JPRS ID: 10539 NEAR EAST/NORTH AFRICA REPORT

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• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP82-00850R000500060052-3
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• Document Page Count: 38
• Document Creation Date: November 1, 2016
• Sequence Number: 52
• Content Type: REPORTS

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JPRS L/ 10539
- 25 May 198~
Near E~st North A~rica Re o~t
p
(FOtJO 21 /82)
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JPRS L/10539
25 May 1982
NEAR EAST/NORTH AFRICA REPORT
(FOUO 21/82~
CONTENTS
~ INTER-ARAB AF~AIRS
Paris PLO Representative Questions French Policy
(Ibrahim al-Sus Interview; AL-WATAN AL-'AR.~BI~ 19-25 Mar 82) 1
IRAQ
Minister Comments on Country's Preble~s
(Tayih 'Abd al-Karim Interview; AL WATAN AL-'ARABI,
2-8 Apr. 82) 4
JORDAN
Chairman of Press Syndicate on Arab, Jordanian M~edia
(Rakan al-Majali Interview; AL WATAN AL-'ARABI, 12-18 Mar 82 7
Infighting in Nation's Pr~ss Establishment Reviewed
(Florence Ra'd; AL~WATAN AL-'ARABI, 2-8 Apr 82) 15
Minister of Information Discusses Press Controv~ray
(Florence Ra'd; AL-WATAN AL-'ARABI, 2-8 Agr 82) ~1
LEBANON
Camille Sham'un Diacusses Syrian Role, Presidential Electiona
(Camille Sham'un Interview; AL-WATAN AL-'ARABI. 19-25 Mar 82) 23
LIBYA
National C~pposition Statement
(Fadil al-Mas'udi; AL-T.IATAN AL-'ARABI, 1~-25 Mar 82) 27
Intelligence, Security Organizations Deacribed
(AL-WATAN AL-'ARABI, 26 Mar-1 Apr 82) 31
-a_ (iiz-rr~ ~A-121~ovo]
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INTER-ARAB APFAIRS
PARIS ?'LO REPRESEtdTATNE QUESTIONS FRENCH POLICY
Paris AL-WATAN AL-'ARABI in Arabic No 266, 19-25 Mar 82 pp 18-19
[Interview with PLO director in Paris Ibrahitn al-Sus by AL-WATAN 1'~L-'ARABI:
"Does Paris Think 'Arafat Will Visit as a Tourist?"; date not apec~fied] ,
(Text] Mr Ibrahim al-Sus, director ~f the PLO of�ice in Paris, eacalated his
attack on the trends in French policy-making regarding the Middle East. In
this interview! he emphasized that Mr Yasir 'Arafat will not visit the French
' capital without an official invitation frrnn the highest level.
[Question] What is your evaluation of French Preeident Mitterrand's visit to
Israel?
[Answer] President MitterYand's visit has revealed that the French stand is
prejudiced in favor of the Israeli-American stand.
We have a few remarka on this visit.
First, official French sources had notifi~d us a few days before the visit that
Mitterrand's speech in Israel would be general, that its tone would be hun?ani-
tarian and philosophical, revolving around the theane of two peoples for one
land, and that the French president would not addreas political iasues as his
foreign minister, Mr Claude Cheysson had done in the UAE.
We were surprised that the "~iumanitarian" tone of the speech was aimply con-
tent to talk about the problem of the Jews during World War II.
Second, President Mitterrand addressed the Palestinian state by saying that the
Palestinian Arabs in the West Bank and Gaza would be able in the end to estab-
lish their staCe if they linked their rightis to the rights of others, that is,
Israel.
With these aentences, he ignored the Yalestinian people, the unity o� the
Palestinians who live under occupation with thoee who live in the Diaspora
and the hopea and ambitiona of this people.
Third, President Mitterrand's mention of the PLO as the sole legitimate repre-
sentative of the Palestinian people was conditional on the PLO's recognition
of Israel and Che abandornnent of its struggle, ae a prelude for ~oining the
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negotiations. At the same time, he failed to ask the me~mbers o~ the Israeli
Knesset to recognize the existence and right of the Palestinian people to live
in peace and dignity on Paleatinian land.
[QuestionJ Do you belie~~e that some French statements that were pacifying for
the Arabs were meant as a camouflage of the true French stand?
[Answer] We had no illusions about the reality of French policy, and we are
very much aware of its strategic linka with American policy, especially since
the present French administration is more Atlanttc-oriented than the preceding
ones.
[Question] How, then, do you explain the contradiction between President
Mitter.rand's statements and those of his foreign minister?
[Answer] The Quay D'Orsay is traditionally aw re understanding of Arab problems
and more knowledgeable about French interests in the Arab world. But it seems
there is some sort or role allocation between Mitterrand and Cheysson lately
_ [Question] Is it possible that Mitterrand's visit to Israel might pave the way
= to a revival of the European initiative, or did ~.t remove thia possibility?
[Answer] Through his visit to Israel, President Mitterrand provided Israel
with great support for its aggressive policy towards the Palestinian and Arab
peoples. He also t~elped remove the international isolation Israel suffered
when it did not have another ally butthe United States. Now Israel has a
potent ally, France.
This role was manifest, for example, in Mitterrand's promise that France will
play the ambassador for Israel in reestablishing ita relations w~,th the African
states.
As for the European initiative, we never had any illusion about the so-called
European initiative. The European states have to realize the reality of Zion-
ist ambitions and Israel's aggressive plans and work to establish ~ustice, that
is, to support the Palestinian people in their le~itimate struggle to regain
their lost rights.
_ [Question] What happened to the invitation to Mr Yasir 'Araf at to visit Paris?
[Answer] The way President Mitterrand addressed this sub~ect during his visit
to the Zionist entity in~ured the "pride of the Palestinian people and the
Arab nation."
[Question] Does President Mitterrand believe that Yasir 'Arafat is begging
him to invite him to visit France or that he wants to visit France like a
touris t?
[Answer] Abu 'Ammar will not come to France except at an off icial invitation
addressed to him f rom the highest level. Such an invitation entails France's
recognition of the PLO as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian
people.
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(Question] Would such a visi~ be a poeitive indication of French policy
towards the Palestinian cause?
[AnswerJ An official invitation to Yasir 'Arafat and recognition of the PLO
might be considered an indication of a correct trend in French policy toWards
the Palestinian people.
I would like to iefer here ta the atatement of French aritne Minister Pierre
Mauroy in Tunisia when he said that France is a~riend of th~ Palest~inia~
people; and we wonder: Where has thia friendship gone? And does it mean
supporting the stand of those who occupy ita land and diaperse its people?
[Question] What is the basis you consider right for establishing poai*.ive
~ French-Arab relations?
[Answer] There is a clear basis for improving relat3ons with the French admin-
istration:
1. Full recognition of the PLO as the sole lagi;,imate representative of the
Palestinian people and an end to maneuver on this Rub~ect.
~ 2. Making clear the French stand towards the Middle East problem by asaerting
that Israel's withdrawal f rom the various occupied Palestinian snd Arab lands
is a precondition for any solution.
3. Full recognition of the legitimate rights of the Paiestinian people, for
which these people are f ighting, and their right to establish an indepen~'snt
Palestinian atate in their hrnaeland.
4. That France adopt a Security Council draf t resolution that atates the
rights of the Palestininr? people the way they were stated in General Assemnbly
Resolution 3236.
COPYRIGHT: 1981 AL-WATAN AL-'ARABI
9945
CSO: 4404/386
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zxaQ
MINISTER COI~NTS ON COUNTRY'S PROBLEMS
Paris AL-WATAN AL-'ARABI in Arabic No 268~ 2-8 Apr 82, pp 54-55
[Interview with Miniater of 011, Tayih 'Abd al-Kariia by Salib Zaytun: "We will
Overcome Export ~bstacles"; date and place not specified]
[Text] Iraqi Minister of Oil, Tayih 'Abd al-Karim, in a special interview with
AL-WATAN AL-'ARABI said that the Iraqi oil situation ia now better than before
and that his country is determined to carry out new pro~ects tc increase oil
exporte. He made thia statement in a meeting with a group from AL-WATAN AL-
'ARABI attending the conference.
The Iraqi miniater said: Our oil position ie now better than it was last year.
we are still producing much less than before the war and what we are export-
ing is still limited because of limitationa on the means of export, which
are now reRtricted to the pipeline across Turkey and Syria. It is not enough
to hold the total Iraqi production capacity, but we are hoping after the war
stops to resume pumping at a greater rate. We shall begin by repairing the
damage done by the war."
~Question] Asauming the war continuea, what meana is Iraq thinking of uaing
to overcome the obstacles to export?
[Anawer] I'm not giving away any secret when I say ttiere are alternatives to
exporta that we have thought of and used like flo~ting docks, but this ie no
longer enough. We therefore made agreements in principle with Kuwait and
Saudi Arabia to extend the two networke cf pipeliaes to them to help in expoxt-
ing Iraqi o1I. We are limited in our export capacity to the Turkish pipeline,
which carriea about 60 million tona annually. and to the Tripoli pipeline,
~rhich carries 70 million tons a year~ We discussed with our brothers in Saudi
Arabia and Kuwait a plan to extend the two pipelines. And we obtained the
agreement of Saudi Arabia fc~r the pipeline which will carry Iraqi oil to one
of the ports on the Red Sea with a capacfty that may reach 80 million tons
annually. Our big hope ie to complete this pipeline before the end of this
year. As for the second pipeline, it will pasa through Kuwait starting at
Basra. We expect to send through it a million barrels a day. We have obtained
the agreement of our Kuwaiti brothers. We s~il.l. have to work out the details,
bearing in mind that the pipelin~ may take 2 years to complete.
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[Question] Don't you think the completion of these two pipelines will increase
the volume of production in Iraq at a time when you are calling for less pro-
duction by OPEC in order to end the oil glut in the international market?
[AnswerJ We do not doubt for a moment that the glut is artificial. The
foreign companies are undoubtedly helping to sanctify its existence by dump-
ing extra quantitiES (on the m~azket). When the glut ends, the balance between
supply and demand will be restored. We are bound by OPEC's decisions. Our
current production due to the war is less than t~hat before the war. All that
we are doing is to maintain the former level of production.
[Question] It was decided to hold an OPEC summit in Baghdad ~ore than a year
ago, but the war with Iran put it off. Is there now an opportunity to hold it?
[Answer] The invitation to hold an OPEC summit in Baghdad still standa. And
we hope suitable circumstances will allow it to b2 held this year.
[Question] Is it possible, for example, to hold a autnmit c~nference oi the
nonaligned nations in connection with it?
(Answer] Everything is possible... if there is a readiness and consensus to
do so. We welcome it before, during, or after (~:he OPEC meeting).
[Question] Does the oil weapon still have a role to play in the Arab cause?
[Answer] Oil is without doubt an effective weaF~on in Arab hands, but it is
sonsetimes used, unfortunately, against the Arab:3 and against the exporting
countries and against the developing countries. Some want the oil weapon to
be stripped from Arab hands so that it cannot be used in the national struggle
with the Israeli enemy and imperialism. We believe oil provides bargaining
power for the developing countries ~n the dialague between the Nortll and the
South. In addition to oil helping the Arab and world economy with snergy for
a long time, it is a stx~3tegic commodity thaC can be exchanged for technology,
which is the basis of the development process.
[Question] What is the energy situation in Iraq today?
[Answer] Oil is considered the primary source of energy in Iraq. It was
used to build an integrated industrial base. We are expanding explorations
and developing fields to increase our reserve capac',ty. Natural gas is second
in importance. We have carried out a number of pro~ects to exploit the gas
efficiently, including the northern and southern gas pro~ect. The period of
_ flaring the accompanying gas in Iraq will end in 1984 when it will be
completely utilized.
Electric power is considered especially important along with solar power, wind
power, and tidal power. All this requirea more attention, scientific study,
and concentrated exploitation.
[Questiun] What proposals did Iraq make at the Arab Energy Conference
recently held in Doha?
[Answer] We invited our brother Arabs to exploit our natural gas that is in
excess of the producing countries' need for it and to bring it through
pipelines to the other Arab countries. We also proposed the exploration and
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identi~fication of Arab resourses in the way of raw materials uaed for nuclear
power. This will require unified efforts to build nuclear stationa and
plan;.s to treat the radioactive materiale on special natural bases. In addi-
tion, we urge the creation and development of an ~?rab heavy industry to
prod.uce the machines and equipment uaed in energy industries, oil and gae in
part.icular. We favor the acquisition of experience and conductir,g of studies
to support Arab economic integration in order to carry out the proceas of
gra.~ual conversion to alternative ~orms of energy when the oil is used up.
Anci we have called upon our brother Arabs to adopt the idea of creating an
Arab oil reserve for the purpose of aseuring ourselves of the energy needed
for the intggrated Arab economy.
COPYRIGHT: 1982 AL-WATAN AL-ARABI
5214
CSO: 4404/428
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JORDAN
CHAIRMAN OF PbtESS SYNDICATE ON ARAB, JORDANIAN 1~DIA
Paris AL-WATAN AL-'ARABI in Arabic No 265, 12-18 Mar 82 pp 80-81
[Interview with Rakan al-Ma~ali by AL-WATAN AL-'ARABI: "Our Newspapers Are
- Like Something Out of the Middle Ages!"]
[Text] [Question] How do you evaluate the third advisory meeting of the
International and Regional Organization of Journalists, in which you parti-
cipated as vice president of the Union of Arab Journalists?
[Answer] This meeting was extremely important, siace it was a continuation of
the international meetings of ~ournalists' organizationa on the widest scale
and the highest level. Besides, the BRghdad etatement that was issued at the
end of ~he meeting is a profound elaboration on the Mexico staten~ent and the
Mexico declaration on information. Thie meeting betaeea varioue international
~ournalistic bodies repreaenting 200,000 ~ournalists was a practical achieve-
ment, especially with the succesaful adoption of the special article concern-
ing the establishment of an international council to include ittternatioaal
and regional organizatioas of journaliate, and with the special efforta
exerted by the Union of Arab Journaliats to make it a success.
[Question] Did the Union of Arab Journalista have a special role in this
meeting, and what are the most pramoinent activitiea of the union in the field
of international communications?
[Answer] The Union of Arab Journaliats is the one that called for this meet-
ing and succeeded in holding it with representatives from all of the inter-
national organizations to confront the vicious c:ampaign launched by the poli-
tical and military induetrial monopolies, which waat to frustrate the efforta
to establish an international information system, find solutians for the
problems of the profession and challenge the obstacles that stand in the way
of a citizen's right to free expreasion.
The Union of Arab Journalists has carried out a aeries of activities in its
current sesston on the international level that eough t primari.ly to achieve
interaction with the international ~ournalistic organizatione and explain our
~uat causes. The first meeting was with ~ournalists of the nonaligned coun-
tries, as well as the dialogue betaeen Arab aad European ~ournalists. An
Arab-African dialogue of journalists is also among the activitiea o# tt~e '
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union. This year we will have another dialogue with the ~ournalists of Latin
America. This continuous communication is the real success of the union.
[Question] This is on the international level. But what is the rolE of the
union on the Arab level, and what do you think of the real conditions of Arab
journalism?
[Answer] The role of the union on the Arab level lies particularly in the
fact that we succeeded in preserving the unity of the union, and that it
passed through all obstacles in spite of the difficult conditions. But the
real condition of Arab journa'lism is as painful as everything in our lives.
It is painful because ~ournalism is no longer a mission or a standpoint of
free expression or honesty; it has turned into business, hypocrisy and the
practice of inercenaries. In the absence of public freedoms generally and of
democratic and political institutions, the Arab unions of ~ournalism become
incapable of doing anything in response. We do not want the unions to turn
into mere formalities. We want the~n to be an active force in defending the
profession and promotin g it. We do not want the heads of the unions to become
notables. We want them to be in a position to def end the honest word.
[QuestionJ Amid this Arab reality, where does Jordanian ~ournalism atand?
[Answer] The reality of Jordanian journalism is painful and ~orrowful.
Regretfully, it is not a reality in line with the general progress or with
the moral standards of our people. The reality is a feudal situation that is
far behind the feudalism of the Middle Ages. The feudal lord of the middle
a~es ~ised to ~ive the serfs and lackeys son~e financial rights and some degree
of free will, based on his own self-confidence.
jQuestionj How is this translated into reality?
[Answer] It means low wages compared to the high income of the only two
newspapers in Jordan. It means preventing the editors from enjoying any rights
whatsoever, including their participation in union elections, under threat of
i~nediate dismissal. This monopoly of the two newspapers that form an alliance
against journalists is the cause of all the problems...as there is agreement
that whoever leaves one newspaper would not be accepted by the other.
[Question] Are you telling us that journalistic competition is nonexistent?
[An.swer] It goes deeper than that. There is practicatly only one newspaper,
because both newspapers have a co~non administration: one advertising agency,
~oint distribution and coordination in even the most trivial of things, and
~ the only ob3ective is profit. Each newspaper makes abont 1 million dinars .
annually in p rofit, from distribution a*+~t ads alone. These large sums ga to
a handful of people, who no doubt have a vested interest in perpetuating this
state of affairs and opposing an.y ~ournalistic attempt or effort to publish a
new newspape r.
[Question] How long has it been like this?
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[AnswerJ During the fi�ties and the sixties there were always five dailies,
at least, in addition to the weeklies. Since then, journalism has been sub~ect
to conspiracies and plots from people who could not overcame their failure to
publish a newspaper called AL-MANAR. Since then, they have bozne a grudge
against all that is Arab, starting with Abd al-Nasir. They put on the cloalc
of Islam and hid behind names such as The Muslim Brotherhood and The IslamiC
Conference and the Khomeyni... etc....
[Question] From your description, where does ~ournalism in Jordan sfand?
[Answer] Weekly journalism is contained and suffocating and can hardly, even
to preserve their royalty, as is the case with AL URDUN, for example.
[Question] What do you think is the solution?
[Answer] The solution is clear: Encourage the publication of new newspapers.
The goverrnnent has begun to see the importance of such a step, hence the deci-
sion to publish AL-SHA'B, with a capital of 2 million jdinars], two~-thirds of
which was a geverc~ent inveEtment. As a matter of principle, I believe this
is a good trend, but I am against the dual experience in one country. Either
apply this formula to everybody or leave matters to the private seCtor, as is
now the case.
_ [Question] Do you think the gover~nent is willing to own the press, and what
do you think of such a possibility? ~
[Question] I do not believe the govercaaent wants to do that. But there is
a general feeling for the need to change this closed monopoly, and. the gov-
ernment wants to participate in this change. There is no doubt that publish-
ing a new daily would be an actual effort to break this monopoly. But the
remedy must be a thorough one and to th~ benefit of the journalists. This
means that the new trend that aims at having journalism as simply a commercial
investment owned by govermaent investment agencies or private companies or
big merchants is an unhealthy trand. I prefer that the government directly
own the press, which would be better than what we now have, or that the take-
. over be done through various governmental agencies, as with AL-SHAFB, although
I believe the latter would be succeasf ul, since the existing monopoly has so
far prevented the success of the experim.ent, and it has bern 3 months now
since AL-SHA'B obtained its royalty, and its board of directors so far has
not done anything. ~
[Question] Then you support the press beiag a goverrm4ent enterprise?
[Answer] No, of course not, not on principle.... But compared to what we now
have in the field of ~ournalism, the ~,ress would be a lot more free than it ia
now. As far as dealings go, the editor would rather be an employee at some
official agency than be a hand in a farm or in the house of somebody who
controls him.... I would like to mention an example here: A colleague from
AL-RA'Y signed a letter asking for a meeting of the general assembly, Now,
that person was the editor-in-chief. One of the owaers of the institution
called him and asked him:: "Do you stab me in the back when you are in my
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house and eating my food?" That is why a government press would be much more
merciful than t}iis feudalism, although we hope not to reach that stage since
the solutions are clear and available....
- [Question] It is said that ~e decision to publish AL-SHA~B was to co~opt
AL-'AKHBAR, which has stopped appearing?
[Answer] Some might think so, some might even have planned it. But I am con-
fident that AL-AKHBAR, and I am the owner of its royalty, will soon start pub-
lishing, and this is based on official promises, of course. There is nothing
to stop it from appearing, because it stopped according to an agreement
between us and the Ministry of Information, simply to solve a preexisting
situation. So far there has been no decision to withdraw or cancel the
royalty, but the forces of f eudalism have managed so f ar, with their wide
influence, to prevent the appearance of this newspaper.
[Question] Do you feel you have been the victim of some plot?
[Answer] Not exactly. But there was some backstabbing, meanness and maneuver-
ing on the part of some people; I would like to point here to the minister of
information, whose stand was, and still is, honest and clear. Many other
official parties had an honest and moral attitude. It would be no exaggeration
to say that this problem, as well as the media situation in general, is one of
the concerns of His Majesty King Hussayn;, which guarantees that in~ustice will
be removed.
[Question] What about the fuss that rose concerning the union of journalists
and the concentrated press campaion that went on for several weeks in the
Jordanian press and even in some Arab newspapers?
[Answer] It was a fabricated fuss. As you know, any elections would have to
include more than one party. I believe success is not merely success in elec-
tions, rather it is success in holding the elections and allowing people to
exercise their democratic rights. Any honest professional would have as his
first concern the exercise of this right.... I personally feel I would have
achieved a great success if elections were held democratically and in a
spirit of camaraderie, even if I failed to win this particular post. I also
believe we have to overcome sel�ishness and egotistical interests. Therefore,
the whole thing was a problem of elections, and it was rooted in the fact tha*
the symbols of press monopoly wanted the union to ref lect the painful feudal
situation of the press. We do not want to recount history from the beginning
in this respect, nor do we want ro reopen the story of the AL-MANAR, or recall
what happened to Salim al-Sharif, owner of AL-JIHAD and the actual founder of
AL-RA'Y, or what happened to the journalist magnate Ibrahim al-Shanti, the
first journalists' union leader in Jordan, or his brother Sadiq al-Shanti,
both owners of AL-DIFA', or to mention what happened to the people of
FALASTIN and the founders of AL-SHA'B; nor do we want to explain how these
became owners of newspapers and how they came to be journalists. This is a
story known to everybody in Jordan.
[Question] But the press campaign concentrated on the 1aw of organizing the
prafess ion?
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[Answer] The law was the basis. Last year the union leader was one of the
owners of the two newspapers. They wrote that la~a under the slogan of ~modern-
ization. We all support the laying of a new law. But this one was written in
secret and everything about it was kept in the dark. We asked for nothing
more than to present it to tl~e general asse~mbly and discuss it according to
the laws and accepted procedures. They were estimating that the law would be
issued before the elections, to guarantee their hegemony over the union.
That is why they built their electoral campaibn on tiie necessity of canceling
the elections or postponing them until the new law was issued. Thus, the
press campaign before the elections was based on the call for the new, modern,
progressive, advanced law. But after the elections, when the law was exposed,
they conducted a more violent campaign to nover their position by attacking
the vast text of the new progressive law, as they theinselves called it ir. the
beginning.
[Question] The campaign also addressed the question of goverrnaent interference
in the elections?
[AnswerJ In all fairness, the government did not interf ere in the elections.
The campaign became concentrated in one miserable point: Why doesn't the
government use martial law and the authority of the military governor to .
cancel or postpone the elections, since they are not in the i,nterest of the
campaigners?
[question] What about suspending your membership in the union?
[Answer] This is untrue. Nobody asked that his membership in the union be
suspended. We were, and still are, extremely concerned about the unity of the
~ union and about not retaliating to the press campaign. We knew beforehand
that his provocation aimed at more than doing damage to the union--it aimed at
destroying it.
[Questian] Are you, and the present council of the union, for the proposed
law or against it?
[Answer] We are against the spirit in which the procedures were conducted
for issuing this law. In its present proposed form we consider it an open
conspiracy against the union, the press and the~other unions as well. We
consider that passing the law secretly without taking our remarks into con-
sideration is an undemocratic procedure. We even agree with the owners of the
two newspapers on rejecting the proposed law in its present �orm; that is,
there is now a consensus on rejecting it and the attempt to impose it on the
press. But we disagree with the other opponents in the approach: They attack~ed
this law with violence, intensity and emotion. We presented a study of each
~srticle, and we believe that it r.iust be discussed and must be passed to the
general assembly of the union, and throughout all the legal stages, in the
spirit of the constitution and basic legal principles.
[Question] What stage is the proposed law at now?
[Answer] We believe in just and quiet dialogue, and there is still hope that
that can be achieved in the national council. I am coni:ident that the national
council will reject this law.
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Frankly, we believe it is better to dissolve the union than be sub~ected to a
- law that would eff ectively negate the meanir_b of a union. This is a forgery
that cannot be accepted. Still, we are talking within the framework of prin-
ciples and exact def initions of ~ournalism and ~ournalists, the safeguarding
of the union structure and the unity of t he ~ournalistic body represented by
the editors and correspondents who work solely in journalism and within the
news agencies.
[Question] Was the subject of the ~ournaltsts union brought be�ore the third
consultative meeting of the International and Regional Union of Journalists,
in which you participated, or before the Union of Arab Journalists?
[Answer] No, this subject wasn't diacu~sed because, as I already said, we
still Y:ave not lost hope. This sub~ect is atill an internal affair of the
Jordanian Union of Journalists, but it wouldn't be surprising if something
happened that required us to raise our voice.
[Question] You have said some serious things: That you would prefer the gov- �
ernment to own the press in view of what is now happening; that you would pre-
fer to dissolve the union than have the law passed.
[Answer] I said that on principle I am opposed to the government owning the
press. But the situation is extremely bad.... For example, AL-RA'Y was a
newspaper owned by the government; then a deal was made in the dark in which
the newspaper became owned by a group of people most of whom are from outside
of inedia circles. When the prime minister decided last year to return the
ownership to the government for 24 hours, the decision was then postponed or
canceled; this was natural because it is retrieving a right on the one hand
and ending an immoral situation, and it is better that things be clear, on
the other, thereby having the name correspond to the reality of the content.
I prefer that the newspaper be owned by the government and not by a minister
or an official or the relative of an official. This is the basis for my
reservation on the formula of AL-SHA'B.... Why should the g~verriment partici-
pate with this huge financial share in this newspaper while the goverrunent'b
newspaper AL-RA'Y exists and would cost the government nothing more than a
decision to reinstitute it....Of course, there are many details involved, but
in short the condition of journalism is extremely painf ul, more than you can
imagine. Therefore, in comparison, and since the decision is in the hands
of the government, the best thing would be to clarify everything.... That is,
if the goverrnnent wants to own the press, let it do so. This is not simply a
reaction, but things have reached a stage where an end must be reached. The
solution is clear: let the journalists have the right to publish newspapers.
As for dissolving the union, what I said is clear: I prefer a public and
effective cancellation to removing all actual content from the union.
[Question~ You have been presiding over the union for a long time; this is
your fifth term, I ~elieve. Why don't you give someone else a chance?
[Answer] I was elected president of the union for the first time in 1977 and
- was reelected to four consecutive terms, after which I decided to give someone
else a chance. When I decided last year to withdraw and not run as a candidate,
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I was determined not to return to the presidency. But circwns.tances beyond my
control, the illegalities and mistakes that occurred last year and eapecially
the attempt to pass the law secretly made me bow to the wishes of my colleagues
and return to remedy this difficult situation, despite what is involved in such
a return to taxing exertions ~n my part. I only hope not to find myself ~n
such an embarrassing situation in the coming years. Five terms are enough.
[Question] What are your roles in ~ournalism?
[Answer] I still have not lost Y~ope despite what I was sub~ected to, which
some people thought would be a killing blow to me. Here I would like to men-
tion the saying "The blow that does not kill me pushes me forward." I am
certain the case of AL-AKHBAR will soon be solved the way AL-SHA'B was.
[Question] Do you have any other options?
[Answer] To tell you the truth, I don't. I was asked to be editor of AL-SHA'B
and I refused before I discovered the formula. I was asked to be part of the
monopoly in the two existing newspapers and also re~used. There is no place
for negotiations or "give-and-take," and by nature I am not susceptible to
containment.
[Question] Why don't you start a pro~ect abroad?
[Answer] This is the last straw. But I don't believe that circumstanceR have
reached a stage that would require me to emigrate. I understand that what
happened in Lebanon led to the diaspora of Lebanese ~ournalists so that they
now work abroad. Could it be that I would leave and ~hose who are strangers
to Jordan and the journalistic profession remain there.... I hope this does
not happen.
[Question] What are the union's plans and pro~ects for the future?
[Answer] When I was elected for the first time in 1977 I said that we did not
want the union to turn into a charitable society. Unfortunately, that is how
we operated, because it was the only way to address the deteriorating living
conditions of the journalists. The union prepared two housing pro3ects that
covered the needs of 122 journalists and their families, the securing of
scholarships for their children,reductions on some airlines and help in some
needy h~nanitarian cases. The newspaper booths project that the union estab-
lished achieved a good financial income for the union, which enabled it to
carry on some of its plans. We do this because the press institutions, which
make hundreds of thousands in profit, do not provide anything for the ~ournal-
ists, and had these institutions implemented some of the above mentioned pro-
jects, we would have saved ourselvea a lot of trouble.
[Question] But AL-DUSTUR and AL-RA'Y provided medical insurance for their
workers? �
[Answer] In fact, it was a meager insurance and an inhuman one. They pro-
vided insurance only for those ~ournaliats who were registered in the union,
in order to keep them away from the union, whereas there were tens of other
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workers that the insurance did not include. For exatnple, the nwaber of people
benefitting from the insurance provided by the union, ~rom AL DUSTUR, Was the
same number as last year. Those who were included in the health insurance (of
the newspapers) can be counted on the fingers. There are over 300 employees
in both institutions who were not included in the insurance. We would be very
happy if they continued with this insurance and expanded it to cover everybody,
so that this step not be simply a reaction to the elections.
[Question] You still have not answered the question about your plans for the
future?
[Answer] We will prepare a study on the conditions of ~ournalism and the in-
come of the newspapers and ~ournalists. This is the first step. We will con-
tinue to seek a new fair law that represents the wishes of the 3ournalists,
and there is the third phase of a housing pro~ect and the second phase of the
newspaper booths pro~ect in the capital and a ninnber of towns.
COPYRIGHT: 1981 AL-WATAN AL-'ARABI
9945
CSO: 4404/386
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' JORDAN
INFIGHTING IN NATION'S PRESS BSTABLISI~NT RBVIE`iBD
Paris AL-WATAN AL'ARABI in Arabic No 268, 2-8 Apr 82 pp 60, 61
/Article by Florence ita'd: "The War of Worde in the Jordaaian Press!'/
/Text/ The interview which the head of the Jordanian Journalists' Uaion, Mr Rakan
al-Ma~ali, gave to AL-WATAN AL-'ARABI (Isaue 265) stirred up numerous reactions
in the Jordanian press. The editora in chief of AL-DU8TUR and AL-RN'Y, Mesars
Malunud al-Sharif and Matnnud al-Rayid, replied forcefully to sl-Ma~ali, who had
directed many charges against the Jordanian prass, the least of which were that
it was "feudalistic and backward."
Here is a review of the opinions of the owners of the papers regarding the
"struggle" going on between thetn and the Journaliate' Unioa. AL-WATAN AL-'ARABI
is publishing it, putting the freedom to reepand into practica and believing ia
the importance of ~ltifac+~~tad~d3~s~aus~~an.
The Jordanian press is not of recent origin. The firat papers began to appear under
the Emirate of Tranejordaa in 1927. Firat JARIDAT AL-'ARNB, belonging to Hisa~a-al-
D3n al-Khatib, appeared, along with AL-SHARI'AH, belonging to ~aaial 'Abbas and
Mahmud al-Karami. The same year SIDQ AL-'ARAB, beloagiag to the lawyer Salih al-
'Imadi, appeared, and the msgazine AL-URDUNN moved fram Aaifa, Palestine to Amnan
under its owner, Khalil Nasr.
However, the msin paper, which became an official jouraal in the Binirate of
Transjordan, was the newepaper AL-SHARQ AL-'ARABI, which apecialized in publiahing
official decrees and official co~amemorative eveate.
After the government amended the Ottoman Preas Law so that it would be in keeping
with new statutes for overseeing the8e pericdicals, tha Jordanisn papere remained
in a state of flux. In the thirtie8, they roae to five in numb~ar, then to 20 in
the fifties. Fram the start they took part in presenting Arab i~R~as of a national
character.
However, this transmutation was not adequate; the franchisea of same papars were
abrogated, while others preferred to cease appearing for one reason or another.
New papers, such as Muhamm~d al-Rhatib's AL-RA'Y (1965), Ra~a al-'Isa'e PALBSTINB
DAILY NEWS, ieeued in Jerusalem (1967), and tha JEIWSAI~BM STAR belo~nging to
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ruK urrr~~a?~ u~~. vivLt
Mahmud al-Sharif and Raja al-'Isa, appeared. Same newspapers were merged, as
happened with AL-MANAR, whose franchise owner wae Kamil al-Sharif; thie ceased
appear~ng when it was merged with the newspaper FALASTIN, and the aewspaper AL-
DUSTUR came out in its place in 1967.
While in the sixties the newspape~s numbered 14, of which three were official, in
the early eighties only a small number of newapapers remained, no more nuweroua
than the fingers on one's hand:
AL-RA'Y, owaed by the Jordanian PreBS Organization, which iasues another publica-
tion, THE JORDAN TII~S, in English. Mr Mah~rud al-Kayid, former head of the
Journalists' Union, is the editor in chief of AL-RA'Y.
, AL-DUSTUR, a daily owned by Mr Maha~d al-Sharif, one of the major prees advisors
in the Arab nation. T'.ie al-Duatur organization ie now prepariag to isaue an
English-language weekly, JERUSALEM STAR, and another specialized weekly, AL-UFUQ
AL-IQTISADI. In addition to these two daily publications, which share the
Jordanian market, the Jordanian Press House bought out the magazine AL-ITEINAYN
(in 1974), while the newspaper AL-AKHBAR, which was iseued in 1975, was ahut down.
Its editor in chief was Rakan al-Majali the present head of the Journaliets' Union.
Here people are talking of the likelihood that it will resume appearing under ano-
ther name, and they are also talking about the likelihood that the newspaper AL-
SHA'B, whose editor in chief was Ibrahim Sakajha, will reappear; that stopped
appearing same time ago and may reappear with mixed govesrment-private sector
capital. There is one magazine concerned with affairs of women and the family,
AL-BAYT AL-'ARABI; its editor in chief is Mrs Layla Abu Bab. Ia addition there
are other weekly papers such as AL-LIWA' and AIQ~AR AL-USBU'.
Papers that come out in English, such as THE JORnAN TII~S, are closer to testing
and training grounds for Bnglish language editora.
The people who read the latter are mostly tourists, officials in foreign embassies
and foreign workers. Their owners state that the goal in putting them out ia not
material, since they run at a co~ercial losa, but that they meet a pressing need.
The Union Law
Although the press is of long standing in Jordan, Che law regulating it is new.
In many people's opinion, it has ceased to keep abreast o~ development and re-
surgence in the Jordanian press and hae become deficient in regulating the
affaire of the vocation, now that the number of journslists has risen and the
fields of the profession have proliferated.
However, the draft amendment to the profesaional atatute, the Union Law, specifi~
cally, has stirred up great uproar, and it has provoked s bitter, thorny struggle
between the owners of the papers on the one hand and the ~ournaliats on the other.
The government has choaen to take a neutral stand and mediate if asked to do so,
in order to bring people~s views cloaer together. Rakan al-r~jgii, the chairnian
of the Journalists' Union (in AL-WATAN AL-'ARABI, number 265), launched a violent
attack on the owners of the papera and accused them of "feudalism" and "backward-
ness."
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Y
A War of Distortions
This interview atirred up a broad media uproar on the local and Arab levals, in
view of th.e gravity of the "accusations." AL-WATAN AL-'ARABI received two cotemente,
from ou;. colleagues Matmuid al-Sharif, editor in chief of AL-DUSTIJR, and Mahmud al-
Kayid, editor in chief of AL-RA'Y, on the interview with our colleague Rakan a1-
Majali, and we are publishing these in exercise of the freedom to reply although
the "battle" seems to have gone beyond the bounde of equitable discourse.
Mahmud al-Kayid says:
"I was certainly astonished while reading the next to last issue of AL-WATAN AL-
'ARABI when my eyes alit on the article published over two full pages under the
title 'The Jordanian Press Is Experiencing the Backwardness of the Middle Ages.'
I was astonished, not because the author of the 'article' wae saneone who is
esteemed in the Jordanian press and hae worked in it for a while, but because thie
'meeting,' with the distortions and alanders it contained, had found a place in the
pages of our felLow organ AL-WATAN AL-'ARABI, which we respect and esteeia.
"The Jordanian pr~ss which the writer of thc: article claims is experienc~.ag the
backwardness of the Middle Ages is not clax~destine; it ia well known to Jc~rdanian
and Arab citizens, who read it every morning a~d knaw whether or not their
country's press is backward and living in the Middle Agea.
"We in Jordan can assert and claim that our press, like many do~mestic institutione
in our country, has reached an advanced profesaional, technical and human level
which puts on a par with the press inatitutions in our region, if aot above many
of them, both in ternns of the press services it provides and the honor, sincerity
and independence of its coir~itment to the causes of the country and the nation.
"Regarding the allegation that the condition of the Jordanian preas is 'sad and
painful to the heart,' I do not imagine that it is anything but the success and
triumph that our press has achieved that pains the people circulating that state-
ment, provokes the spite of the arrogant and stimulates the ~ealousy of persons
who have failed and pains their heart.
"The writer of the article, named Rakan al-Majali, pretends to weep over the
conditions of his colleagues who work in the Jordanian newapapers, stating, with
respect to their situation, that it is 'more backward than the feudal conditions
of the Middle Ages' and that the condit ions of Jordanian journaliste resemble the
conditions of 'hired magicians and boon caa~paniona' fram thoae eras. Tha~ is idle
talk, as if no one could read, write or hear, an~d as if he was~addressing people
who lived on a different planet fram ours. This talk is devoid of responeibility
and devoid of all rules of propriety, comradeship aad reapect, whether to the
people in the profession or the truth itaelf.
"The author of the article claima that the 'symbols of feudaliam,' by which he
means the owners of the papers, have managed, by means of their broad influence,
to prevent the newapaper AL-AKI~AR fram coming out. What is thie confusion, this
soporific argument? What is the connection between the 'eymbols of feudalism'
and the fact that the appearance of the newspaper AL-AIQ~AR was stopped? Did
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rvn VPf'II~HL ~~c v~vi.i
, they stop it, ox was a goverrnn~ntal decree issued stopping it? No, no, everyone
in JordF,n knowa about this. AL-AKI~AR was stopped purely of its own choice, and
its fr~inchise was abrogated by decree, by law, because it failed to appear for a
numbe�r of months. tiNonetheless, the goves~nment did not issue a suspension decree,
aixi this issue did not concern or preoccupy the 'symbols of feudalism.' Even the
real owners of AL-AI~AR newspaper realize this, and declare that the reason for
the suspension was a deticiency anci shortcaming, the major share of which belonged
to the ~~Triter of the articles, that compelled the owner of AL-AICI~AR to resort to
this option--the option of suapending isauance of the paper.
"As for the issue of AL-RA'Y, to which the writer of the article referred, I do not
believe that I need to refer to that; AL-RA'Y, today, is a major fact, a prominent
landmark in our country, a distinguished citadel of journalism which hundreds, in-
deed thousands, of brothers and colleagues have erected through their effort, their
vigilance and their sweat over the last 10 years. Only ingrates, recalcitrant
people and the jealous can deny that or fail to recognize it. This also goes for
the fraternal AL-DUSIUR, which, thanks to the people who run in it and work in it,
has participated in the realization of a jour~alistic reaurgence in Jordan and the
development of the notion of a free independent press which is self-reliant and
always aspires to advance itself.
"We cherish our press for th~e good level it has reached, and the Jordanian
Journalists who have exerted every possible effort to uplift this profession and
protect it from every attempt to destroy its dignity and the dignity of the people
working in it will remain loyal to the sanctity of the written word and greedom
of the press. There will never b e anyone in their m3.dst who does not work.,and
contents himself with lolling about here and going there in order to win big re-
wards or gain a fat foreign agency.
"In addition to the open distortions which appeared in the 'interview,' which are
an obvious violation of the truth, a point appeared which I would have liked to
avoid referring to, had it not been for the amazement ar~d astoaishment iC provoked
in the spirit of everyone possessing siiicere nationalist and patriotic feeLings
and in the spirit of everyone who knows the truth of the state of journalism in
Jordan, and had it not also been for the questions and doubts it raised concerning
the real nature of the motives that prampted the person conducting the intexview
to address himself to it.
"He described some journalistic colleagues as foreign to the profesaion and foreign
to Jordan. I believe that it is not worth my while pauaing before either of the
'alleged states of foreignness.' The facts are well known and obvious: the people
wha are foreign to the profession (as every Jordanian journalist knows) have been
engaged in the profession of journalism for years--years perhaps as numerous as
the age of the person who ventured to describe them as foreigners to the pro-
fession. In fact, a large portion of the present lofty structure of the Jordanian
press was built through Cheir efforts and their pens.
"As for the 'people who are foreign' to Jordan, that thinking is alien to our
people and the morals of our society. If it exists, it exists only in the minds
of people who puff themselves up with the perverse tendentious regional tribal
superiority that our people have rejected and all of whose symbols and claims they
have rejected.
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"~s �r~r the issue of the Law on the Jordanian Journalists' Unioa, the position of
the ;ournalists working in the press on that is fully known; they want the ,~ournal-
ists' Union to be truly for the ~ournalists and want an acceptable formM1ila to be
foun~l which will guarantee their colleagues in the press the participation their
colleagues in the official media enjoy. To have the union belong to official
government e~loyees, as is the case now, is samething no one accepts and some-
times logic cannot fin~d pleasing.
"I do not want to go on at length in discussing this issue; the Jordanian press
has been adequate for us, and most of our colleagues have written numerous articles
in which they stated the journalists' position on the union and the law explicitly
and objectively, showing that adherence to the old law or the insisteace on issuing
- a new one which would treat govex~nment employees on a par with journalists is some-
thing that would involve a great injustice and.would bring on the cooptation of the
union and off icial dominance of it.
"It remains for me to mention that it is the truth, and only the truth, that lasts
and endures, that sincere, honest words are what deserve to be spoken ez~d written,
and that the true journalist is the one who works, aad works silently, without
pretensions."
A1-Sharif: We Will Prosecute Him
Responding to the statement by Mr Rakan al-Majali, our colleague Mahmud al-Sharif
says:
"I was saddened that a distrnguished magazine such as AL-WATAN AL-'ARABI would
offer its pages to Mr Rakan al-Majali, who calls himself the 'union chief of
Jordanian journalists,' so that he could heap vile curses and lowly imprecations
on the owners of the two newspapers AL-RA'Y and AL-DUSTUR in the issue of Satur-
day 13 March 1982.
"The interview the magazine held with Mr al-Majali certainly goes beyond his right
to present his viewpoint concerning the problems of the Jordanian press and the
existing dispute on the union in an objective scholarly fashion and brings the
person giving iC into the realm of slander, def~aation and vilification which is
the province of the law and is not worthy of an ordinary journalist--not to apeak
of a person who claims to be 'the union chief of Jordanian jouraalists.'
"We would have hoped that Mr al-Majali's talk would be confined to his ~iew on the
subject of the 'monopoly,' newspaper profits which, he charges, are in the~
millions, and the manner in which the newapapers treat their employees, which is
worse than the way feudalists treated their slaves in the Middle Ages: We would
have hoped for that because it is easy to discuss this sort of e~ty charge and
expose it:
"However, for Mr al-Majali to deal with the owners of AL-RA'Y aad AL-DUSTl1ft on
the pages of AL-WATAN AL-'ARABI, a sametimes levelling accusation against their
Arabhood, sometimes accusing them of being followers of Khameyni, then accusing
them of being 'foreign to Jordan and foreign to the profession of journalism,'
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rvn vrri~.~r~~. ~~r, v~~i.,ti
though they have founded giant newspapers of which Jordan and the Arab world are
proud, while he has not known the concerns and vexations of the profession, beyond
experiencing the pleasure of trips, smoking cigars, and the prestige of the posi-
tion of union head five times, then for him to proceed to claim that the sole
objective of the owners of AL-RA'Y and AL-DUSTUR is profit ard that they are atand-
ing in the way of the issuance of new papers because they are 'symbols of monopoly'
and feudalists, then for him to hint that they are responsible for the fate that
befell the late Salim al-Sharif and Ibrahim al-Shanati and Che disappearance of the
newspapers FALASTIN, AL-DII~'A' and AL-SHA'B, without offering a single item of proof
on all these serioua capricious charges, and without the magazine AL-WATAN AL-'ARABI
taking the trouble to ask him for a single item of proof to support these allega-
tions, or at least getting in touch with the 'geaple concerned' to give them their
natural right to reply to Mr al-Majali's allegations in the same article--that is
something which goes beyond everything we have cane to expect in the aarality of
- the ~ournalistic profession and it contradicts the most basic principles of equity.
"AL-WATAN AL-'ARABI is morally and legally responsible, in my opinion, for correct-
ing the tendentious picture that Mr al-Majali's interview has created in the minds
of Arab readers concerning the Jordanian press, its history and the struggle of
the people who run it. Since I am hastening to send this response to you for pub-
lication in next week~s issue of AL-WATAN AL-'ARABI, I canaot fin,d the time, nor
do I have the intent, in reality, to reply to the campaign of curses which Mr al-
Majali has unleashed against the Jordanian press and Jordanian journalists. The
place for that is the realm of the judiciary."
COPYRIGHTa 1982 AL-WATAN AL-ARABI
11887
CSO: 4404/425
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JtJRD~AN
M7NISTER OF IHItaiMATIOTT DISCUSSBS PRESS CQ~1'1ROVF.~3Y
Paris AL-WATAN AL-'ARABI in Arabic No 268, 2-8 Apr 82 p 61
/Article by Florence Ra'd: "'Adnan Abu 'Awdah: The Goves~ament Is Neutral"/
/Text/ Where dcea the Ministry of Infaraation staad on the dispute betweea the
newspaper owners and the Jouraalists' Uaion?
The Jordanian minister of information, Mr 'Adnan Abu 'Awdah, replies,
"There are clearly two sides to the issue. There has been repeated talk abaut
this issue in the papers. The baeic dispute is bntweea the members of the
Journalists' Union, which, in the context of the old law, inclvded the en4 loyees
of JORDANIAN NEWS AGENCY, the em~loyeea of the private sector, and the owaera of
the pag~ers, although the ownera of the papers and some private eector enQloyees
do not want the en~loyeea of the newa agency and ths employeee of the official
sector to join them in the union.
"The fora~er group's argument is that the union is not just a profesaional body
but that it provides services for its members wh3ch the gavermnent, not the union,is
suppoaed to offer peaple working ia the official sector, eince the employer here
is the government. That is correct. The other partq replies that the union is a
professional grouping that canaot be restricted to private sector emQloyees and
that the people working in the public sector hava the right to beloag to this
grouping. That ia also correct. ~'his is how each side preeenta its case and
tries to support and defend it, while failir.g to coneider the argumente preaented
by the other side. As for the goves~anent, it etaade ia arbitratioa, trying to
prepare the draft of a balanced law. We are not entirely in favor of ane side or
the other. The new law will try to talce the two viawpoints into caasideration.
Tiiere are three professional or trade union models in the world. The model in
the Western countries is that the private sector vwas the media; therefore, in
this case, there is no~roblem of haviag gavarn~ent ~loyees aad private sector
employees in the /eame/ union.
"Then there is the secoad pattern, where the press i~ nationalized and the media
therefore belong to the government. The third pattern or model is miaed ownerahip
of the media, in the senee that the g~vernmeat and the private aector participate
at the same time, as is the case in our country."
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~Vn vrr~uHi. uJG v~~LI
/guestion/ But how is it that the employees of JaRDANIAN NEWS AGENCY belang to the
union, while radio and television employees have not joined it?
/~4nswer/ They will in the new law, but the situation will be confined to people
working on news, documentary and editorial progrems.
/Question/ There are peaple who say that the small number of papers subjects the
editors to pressure from em~loyers; what is the gwenm?ent's position on this
point?
/Answer/ The fact is that each sida claims tb?at it is subjected to pressure. How-
ever, it is necessary to have a dialogue and arrive at an agreement. We will go
in as an intermediary, if they want aur mediation, or as a third party, but we will
go in only after they give their agreement, as a body seeking what is beaeficial,
and nothing more. �
/Question/ What provokes one's attention ia the fact that you supported Yusuf Abu
al-Layl, director general of the JO~tDANIAN NEWS AGENCY, in the previous Journalists'
Union elections. The newspaper owners supported him at that time, but today they
are objecting to JORDANIAN NEWS AGENCY em~ployee membership in the union.
/Answer/ That has actually happened. /There was/ freedam of choice and respect
for the democratic majority. That person believed in elections. The proof is
that Yusuf Abu al-Layl lost the election, and this is further proof that there is
democracy and freedom of choice.
COPYRIGHT: 1982 AL-WATAN AL-ARABI
11887
CSO: 4404/425
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LEBANON
(:AMILLE SHAM'UN DISCUSSES SYRIAN ROLE, PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS
Paris AL-WATAN AL-'ARABI in Arabic No 266, 19-25 Mar 82 pp 24-25
- [Interview with Camille Sham'un: "Camille Sham'un Tells AL-WATAN AL-'ARAr~I, 'If
There Is War, It Will Be in the South, in al-Biqa';' The Next Political Formula
Will Be One of Three: an Amended 1943 Charter, a Federation or Decentralization;"
in Beirut]
[Text] The political career of Camille Sham'un, past president of Lebanon and
= current president of the Lebanese Front, has been longer than the life of the
"first republic" in Lebanon. His allies as well as his adversaries believe that
he may be the most intelligent politician of his generation. Sham'un had the
experience of living half the past century [immersed] in Lebanese and Arab
politics, and he is still capable of assuming the initiative. His perspective on
politics is a liistorical one, and his historical intuition has always been
astounding.
We interviewed Mr Sham'un in his home in Beirut. We asked him about the charac-
teristics of "the Second Republic" at a stage that could provide solutions to
the Lebanese crisis. We asked him about war and peace in the area; we asked him
about the U.S. positir~n, the Syrian role, the battle for the presidency in
Lebanon and briefly, the immediate present in the history of Lebanon and the area.
A few hours earlier Philip Habib, U.S. envoy to the Middle East had ended his
fifth tour in the area and returned to Washington. Those who had met him in
Beirut after his talks in Damascus relayed that he had the impression that his
talks with Syrian officials there had been the most tense of his trip. He was
talking about one thing, and the Syrians were talking about another; and the
longer they talked, the gloomier the atmosphere became.
The annexation of the Golan, the alarming events of Namah, the new formulas in
south Lebanon i.n addition to the new U.S. logic that is being used in dealing
with the Syrian role are all considerations that increased the complexity of
Philip Habib's mission. Despite this complexity, which surprised no one, the
parties to the fighting in Lebanon went back to set up their guns on the hills
and on the traditional contact lines. Meanwhile, the Lebanese people who want to
live began taking advantage of the March sunshine and to engage in their favorite
sport oE skiing near the forest of large and small guns.
We asked President Sham'un, "A basic question is being raised about the cease
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Eire in south Lebanon after Philip Habib's recent tour in the area. Do you think
that in the next few weeks or months this cease fire will actually be in
jeopardy?"
~Answer] The cease fire is still in effec.t on the barders. Today, however, it is
likely to collapse because of any Palestinian action which Israel may consider a
violation of the agreement, just as it considers any incident inside or outside
Israel, whether or not the perpetrators come from inside the borders of Lebanon,
Jordan or Syria. Israel may also consider the increased arms supplies for the
Palestinians and the stepped-up military preparations near the borders a form of
challenge or a threat to its borders. In Israel's view this may constitute an
excuse for launching a war that it would consider preemptive.
Local War
[Question] If there should be a war in the south, can it start a broader war
in the area and against Syria in particular, or does the question of Syria's
missiles and role in Lebanon constitute two problems that are independent of the
Israeli-Palestinian confrontation in south Lebanon?
[Answer] If an invasion of the south does take place, it may be confined to
Palestinian and Israeli forces, unless Syrian forces were to oppose Israeli
torces or if Syrian missiles in al-Biqa' became engaged in the military acti-
vities. In both cases I believe that the war would not go beyond the local areas,
suuth Lebaiton and al-Biqa'. I also believe that the Arab countries will not take
part in this war, if it does break out.
;cluestion] To digress [here], there are those who say that the withdrawal from
Si.n.~i was the last step in the Camp David process and the first step in Fahd's
plan 1or peace. Is war strategically necessary to ensure a minimum consensus.
amon~; Arabs and Palestinians about Fahd's plan? Doesn't the Saudi plan require a
basi.c change i-~ existing formulas in Lebanon, Syria and Palestine?
(Answer] The withdrawal from Sinai constitutes the last stage in the Camp David
process unless the West Bank autonomy talks continue. However, both the near and
distant past indicate to us that one cannot hope for anything beneficial to come
o~it of these talks. Israel does not agree to the establishment of a Palestinian
state in Palestine unless the Palestinian Resistance recognizes Israel as a state
in the Middle East that has a right to live in the area within secure boundaries.
:1s tar as Prince Fahd's plan is concerned, its inevitable fate will be that of
Camp David itself because both plans are facing the same difficulties.
iQueStion] There is a growing feeling in western circles, following the events
in Hamah, the explosions in Beirut and the battles in Tripoli, that Syrian
security is now threatening Lebanon's and not the other way around. In your diplo-
m~~tic contacts with Arabs and foreigners did you sense that there was a convic-
tion that the Syrian role in Lebanon had lost all its fundamentals and that it
h~,cl also Lost its ability to assume the initiative?
[Answer.] The gory events that occurred and are still occurring every day proved
that the Syrian occupation constitutes a threat to Lebanon's security everywhere:
in Beirut, Tripoli, al-Biqa', in 'Ayn al-Rummanah, a1-Ashrafiyyah, Upper al-Matn,
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al-'Aqurah and in the north. The West and most Arab countries as well are now
convinced of this. However, these people lack the courage to declare this offi-
cially, not only in defense of Lebanon, but also out of their commitment to inter-
na[ional law, to the lawfulness of the United Nations and to the charter of the
Arab League.
[Question] The battle for the presidency in Lebanon, which will take place soon,
constitutes the most important order of the next political stage. What Lebanese,
Arab and international factors are controlling the destiny of this battle, and
how do its approaching prospects appear so far?
[Answer] The election of a president is a significant event in the public life
of the Lebanese people, especially under the present conditions that Lebanon is
experiencing. What matters to us is that this take place in a normal fashion and
that there be no interference or coercion by anyone who is not Lebanese. This
would then constitute the beginning of Lebanon's restoration to a normal state,
and Lebanon would regain its vigor and its full sovereignty over its territory.
[Question] Is the need for a new president of Lebanon paving the way for a new
formula for Lebanon, or have the federalism, confederalism and partition programs
been forgotten? Is the restoration of the spirit of the charter ?iow possible?
Briefly, which president is being sought now and for which Lebanon?
[Answer] It is not important now that we think of a new formula; but what is
important is that understanding, harmony and fraternal cooperation between all
the elements which make up the Lebanese family be restored. When this is accom-
plished, the Lebanese people themselves will choose the regime that they want.
They will either choose the 1943 formula with whatever amendments it needs; they
will choose a federation; or they will choose an expanded decentralization.
[Question] How would you describe relations at this stage between the National
Liberal party and the Phalangists? Have these relations been established on clear
foundations, or do their form, content and principal directions require reconsi-
deration?
[Answer] There were pain�ul incidents between the two parties, and the National
Liberal party was not responsible for them. However, despite these incidents the
spirit of cooperation between the two parties is prevailing so that the harsh
conditions of Lebanon can be confronted in the present and in the future.
Good for the Iraqis!
[Question] What is the political significance of the fact that the Iraqi Embassy
moved from West Beirut to al-Hazimiyah--a subdivision in East Beirut--and how
would you describe relations at this stage between you and the present leadership
of Iraq?
[Answer] I do not believe that the move of the Iraqi embassy r"rom West Beirut
to al-Hazimiyah has any political significance. The decision was dictated by
purely security reasons. We all know, unfortunately, what happened to the buil-
ding of the Iraqi Embassy and to the late Iraqi ambassador and the employees who
lost their lives as a result of the criminal attack that had targeted them. We
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also know the identity of those who carried out that attack; they are the ones
who claim to be in charge of security in West Beirut. But relations between me
and Iraqi leaders are excellent, and the purpose of those relations is to serve
both countries loyally and courageously.
[Question] Do you think that the war between Iraq and Iran is about to end soon?
And is the religious tide (the reform movement) in the ~ulf and in some Arab coun-
tries a factor for stability in the area or an explosi~�e factor?
[Answer] It is being said that there are negotiations to end the war between
Iraq and Iran and that these private initiatives may soon produce a cease fire.
What matters here is that Iraq fought to regain its legitimate rights over some
Iraqi and Arab territory. The sacrifices Iraq made for that objective were
crowned by military success. I hope Iraqi officials enjoy their success'.
[Question] There will be a new stage in Egypt after 25 April. Do you believe
that Husni Mubarak will go back to the Arabs or that Arabs will come back to
Egypt? What are the effects the changes in Egypt will have on the Lebanese crisis?
[Answer] It would be natural for President Husni Mubarak to try to return to
the Arab fold, and it would also be natural for some of the Arab countries to
think that restoration of Arab cooperation would strengthen the Arah position
in the Middle East. However, Egypt did voluntarily sign a peace treaty with
Israel, and this must be taken into account so that there would be no confusion
in relations between Egyptians and Arabs in the future.
Copyright 1981 AL WATAN AL ARABI
8592
CSO: 4404/393
, ~
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LIBYA
NATIONAL OPPOSITION STATEMENT
Paris AL-WATAN AL-'ARABI in Arabic No 266, 19-25 Mar 82 p 30
[Arcicle by Fadil al-Mas'udi: "Demands of the National Opposition"]
[Text] In a statement to the officLal news agency JANA on the occasiun of his
official visit to Austria, Col Mu'ammar al-Qadhdhafi announced that he wished
to meet with his pulitical opponents abroad. He said he wanted to talk with them
for the purpose of reconciling with them and making i[ easier for them [o return
to Libya.
In the past al-Qadhdhafi had refused to admit that there were Libyans whu upposed
him, and hc insisted on ignoring the national opposition inside the country and
abroad even as he was dispatching execution squads to the capitals of the wortd
where they carried out the physical elimination of many elements of thfs oppo-
sition.
Al-Qadhdhafi always insisted on not referring to the hundreds of national
figures, students and army soldiers and officers who were being held in his deten-
[ion camps ur in the dungeons af his jails in Tripoli, Sabha and Benghazi. Many
ot thuse people lost their lives while they were being tortured, and many of
those innocent people were killed on hanging platforms on 7 April 1977 or were
treacherously gunned down Ynside the camps and the secret and p~tblic centers of
repression.
Less that 1 month ago the agencies ot repression carried out broad operations
in which they arres[e3 and kidnapped scores of students, soldiers and a few army
otficers under the pretext that an attempt to assassinate the colonel had been
disc:overed. The colonel was to be assassinated while inaugurating a public market
in Renghazi.
As usual, such investigations are not conducted publicly; they do not take place
in the presence ot an attorney for any of the defendants; and they are noC neces-
sarily restricted to a speciEic legal period. I[ was inevitable that the investi-
_ ga[ion with the defendants ultimately result in some of the defendants being
elimi.nated and others condemned to serve sentences the least ot which was a life
sentence. This came about after the "necessary confessions" were wrested from
those defendants to jus[ify the sentences against them. This was done by means of
advanced and new methods oF turture carried out by the lackeys of al-Qadhdhafi's
- power under the supervision and expertise of experts from clandestine government
a~encies in East Cermany and North Korea.
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While execution squads are still touring the capitals oE the world~ even at this
hc,ur, louking for the regime's real opponents and planning their physical elimina-
tion, "our brother" Col Mu'ammar al-Qadhdhafi invites his Libyan apposition to
sit with him and to talk during his visit to Austria as the guest of the leader
of international socialism, Dr Bruno Kreisky.
As long as public opinion circles continue to comprise people who have some
ability to be discerning and to use logic, Mu'ammar al-Qadhdhafi's invitation to~
hul