia, where plans for new aggression against Vietnam, Laos and
- Kampuchea are being nurtured to the noisy accompaniment of the anti-Vietnam and
anticoumiunist campaign being waged by the imperialists and by Beijing.
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~
The Soviet Union and the other socialist countries support the nonaligned
movement, which recently entered the third decade of its existence. Recently
we have witness2d stepped-up attempts on the part of the imperialists and
China to emasculate the antiimperialist thrust of this movement, to split its
ra~lks, to place them in opposition to the socialist community and other
progressive, peace-seeking forces. These attempts are receiving a proper
- rebuff, however. The non aligned movement is continuing to play an important
role in the struggle against imperialism ancl colonialism, against war and
aggression.
The great life-giving strength of Marxism-Leninism, which is constantly ab-
sorbing the diversified international political experience of the worker class
- and all working people, is with each passing year becoming increasingly more
determining in evolution of the world revolutionary process. /The achievements
of genuine socialism [real'nogo sotsializma] are exerting increasingly greater
influence on the course of the class struggle in the capitalist countries,/
forcing capitalism to make certain social concessions to the worker class.
The struggle of zhe worker class of the capitalist countries against the
omnipotence of the monopolies, for the rights of the working people, for
peace and security of peoples is steadily continuing to intensify under the
influence of these factors and the deepening general crisis of capitalism.
Actions by the working people have begun to be characterized by great scope
and diversity of forms.
The international worker class and its political vanguard Co~nmunist and
worker parties approached the 1980's with confident stride. They are
presently active in 94 countries. In the last 10 years approxi^~ately 800,000
new fighters have joined their ranks in Western Europe alone. The interna-
tional Communist movement, at the headwaters of which stood V. I. Lenin, has
for decades now been the most influential golitical force of our era, ad-
vancing forward the enl:ire development of mankind.
Expressing the interests and aspirations of the broadest segments of the
population, Communist and worker parties are moving in a united front to
champion preservation of the fruits of d~tente and advance of the cause of
disarmament, and are raising up the masses in the struggle to free mankind from
the threat of a nuclear missile catastrophe. This consistent campaign by the
Communists, as was stressed at the 26th CP~U Congress, serves as a great
unifying element and powerful factor in further cohesion and growth of the
. prestige of the world Communist movement."8
The successes of the world Communist movement, the attractive force of the
ideas of Marxism-Leninism, and growth in the prestige and influence of genuine
socialism are evoking fierce resistanc~ on the part of the class enemy. The
bourgeoisie and its ideologues, opportunists and revisionists of every ilk are
stepping up the struggle against the Communists. They are attempting to
falsify Marxism-Leninism, to emasculate its revolutionary essence, to find
"contradictions" [protivorechiya; also translates as conflicts] between the
theory of scientific socialism and the practical activities of the socialist
countrie~, and to discredit the socialisC way of life.
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In the capitalist countries reactionary circles are endeavoring to discredit
the policy of the Communist parties, to shift them into the channel of social-
reformism, and to isolate them from the people. Bourgeois propaganda, in its
endeavor to undermine the political prestige of the international Communist
- movement, is claiming the existence of disagreements in its ranks, which are
allegedly of an insuperable nature. Giving a rebuff to these fabrications, the
26th CPSU Congress stressed that differences in approaches to solving concrete
problems and debates between Communist parties are caused primarily by the
complexity and diversity of the tasks facing them.
"Our party," the CPSU Central Committee Accountability Report states in this
- regard, "proceeds fram the position that differences in opinion between Com-
munists are su:mountable, of course if they are not fundamental differences
between revolutionaries and reformists, between creative Marxism and dogmatic
sectarianism and le�tist adventurism. Here of course there can be no com-
promises today, just as during the time of Lenin. But when Communists are
fighting for a common revolutionary cause, we proceed from the position that
patient comradely discussion of differing views and positions optimally cor-
responds to their common goals."9
In the past as well, Communist parties had differing opinions on various
questions. Time and practical experience, however, have again and again con-
firmed the vitality of Lenin's statement that many disagreements "can and
definitely wi_11 disappear: this result will be produced by the l~~ic of joint
struggle against a truly formidable adversary, the i;~urgeoisie...,"10 The Com-
munists always have responded and continue to respond to the intrigues of im-
perialism and its accomplices with international unity of their ranks and by a
consistent struggle against bourgeois ideology, revisionism and dogmatism,
for the purity and innovative developmerct of Marxism-Leninism, for close co-
operation of all revolutionary forces and effective solidarity with genuine
socialism, against all manifestations of anti-Sovietism.
FOOTNOTES
1. "Materialy XXVI s"yezda KPSS" [Proceedings of the 26th CPSU Congress],
page 79.
2. V. I. Lenin, "Poln. Sobr. Soch." [Complete Works], Vol 26, page 40.
3. L. I. Brezhnev, "Leninskim kursom: rechi, privetstviya, stat'i,
vospominaniya" [Following a I.eninist Course: Speeches, Messages of Greeting,
Articles, ReminiscencesJ, Moscow, 1979, Vol 7, page 95.
4. "Materialy...," cp. cit., page 6.
5. Ibid.
6. Lenin, op. cit., Vol 40, page 244.
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_ 7. "Mate~ialy...," op. cit., page 10.
. 8. Ibid., page 18.
9. Ibid., pp 17-18.
10. Lenin, op. cit., Vol 39, page 255.
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Chapter ~o. INTERNATIONAL CHARACTER OF DEFENSE OF SOCIALIST ACHIEVEMENTS
~ K. Marx and F. EngeZs, the founders of scientific communism, proceeding from
- the experience of the class struggle in conditions of premonopoly capitalism,
reached important theoretical conclusions on tre /necessity of arming the
~ worker c'_ass and creating its military organization for defense of socialist
achievements against domestic and external enemies./ ,
As we know, these theses were stated by K. Marx and F. Engels at a time when
there had not yet occurred any victorious socialist revclutions and the task
of comprehensive elaboration of a teaching on defense of the socialist state
was not on the agenda. The new historical cot;ditions of the era of imperialism
and prolet-arian revolutions demanded further i:inovative development of the
Marxist military-theory legacy and elaboration of concrete questions pertain-
- ing to military organization of the victorious proletariat and armed defense
of its revolutionary achievements. And this task fell to the lot r~f our Co~-
_ mur~ist Party and its founder and leader, V. I. Lenin. It was resolved in an
organic link with development of the theory of socialist revolution. Leninist
teaching on dictatorship of the proletariat and on the conditions of its
achievement and consolidation constituted for the party a point of departure
for the formulation and comprehensi~~e elaboration of military questions.
V. I. Lenin, on the basis of a thorough analysis of the development of
capitalist countries at the stage of imperialism, reached the conclusion of
- t~e impossibility of the victory of socialism simultaneously in all countries
and substantiated the possibility of such a victory initially in a few or
even in one single capitalist country. This victory, he stressed, will
cause "not only friction but also a direct endeavor by the bourgeoisie of
- other countries to defeat the victorious proletariat of the socialist state.
In these cases war would be legitimate and just on our part. It would be a war
for socialism...."1
The theoretical conclusions reached by V. I. Lenin were fully confirmed by
the subse~uent course of historical development of mankind. With the victory
of the Great October Socialist Revolution, the defense of socialism became an
immediate practical task, a most i~portan~ eomponent part of the struggle of
the working people for socialism. As V. I. Lenin foresaw, the forces of
domestic and external counterrevoiution immediately proceeded to act in a
united front against the achievements of the working people. International
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imperialism was the organizer of the armed struggle against the young Soviet
Republic.~ The imperialists of Germany, Great Britain, France, the United
States, Japan, and other countries united in their endeavor to strangle the
world's first socialist revolution. They not only gave economic and political
support to the overthrown classES of capitalists and landowners and armed Che
~ domestic counterrevolution, but also threw against the young Soviet Republic
regular armies numbering in the thousands.
Thus life�once again confirmed the correctness of one of the most important
these,s of Marxism-Leninism, which states that the bourgeoisie will never agree
voluntarily to yiei:i power to the working people, that it will endeavor to
strangle the revolution at all costs. "The transition from capitalism to com-
munism," wrote V. I. Lenin, "is an entire historical era. Until it ends, the
exploite~rs will inevitably retain hopes of restoration, and this /hope [it.]/
will be transformed into /attempts [it.J/ at restoration. .~,nd following the
first serious defeat, the overthrown exploiters... will throw themselves into
battle, aith redoubled energy, with fury and hatred grown a hundred times over,
to gain the return of the 'paradise' which has been taken from them...."2
El~'.~orating the theoretical and practical problems of organizing defense of
the achievements of the revolution, V. I. Lenin comprehensively revealed the
specific features of wars in defense of socialism. Pointing to their class,
revolutionary, just and general national character, at thP same time he
substantiated the /integral unity of national and international tasks in the
matter of defending the achievements of socialism,/ dictated by a commonality
of class interests of the various national detachments of the proletariat and
the coalescence ot their goals in the struggle against capitalism.
V. I. Lenin considered unifica~ion of the efforts of the workers of all
countries, their fraternal solidarity and mutual assistance to be an essential
condition for gaining victory over the bourgeoisie. "Capital," he stated,
"is an international force. In order to defeat it, an international alliance
of workers, an international brotherhood of workers is needed."3 Historical
experience shows that as the front of the liberation struggle broadens, as
class battles in the capitalist countries intensify, and as additional
peoples escape from t~epower of capital, the bourgeoisie resists with increasing
tenacity and unifies its efforts more and more closely on an international
scale. This in turn demands a closer unity of peoples which have taken the
path of socialism and further consolidation of all international revolutionary
forces. "...Standing against the enormous front of imperialist powers,"
- V. I. Lenin stated in this connection, we who are fighting imperialism com-
- prise an alliance which requires close military unity, and we view all
attempts to disrupt this unity as an absolutely impermissible phenomenon, as
betrayal of the interests of the struggle against international imperialism."4
At the same time V. I. Lenin emphasized that for the working people of Russia
preservation and strengthening of the Soviet State is not only a national duty
but also constitutes fulfillment of one's international duty to the worker
class and the working people of other countries, optimal support of the world
revolutionary movement. Respondiilg to a demagogic attack by a grocip of
"leftist Communists," he wrote in May 1918: "It is /mandatory [it.]:~ to defend
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the /socialist [it.]/ homeland namely in the interests of 'strength~ning the
tie' w ith international socialism. He :~ho would have a frivolous attitude
toward defense of that country in which the proletariat has already won victory
destroys the tie with international socialism."5
/During the years of civil war and foreign military intervention, the worker
class placed the great force of proletarian solidarity in opposition to count.er-
revolution./ Its international solidarity constituted one of the most im-
portant sources of victory over the united forces of imperialism. A political,
economic and military alliance of Soviet republics a genuine embodiment of
Leninist principles of proletarian internationalism became unified and
strengthened in the flame of civil war. For the first time in history an
organized military force was in the hands of the worker class, a force ~ahich,
international in origin, became a mighty bulwark protecting the achievements of
socialism in the struggle against the imperialist aggressors, an obstacle in
the path of their bandit policy and predatory wars of plunder.
The Great October Revolution also constituted a school of internationalism for
mill.ior~s of working people in other countries. It evoked an unprecedented
- surge of internationalist solidarity on the part of the international proletariat.
The working people of England, Cermany, France, the United States and other
countries saw in the Land of Soviets a support of the world revolutionary move-
ment and a faithful ally in their struggle against the rule of capital. "Not
one soldier, not one cartridge against Soviet Russia!" "Peace with Russia!"
"Hands off Soviet Russia!" the workers oi many countries came to the defense
of the cause of the Great October Revolution under such slogans as these.
The f inest representatives of the working people of a number of countries in
Europe and Asia took active part in armed defense of the socialist achievements
of the Russian proletariat. At that time more than 250,000 internationalist
fighting men joined the Red Army Poles, Hungarians, Bulgarians, Serbs,
Croats, Czechs, Slovaks, Romanians, Germans, Mongols, Koreans, Chinese, and
repres entatives of other peoples. Dozens of international units operated at
, various.times on the civil war fronts. Defending together with the Soviet
people the achievements of the Great October Revolution, these internationalist
fighting men wrote unfading pages into the history of the fighting alliance of
the warking people of the various countries.
' Accepting with gratitude the fraternal assistance of the peoples of other
countries, the world's first socialist state and its army themselves carried
out witli honor their internationalist duty. During the first years of
existence of the Soviet Republic, when it was fighting off ftirious attacks
by the united forces of ;.mperialism and domestic counterrevolution, our people
and their Red Army were doing everything possible to support the revolutionary
strugglE of the worker class of Finland, Germany, Austria, and Hungary.
From the very first days of establishment of a dictatorship of the proletariat
in Hungary in 1919, the Red Army High Command prepared, on V. I. Lenin's
instructions, a plan for establishing a common front of Soviet Russia and
Soviet Hungary. The difficult aituation on the civil war fronts made it
necessary temporarily to postpone implementation of this plan. The forming
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of international units to assist the proletariat of Hungary did not, however,
cease eve~ in this adverse situation. A large group of Russian soldiers who
~ were in Hungary as prisoners of war fought valiantly in the ranks of the
Hungarian:Red Army. In acidition, the Hungarian Soviet Republic was given
effective diplomatic support.
Assistance from the land of Sovipts was of decisive significance for the fate
of the br~ther Mongolian people. When the Provisional Government of Mongolia
turned to~Soviet Russia in June 1921 with a request for help in the stru~gle
against the bands of Baron Ungern and domestic counterrevolution, our country
sent into Mongolia a 10,000-man expeditionary corps. The vital strength of
proletarian solidarity was also brilliantly manifested in joint actions by
Soviet and Mongolian forces to rout the Japanes~ aggressors who in the
summer of 1939 i.nvaded the territory of the MPR in the Khalkhin-Gol area.
The Soviet State gave the Chine~e people considerable political and moral
support and military-economic assistance in their struggle for national in-
dependence and freedom.
Assistance by the Soviet Union to the Spanish Republic in 1936-1939 constituted
a bright page in the history of international proletarian solidarity, when with
the connivance of the governments of Great Britain, Fr3nce and the UnitQd
States, Spain was invaded by the fascist hordes of Germany and Italy. More
than 3000 Soviet volunteers fought in the international brigades of the
Republican Army.
Proletarian internacionalism, tempered in the flame of the Great October
_ Socialist Revolution and civil war, and in subsequent class battles of the in-
ternational proletariat, became a powerful factor in the strengthening and
development of socialism and the international revolutionary movement, and a
genuine support of ttie working people of the entire world in the struggle
against international reaction.
/The Soviet people displayed unshaking loyalty to their internationalist duty
during the years of the Great Patriotic War./ The Soviet Armed Forces, under
the guidance of the Communist Party, inf licted a crushing defeat on Hitlerite
Germany and its satellites, successfully defen:iing the freedom and in-
dependence of the socialist homeland, and carriEd out a great liberation
mission in respect to the countries of Europe and Asia which had been en-
s?aved by German fascism and Japanese militarism.
The Soviet Union was the main force which blocked ttie path of German fascism
in carrying out its monstrous schemes. It bore on its shoulders the brunt of
the war and played a decisive role in the defeat of Hitlerite Germany and sub-
sequently of militarist Japan as well. Falsifiers of history are continuing
in their attempts to remove this unparalleled feat from the memory of
- peoples. Facts are stubborn things, however. And they testify that the
Soviet-German front was the main front in World War II. Suffice it to say
that up to mid-1944 from 190 to 270 enemy divisions were fighting simultaneous-
ly on the Soviet-German front, while from 9 to 20 divisions were operating
against British and American troopa in North Africa, and from 7 to 26 divisions
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in Italy. Even following the landing of Anglo-Ameri.can troops in Northern
France, the bulk of fascist Germany's army continued to fight against the
_ Soviet Armed Forces. Of the 13,600,000 men lost by the fascist Wehrmacht as
killed, wounded or captured during World War II, fascist losses on the
Soviet-German front totaled 10 million men. The Hitlerites lost three fourths
of their aircraft and the bulk of their tanks and artillery on this same front.
In the course of combat operations our army liberated from German-fascist and
Japanese occupation th~ territories of a number of countries in Europe and
= Asia with a population of approximately 200 million. A total of seven million
Soviet officers and men, more than 1 million of whom were killed, took part in
the liberation of the European countries. Total Soviet Armed Forces losses in
- carrying out the liberation mission in the countries of Europe and Asia ex-
- ceeded three million killed, wounded and missing in action. The Armed Forces
of the USSR, carrying out their internationalist duty to the fullest, gained
the profound gratitude of the peoples of the liberated countries.
The heroic example of the Soviet people and their army in the struggle against
Hitlerite Germany fostered an upsurge in the antifascist movement in t.#~e
enslaved countries of Europe. More than 2 mill;~on patriots took part in the
resistance movement just in Bulgaria, Greece, Italy, Poland, France,
Czechoslovakia, and Yugoslavia. German antif as~cist fighting groups led by
the German Gommunist Party were waging a struggle agafnst the Hitlerite
_ regime in difficult conditions.
Patriotic forces in a number of European countries established their own
liberation armies during the years of World War II, armies which took part,
together with the Soviet Armed Forces, in the concluding battles against the
German-fascist invaders. The Soviet Union rendered great assistance in build-
ing these armies, furnishing combat equipment, weapons znd other essential
- gear for forming units and combined units. The first units and combined units
of Poland, Czechoslovakia and Romania were eatablished on the territory of the
USSR. ~
The Czechoslovak People's Army dates from the formation of a Czechoslovak in-
fantry battalion in the city of Buzuluk in December 1941. This battalion
received its baptism of fire in March 1943 near the village of Sokolovo in the'
vicinity of Khar'kov. USSR decorations and medals were awarded to 87 men in
this battalion for courage and heroism displayed in this action. Company com-
mander Jr Lt Otakar Jaros was the first soldier in a foreign unit to be
posthumously awarded the title of Hero of the Soviet Union, while ba*r.alion
cammander Ludvik Svoboda was awarded the Order of Lenin. The Czechoslovalc 1st
Brigade was formed on the basis of this battalion and sent to the front at the
beginning of October 1943. Fighting as an element'of the�First Ukrainian
Front, it took part ii!. the battles for liberation of Kiev, capital of the
Ukraine. That same ye~tr formation of a tank battalion~ an air-force fighter
squadron and an airbornE~. brigade commenced.
As Soviet forces were approaching the border of Czechoslovakia, the Soviet
Government, at the request of the foreign bureau of the Czechoslovak Communist
Party and the Czechoslovak command authorities, ordered immediate formation of
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_ the Czechoslovak lst Army Corps. In the summer of 1944 the corps was ready to
enter combat and was placed operationally under the commanding general of the
First Ukrainian Front. It gained a wealth of combat experience in the course of
intensive battles in the Eastern Carpathians in September-Octob~r 1944. On
6 October, as a result of an assault on the Dukla P ass, successfully completed
jointly with Soviet troops, the men of the Czechoslovak corps set foot on
native soil. The slogan "With ~he Soviet Union Forever!", born on the Dukla,
became a lodestar for all Czechs and Slovaks who were f ighting for freedom and
independence. Czechoslovak soldiers fought for more than 7 months as an
element of ths Fourth Ukrainian Front to liberate their homeland.
Thanks to comprehensive assistance and support by the Soviet people, forming of
the Polish Army began on the territory of our country. The Polish lst In-
fantr;~ Division, named after Polish national hero Tadeusz Kosciuszko, became
its first combined unit. On 12 October 1943 this division, as an element of the
the 33d Army of the Western Front, entered battle with the German-fascist in-
vaders near the small Belorussian locality of Lenino. The Sov~et Government
awarded decorations and medals to 239 officers and men of the Polish division
for courage and valor displayed in this battle.
The army of People's Poland grew and matured together with Red Army victories.
- Formation of the Polish lst Corps b~gan in August 1943; soon the Polish lst
Army was formed on the basis of this corps, successfully operating as an
element of the First Belorussian Front in the Lublin sector. The Polish 2d
Army was subsequently formed on liberated Polish soil. Both armies became
elements of the Polish Army, which was more than 400,000 men strong by war's
end. Joint.combat actions by Soviet and Polish troops in the course of the
Lublin-Brest, Vistula-Oder, East Pomeranian, Berlin and Prague offensive opera-
tions constituted important landmarks along the road of development and
strengthening of our fighting alliance.
- The fighting comradeship of the Soviet and Romanian peoples developed in the
difficult wartime conditions. Defeats sustained by the German-fascist
forces on the Soviet-German front and effective propaganda work fostered ac-
tivation of an antifascist and patriotic movement among Romanian Army per-
sonnel captured by Soviet troops. In September. 1943 a conference of representa-
tives of Romanian prisoners of war appe~led to the Soviet Government for per-
mission to form volunteer units on Soviet soil t~o take part in the struggle
against fascism. With our country's support, by spring of 1944 Romanian anti-
fascists had formed the Tudor Vladimirescu 1st V~olunteer Infantry Division. As
an element of the Second Ukrainian Front, it took part in combat against the
Hitlerites in the Iasi-Kishinev Operation.
Exploiting favorable conditions created by the advance of Soviet ;.roops,
patriotic forces in Romania, led by the Communists, overthrew the military-
- fascist regime in Romania in Augusr 1944 and turned their weapons against
Hitlerite Germany. Operating as a component of the Second Ukrainian Front,
Romanian troops fought for liberation of thei;r native land against the
Hitlerite occupati~n forces, and subsequently fought successfully, together
with the troops of the Red Army, for liberation of the brother peoples of
Hungary and Czechoslovakia.
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At the beginning of February 1945 the Budai Volunteer Regiment was formed of
Hungarian military personnel who had come over to the side of the Soviet
forces. Following lib~~ration of the Hungarian capital, the regiment was with-
drawn to the city of Jaszbereny, where the lst Infantry Division of the new
Hungarian Army was formed. In January-May 1945 the Soviet Union gave Hungarian
patriotic forces fraternal ass istance in forming two infantry divisions and tWd
railway brigades.

' A total of 19 infantry, 5 artillery and 5 air divisions, 6 infantry and air-
borne, 8 tank and motorized rifle, 12 artillery and mortar, and 5 combat en-
gineer brigades, as well as a large number of other units and subunits of
friendly armies were armed and trained during the war years with the assistance
of the Soviet Union. By war's end the total numerical strength of these units
- amounted to 550,000 men. The Soviet command authorities allocated to them,
just from the resources of the central supply agencies, 16,500 guns and mortars,
more than 1,100 tanks and self-propelled guns, more than 2,300 aircraft, plus
large quantities of other weapons and combat equipment.
_ The friendly armies, which had grown in numbers and had become strengthened in
combat, took active part in the final battles in the European theater of mili-
tary operations. Troops of Yugoslavia and Bulgaria, for example, fought
shoulder to shoulder with Soviet troops in the Belgrade Operation. Two Romanian
armies and one Bulgarian army gave considerable support to the troops of the
Second and Third Ukrainian fronts in liberating Hungary. Combined units of the
People's Liberation Army of Yugoslavia and the Bulgarian lst Army took part in
the Vienna offensive operation conducted by Soviet forces. ~wo Romanian armies
and one Polish army, a Czechoslovak army corps and a Hungarian railway brigade
fought together with the troops of three Ukrainian fronts in the Prague Opera-
tion. The Mongolian People's Republic proved to be a reliable friend and ally
of our country in the difficult years of the Great Patriotic War. The fraternal
Mongolian people, true to the principles of proletarian internationalism,
provided the Red Army with a large quantity of horses, food supplies, and warm
~ clothing. The Revolutionary Mongolia tank column and the Mongolian Herdsman
air squadron were formed with financing by the working people of that country.
In August 1945 the 80,000-man Mongolian People's Army took active part, together
with Soviet troops, in defeating the Japanese militarists in Manchuria.
Thus the brotherhood in arms which was born in the first years of existence
of Soviet rule experienced further development during the years of World [dar II.
The fighting alliance of brother peoples and armies which formed in the course
of the war successfully withstood the test of strength in the final battlE~s
, against the hordes of Hitlerite Germany and militarist Japan.
World War II ended with total defeat of the aggressors, with a result unforeseen
by the imperialists: a large number of countries in Europe and Asia fell away
from the capitalist system. Socialism advanced beyond the f ramework of a
single country and became transformed into a world system, which was the
second n~ost important event after the Great October Revolution. "In a
protracted and the most difficult war in the history of our homeland," reads the
_ CPSU Central Committee decree entitled "On the 60th Anniversary of the Great
_ October Socialist Revol.ution;' 'the Soviet people accomplished a feat
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rvtc vrr~~iAL wr. UIVLY
unparalloled ir~ the history of mankind. They succeeded not only in defet:ding
their freedom and independence but also made a decisive contribution to the
cause of saving European and world civilization from destruction by the
f ascist barbarians . "6
_ The Great Patriotic War reaffirmed the vital strength of the Leninist teaching
on defense of the socialist homeland and the correctness of the Leninist
description of wars waged by working people for the sake of saving socialism
and their revolutionary achievements. V. I. Lenin's statement that "that
people in which the majo~ity of workers and peasants have recognized, felt
and seen that they are defending their own, Soviet rule rule by the working
people, that they are defending that cause the victory of which will
guarantee to them and their children the opportunity to utilize all the
benefits of culture and all things created by human labor will never be
defeated"~ has proven to be prophetic.
With formation of the world socialist system, /the Leninist theses on'the in-
- ternational character of defense of socialist achievements experienced further
development in the decisions of the Communist and worker parties of the
socialist countries./ This was dictated by the necessity of ensuring favorable
external conditions for successful accomplishment of the tasks of building
- socialism and communism in a situation of intensifying aggressive intrigues
by imperialism, consolidation of the forces of international reaction, and its
- unceasing attempts to split the unity of the socialist nations in order to
destroy them one by one.
Unswervingly following the pr.inciples of proletarian internationalism, the CPSU
and the other ruling Marxist-leninist parties, immediately following the con-
_ clusion of World War II, took =ssential measures to establish close economic,
political and military cooper~~ion among their countries. The USSR gave ef-
_ fective economic assistance to the young nations which had embarked upon a so-
cialist road of development, assistance which helped them overcome the severe
consequences of the war and to proceed with organization of societal production.
Subsequently multilateral cooperation within the framework of the Council for
Economic Mutual Assistance enabled the countties of the socialist community to
accomplish through joint efforts many important economic and scientific-techni-
cal tasks, which also had a positive effect on strengthening their defense
capability.
In the first postwar years military-political cooperation on the basis of
/bilateral ~treaties/ of friendship and mutual assistance constituted the prin-
cipal form of unification of efforts of the socialist countries to defend
those countries. The first such trea~ies were treaties signed by the USSR
during World War II: with Czechoslovakia on 12 December 1923, with Yugoslavia
on 11 April 1945, and with Poland on 21 April 1945. After World War II came
to an end, the Soviet Union entered into similar treaties with the Mongolian
People's Republic, the Socialist Republic of Romania, the Hungarian People's
Republic, the People's Republic of Bulgaria, the People's Republic of China,
the Democratic People's ~epublic of Korea, and the German Democratic Republic.
The majority of socialist countries also enr.ered into similar treaties with
one another.
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_ During this period the process of establishing national armies was being con-
cluded in all the young socialist nations, armies which in their class es-
sence became armies of a new, socialist type. Thanks to the solicitude of the
Communist and work~r parties, they were provided with weapons and combat
equipment which were up-to-date for those times, and there occurred improvement
in their combat proficiency and ideological-political indoctrination of per-
- sonnel.
Immediately following World War II the imperialist;~, extremely dissatisfied
with its results, commenced active preparations for another world war, hoping
that they would be able to "replay" the lost battles of the 20th century and
destroy socialism. At the same time they sharply ac.*.ivated the policy of "col~d
war," the main content uf which was undisguised blackmail, threats, acts of
provocation, and outright aggressive actions directed against the socialist
countries. U.S. imperialism, which at that time possessed a monopoly on the
atomic bomb, moved to the head of the forces which were threatening mankind
wi~th a new world mil.itary conflagration.
In 1949 the imperialist powers hammered together the aggressive North Atlantic
bloc (NATO), and by the middle of the 1.950`s they had established like military-
political blocs in Southeast Asia (SEATO) and in the Near East (CENTO). Push-
ing of military preparations by the aggressive blocs was accompanied by a
frenzied arms race and by the establishment of an extensive network of U.S.
military bases along the borders of the USSR and the entire socialist community.
The NATO bloc, which was directed against the Soviet Union and the other so-
cialist nations, virtually split Europe into two opposing military camps.
Simultaneously with establ~.shment of the NATO bloc, proclaimed by its organizers
as a"defensive organization," with the aim of deceiving Western European
public opinion, a plan was drawn up deep within the Pentagon, on the instruc-
tions of President Truman, for preparing for and waging an atomic war against
the USSR and its allies under the code name "Dropshot." Just as today, U.S.
- ruling circles were counting on the flame of nuclear war raging in the
_ countries of Europe but not touching U.S. soil.
The war was tentatively planned to commence in 1957. A total of 300 atomic
bombs were to be dropped during the first 30 days of the war, which in the
opinion of the plan's authors were to crush the Soviet Union's will to
resist and to farce it to surrender. If masaive nuclear strikes did not lead
to swift surrender, the bombings were to continue, with simultaneous com-
mencement of coordinated strategic offensive operations from various directions,
with the aim of crushing the Sovietforces in Central Europe.
One's attention is drawn by the clearly marked class character and palitical
aims of the war schemes directed against the USSR. The plan of Operation
- "Dropshot" emphasized, for example, that "the very nature of the socialist
system presents the most serious threat to U.S. national security." T}aerefore
the main political objective of war againat the Soviet Union consisted primari-
ly in destroying the Soviet sociopolitical system, as well as stripping the
Soviet Union of its unified nationhood, in order to ensure that in the future
_ nothing could prevent establishment of U.S. world hegemony. In order to
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achieve tf~is go31, the territory of the Soviet Union was to be split up into
separate occupation zones Western, Ukrainian-Caucasus, Western Siberian,
- Ural-Turkestan, and East Siberian-Far Eastern. Occupation troops stationed in
key indusxrial and administrative centers would maintain control of the ter-
ritory of'the USSR and its allies and observe compliance with the terms of
surrendero
At approximately the same time the British chiefs of staff committee was draw-
ing up on a priority schedule plans for nuclear bombardmsent and employment
of bacteriological weapons against the Soviet Union. According to their cal.-
culations, they would be delivered on 58 Soviet cities with a population of more
more than 100,000 persons each. Moscow, Leningrad, Arkhangel'sk, Baku, and
other industrial centers were selected as priority targets.
The end of the U.S. nuclear monopoly forced U.S. ruling circles to scrap
Operation Dropshot. But this did not mean that the imperialist powers had
given up their intentions of destroying the socialist world with the aid of
armed force. Stubbornly adhering to an aggressive course of policy, they con-
tinued, contrary to the will of peoples, their policy "from a position of
strength," which contained the threat of another world war. In December 1954
_ a meeting of the NATO Council adopted a decision to equip the armies of this
bloc with nuclear weapons, while somewhat later the Paris Agreements,
signed by the NATO member countries, were ratified and went into effect on
5 May 1955, opening the door to NATO to the FRG. Having become a member of
NATO, West Germany, which at that time was governed by the revanchist right
wing of the monopoly bourgeoisie, became actively involved in the arms race
and soon became a most important component of the system of aggressive blocs
established by the imperialist powers. A focal point for another world war
was rip ening in the center of Europe.
This development of the international situation confirmed the correctness and
farsightedness of V. I. Lenin, who stated that peoples taking the socialist .
path of development "definitely need a close military and economic allia$ce,
for otherwise the capitalists... will crush and strangle us one by one."
Under the prevailing conditions the brother parties of the socialist countries
were faced with the objective necessity of elaborating a unified program of
actions for the purpose of ensuring reliable defense of revolutionary
achievements and strengthening the world socialist system. It was e:.sential
to place in opposition to the united forces of international imperialism the
unified might of the peace-seeking socialist nations and to establish a
reliab le system o� their collective defense and security. Toward this end a
conference was convened in May 1955 in Warsaw, capital of the Polish People's
Republic, at which the heads of the governments of Albania,9 Bulgaria, Hungary,
the GDR, Poland, Ramania, the USSR and Czechoslovakia signed on 14 May 1955
a treaty of friendship, cooperation and mutual assistance, which has gone down
in history as the /Warsaw Pact./
Creation of the Warsaw Pact Organization was of enormous international sig-
nificance. It vividly embodied the Leninist ideas of proletarian interna-
tionalism and the necessity of unity and so?idarity of the socialist countries
in def ense of their revolutionary achievements and in the struggle against
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aggressive imperialist forces. Constituting a genuinely defensive alliance,
_ the Warsaw Pact Organization has no other aims than the defense of socialism,
securement of a firm peace for the benefit of all peoples, and creation of
- favorable external conditions for accomplishing the tasks of building socialism
and coumnunism.
The aims of the Warsaw Pact are formulated in its preamble. It states that the
Contracting Parties hav~ decided to enter into this Treaty "in order to ensure
their security and in the interests of maintaining peace in Europe."10 Con-
firming their aspixation for strengthening international peace and security,
_ the parties to the Treaty pledged "to refrain in their international relations
from the threat of force or the use of force and to resolve their international
disputes by peaceful means."11 They declared~ their willingness "to participate
in a spirit of sincere cooperation in all internat~onal actions ai~ed at en-
suring international peace and security,"12 and "to seek the adoption, in
agreement with other nations which desire to cooperate in this matter, ef- ,
fective measures toward a general arms reduction and banning of atomic, hydrogen
and other mass destruction weapons."13
Guided by the interests of peace and security, the Warsaw Pact member nations
pledged to c.onsult with one another on all important international questions
affecting their common interests, as well as to hold urgent cor.sultations '
whenever in the opinion of any member nation there arose the threat of military
attack on one or several Warsaw Pact member~. If it proved impossible ro
eliminate such a threat, Article 4 of the treaty would come into effect. Ac-
cording to this article, in case of an armed attack in Europe against one or
several Warsaw Pact member nations, each member nation, individually and by
agreement with other members, is obligated to give the attacked country or
countries immediate assistance by all means which seem necessary to that
country, including the employment of military force.
- In order to achieve advance preparation for effective joint defense, the
parties to the treaty agreed to establish a Joint Command with military
- forces assigned to it, a command operating on the basis of jointly specified
principles. At the same time they pledged to take other coordinated measures
requisite for strengthening their defense capability; not to participate in
any coalitions or alliances and not to enter into any agreements the aims of
which are contrary to the privisions of the Treaty, and to act in a spirit of
- friendship and cooperation with the aim of further development and strengthen-
ing of economic and cultural ties.
_ An important feature in the Warsaw Pact is the content of Article 9, which
states that this Treaty "is open to accession by other countries, regardless
of their socie*a~ ~r governmental system, which express their willingness, by
means of participation in this treaty, to p~omote unification uL the efforts
- of peace-seeking nations with the objective of ensuring peace and the security
- of peoples."14
_ Thus the content of the Warsaw Pact is entirely permeated by the ideas of
peace. There has been no other military-political alliance in history with
such noble aims and tasks. Herein lies its root difference from the al-
liances and blocs linking the nations of the capitalist world. Regardless of
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the form of imperialist alliances, they always aim at preparation for and
initiation of aggressive wars and impeding of social progress. Suffice it to
mention the activities of the NATO bloc, the participation or support of which
has been involved in every more or less major act of aggression perpetrated
since 1949. ,
In the period since establishment of the Warsaw Pact Organization, /Marxist-
Leninist teaching on defense of the achievements of socialism has been en-
riched with new theses and conclusions,/ advanced and formally stated in
documents of congresses of Marxist-Leninist parties of the socialist countries
and international conferences of Communist and worker parties in 1957, 1960,
and 1969. An important place in this tea~hing is occupied by theses and con-
clusions which describe imperialism as the source of contemporary wars, which
reveal the aggressive thrust of its bloc policy, and which substantiate the
objective necessity of collective defense of socialism and define its prin-
cipal forms and means.
conclusion on the possibility of averting another world war and the neces-
sity of uniting peace-seeking forces to defend socialism and peace throughout
the world, for example, received support at the 1957 Conference of Representa-
tives of Communist and Worker Parties of the Socialist Countries, and the
thesis on the necessity of defending socialist achievements against domestic
and external enemies as a most important mechanism of �the socialist revolution
and the building of socialism was formally stated.
It was pointed out at the 1969 International Conference of Communist and
Worker Parties that "as in the past, the spearhead of the aggressive strategy
of imperialism is directed primarily against the socialist nations. Imperial-
ism refuses to renounce direct armed struggle against socialism. It is con-
tinuously escalating the arms race, is attempting to activate military blocs
created for purposes of aggression against the Soviet Union and the other
socialist nations, is intensifying the ideological strugg~le against them, and
- is attempting to impede their economic development. 15 The conference
stressed that the defense of socialism is the international duty of Communists
and that as long as the aggressive NATO bloc continues to exist, an important
role is played by the Warsaw Pact Organization in preserving and defending
peace and the world socialist system, and in guaranteeing the security of the
socialist countries against military attack by the imperialist powers.l6
_ The entire course of events since 1955 and incessant attempts by international
- imperialism to split and destroy piecemeal the world socialist system have
confirmed that the national independence and the very existence of each so-
cialist nation can be reliably guaranteed only through the joint efforts of
the entire socialist community. No one country, be it ?arge or small, can ig-
nore the necessity of cooperation with the other socialist nations in the
realm of defense and cannot ignore the need for military unity. Military
isolation from the other nations of t.he socialist community, just as economic
= or political isolation, merely plays into the hands of the enemies of so-
- cialism, since this makes it easier for them to carry out their sinister
schemes.
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Viewing the international character of the defense of socialist achievements as
one of the general laws and patterns of tha socialist revolution, the building
of socialisn and communism, ~Iarxist-Leninist science at the same time reveals
the specific features of manifestation of this mechanism in different concrete
hiatdrical situations.
An important feature of the defense of socialism in the present-day situation ~s
- the fact that it is organized in conditions of a correlation of forces in the
world arena which has shifted in favor of socialiam, as well as further aggrava-
tion of the general crisis of capitalism and increased aggressiveness on the
part of imperialism. The established military-strategic balance between the na-
tions of the socialist community and the imperialist bloc prevents interna-
tional imperialism from determining the fate of countries and peoples as it sees
fit, subordinating them to schemes of reestablishing its world domination, and
- restricts its capabilities to crush the struggle of the masses for national in-
dependence, liberation from capitalist exploitation, and against the omni~-
otence of the monopolies. Aence the endeavor on the part of imperialist na-
tions to disrupt the military-strategic balance by means of an unchecked arms
race and to achieve superiority. Hence their brazen adventurism and willingness
. to gamble away the vital interests of mankind for the sake of their narrow
selfish aims, which today characterize the policy of the most aggressivF; im-
~ perialist circles.
Only the un~fied might of the nations of the socialist community can stand up to
_ and restrain these misanthropic aspirations of international imperialism. This
is why representatives of the Warsaw Pact member nations were forced to declare at
the 15 May 1980 ffieeting of the Political Consultative Committee: "...ae long as
the NATO bloc exists, and as long as it continues building up its military
potential in the enaeavor to gain mil~tary superiority, the members of the
Warsaw Pact will undertake all necessary measures to ma3.ntain their defense
capability at the requisite level. They will always display concern for the
reliable security of their peoples."l~
Another specific feature of the present international situation, which exerts
considerable influence on organization of the defense of socialist achievements,
is the fact that the Chinese leaders have become a direct accomplice and ally
of imperialism. They have established close ties with the most aggressive
forces of the North Atlantic bloc and have drawn China onto a path of hostile
policy toward the USSR and the other nations of the socialist community. This
was graphically demonstrated by the barbaric attack by the Chinese militarists
on socialist Vietnam in 1979 and is being confirmed today by continuing acts
of provocation on the Vietnam and Laos borders and by all-out assistance to
the bands of Pol Pot supporters and Afghan basmachi. "Unfortunately, there have
been no changes for the better in Beijing's foreign policy," stated the Central
Committee Accountability Report to the 26th CPSU Congress in this connection.
"It continues to be aimed at aggravation of the international situation
and is aligned with the policy of imperialism."18
It follows from this that militarist China presents a serious danger to peace-
loving peoples. These are the realitiea. And this also demands further unity
of the socialist countries and increases the responsibility of each nation for
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effectiveness of ineasures being taken to strengthen national security and the
security of the entire socialist community.
A scientifically substantiated, consistent, and coordinated policy on the part
of Communist and worker parties and their unswerving loyalty to the principle
of proletarian, socialist internationalism assume particularly great importance
in this complex international situation. Therefore the present stage in orga-
nization of the defense of socialist achievements is characterized by further
growth in the leadership role of Marxist-Lenini.st parties in military organiza-
tional development.
Guided by the Leninist thesis of dialectical unity of the economic, scientific-
- techn=cal, moral-political potentials and military potential proper as the
principal components of the defense might of the state, the Communist and
worker parties of the socialist countries are doing everything necessary to en-
sure that the armed forces of the Warsaw P~ct member nations are at a level in
conformity with the demands of today's war. And, as is demonstrated by
exercises held each year, definite success has been achieved in this. All
allied armies and the Joint Forces are presently armed with modern combat equip-
ment and weapons and comprise a powerful fighting organism bound together by the
ideas of Marxism-Leninism and by the noble, lofty goal of selfless service to
the cause of defense of peace and socialism.
k'OOTNOTES ~
1. V. I. Lenin, "Poln. Sobr. Soch." [Complete Works], Vol 30, page 133.
_ 2. Ibid., Vol 37, page 264.
3. Itiid., Vol 40, page 43.
4. Ibid., pp 98-99.
S. Ibid., Vol 36, page 292.
6. "0 60-y godovshchine Velikoy Oktyabr'skoy Sotsialisticheskoy Revolyutsii:
postanovleniye TsK KPSS ot 31 yanvarya 1977 goda" [On the 60th Anniversary
of the Great October Socialist Revolution: CPSU Central Committee Decree
of 31 January 1977], Moscow, 1977, page 6.
7. Lenin, op. cit., Vol 38, page 315.
8. Ibid., Vol 40, page 46.
9. Representatives oi~ Albania ceased participation in the activities of the
Warsaw Pact Organization in 1962, and Albania withdrew from this organiza-
tion in 1968.
10. "Organizatsiya Varshavskogo Dogovora: dokumenty i materialy 1955-1980"
[The Warsaw Pact Organization: Documents and Materia?s, 1955-1980], Moscow,
1980, page 6.
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= 11. Ibid., page 7.
12. Ibid. .
13. Ibid.
14. Ibid., page 9.
15. "Mezhdunarodnoye soveshchaniye kommunisticheskikh i rabochikh partiy:
dokumenty i materialy" (International Conference of Communist and Worker
Parties: Documents and Materials], Moscow, 1969, page 287.
16. Ibid., pp 303-304.
17. "Organizatsiya...," op. cit., page 269.
18. "Materialy XXVI s"yezda KPSS" [Proceedings of the 26th CPSU Congress],
page 11.
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Chapter Three. THE WARSAW PACT RELIABLE SHIELD OF PEACE AI3D SOCIALISM
Creation of a military-political alliance of socialist nations was an act of un-
fading histarical significance. The period subsequent to establishment of the
Warsaw Pact demonstrated how correct and essential this measure was. Unifica-
tion of the capabilities of thE brother so cialist countries enabled them to
establish a reliable system of defense against aggression on the part of the im-
perialist powers, with this objectively fostering stabilization of international
relations and strengthening of peace in Europe and throughout the world. -
The international solidarity of the Soviet Union and the other nations of the
- socialist community time and again had a sobering effect on the imperialist
aggressors and forced them to renounce their criminal sche~ea. Such was the
case in 1956, for example, when the Soviet Union rendered fraternal assistance
to the Hungarian people in crushing a counterrevolutionary insurr~ection un-
leashed by domestic reactionaries with thp active assistance of the imperialist
powers. In August 1961 the Warsaw Pact member nations resolutely supported
protective measures taken by the government of the GDR along the boundary with
W~~st Berlin, which was being utilized by international imperialism for sub-
~ersive purposes. The allied nations, true to the principles of socialist in-
ternationalism, did not remain indifferent when the socialist system in
Czechoslovakia was threatened in August 1968. Through the joint efforts of
the Soviet Union, Bulgaria, Hungary, the GDR, and Poland, effective assistance
was given to the Czechoslovak people ia defe.nding their socialist achievements
and in thwarting an attempt by the itnperial.ists and their accomplices to wrest
this country from the world socialist system.
The Soviet Union and the other Warsaw Pact member nations also came out resolute-
ly in defense of the socialist revolution in Cuba, which was made the target of
aggression and blackmail on the part of U.S. imperialism. Nor did they leave
socialist Vietnam in the lurch. As a result of comprehensive assistance and
support rendered to the heroic Vietnameae people by the brother socialist
countries, the largest-scale attempt by U.S. imperialism since World War II to
crush a socialist nation by armed force and to strangle a national liberation
revolution ended in failure. As was already noted, the brother peoples of the
. socialist nations also gave Vietnam assistance in repulsing Chinese aggression
in 1979.
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But of course the main reault, crowning more than 25 years of activity by the
Warsaw Pact Organization, is the aecurement of peace and prevention of another
world war. "The ekies above Europe have been peaceful for more thar.i 30 years
now," stated L. I. Brezhnev in a speech in Prague on 31 May 1978. "This is very
important. It wouid seem that history has never before bestowed such a lengthy
pea~e on the peoples of our continent. And the peoptes should be clearly
aware that this is in large measure~ and even to a deciaive degree.a result of
the fact that half of Europe today is living in conditions of socialism. Peace
in Europe is in large measure a result of our c.~oa~on efforts and the coordinated
foreign policy of the Warsaw Pact me~ber natinns."1
. The struggle for peace, the results of which in the final analysis determine the
fate a~nd future of mankind, is being waged today from an i~e~;surably stronger
positioa than at any time in the past. The unified might of the nations of the
socialist community and their coordinated foreign-policy activities, thanks to
- which an extensive aggregate of interlinked conatructive measures was carried
~ out, have made it possible to break a tragic cycle: a wor1~3 war, followed by a
' brief respite of peace, fnllowed by another world war. Tr~e Peace Program pro-
claimed at the 24th CPSU Congress and subsequently furthe.�r developed at the
_ 25th and 26th congresses, has become an effective factox in mobilizing the
forces of peace and progress and achieving further development of the process of
d~tente. This Program was approved by tne allied nat~ons as a common foreign-
policy platform of the entire socialist community. It-also received the support
and approval of the peoples of developing an3 capita"list countries, all those
to whom peace and the future of mankind are dear. And the ruling circles of the
leading capitalist countries were compelled to re~kon with this Program in their
policies.
As a result of the vigorous and consistent activities of the Soviet Un~on and
- the entire socialist community, an improvement in the international situation
was achieved in the 1970's. The deepening process of d~tente became increasing-
ly filled with concrete economic and political content. This success of the
policy of d~tente logically proceeded from enhancement of the international role
of the socialist natjans and the~influence of their coordinated policy on the
world situation.
A large part of the credit for the fact that the brother socialist nations are
acting in a united front in the international arena goes to the /highest
political agency of the Warsaw Pact Organization the Political Consultative
Committee (PCC)./ Decisions on root problems affecting the common interests of
the Warsaw Pact member nations are collectively elaborated at PCC meetings, and
_ major questions conne~ted with strengthening the defense capability of the
allied countries and performance by theee countries of ~heir pledges in the area
of jo int defenae are examined and settled at thsse meetinga. The adoptsd
decisions reflect the coordinated, unified poaition of the allied countries.
By mutual agreement, meetings of the PCC are held alternately in the capitals
of the brother countries. They are usually held at the highest level, with
the participation of the general (firet) aecretaries of the Central Committtees
of the brother Communiat and worker parties and the heads of government.
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Participaticn in the work of the PCC meetings by the leaders oF the ruling
_ parties and`heads of government gives the adopted decisions considerable weight
and greatly raises the international prestige of this body.
The principle of sovereign equality is the basic principle governing the activi-
~ ties of the P olitical Consultative Committee. Representatives of all 311ied ~
nations enjoy equal rights in placing questions on the agenda, in discussing them
and reaching decisions on them. The idea of coll~ctive elaboration of a common,
coordinated policy of the socialist nations is formally stated in the text of the ~
treaty and is unswervingly implemented. Collective discussion of the interna-
- tional situation and synthesis of the experience of carrying out joint actions
enables the participants in the PCC meetings deeply to reveal the general patterns
and trends of world development, to determine the main direction and~specify cor-
rect points of reference for carrying out a coordinated foreign policy.
The main problems which continuously occupy the center of attention of the
Political Consultative Committee include the following: the struggle to prevent
another world war, for collective security in Europe and a just solution to its
- problems; defense of the achievements of socialism and strengthening of the
unity and solidarity of the socialist countries; support of peoples struggling
for their f reedom and independence.
One of the most important problems of foreign policy activity of the Warsaw Pact
member n~tions is the~/campaign for peace and the establishment of a reliable
system of European security./ This is understandable, for Europe is one of the
_ most important regions in the world. During two world wars the bloodiest battles
took place here, vast areas were devastated, and the greatest number of persons
were killed. The European continent continues today to.remain that area on our
planet which is the most sensitive to changes in the international climate. Con-
centrated here is the greatest quantity of military �orces and various wPaponry,
as wel~. as the greatest danger of outbreak or' another world war. For this reason
the Warsaw Pact member nations are constantly applying maximum efforts to
create a system of international relations whereby wa~s will never again break
out in Europe, and relations between countries will be constructed on principles
of peaceful mutual cooperation.
The PCC has come forth with a great many concrete proposals pertaining to mili-
- tary d~tente in. Europe. A declaration was adopted at the very first PCC meeting,
in Prague in January 1956, which expressed a deep aspiration for peace. It
stressed that peaceful conditions for development of the Europ~an countries can
best be guaranteed by creating a collective security system which would replace
the existing groupings. Toward this end a proposal was made to negotiate an
appropriate agreement among a number of European countries, including the USSR,
Great Britain, France, as well as the United States. With the aim of creating
the requisite trust among nations, the PCC proposed that the membex nations of
the Warsaw Pact Organization and NATO pledge to renounce the employment of force
and to resolve disputes solely by peacef ul means. The PCC also proposed a treaty
of nonaggression among neighboring countries and the establishment in Europe of a
~ specia]. "azms limitation and control" zone.2
At the Moscow meeting of the PCC in May 1958 the Warsaw Pact member nations
presented constructive proposals on entering into a nonaggression pact between
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the NATO member nations and the member nations of the Warsaw Pact.3 A Soviet
proposal calling for a peace treaty with Germany and an end to the occupation ar-
rangement in West Berlin was unanimously supported at a meeting of foreign af-
fairs ministers of the Warsaw Pact countries in April 1959, while the PCC meeting
in March 1961 once again declared the urgent need to eliminate "remnants of
World War II by concluding a peace treaty with both German states and, in con-
nection with this, neutralizing the focal point of danger in West Berlin, by
transforming it into a demilitariaed free city."4
The peace-seeking proposals by Warsaw Pact member nations were accompanied by con-
crete steps which confirmed the seriousness of their intentions. The Warsaw Pact
countries repeatedly reduced their armed forces. In 1955-1959 their numerical
strength was reduced by 2,596,500 men, with a corresponding reduction of arms,
military equipment and defense expenditures. In 1960 the Soviet Union unilateral-
ly reduced its armed forces by an additional 1,200,000 men, after which their
strength level was lower than that proposed in 1956 by the W estern powers, and
below the actual strength level of U.S. forces. Thus within only five years
after establishment of the Warsaw Pact Organization, the member nations reduced
their forces by 3,796,500 men.5 They also made numerous reductions in military
forces in subsequent years.
At the same time the Warsaw Pact countries were continuing to increase diplomatic
activity, seeking a move toward d~tente and strengthening of peace in Europe. In
January 1965 the PCC drew the attention of the European community to the danger
of plans to establish multilateral NATO nuclear forces. A pr.oposal to convene an
All-European Conference on Security in Europe, which subsequently played an im-
~ portant role in the campaign for international d~tente, was first presented at
that same meeting. The PCC also proposed an agreement on a nuclear arms freeze
and the establishment of atom-free zones in Europe, and reaffirmed its willingness
to conclude a nonaggression pact with the NATO member nations. At the same time
the participants in the meeting warned the Western powers that if the plans for
multilateral NATO nuclear forces were carried through, the socialist countries
would be forced to take response measures to guarantee their own security. The
firm position taken by the socialist countries and support of this position by
the peace-loving world co~unity resulted in thwarting of the schemes of the NATO
bosses, which threatened the cause of peace.
- The following year the Warsaw Pact member nations signed in Bucharest a special
Declaration on Strengthening Peace and Security in Europe, which specified an ex-
tensive program of actions. In particular, this program called for implementa-
tion of such measures as the simultaneous dismantling of existing military
alliances or at least disbanding of the NATO and Warsaw Pact military organizations;
partial measures to achieve military d~tente on the European continent, including
the closing down of foreign military bases, withdrawal of troops on foreign soil,
reduction of the numerical strength of the armed forces of both German states and
establishment of nuclear-free zones; prevention of FRG access to nuclear weapons
in any form; recognition of the preseritly existing borders between European
countries; peaceful settlement of the German question on the basis of the fact
of existence of two German states, the permanent stability of their borders and
renunciation of acquisition of nuclear weapons by these nations; convening of a
ge~eral European conference to discuss questions of ensuring security in Europe
and arranging for general European cooperation.
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ruK urr~c.~AL U~~: UNi.Y
The proposals drawn up at the Bucharest meeting were further developed at PCC
meetings held in March 1969 in Sofia and a year later in Budapest, as well as
at the Mpscow PCC meeting in August 1970. In particular, an appeal to all
European countries was adopted at the Budapest meeting, "appealing for coopera-
tion in convening a general European conference and creating the necessary
preconditions for this conf erence to be successful and justify the hopes which
peoples place in it."6
The author felt it was necessary to present the events of past years in such
detail in order to remind the readers of the great efforts required by the so-
cialist nations in order ultimately to achieve the international detente which
occurred in the 1970's. The consisterit campaign of the Warsaw Pact Organiza-
tion for strengthening peace and d~tente led to a considerable increase in its
prestige and influence on development of international relations. The peoples
of the European countries, in spite of.the slanderous lies of bourgeois
= propaganda, became increasingly more convinced of the peace-seeking intentions
of the USSR and the other nations of the socialist community and of the con-
~tructive and substantiated nature of their proposals aimed at strengthening
peace and security in Europe. All this could not help but exert a positive
influence on the international political climate of the 1970's.
An important place among the most significant events of those years is occupied
- by normalization, on the b asis of corresponding treat-ies, of relations between
the USSR, the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, the Polish People's Republic and
the GDR on the one hand and the FRG on the other, as well as the signing of the
quadripartite agreement on West Berlin, which signified a decisive st'ep toward
formal recognition of the results of World War II and postwar development in
Europe. Bilateral treaties concluded between the socialist countries and the
FRG stated formal recognition of the borders existing between them, recognized
the western boundary of Poland along the Oder and Neisse rivers, and contained
- the declaration that the contracting parties had no territorial claims and
would not advance such claims in the future. An agreement on West Berlin,
- signed by the USSR, the United States, Great Britain and France, contained,
among other points, the important p~ovision that relations between~the city's
. western sectors and the FRG "would be maintained and develop taking into con-
sideration the fact that these sectors would continue not to be a component
part of the Federal Republic of Germany and wou~d continue in the future not
to be governed by the FRG."
The Helsinki Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, convened in 1975
at the initiative of the socialist countries, constituted a ma~or success of the
policy of peace. This conference confirmed the inviolability of the postwar
boundaries established between countries and e].aborated the principles which
are to guide the mutual relations of the nations participating in the con-
ference, and epecified new prospects for long-term peaceful cooperation among
them.
Thanks to the efforta of the nationa of the aocialist community, during those
years success was also achieved in making headway in aome of the areas
_ of arms limitation. In particular, new advances were made along the path of .
limiting strategic arma and thue holding the arme race in check in ita most
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dangerous direction. For example, an antimissile defense system limitation
treaty and a provisional agreement on certain measures in the area of strategic
arms limitations (SALT I) were concluded between the USSR and the United States.
~ldditional documents were signed during L. I. Brezhnev's 1973 visit to the
United States: an agreement on preventing nuclear war; basic principles of
further strategic arms limitations talks; an agreement on scientific and tech- ,
nical cooperation in the area of peaceful uses of nuclear energy, plus others.
Tangible results were also achieved, especially in Europe, in the area of
normalization of relations between countries with differing social systems and ~
in development between them of political contacts, trade-economic relations on a
basis of equality, scientific-tec~?nical and cultural relationa.
Consequently, international relations in the 1970's were positive on the whole,
favorable for the cause of peace and social progress. Consolidation and further
development of this progress would be in the root interests of all peoples.
At the end of the 1970's and beginning of the 1980's, however, aggressive im-
perialist forces placed in opposition to positive processes of world development
a poliey which attests to their unwillingness to consider the realities of
today's world. U.S. ruling circles led a crusade against the policy of inter-
national d~tente. They set about strenuously to destroy everything positive
which had been achieved in Soviet-American relations with considerable dif-
ficulty in the preceding years. Ratification of SALT ZI was stymied; negotia-
tions on other arms limitation items were unilaterally suspended. The United
States, with the support of the other imperialist powers, proceeded to pursue
a policy of disrupting the military-strategic balance which had been established
between the socialist world and the capitalist world, of achieving mili.tary
superiority, and of dictating its will to the socialist nations "from a.
position of strength."
The arms race unleashed by the imperialists represents the greatest threat to
the cause of peace and security of peoples. It became sharply intensified fol-
lowing the May (1978) and December (1979) NATO Council meetings, and assumed
an unprecedented scale under the present U.S. Reagan-Haig administration. For
_ example, U.S, arms expenditures amounted to 24.1 percent of the annual budget
in 1981. They will increase by an additional 25 percent in 1982 and will reach
a total of more than 220 billion dollars a peacetime level unparalleled in
U.S. history. In the period 1981-1986 President Reagan proposes spending on
the military the astronomical sum of 1.5 trillion dollars (in 1981 prices).
Intense efforts are in progress in the United States on developmen~t of the
"iX intercontinental ballistic missile system, targeted to become operational
in 1987. Simultaneously work is in progress on development of the Trident sub-
marine-launched nuclear missile system, a new atrategic bomber, a nuclear-
powered "supercarrier," etc. Development of laser, space and other weapons
based on new physical properties is proce~ding at an accelerated pace. There
fias been a sharp increase in expenditures on the development of new, "binary"
chemical munitions artillery shells, bombs and mines filled with two sub-
s,tances which, upon combining, form a lethal gas. In spite of protests by the
world community, manufacture of neutron warheads has begun.
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~ The U.S. nilitary is carrying out far-reaching plar~s of carrying the arms race
into space, as is attested by the launch program involving the space shuttle
"Columbia." One of the principal tasks of this program is perfection of a
laser-weapon guidan ce system. Space shuttles would be employed for the purpose
of regularly transporting spy satellites and other heavy military equipment in-
to space. Considerable funds have been allocated for development of a long-
range optical surveillance system which is to be deployed in space.
Vigorous U.S. efforts to strengthen NATO are also continuing. Under pressure
applied by U.S. ruling circles, military appropriations of the NATO countries
increased 12-fold f rom 1949 through 1980. A particularly rapid growth is noted
from the end of the 1970's, when a long-term military program was adopted,
calling for an immense growth of the combat capabilities of the armies of these
countries by 1995. In 1980, for example, they spent almost 225 billion dollars
for militaristic purposes, with the European NATO members spending approximately
8U billion of this amount almost 10 billion dollars more than in the preced-
~ ing year. In 1981 this sum increased to ~00 billion. Growth of military ex-
- pendi.tures will also continue in subsequent years, since the United States
presented an ultimatum at the December (1980) meeting of the NATO Council,
demanai_ng that its European partners strictly adhere to the decision calling for
an annual increase in military expenditures of not less than 3 percent. At
the same time the process of militarization of the economy is advancing at a
rapid pace, especially in the leading NATO countries, and advances in science
and technology are becoming increasingly subordinated to tasks of preparing for
war.
The buildup of the military might of imperialism is proceeding along many lines.
We should mention first and foremost the NATO decision to deploy new U.S.
intermediate-range missil,es in Western Europe: 108 Pershing II launchers and
464 Tomahawk land-based cruise missiles. Public protests in Western Europe to
this decision had not yet died down when the new U.S. Administration demanded
at tHe Rome meeting of the NATO Council (1981) a new analysis of the correla-
tion of forces [sootnosheniya sil also translates as "balance of power"]
between the Warsaw Pact and NATO countries and elaboration of NATO "technical
requirements" in intermediate-range nuclear missile weapons. The Pentagon is
now talking about deploying 1500-2000 missiles on the European continent.
Buildup of NATO military power in the area of conventional arms is also
proceeding at full soeed. Plans call for increasing the strength of the U.S.
armed forces by almast a quarter of a million men by 1986. U.S. and FRG
ground forces are t~?king delivery on the new Abrams and Leopard-2 tanks, which
- are from 50 to 100 percent superior in performance characteristics to the
models they are replacing. An extensive array of antitank weapons is being
_ de~elr~ped: alongside TOW, MILAN, and HOT antitank missiles, the HELLFIRE antitank
missile, with an automatic guidance system, has now become operational. Par-
_ ticular attention is being focused on saturation-equipping combined units with
antitank helicopters. Air forces are taking delivery on new F-15, F-16, A-10
_ Tornado and Jaguar aircraft. The decision has been made to deploy on board
U.S. Navy warships, beginning in January 1982, cruise missiles with an ef-
f ective range in excess of 1000 kilometers. In general-purpose naval forces
there is taking place further improvement and development of attack, ASW,
mine warware and amphibious landing forces, which should substantially increase
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tl~~ir combat capabilities. Ttie organizational structtire of forces is cor-
respondingly changing. Reorganization oE 13ritish cou~bined units and units was
- completed last year. FRG ground forces are transitioning to a new organiza-
tional structure which, in the opinion of Western experts, will increase their
combat capabilities by approximately 30 percent.
According to the design of NATO military-political leaders, accomplishment of
the long-range military program will constitute the material basis for implemen-
tation of new military doctrines and strategic plans by the NATO member nations.
As we know, in 1967 the 'Jnited States replaced the doctrine of "massive
retaliation" [massirovannogo vozmezdiya] with the strategy of "flexible
response" [gipkogo reagirovaniya~. The latter is now being subjected to
strong influence by a new U.S. strategy the strategy of "realistic
deterrence" [realisticheskogo ustrasheniya], the heart of which is the idea
of "limited nuclear war" [ogranichennoy yadernoy voyny], advanced in the
notorious "Directive 59" of former U.S. President Carter. The Pentagon is
presently elaborating a"newr military strategy." While fully retaining the
ideas of the Carter directive, it additionally demands that the U.S. armed
- torces and economy be prepared to wage simultaneously two major, protracted
_ "non-nuclear wars" [neyadernyye voyny] in Europe and in the Near East,
as well as participation in a minor conflict in any other part of the world.
Thus buildup by the NATO nations of their military power is being accompanied
by a shift in military-political conceptions from "containment" to "preventive
strike" [preventivnomu udarii], from "sufficiency" [dostatochnostiJ to
"superiority" [prevoskhodstvu]. Directive 59 plainly specifies the possibility '
of the United States launching a nuclear missile first strike against
"military targets" [voyennym ob"yektam] in the Soviet Union. ,
We must note that these plans are being increasingly condemned in progressive
circ~es, particularly in the countries of Western Europe.. This is indicated
by mass demonstrations, statements by political leaders and representatives of
the clergy, the appearance of increasing numbers of peace commit,tees, the
holding of forums, peace weeks, and statements by scholars working with
problems of security. And this is understandable, for implementation of the
schemes of the NATO strategists ehreatens Europe, especially its civilian
population, with incomparable misfortunes. To understand this, it suffices to
ponder the fo?.lowing figures. A~otal of 10 million persons were killed in
World War I, only 5 percent of whom were civilians, while in World War II SO
percent of the more than SO million deaths were civilian. During the war in
Korea civilians comprised 84 percent of total casualties, while during the
U.S. aggression in Vietnam, as is attested by the figures of Stockholm's In-
ternational Institute for Investigation of the Problems of Peace, more than
90 percent of those killed were civilians. It is not difficult to imagine
what densely-populated Europe can expect from a future world war, if the im-
perialists unleash such a war.
Conc_ntration of U.S. nuclear missile weapons in the Western European NATO
co�ntries,the intention to deploy in these countries new intermediate-range
:~i~siles~ ne~~tron weapons, new types of chemical weapons and other barbaric
mear,s oti wa~ing war have given rise among the population of these countries to
v:,licl fearthat the Americans could turn Europe into a nuclear confrontation
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rvrc ~~rri~lA~ u~c 111VI.Y
zone. Unr~er pressure from the masses, the ruling circles in a number of
European countries are attempting, although cautiously at present, to ensure
- that the new Washington administration takes their interests fully into ac-
count in shaping its foreign policy, in particular the urgent necessity of
diplomatic contacts with the USSR.
Such a reaction on the part of the Western Europeans to U.S. "concern" for
their "security" impelled U.S. ruling circles once again to resort to a device
which is typical in the capitalist world an attempt to lay the ulame on the
Soviet Union for initiation of another round of escalation of the arms race.
Imperialist propaganda commenced an extensive campaign against a nonexistent
"Soviet military threat." As we know, such campaigns have long since been
an integral element of political life in the United States. They are used to
push military appropriations through Congress, in attempts to reverse ttYe
process of detente, etc. Now they have decided t~o employ this technique on an
international scale.
To accuse the Soviet Union of a desire for war is not only unjust but
blasphemous to the highest degree. Everybody knows that the peoples of the
socialist countries experienced more than any other countries the bloody horrors
of the last war. The Soviet Union lost more than 20 million lives in that
war, 20 percent of Poland's population perished, and the peoplPs of the other
socialist countries also sustained enormous casualties. We should also like to
remind the bourgeois falsifiers and their accomplices of several additional
figures: the USSR lost approximately 30 percent of its national wealth during
the years of World War II, while Britain's national wealth declined by only
0.8 percent, that of France by 1.5 percent, while for the United States the
war signified an economic boom, as a result of which that country`s percentage
share in the capitalist world's industrial output rose to 62 percent by 1y47,
as compared with 41.4 percent in 1937.
~oviet citizens arE justly proud of the contribution which our country is making
to the great cause of the struggle for world peace. The struggle to lessen the
threat of war and to hold the arms race in check always has been and remains a
key focus of the foreign policy activity of the Communist Party and Soviet
State. From the moment of the Great October Socialist Revolution, from the
very first foreign policy act of the Soviet Government the Peace Decree
socialism has consistently waged a campaign for peace, at first in the person
of the Soviet Union, and later the community of socialist nations. And its
contribution toward solving this most urgent, most important problem for ttie
_ destiny of mankind has been truly great. "It is quite o bvious," s~ate
che documents of the 26th CPSU Congress, "that today the Soviet Union and its
allies constitute tt-~e main support of peace on earth to a greater extent than
ever before."~
Confidence in the peace aspirations of the Soviet Union is penetratin~
~n;,re :incl moreinto the consciousness of the masses throughout the world. En-
countering this fact, which is unpleasant for them, the propagandists of the
myth of a"Soviet threat" resort to all kinds of falsifications. Utilizing the
- powerful mass information media to implant a distorted structure of reasoning
into the co nsciousness of their fellow citizens, they deliberately distort the
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foreign policy ideas of the Soviet Union, embodied in CPSU program documents,
- in legislative enactments of the Soviet Union, and in all its practical in-
ternational activities.
The disseminators of the myth of a"Soviet threat" claim a"lag of the West" ~
[otstavanii zapada] in the area of nuclear missile weapons. In order to
bolster this fabrication they scrupulously calculate, for example, Soviet
medium-range nuclear weapons in Europe, while they totally ignore U.S. forward-
based nuclear forces and the nuclear potentials of U.S. European allies. A
similar juggling of input data is also typical of calculations aimed at
= proving the superiority of the USSR in the area of conventional arms.
Equally groundless are attempts by imperialist propaganda to substantiate
the dangerous decision to deploy new U.S. intermediate-range missiles in
_ Western Europe with the claim that the Soviet Union has deployed missiles of a
new class in Europe (designated "SS-20" in the West), allegedly securing
Soviet superiority in this area of weaponry. The truth, however, is as fol-
� iows:
/In the first place [it.]/, for a number of years now the number of
medium-range nuclear-weapon delivery vehicles in Europe has remained approximate-
ly equal. Exhaustive figures on weapons of this type are contained in replies
_ by L. I. Brezhnev to questions put by the editors of the magazine DER SPIEGEL in
November 1981: the NATO countries possess 986 such means of delivery, and the
_ Soviet Union 975. In analyzing the correlation of nuclear forces between
the opposing sides one cannot take in isolation only one weapon categor~, land-
based missiles, for example. N uclear potential must be examined in the aggregate,
- since only on this basis can the principle of equal security of the two sides
- be observed.
_ ./Secondly ~it.]/, in replacing old missiles with new ones, the Soviet
Union, with the aim of preserving nuclear parity, not only did not increase
. the total number of inedium-range nuclear weapon delivery vehicles by a single
unit, but even reduced the total number one or two old missiles were
removed simultaneously with the deployment of each new missile in the Soviet
Union.
/Thirdly [it.]/, if we consider total number of nuclear warheads,
right now NATO intermediate-range weapons can carry approximately half again
as many as the corresponding Soviet weapons. Thus replacement of old
missiles with new ones has not resulted in giving the Soviet Union superiority
in this area. The total yield of Soviet medium-range missile warheads also
did not increase but even decreased.
- We must note in all frankness that U.S. Government spokesmen themselves do
not believe the lie of "Soviet military superiority" [voyennom prevoskhodstve]
which was fabricated on their instructions. U.S. Secretary of State A. Haig,
for example, recently acknowledged in a speech that "in the most important
area of strategic nuclear forces there continues to remain an approximate
parity between our two countries." General Rogers, Haig's successor as.
supreme commander of NATO Joint Forces in Europe, gave the following reply to
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the direct question of whether he believes'~hat the Russians will soon have an
~ advantage [preimushchestvo], in connection with which they may be tempted to
launch an~attack on NATO": "I do not consider that a possibility."
Having failed with the myth of "military superiority," imperialist propagand~ ie
developing speculation [spekulyatsiyu; also translates as seeking to profit] on
the subject of a"Soviet military threat" in another dangerous direction. In '
the West, and in the United ~tates in particular, increasingly persistent ef- .
forts are being made to convince the public that the very development of mili-
tary-strategic parity constitutes a threaC on the part of the Soviet Union,
that observance of the principle of equality and equal security is impossible
without... U.S. military superiority.
Typical in this regard is a letter by a group of senators, widely publicized
by the U.S.'mass media, a letter sent in December 1979 to the then U.S.
president. The letter cl~ed that the USSR had reached parity [pariteta] with
the United States in strategic arms, that it had brought to an end NATO
superiority in tactical nuclear forces, that it was diminishing NATO superioritv
in tactical air forces, and that it had built a navy "which threatens tradition-
al Western superiority on the Qpen sea. ~numerating these measures, which
were clearly aimed only at ensuring reliable defense of the USSR, the senators
characterize.d them, without a twinge of conscience, as "upsetting the military
balance" [narusheniye voyennogo ravnovesiya]. Such ari experienced politician .
as W. Brandt also noted the widespread,occurrence of dangerous views of this
kind: "Our American friends are of the opinion that the United States should
definitely be stronger than the Soviet Union, that this is a law of nature."
For what purpose does U.S. imperialism so persistently seek to achieve mili-
- tary superiority? In any case not for the defense of Europe against a"Soviet
invasion." This is obvious even to bourgeois politicians. The West German
magazine DER.SPIEGEL stated the following in this regard in ti~e spring of 1981:
"...Experts are in unanimous agreement that additional arming is superfluaus
from a military-technical standpoint. No expert with even the slightest ex-
perience would dispute the fact, even in a state of drunkenness, that the
Americans could respond to a Russian missile threat to Europe in any case and
without additional arming."8
. A different aim is being pursued here. One can perceive it from those
threatening statements, made in a hegemonist apirit, by top-level U.S.
leaders the President, the secretary of state, and the secretary of
defense which are presently emanating from Washington practically every day.
They speak of U.S. determination t:o implant "American ideals" throughout the
world and willingness to employ the might of the armed forces to secure "vital
- . U.S. interests."
The world literally shuddered upon hearing a statement frot~? the lips of a
highly placed official of the principal imperialist power Secretary of State
Haig that "there are things which are more important than peace." He has
publicly stated time and again that "most important of all" are the in-
- terests of the United States, of course defined in conformity with the desires
of the military-industrial complex.
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The Secretary of State formulated U.S. imperial global ambitions with a cynicism
rare even for the present U.S. leaders. He stated that the main goal of U.S.
foreign policy is creation "of a world which would be favorable" to so-called
"American ideals." In other words Washir_gton would like to appropriate the
right to recarve the world in conformity with its expansionist schemes, ignoring
and flouting the legitimate rights and interests of other countries and
peoples.
This is the real source of danger to peace-loving peoples! Seeking world
domination today is fraught with the danger of another world war. For the
Europeans such a war means the destruction of everything which has been created
by the genius and labor of peoples throughout their history.
i We must regretfully state that this threat is not adequately appreciated in
many Western capitals. As was indicated by the Rome meeting of the NATO Council
(1981), unprecedented pressure from overseas brought results which can only
worsen the international situation. In exchange for vague promises by the U.S.
delegation to commence talks with the USSR, the Western European partners of
the United States essentially gave the green light to a new and extremely
dangerous round of escalation of the arms race in Europe.
We must also note that an increase in the aggressiveness of U.S. imperialism and
its endeavor to secure military-strategic superiority at all costs, as well as
unceasing attempts to split the com~unity of socialist countries, attempts
which are most vividly expressed in the events in Poland, appreciably livened
revanchist circles in West Germany. There are persons in that country who
publicly express their joy in the fact that new U.S. intermediate-range
missiles will be able to reach Moscow from West German territory in 4 minutes.
Also indicative is the fact of a decision to publish modern geographic maps
designating Germany's 1937 borders. Obviously there are people in the FRG
who refuse to relinquish great-power dreams and who believe, as was correctly
noted at the 6th Congress of the German Communist Party by the party chairman,
Comrade H. Mies, that achievement of these revanchist goals can be brought
closer by supporting the present U.S. policy of confrontation and missile
deployment plans. "Of course," he arlded, "such views are pure illusion. But
they represent a mortal danger. They are playing with fire."9
One must agree with this statement. Therefore in response to increased ag-
gressiveness on the part of internatiunal imperialism and to initiation of a
new round in the arms race by U.S. ruling circles, the USSR and the other
brother socialist countries are compelled to take new measures to maintain
their defense at an adequate Ievel. "We are not advocates but oppor.ents of an
arms race," stressed L. I. Brezhnev in a speech at the official dedication of a
memorial complex in the hero-city of Kiev. "We could find a quite different
use for those funds which it devdurs. But if we are forced, we shall find a
swift and effective response to any challenge by militant imperialism, for our
first and most sacred duty is to guarantee the security of our country and its
allies, to ensure a reliable peace for the Soviet people."10
Aware of their strength, however, the USSR and the brother socialist countries
are not about to rattle sabers. We place in opposition to the dangerous and
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irresponsible policy of imperialism the peace-seeking policy of socialism,
directed toward radical improvement of the international,situati~on, toward
weakening the threat of war, toward holding the arms race in check and deepen-
ing d~tente. In counterbalance to the imperialist strategy of aggression and
war, the Communist Party and Soviet State continue to put forward the tried gnd
tested Leninist strategy of peace and peaceful coexistence between countries
k~ith differing social systems. ,
Proceeding from a profoundly scientific, Marxist-Leninist analysis of the con-
temporary world situation, the 26th CPSU Congress advanced an entire aggregate ~
of constructive proposals to free peoples from the threat of nuclear war. Of
primary significance among the proposed measures are proposals of military
d~tente. In particular, the USSR and its allies have proposed expanding the
range of confidence-building measures [diapazon mer doveriya] specified in the
_ Final Act of the all-European conference. The Soviet Union also expressed its
' willingness to extend confidence-building measures to the entire European part
of the USSR under the condition of a corresponding expansion of the zone of
confidence-building measures on the part of the Western nations and to hold
concrete talks with interested countries on confidence-building measures in
- the Far East.
A decision made by the Soviet Union, pursuant to which 20,000 Soviet military
personnel, 1000 tanks and other military equipment were withdrawn from the
territory of the GDR, a decision reached in coordination with the other
Warsaw Pact member nations, became.an important confidence-building step.
Realistic ways were spelled out for moving forward in solving the extremely
important problem of strategic arms limitation and reduction. The USSR is
willing to.continue, on the basis of equality and equal security, appropriate
talks wit~h the United States, preserving all positive advances which have
been~achieved in this area. In particular, the USSR proposes reaching an ~
agreement on limiting the deployment of r~ew submarines U.S. "Ohio" class,
and ana].ogous submarines in the USSR, and on prohibiting the modernization of
existing and building of new ballistic missiles carried by these submarines.
The Soviet Union also proposed reaching an agreement on establishing a
moratorium on deployment of new intermediate-range nuclear missile weapons in ~
Europe. ,
The idea of convening a special session of the UN Security Council, with the
participation of the top 12aders of the Council member nations and, if desired,
the leaders of other countries as well, an idea advanced in the P eace Program,
aims at seeking ways to improve the international climate and prevent war.
These same goals are pursued by a proposal to create an international com-
mittee conaisting of prominent scientiats from different countries, which would
demonstrate the vital necessity of preventing a nuclear catastrophe.
The Peace Program elaborated at the 26th CPSU Congress has~subsequently been
supplemented by new proposals, in particular a proposal to establish nucleary ~
free zones in various parts of the European continent, including in Northern
Europe and and in the Balkans, as well as a peace and cooperation zone in
areas of the Mediterranean.
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lm{~or[ant proposalb wer!~ madc by L. I. Brczhnev durinb his visit to the PIZC
in November 1981. The new Soviet peace initiative, ratified by all Warsaw
Yact member nations, essentially constitutes a program of curtailment
(sver.tyvaniya] of nuclear arms in Europe. Its main elements boil down to the
following.
First of all, the Soviet Union supplemented its previously advanced proposal
for a moratorium, that is, while talks are in progress both sides would
refrain from deploying new and modernizing existing medium-range [sredney
dal`nosti; also translates as intermediate-range] nuclear weapons. Now the
= USSR stated its willingness if the othex side agreed to a moratorium
as an act of good will, unilaterally to reduce a certain part of its medium-
range nuclear weapons in the European part of the country.
_ Second, the Soviet Union stressed its intention to speak out in Geneva for a
radical reduction in medium-range nuclear weapons not by tens but by
hundreds of units. The weapons to be considered of course should include both
U.S. forward-based [peredovogo bazirovaniya] weapons and corresponding British
and French nuclear weapons.
Thirdly, the USSR would also be willing to reach an agreement on total renuncia-
tion [otkaze] by both sides of all types of inedium-range nuclear weapons aimed
at targets in Europe. In addition, the Soviet Union stated that it favored
Europe ultimately becaming entirely free of nuclear wcapons both medium-
- range and tactical.
~ The Soviet proposals, which convincingly demonstrate the will of our party and
our people to defend peace, have evoked broad response and support throughout
the world. They gave a new, powerful impulse to the struggle to strengthen
- international security, a struggle which is being persistently and consistently
waged by the nations of the socialist commun~ty, Communist and worker parties in
capitalist and developing countries, and all progressive mankind.
Unfortunately, the imperialist nations respond in a different way to peace
initiatives by the socialist countries. They keep seeking new ways~and ,
devices to avoid accepting peace-seeking proposals and to continue their
policy of aggravation of relations between West and East. Such a policy can be '
clearly seen, in particular, in the obstructionist position of the United
States and its NATO allies in the Geneva disarmament committee. These countries
construct artificial barriers impeding the committee's work, undertaking fruit-
less procedural debates, even engaging in speculations about rumors they
themselves have instigated. Tl~e adversaries of disarmament resort not only to
_ "turning maneuvers." ~ey are also mounting a frontal assault on the possibili-
ty of holding talks on this committee on a number of important items.
For example, more than 3 years ago the Soviet Union, supported by the other
socialist countries, presented a proposal calling for ceasing production of all
types of nuclear weapons and gradual reduction of stockpiles, to and including
their total elimination. A number of UN resolu~ions call upon the Geneva Com-
mittee to cownence without delay talks on ending the nuclear arms race.
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Neverthel~ass such talks are not being conducted, due to opposition by the
United States and its allies, who claim that such talks are "premature."
Or take the question of total and universal banning of nuclear weaprns testing.
It wauld seem that favorable conditions exist for resolving this problam,
since all five nuclear powers are presently participants on the committee.
ThE group of neutral and nonaligned nations, supported by the socialist
countries, proposed establishing within the framework of the committee a
special working body, with appropriate negotiations to commence without delay.
But committee activities were met with an impasse in this direction as well.
The United States and Great Britain stubbornly oppose formation of a working
group, while China's ~epresentatives, hypocritically declaring that they do
- not oppose its formation, i~ediately stipulate that they will not consider
the~selves bound by any agreements reached.
Strengthening guarantees of the security of nonnuclear nations is one more
vital question of contemporary world politics, the constructive position of
the Soviet Union on which is well known. Lying on the negctiating table of
- the Geneva Co~ittee is a draft international convention submitted by the
Soviet Union together with other socialist countries. Another draft was sub-
mitted by nonaligned nations. There have also been many ~eneral Assembly
- resolutions on this score. Nevertheless practically nothing is being done.
_ The reason is the same as always opposition by the United States and its
allies, wHich claim that drawing up an international convention on strengthen-
ing guarantees of the security of nonnuclear nations is an "unrealistic"
undertaking.
At a meeting of the Disarmament Co~ittee held in 1981, a group of socialist
countries proposed immediate co~encement of talks on drafting an interna-
tional convention on banning neutron weapons. The majority of committee mem-
bers condemned attempts by certain Western delegations to play down the
danger of the decision by the U.S. Government to produce these weapons. Never-
theless the U.S. delegation succeeded in voting down the proposal to ban these
weapons. It is indicative that, while thwarting the adoption, one after the
other, of constructive proposals by the delegations of the socialist nations,
the United States and its allies have not presented a single serious initiative
in Geneva in recent years, and have not submitted a single draft agreement in
the area of disarmament.
The situation is approximately the same at the Vienna talks. The delegations
of the socialist nations advanced a number of concrete proposals on freezing
and reducing the military forces of the NATO and Warsaw Pact nations in Europe.
The Soviet Union twice reduced the strength of its forces temporarily stationed
on the territory of the GDR in order to move resolution of this problem from a
standstill. The United States and the other NATO countries, however, not only
refused to follow the example of the USSR but even to soften their position.
On the contrary, they are making every effort to drag negotiations out, at
_ the same time building up their military potential in Europe.
Deliberate aggravation of tension can be clearly seen in the policy of the
United States and its imperita:s~ist allies not only in Europe but in other regions
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of the world as well. It is a direct continuation of that policy of blackmail,
threats and outright armed aggression which has been conducted by U.S. im-
perialism throughout all the postwar years.
According to the figures of the U.S. Brookings Institution, the United States
deployed and used its armed forces to achieve political objectives on 215
o~casions just between 1 January 1946 and 31 December 1975. In 19 instances
the United States resorted to the threat of employment of nuclear weapons. Nor
did U.S. allies lag behind that country. Since the establishment of NATO there '
has not been a single military conflict anywhere in the world in which member
nations of this imperialist bloc have not been directly or indirectly involved.
More than 100 armed conflicts, the victims of which have totaled millions of
persons, have taken place in various parts of the warld with the direct or
concealed participation of the United States and other NATO countries.
U.S. imperialism perpetrated the most flagrantly cruel military actions in
Southeast Asia. Vietnam, Laos, and Kampuchea were methodically devastated by
massive air attacks, and every living thing was burned out with napalm and
poisoned by chemical agents. The total number of victims and amount of
- physical destruction inflicted in these countries substantially exceeded the
damage caused by the Anglo-American military forces on fascist Germany during
the entire course of World War II.
~ Proceeding from the principle of the indivisibility of peace [nedelimosti
mira] and seeking to prevent the escalation of conflicts occurring throush the
fault of the imperialist powers into a third world war, ths Warsaw Pact natians
have repeatedly issued warnings to the aggressors and drawn up concrete
proposals /aimed at eliminating focal points of international tension in a num-
ber of areas of Asia and Africa./ Suffice it to say that the PCC time and
again issued special declarations on the threat to peace in connection with the
U.S.~aggression in Indochina and on the question of establishment of a firm and
just peace in the Near East. In 1970 a special declaration was adopted at the
Warsaw meeting of the PCC, entitled "Ending Imperialist Acts of Provocation
Against the Independent Nations of Africa." In addition, questions~pertaining
to strengthening the security of the peoples of Asia, Africa and other regions
of the world are constantly reflected to one degree or another in statements
and declarations adopted by the PCC at its periodic meetings.
Vigorous support by the socialist countries and their diversified assistance
enab led the courageous Vietnamese peopie to gain victory in their many-years
war of liberation and to sweep their country clean of foreign interventionists
and their puppets. The nations of the socialist community also helped the
peoples of a number of other countries in Asia and Af rica defend their
freedom and independence and the right to develop along their chosen road.
Thus the development of international relations in the 197G's was favorable
for the cause of peace not only in Europe but in other regions as well. The
efforts of the Soviet Union and all the countries of the socialist community
played a salutary role. By their increased presti$e and consistent peace-
seeking policy they were able to achieve certain d~tente and to create the
requisite conditions for effecting a transitior. from military confrontation to
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peaceful coexistence and mutually beneficial cooperation. As subsequent events
showed, however, this was not to the liking of international imperialism, par-
ticularly U.S. ruling circles. Analyzing the aggregate of hegemonist aspira-
tions of U.S. imperialism displayed at the end of the past decade, one can con-
clude that a new stage has begun in its aggressive policy both in respect to
~ the socialist countries and the developing countries of Asia, Africa, and
Latin America.
Today the world is witness to the fact that high U.S. officials, competing with
one another in aggressiveness, are declaring U.S. intentions openly to inter-
vene in the affairs of other countries and to crush liberation movements. U.S.
President Reagan, for example, announced U.S. willingness to arm the counter-
revolutionary mercenary bands being sent onto Afghan soil. Following this,
Washington officially announced its intention to supply arms to Angolan
counterrevolutionary organizations. We also know of the existence of special
camps on U.S. territory where former members of Somoza's National Guard are
training for terrorist raids and armed invasion into Nicaragua. The United
States is giving direct military sup.port to the antipopular junta in E1 Salvador.
At the same time the Republic of South Africa, a cc~untry of barb aric apartheid
_ practices, which is illegally holding Namibia under its colonial rule, has been
declared by the Unir.ed States to be a"friendly nation."
"Strengthening of the independence of liberated countries is not to the liking
of the imperialists," states the Central Committee Accountability Report to
_ the 26th CPSU Congress. "By thousands of ways and means, they are attempting
to bind these countries to themselves, in order to have freer rein in dispos:ition
of their natural resources and to utilize their territories for their own
strategic schemes."11
In order to strengthen its position in the Near and Middle East, in Africa,
Southern and Southeast Asia, and in the Far East, Washington declares entire
subcontinents to be "zones of U.S. vital interests" [zonami zhiznennykh
interesov] and seeks to expand the network of U.S. military bases and facilities.
U.S, imperialism is stubbornly endeavoring to conduct international affairs
with the aid of force and a"big-stick policy," which has been rejected by
peoples. It assigns the role of such a club, brandished over developing
_ countries and liberation movements, to its "rapid deployment forces," the
total numerical strength of which is to be increased to 230,000 men.
It is significant that the United States is hypocritically attempting to
portray its gendarme activities in various regions of the world as a"campaign
against terrorism," while slanderously characterizing as "complicity with
terrorism" just and legitimate assistance to peoples which are defending their
freedom, independence and sovereignty. The already-mentioned dishonorable
device of accusing one's adversary of one's own sins is once again being em-
ployed here, for it is precisely the United States which has "become famous"
for murdering statesmen and civic leaders. And terrorism by amateur extremists
in the United States is marching shoulder to shoulder with organized banditry
paid for and directed by the authorities. Te~rorism in respect to dissidents
and protesters within the United States is directed against entire countries
and peoples the aspirations of which "are not to the liking" of Washington. A
U.S. Navy armada of more than 30 warships hangs over Southwestern Asia as a
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mailed fist of intimidation. The 2500 U.S. bases and other military facilities,
at which are stationed more than 500,000 military personnel, as well as the most
destructive weapons, including nuclear, bases scattered throughout the world,
have become bridgeheads of global terrorism.
Efforts by U.S. imperialist circles to encourage focal points of tension and
armed conflicts present a serious threat to world peace and the security of
peoples. The United States is a direct accomplice in and essentially an in-
stigator of Israel's aggressive actions against the Arab countries of the Near
East. Such actions would be impossible without the military, financial and
diplomatic assistance which U.S. imperialism gives its ally.
This was once again demonstrated to the world following the bandit raid by
Israeli aircraft into Iraq in the summer of 1981. Replying to the question of
what U.S. policy would be in the Near East following this act of naked ag-
gression, the President's nation~l security advisor Allen stated that "the
Israeli raid will obviously affect the Arab countries. And we hop~" he added,
"that Egypt's isolation from the other Arab countries will come to an end and
that others will realize the advisability of sitting down at the negotiating
table."12 It is evident from these words that the attack on the research
center on the outskirts of Baghdad, just as the subsequent barbaric air attacks
and artillery bombardments against towns in Lebanon, are coordinated U.S.-
Israeli actions ai.med at intimidating the Arab countries which oppose the
capitulationist C.amp David agreements. Essentially this very statement by the
U.S. presidential ~dvisor constitutes a patent attempt to exert pressure on
the Arabsfor the sake of achieving those same aims which were pursued by
Tel Aviv in perpetrating its criminal act.
The United States and its NAT.O allies are trying just as hard to delay an end
to the war between Iran and Iraq, in order to exhaust these countries, to place
them~under U.S. domination, to establish control over the oil-producing areas,
and at the same time to expand their base for aggression against the USSR. The
United States maintains a naval armada in this same region for the same pur-
pose to exert pressure on countries adjacent to the Persian Gulf and, if
necessary, to occupy them. Tension in this region has reached such a high
level that there has arisen a real threat of another major military flareup.
"One rash step, and the flames of war could embrace the entire Near East,"
stated L. I. Brezhnev in a speech in Tbilisi. "And who knows how far the
_ sparks of this confZagration will fly."13
i In order to consolidate its domination over the most important strategic
regions, sources of raw materials and energy resources, the United States is
increasingly more persistently endeavoring to draw its NATO allies, as well as
Japan and China, into its contemplated actions. Under pressure by the U.S.
Government, NATO leaders are seeking to expand the sphere of action of this
bloc. It is significant that the U.S. "right" to military adventures beyond
NATO boundaries, if a threat arose there to the notorious "vital interests of
the West," was officially recognized at the spring 1981 meeting in Brussels.
In addition, the final official statement by the NATO Military Planning Com-
mittee even hints of the possibility of participation by NATO allies in joint
actions beyond the boundaries of the bloc's "zone of responsibility." The
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, . .
Near and Middle East, the Yersian Gulf, and Indian Ocean are designated in
Washingto:~ as regions of "vital interests." They are also attempting to include
within this category Southern Af rica, Latin America, and Asia practically
the entire world.
.
U.S. ruling circles are continuing their attempts to put together new aggres-
sive military-political blocs and alliances in addition to existing ones.
The U.S. military, for example, is seeking to turn Pakistan into a U.S. military
strongpoint, from which other Asian countries could be threatened. Toward
this end the United States concluded with Islamabad in the summer of 1981 an
agreement to give the latter more than three billion dollars in military-
economic aid, providing Pakistan access to the latest weaponry. This
dangerous step is obviously aimed at destabilizing the situation in Southern
Asia.
In the Far East the Washington-Beijing-Tokyo triangle has recently been assum-
ing more and more clearly the configuration of an aggressive alliance. Play-
ing into the hands of U.S. policy, Japanese ruling circles are pushing mili-
tarist preparations, in violation of that country's constitution. The Beijing
leaders are ranking increasingly closer with the most aggressive imperialist
circles. They seek to encourage confrontation between the NATO nations and
Japan on the one hand and the Soviet Union on the other. Imperialist politi-
cians in turn are counting on drawing China deeper into anti-Soviet actions
and into the campaign against detente and peace. China's services are already
being utilized by U.S. imperialism, in particular in the waging of an un-
declared war against the Democratic Republic of Af ghanistan and in creating a
new military threat to socialist Vietnam.
Supported by the Beijing hegemonists and making use of other "Pacific allies,"
U.S. diplomacy is seeking to set the five ASEAN member nations (Indonesia,
Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, and the Philippines) against Vietnam, Laos, and
Kampuchea. Playing on the militarist ambitions of certain political
circles within ASEAN, imperialism is endeavoring ~to activate the five-member
military alliance, established in 1971, between Great Britain, Au.stralia, New
Zealand, I�ialaysia, and Singapore (ANZUK). And if they are able to formalize
an alliance between ANZUK and ANZUS (with a membership of the United States,
Australia, and New Zealand), Malaysia and Singapore will automatically become
the Pentagon's militarist bloc partners.
Reports of plans to establish a military bloc in the South Atlantic with the
participation of the Republic of South Africa, of utilization of South African
bases by the U.S., and of deliveries of U.S. weapons to South Africa are
ominous. It is appropriate to remind the reader in this connection about the
nuclear ambitions of the South African racists, which carry a threat to world
peace and security. Legitimate concern is also evoked among the world com-
munity by attempts by Washington to reach an agreement with their prot~g~s in
Pretoria on the Namibia question, in order to circumvent the UN decision to
grant independence to this racist-occupied territory. Who in actuality seeks
world domination? The cited facts enable one to reach the only correct con-
clusion, tizat precisely those who are shouting the loudest about a"Soviet
threat" are seized with imperial ambitioc~. It is precisely U.S. militant
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circles which us e any excuse to meddle in the affairs of other peoples, for
their own military-political expansion. And when there are no such excuses,
they create them artificially.
The USSR and the other nations of the socialist community, while taking neces-
sary measures to strengthen their defense capability, at the same time
pursue a f_irm, consistent policy aimed at strengthening peace and the security
of people in all regions of the world. Soviet proposals pertaining to political
settlement of the Near Eastern conflict are well known. The foundation of such
a settlement, in the opinion of the Soviet Union, should consist of three
organically interlinked elements: cessation of Israeli occupation of all Arab
lands seized in 1967; realization of the inalienable rights of the Arab
people of Palestine, including establishment of their own state and, finally,
guarantee of the security and sovereignty of all nations in the region, in-
cluding Israel.
The Soviet Union, as noted above, has expressed its willingness to hold con-
crete talks on confidence-building measures in the Far East with all interested
countries. Nor is it against discussion of questions connected with
Afghanistan both separately and in a linkage with questions pertaining to
security of the Persiau Gulf. Unfortunately the Wes~ern powers, Japan and
China have failed to respond to these proposals.
Also ignored was a proposal made to the Western powers, China, Japan, and all
other nations with an interest in the Persian Gulf area to agree not to es-
tablish foreign bases and not.to deploy nuclear or any other mass destruction
weapons in this region; not to employ and not to threaten the employment of
force against Persian Gulf countries; not to meddle in their internal affairs;
to respect the status of nonalignment, not to draw them into military
groupings with the participation of nuclear powers, and to respect the
sovereign rights of the nations of this region to their natural resources;
finally, not to create any hindrances or threats to normal trade and use of
the~sea lines of communication linking the nations of these regions with other
countries of the world.
_ This lack of response to the peace-seeking proposals of the Soviet Union and
the other nations of the socialist community impelled the USSR Supreme Soviet
to address an appeal to the legislative bodies of all nations "to speak out
resolutely in favor of negotiations aimed at preventinR another round in the
nuclear missile arms race honest negotiations on a baeis of equality, with-
_ out any preliminary conditions or attempts to impose a diktat.'~ 14
"The USSR Supreme Soviet," states the Appeal to the World's Parliaments and ~
Peoples, adopted at the Sth Session of the USSR Supreme Soviet, lOth Convoca-
tion, "solemnly dpclares that the Soviet Union threatens nobody and does not ~
seek confrontation with any nation in the West or East. The Soviet Union has
not sought and does not seek military superiority. It has not been and will
not be the initiator of new rounds in the arms race. There is no weapon which
it would not agree to limit or ban on a mutual basis, on agreement with other
nations.
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/"Securement of peace has been, is now and continues to be the highest
foreign policy objective of the Soviet State./ The Peace Program for the
' 1980's, adopted at the 26th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet
Union, aims toward this objective. It encompasses measures to reduce both
ntiClear missile and conventional weapons, cor.tains proposals on settling
existing and preventing new conflicts and crisis situations, and is per- ~
meated with the endeavor to achieve deepened d~tente and development o.f
peaceful cooperation among the countries of all continents. It expresses the
readiness and willingness of the Soviet Union to hold talks on all vital
questions of peace and security and attentively to address any and all con-
structive ideas by other nations."15
"...Events in the international arena," stated L. I. Brezhnev in his speech
_ in Kiev in May 1981, "are increasingly more insistently reminding us that
peace is not a blessing which is given automatically.... The peace is bein
threatened, and threatened seriously. It is necessary to fight for peace."~6
And the socialist nations are waging such a struggle persistently and stub-
bornly, seeking to achieve strengthening of European and international securi-
ty, an end to the arms race, and are f aithfully defending the rights and
interests of the peoples of the world. An important role in achieving suc-
cess of the policy they pursue is played, among other factors, by the defense
might of the Warsaw Pact Organization.
FOOTNOTES
1. L. I. Brezhnev, "Leninskim kursom" [Following a Leninist Course], Vol 7,
pp 350-351.
2. See "Organizatsiya Varshavskogo Dogovora" [The Warsaw Pact Organization],
pp 17-19 .
3. Ibid., page 37.
4. Ibid., page 66.
5. Ibid., pp 54-55.
6. Ibid., page 114.
7. "Ma.terialy XXVI s."yezda KPSS" [Proceedings of the 26th CPSU Congress],
page 4.
8. Cited in PRAI/DA, 8 June 1981.
- 9. Cited in PRAVDA, 30 May 1981.
10. PRAVDA, 10 May 1981.
11. "Materialy...," op. cit., page 14.
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12. Cited in PRAVDA, 22 June 1981.
13. PRAVDA, 23 May 1981.
].4. PRAVDA, 24 June 1981.
15. PRAVDA, 24 June 1981.
~ 16. PRAVDA, 10 May 1981.
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Chapter Four. FIGHTING ALLIANCE OF BROTHER ARMIES
As we know, the Warsaw Pact countries have their own military organization a
fighting alliance of the brother armies. A certain contingent of their troops
and fleets, pursuant to Article 5 of the Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and
Mutual Assistance, has been assigned to the /Joint Armed Forces [Ob"yedinennyye
vooruzhennyye sily],/ which at the present time include ground troops, air
defense forces, air forces, and naval forces.
The numerical strength and composition of the Joint Armed Forces, their organiza-
tion, equipment and other items connected with this have been determined by the
governments of each country taking into account the recommendations of the
Political Consultative Committee and the Commander in Chief of the Joint Armed
- Forces, as well as the economic and military capabilities of each country. The
troops and naval forces assigned to the Joint Armed Forces are stationed on the
territory of their own countries and remain under the national ministries of
defense. Their daily life and activities are regulated by the laws, statutes
and military regulations existing in the Warsaw Pact member nations. The
ministries of defense of the allied countries bear full responsibility for the
state, equipment, combat readiness, military and political indoctrination of
_ the personnel of these troops and naval forces. Thus the principles in con-
formity with which the Joint Armed Forces are constructed and operate stress the
sovereign rights of each country. At the same time the rights and authorities
which according to the general agreement are granted to the Commander in Chief
of the Joint Armed Forces, the Staff and otfier agencies of the Joint Command,
enable them successfully to perform their functions related to settling all
matters within their competence.
/The ground troops/ of the Joint Armed Forces are armed with operational-tac-
tical missile launchers, modern tanks and armored personnel carriers, con-
ventional and rocket artillery, antitank weapons, means of protection against
- air attack, plus other weapons and equipment. Their diversified hardware
- enables them to perform complex combat missions both in the defense and of-
fense. The fact that combined-arms large units, alongsi.de modern artillery
systems, are armed with tactical missiles possessing a high degree of accuracy
and the capability to destroy any targets positioned within their range gives
, the ground forces enormous firepower.
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The combined-arms large units in the Joint Armed Forces are equipped with first-
class armored vehicles which are most highly suited to operations in condi-
tions of enemy employment of nuclear weapons. Protected by reliable armor, the
tanks and infantry fighting vehicles possess a high degree of resistance to
blast wave effect and substantially reduce the degree to which vehicle crewe ~
are affected by penetrating radiation. In addition, they possess excellent
cross-country capability.
The combined-arms large units are also equipped with first-class antitank artil-
lery and antitank guided missiles. Hitting enemy tanks and infantry fighting
vehicles at a considerable distance, they are capable of substantially weaken-
ing the striking power of attacking enemy troops, of depriving the enemy of the
capability to overcome the defense, and thus of increasing its stability when a
combined unit is repelling an attack by large enemy forces.
Ground-forces combined units, units and subunits possess diversif ied means of
protection against air attack self-propelled multiple-mount guns, and anti-
_ aircraft missile systems. Ground troops air defense weapons are employed in
close coordination with fighter aircraft, which makes it possible successfully
- to engage hostile fixed-wing and rotary-wing aircraft in any situation.
Engineer troops are a component part of ground forces. They are furnished with
_ modern combat equipment, which makes it possible sharply to reduce the time
required to perform engineer tasks in constructing cross-country roads,
shelters against hostile mass destruction weapons and artillery fire, as well
as in negotiating and constructing obstacies and moving troops across various
water obstacles.
As we know, modern warfare is inconceivable without stable and continuous con-
trol, while control is inconceivable without communications. Today signal
troops are furnished with modern radio sets and other equipment enabling them
rapidly to collect and synthesize a large flow of information in conditions
of ememy radio jamming, to transmit orders, instructions and commands
precisely and rapidly, thus ensuring uninterrupted troop control.
/Air defense forces/ are equipped and organized in such a manner that they are
capable of successfully engaging enemy aircraft. They include antiaircraft
missile forces, fighter aviation, radar [radiotekhnicheskiye: also translated
as radioelectronic] and special troops of various designation. Their combat
power is based on antiaircraft missile systems and all-weather supersonic
_ fighters, which have the capability of downing modern enemy aircraft on the
far and near a~proaches to defended targets. The diversified radioelectronic
devices with which the radar troops are equipped enable.them to detect offen-
sive air weapons day or night, summer or winter, at a great distance, to
identify them, to determine their precise location, and thus to provide ac-
curate target designation to antiaircraft missile troops and fighters.
/The air forces/ are equipped with multirole supersonic fighter-interceptors,
supersonic fighter-bombers, supersonic tactical [frontovyye] and long-range
bombers, as well as diversified helicopters. Arrival on the line of swing-
wing aircraft made it possible to improvP the takeoff and landing performance
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' hUK UNhI(IAL 115~~: ONLl'
of supersonic aircraft as well as to increase flight duration at subsonic
speeds. The development of VTOL aircraft exp.inded the operational maneuverabil-
ity of fighter aviation. The high speeds and the armament of frontal
_ [frontovoy] and long-range aviation aircraft provide the capability swiftly to
hit the most diversified operational and strategic targets. An important role
in air forces operations is also played by helicopter gunships [boyevym
vert~letam; also translates as combat he~icopters] which make it possible sub-
stantially to strengthen battlefield air support of ground troops and to
deliver airborne assault forces to tactical and immediate operational depth ~
in the enemy's defense.
/Naval forces/ are equipped with missile-armed submarines and surface warships
of various typea, modern amphibious landing ahipa~ aircraft, coast and anti-
aircraft artillery, as well as naval infantry equipped with diversified weapons
and the requisite combat technical means, wt-.ich makes it capable of offering
effective support to ground troops in coastal sectors.
Just as all the other uniformed services, the navies of the Warsaw Pact member
nations are constantly being improved. While subordinate to their national com-
mand authorities, they work on coordination with one another for the purpose of
performing common operational-strategic missions. Past exercises have con-
firmed that the forces of these navies are capable of xeliably defending the
sea.boundaries of the nations of the socialist co~unity and of successfully
engaging hostile warships on the open sea.
/Military agencies of the Warsaw Pact Organization/ were established by deci-
sions of the Political Consultative Committee, to guide the development of the
,Ioint Armed Forces, to train personnel and to achieve combat cohesion of the
component forces. As an aggregate they comprise a unified system which ensures
efficient accomplishment of the tasks of strengthening the.defense capability ,
of the Warsaw Pact member nations and their reliable defense against aggression.
- These agencies are as follows: the Ministers of Defense Committee, the Joint
Command, the Military Council, the Staff, the Technical Committee, plus certain
others.
A particularly important role is played by the/Committ2e of Ministers of
Defense of the Warsaw Pact member nations,/ established in 1969. The per-
formance of this body was highly praised at the 26th CPSU Congress. "Organiza-
tional development of the Joint Armed Forces," noted the Accountability Report
to the congress, "was conducted smoothly. Here too, as always, a good job was
done by the Ministers of Defense Committee."~
- The Committee is made up of the ministers of defense of the allied nations, the
Co~nander in Chief and Chief of Staff of the Joint Armed Forces. The Ministers
of Defense Co~nittee is a permanently functioning military agency with specific
duties and functions. The most important questions pertaining to strengthening
the defense capability of the allied nations, organizational development ,
(stroitel'stvo] and improvement of the Jcint Armed Forces, and increasing their
combat readiness are handled at its meetings.
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Defense ministers preside at the Counnittee meetings by turns, in alphabetical
order of the names of the Warsaw Pact member nations. The term of office of
the next chairman commences at the moment the current Co~ittee meeting ends.
The chairman specifies with the Committee members the agenda, date and place of
the followinR meetin� (thev are roughly determined at the preceding meeting)
and convenes the next meeting through the Committee's working body JoinC
Armed Forces Staff. J~ He also determines, in coordination with the Com-
mittee members, the time and place for holding an unscheduled meeting if the
need for such a meeting arises. This operating procedure for the Ministers
of Defense Co~ittee proceeds from the principles of equality and sovereignty
_ on which mutual relations among the Warsaw Pact member nations are based.
/The Joint Command/ performs important tasks within the framework of the Warsaw
_ Pact Organization. It includes the Commander in Chief of the Joint Armed Forces,
the Chief of Staff of the Joint Armed Forces, as well as the Commander in
Chief's deputies for air defense, air forces, naval forces, weapons and
equipment, and the Cormnander in Chief'~s deputies from each country which has
assigned troops to the Joint Armed Forces. The Chief of Staff of the Joint
- Armed Forces serves as first deputy commander in chief.
The Commander in Chief and the Chief of Staff of the Joint Armed Forces are designated
by decision of the governments of the Wareaw Pact member nations, from the
military co~anders of any Warsaw Pact member nation, and in their activities
are guided by the decisions of these governments and by the instructions of the
Political Consultative Comm~ittee. The deputy commanders in chief are appointed
by the respective governments of the Warsaw Pact member nations. The Commander
in Chief of the Joint Armed Forces periodically reports to the Political Con- ~
sultative Co~nittee, to the governments and the Committee of Ministers of
Defense of the Warsaw Pact IVations on the results of the daily activities of ~
the Joint Command.
- The deputy commanders in chief from the allied nations, who as a rule are
deputy ministers of defense or chiefs of the general s~affs of the allied
armies, conduct extensive activities pertaining to training the national troop
contingents assigned to the Joint Armed Forces ani~ mai~taining them in a
continuous high state of combat readiness. They perform their work in close
_ coordination with the military supervisory bodies of the Warsaw Pact Organiza-
tion, in particular the Military Council and Joint Armed Forces ~Sta~f.
Representatives of the Commander in Chief of Joint Armed Forces are assigned to
~ the allied armies with the consent of the respective governments. Their
tasks consist in giving the national co~and authorities assistance in training.
troops assigned to the .Toint Armed Forces and in maintaining continuous and
close contacts between the joint and national command authorities. Highly
trained officers and general o~ficers, with a wealth of experience ir.~ directing
. troops, they make a subatantial contribution to the cause of strengthening the
fighting alliance among the allied armies and increasing the combat readiness �
of the Jo int Armed Forces.
~/The Military Council of the Joint Armed Forces/ operateson a collective prin-
ciple. Membership of the Military Council is as follows: the Commander in Chief
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rvx vrr1~~A~ u~C. U(VLY
, (he also serves as chairman of the Military Council), the Chief of Staff and
deputy ccmmanders in chief of the Joint Armed Forces. ~
Questions pertaining to the combat and mobilization readiness of the Joint Armed
Forces and the organizational structure of troops and naval forces are analyzed
at meetings of the Military Council; measures to improve weagons and combat
equipment systems as well. as to improve troop control and naval forces control,
measures connected with combat training af the allied armies, as well as other
matters pertaining to strengthening the Joint Armed Forces are regularly dis-
cussed. Military Council recommendations are drawn up taking into account the
opinions and interests of all Warsaw Pact member nations.
As a rule Militar~,? Council meetings are held at the end of each year, at which
the results of operational and combat training during the preceding year are
comprehensively analyzed, the tasks for the troops and fleets for the following
_ training year are specified, and a plan of joint measures is coordinated.
These meetings are usually combined with conferences of top-echelon leader per-
sonnel of the allied armies. This fosters better and more purposeful resolu-
tion of items discussed at the Military Council.
The Joint Armed Forces Staff, which is a control agency of the Commander in Chief
and a working body of the Ministers of Defense committee, works with a broad
range of matters pertaining to the daily life and activities of troops and
fleets. Working closely with the general staffs of the national armies, it
- plans current and long-range joint measures, including those pertaining to
operational and combat training, s~nthesizes experience in training troops and
fleets, and drafts recommendations for utilization of this experience. One
of the most important tasks of the Staff is preparation for and holding of
joint exercises, training conferences, meetings, and training drills of various
scale. It also plays a major role in preparing for and holding meetings of the.
Mini'sters of Defense Commit.tee and the Military Council, in practical execu-
tion of their decisions in the combat activities of troops and staffs, and in
broadening the fighting friendship of the allied armies.
An important place among agencies of the Joint Armed Forces is also occupied
by the /Technical Committee/,which carries out measures pertaining to coordina-
tion of scientific research and experimental design activities involving the
development and furnishing of new weapons and equipment to the allied armies.
'Che Staff and the other directive agencies of the Joint Armed Forces are located ,
in Moscow, while the troops and naval forces assigned to the Joint Armed Forces
are stationed on the territory and in the territorial waters of their own
countries. In order to create conditions for successful performance of their
assigned tasks by these bodies, they have been given the authority, privileges
and immunities required for this, as defined by a special convention concluded
- among the Warsaw Pact member nations in~1973.
The Joint Armed Forces wark in close coordination with the national people's
- armies, which in recent years have raised their combat proficiency to a new an~
higher level. They are better equipped with military hardware, their organiza-
tional structure is continuously improving, and the firepower and mobility of
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