JPRS ID: 10491 SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA REPORT

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: JPRS
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP82-00850R000500060004-6
• Release Decision: RIF
• Original Classification: U
• Document Page Count: 51
• Document Creation Date: November 1, 2016
• Sequence Number: 4
• Content Type: REPORTS

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JPRS L/10491
4 May 1982
Sub-Saharan Africa Re ort
p
FOUO No. 771
FB~$ FOREIGN BROADCAST INFORMATION SERVICE
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JPRS I,/10491
4 1~iay 1982
SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA REPORT
k'OUO 11T0. 7 7~. r
~ CONTEN TS
CAMEROON
President Ahidjo Interviewed on Country's Future
(Ahmadou Ahidjo Interview; LATITUDE AUJOURD'HUI, Apr 82) 1
CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC
Tension I~'ith France Following Abortive CoLp Subsiding
(MARCHES TROPICAUX ET MEDITERRANEENS, 19 Mar 82) 9
- UBAC Report on Economic Situation in 1980
(MARCHES TROPICAUX FT MEDIT.ERRANEENS, 12 Mar 82) 12
Briefs
Arrested Leader Tortured 14
ETHIOPIA
ELF-RC Elects TTew Leader
~REUTER, 1 Apr 82) 15
GABON
Briefs
Canadian Interest in Mining Project 16
Palm Oil Project 16
GHANA
Opposition Press Conference Founds New Organization
(GNA, 2 Apr 82) 17
Libyan 'Interference' Noted
'Campaign for Democracy'
- a- IIII - NE & A- 120 FOUO]
R(1D !1L'GT/"T A T T fCF llT~1i V
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Rawlings: Secret Services Are Pursuing Me
(JEUNE AFRIQUE, 31 Mar 82) 22
Particularly Difficult Year Forecast for 1982
(Siradiou Diallo; JEUNE AFRIQUE, 3 Mar 82) 24
IVORY COAST
Social Unrest Attributed To Move Toward Democracy, F.conomic Woes
(Koffi Mamane; AFRIQUE-ASIE, 14 Mar 82) 27
MAURITIUS
Refusal To Trade With Seychelles Alienates People
(Jonathan M'Haruia; AFRIQUE-ASIE, 1-14 Mar 82) 30
MOZAMBIQUE
Chissano Views African Crises
(Joaquim Chissano Interview; AFRIQUE-ASIE, 29 Mar-
11 Apr 82) 33
- NAMIBIA
Briefs
Eight Guerrillas Killed 39
_ NIGER
EDF Aid Goes to Agricultural Water Projects
(MF,RCHES TROPICAUX ET MEDITERRANFENS, 12 Mar 82) 40
Briefs
French Financial Aid 41
FRG Cooperation Agreements 41
SENEGAL
Three Changes in Electoral Code Proposed
(MARCHES TROPICAUX ET MFDITERRANRFNS, 12 Mar 82) 42
Briefs
Marseille-Fo~, Dakar Container Shipping 44
New Ship on Dakar-Ziguinchor Line 44
~ " ~IFA
UGANDA
Shooting Reported in Kampala 10 April
~RFTJTER, 10 Apr 82) 46
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CAMEROON
PRESIDENT AHIDJO INTERVIEWED ON COUNTRY'S FUTURE
Paris LATITUDE AUJOURD'HUI in French Apr 82 pp 27-29
[Interview with President Ahmadou Ahid~o by Lucienne Hubert-Rodier; date and
' place not specified]
[Text] This May the Cameroonians will celebrate the lOth
anniversary of the founding of their republic. When all is
said and done, it is a qu ite rare success on the African
continent: some 200 ethnic groups are living together peace-
fully, there is political stability based on a representative
_ system, the agricultural potential is well utilized, and ~ust
recently there has even been petroleum.
France is the chief partner of that country, which is governed
by President Ahidjo. Ahidjo "the unifier," Ahid~o the "Came-
roonian De Gaulle," and Ahidjo, one of th~ last of the African
"founding fathers," here explains to our special correspondent
how he views the future of his country.
He is called "the unifier," and rightly so. 'P}ie first ob~ec-
tive chosen by Haji Ahmadou Ahidjo, who was proclaimed presi-
dent of the Republic of Cameroon on 5 May 1960--the year of
independence for Africa--was the reunification of his country.
His goal was to put together in one national body the English-
speaking western part of the territory and the French-speaking
community (nine-tenths of the country)--that is, British Cam-
eroons (placed under UN trusteeship with internal autonomy in
1958) and the former French-speaking Cameroons, which had
become independent in 1960.
On 1 October 1961, therefore, Ahmadou Ahid~o became president
of the Federal Republic of Cameroon.
The second stage: once the pacification of a country made up
of 200 ethnic groups (and a total of 7 million inhabitants) ~
had been achieved, the United Republic of Cameroon came into
being on 20 May 1972. This May the Cameroonians will cele-
brate the lOth anniversary of that reur~ification, the
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_ crowning achievement of the "peaceful revolution" desired by
their chief of state. Having been reelected to a fifth
5-year term on 5 April 1979 (with 99.99 percent of the votes
cast), President Ahidjo can pride himself on having made
Cameroon a"governing democracy"--one of the f ew African
countries, along with Senegal, to en~oy a regime in which
the representative system operates normally. Political sta-
bility has been matched by an effort to achieve "balanced
development enabling Cameroon to experience relative pros-
perity despite the fallout from the worldwide crisis. Warn-
ing his fellow citizens against the mirages of petroleum, the
recent discov~:ry of which in the Kribi Sea gives new dimensions
to the country's economy (5 million tons beginning in 1984),
the Cameroonian president asserts that "black gold must in no
case replace green gold." In his opinion, agropastoral re-
sources are the most certain and lasting element in the coun-
try's d~velopment. ;3e has translated that into the "green
~ revolution" and the "village communities" to facilitate a re-
turn to rural 1if e by young people who have been attracted by
the Iights of the city.
Added to all that is a foreign policy built around two basic
options: nonalignment (the assertion of a national identity
free of the blocs) and international cooperation (horizontally
with the Third World to achieve the solidarity necessary for
the transformation of economic relations, and vertically with
the developed countries to establish a two-way flow--both as-
cending and descending--of trade). That is the ob~ective of
North-South dialogue, for which Cameroon is one of the Afri-
can spokesmen.
Lucienne Hubert-Rodier: Whenever people speak of Cameroon, they ~ay that it is
�
an island of peace and stability." Can we ask you the secret behind such bal-
ance in a world racked by confrontations and, more specifically, in an Africa
= ravaged by military c~ups d'etat, but also in a world that is in complete tur-
moil?
Ahmadou Ahidjo: As you know, Cameroon became independent in the midst of being
- torn apar~ by factions and of the development of disturbances resulting in
bloodshed--the consequence of agitation and violent demonstrations by the po-
litical groupings and their repression by the authorities of the time. Those
disturbances reappeared sporadically during the first decade of independence.
And as we know, those disturbances resulted in 1952 from confrontation among
the political parties that were formed in East Cameroon under the French
trusteeship. In the absence oE a national. ~onsciousness, which was still in
embryo, the prolif eration of those parties spotlighted the marked polyethnic
situation and the many cleavages in Cameroonian society which were often kept
alive by the colonial authority. In building this country, therefore, it was
necessary to start from a situation of instability, insecurity, and economic,
social, and cultural underdevelopment.
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The great majority of Cameroonians realized that basic options and choices were
needed and that it was necessary to establish and gradually strengt~en modern
- and efficient government institutions that would guarantee everyone's participa-
tion in the management of public affairs, to promote at the same time a modern,
diversified, and dynamic economy capable of insuring the happiness of all citi-
zens, and, consequently, to guarantee the country's political independence.
. All those freely accepted options and choices constituted the ttrst steps on a
long and difficult pati, which all Cameroonians are following wi�~~~i public-
- spiritedness and patriotism because they realize that our achie~ements must be
~ealously preserved.
- As Cameroon--a nation of many ethnic groups, l.anguages, and religions--faces a
troubled world and an Africa racked by destabilization, it realizes that it
' owes its survival to unity alone.
The achievement and strengthening of unity have been possible only because of
the existence, strengthening, and affirmation of one party: the UNC.
The UNC did not come into being by spontaneous generation. As heir to the pre-
existing parties, it was born of the Cameroonian people's will to accept, in a
collective and solidary manner, their vocation and their historical destiny--
that is, to combine their efforts in building a unite3, just, and prosperous
nation.
_ What we wanted was a great unif ied national party that would be freely ~oined
by convinced Cameroonians: a party in which democracy, freedom of expression,
and freedom of discussion can ex ist and in which various trends of opinion can
exict, it being understood that the minority must accept the majority opinion.
What we are striving to establish is a"governing democracy"--that is, a regime
in which the state, although it is a state of law protecting the freedom of the
individual and allowing the people to participate in the management of public
affairs, nevertheless possesses the means of translating the general will of
the nation into reality, if necessary by overriding private interests.
Our philosophy of development is also designed to contribute to peace and har-
mony. Our economy is aimed at economic development with two goals in addition
to simple growth: the first is a better distribution of activity over the en-
tire territory to insure greater regional balance, and the second is parallel
and harmonious growth for all levels of society to insure greater social jus-
tice. Those actions are naturally intended to help reinforce the country's
national unity.
In oui� foreign relations as well, we are concerned to maintain our policy of
nonalignment, which expresses our will to be independent of any hegemonic bloc.
So we are open to international cooperation with anyone as long as that coop-
eration is mutually beneficial and doas not erode our national ~overeignty in
any way.
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So there is no secret. It is a matter of rigorously and faithfully implement-
ing the freely accept~~d op~ions.
L. Aubert-Rodier: Do you regard as achieved the ob3ectives you cliose first in
1960, when you assumed the country's highest office, and then again in 1972
during the "peaceful revolution of 20 May," which was the starting point for
the United Republic of Cameroon?
Ahmadou Ahidjo: All of Cameroon's progress since independence resides in the
above-mentioned options, which point to the need for Cameroonian unity in peace,
the building of the Cameroonian nation, and openness to international coopera-
tion.
Touay the Cameroonian nation is a reality.
Politically,.everyone recognizes that Cameroon is a stable country where order
and peace prevail. National unity is being const3ntly strengthened, and na-
tionaZ democracy, in response to the prafound aspirations of the vast majority
of our people, is being strengthened.
Economically, there is sound and rigorous management within the framework of a
planned liberalism that is intended to promote self-centered and balanced de-
velopment and is based on the rational exploitation of our national resources
and promotion of the various sectors, particularly agriculture. And all of
that contributes to economic independence, equilibrium in the trade balance,
~ self-sufficiency in food, and the financing oi major infrastructure pro~ects.
Lastly, in the social area, the work accomplished is reflected in a high level
of school attendance within the framework of a necessary cultural zevival, in
health services that are to be expanded and strengthened, and in social justice,
which is so dear to Cameroonians because tbgzther with planning, it constitutes
the human and moral counterweight to possible excesses in our economic liberal-
ism. But while all those objectives have been or are about to be achieved, a
not inconsiderable amount of work nevertheless remains to be done. We are
aware of this, and we feel that the positive achievements to date are the pledge
and promise concerning what remains to be done.
L. Hubert-Rodier: What is the link connecting the various stages leading to
"planned liberalism" within the framework of "self-centered development" and
- to the "control over development" that you made the ob~ective of UNC action at
the congress in Bafoussam?
Ahmadou Ahidjo: "Planned liberalism" was chosen as a method of development.
Whi1e planning expresses our legitimate concern to make rational use of the
available resources, limit the element of chance in economic undertakings, and
consciously orient development toward moderate and previously determined ob~ec-
tives, we are also convinced that liberalism remains a decisive factor for
progress. We are convinced of it because we do not believe that constraint
is effective in economic matters, since liberalism fosters initiative, prompts
- responsible human parzicipation in the struggle against underdevelopment, and
thus preserves for the economy its indispensable human dimension, and, lastly,
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because it alone can harmoniously reconcile the requirement for rationalization
with the need for private international cooperation in a country where savings
are still insufficient and where the government, although compelled by the
force of things to play a decisive role in stimulating, guiding, and overseeing
the economy, is far from being able to assume the entire burden of development.
Because of that, our plans remain essentjally indicative ~.n nature so as to
provide scope for the spirit of enterprise, which is actua].ly only another form
of the creative spirit and therefore requires freedom in order to bloom.
By means of "self-centered development." we want to mobilize all our national
resources and energies for the battle of development.
Thus Cameroon intends to fulfill its successive plan.s primarily with its own
resources by mobilizing national savings, by dignifying investment--notably in
the rural development sector--and by breathing more dynamism and rationality
into overall management and operations through an effort at control.
But Cameroon has chosen the human cause as the end and means of development,
with man to be master of his fate and judge and beneficiary of his happiness.
That is why, to round out our choice of planned liberalism, and to pursue and
strengthen the choice of self-centered development, control over our develop-
ment is seen as a search for ways and means likely to free us from a growth
model whose quality, rhythm, and goal would tend to elude the chief beneficiary
of that growth, meaning the Cameroonian individual.
This is a matter of the deliberate will of the Cameroonians to take charge of
their own development first of all and before soliciting and taking advantage
of the various kinds of outside assistance.
L. Hubert-Rodier: With the agricultural resources and energy potential at its
disposal, could not Cameroon overcome--at least in part--the current serious
economic crisis, which, to use your own words, "renders fruitless and inopera-
tive all attempts to establish a more just international order"--meaning that
new economic order which is the object of North-South dialogue, which you have
always ardently desired, and whose major principles were further clarified at
the meeting in Cancun?
Ahmadou Ahidjo: Every country in the world is trying, more or less successfully,
to cope with the crisis that is currently raging. As far as Cameroon is con- ~
cerned, we have every reason to be happy with our economy's performance, de-
spite the hazards and pressures of the current international economic situation.
In that context, the vocation for agropastoral, fishing, and forestry activities
is undeniable, and it is one of the main elements of balance. T:~e government
has *_herefore stepped up its efforts to turn the potentialities and vocations
to the best advantage. Unfortunately, our action has been undertaken against
an extremely unfavorable economic background. It can be said that for many
years, there has not been one of our agricultural products which has not expe-
rienced serious difficul~ies due to the anarchy and inconsistency that prevail
on the big world markets for tropical agricultural products.
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Thanks to the "green revolution" program, we can at least pride ourselves on
having been self-sufficient in food at a time of shortage~ and famine in a cer-
tain number of Third-World countries. Tha� trend will be continued thanks to
revitalization of the village communities.
In recent years, developments in the industrial sector have been marked b~
large investments either to expand existing companies, such as CIMENCAM [Cam-
eroon Cement Plant], CICAM, the brewery, and ALUCAM [Cameroon Aluminum], or to
complete new projects such as CELLUCAM [Cameroon Cellulose Compauy] and SONARA
~National Refinery Company].
Establishment of the National Hydrocarbons Company is in response to the ne~d
for a maximum rationalization of the process of exploitin$ our potentialities.
There is active expluitation of our hydroelectric resources. It should be men-
tioned that the Song-Loulou Dam, fed by the reservoirs at the Mbakaou and
Bamindjin storage dam, has gone into service. And the Lagdo Pro~ect will go
into operation in 1983.
A vast program is underway to build infrastructure in the areas of communica-
tion, transportation, and telecommunications.
The efforts put forth by our national maritime shipping company (Camshipping
Lines) and the airline company (CAMAIR) are satisfactory.
The important thing is to concern ourselves with achieving better control over
the mechanisms and process of our growth through forecasting, planning, ration-
alization, and improved moral standards in connection with economic activities.
We must also call on all the imaginative resources exisf ing in Cameroonians,
call for rationalization and self-control in their behavior, and appeal to
their creativ e spirit so that the strategy for economic growth will integrate
the problems posed by population growth, education, and empl~yment with our
overall system of development.
L. Hubert-Rodier: In your eyes, the regional organizations constitute concen-
tric circles of solidarity. Do you consider that they are still best adapted
to Africa, and on the same subject, what do you think of enlarging the ~iDEAC
[Customs and Economic Union of Central Af rj.ca], as mentioned by President
Bongo at the 17th summit meeting in Libreville?
Ahmadou Ahid~o: As far as I know, it was not a question in Libreville uf en-
larging the UDEAC, but of committing ourselves to the establishment of a com-
munity of Central African states in the spirit of the Lagos Action Plan. It
is obvious that the achievement of such a plan requires thorough studies aimed
at specifying the practical procedures for that community's establishment and
operation.
"=or its part, Cameroon is prepared to study objectively any idea likely to re-
ult in a strengthening of subregional cooperation in particular and African
~~operation in general.
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But it seems appropriate here for me to recall that in order to be serious and
durable, any grouping must be based on real and s~ecific ~imilarities, affini-
ties, and comple:aentary features. Structures b~sed only on emotion2l or polit-
ical motivations are doomed to founder ~inless chey ar.e supporteci by an under-
lying realit~--by foundations that give them a reason for being, strength, and
awareness.
L. Hubert-Rodier: Does the Inter-African Force set up in Chad seem to be offer-
ing that country "a new chance" to sc~3.ve its problems?
Ahmadou Ahidjo: The role assigned by the OAU to the Inter-Africar. Force in
Chad is essentially that of keeping the peace and helping to set up an inte-
- grate3 Chadian national army. In other words, that force has a duty to create
the condi~ions favoring a return to normal l~fe in Chad and the reconstruction
of that country. In our opinion, it woul~' now be appropriate to evaluate that
force's mission in the context of the reso~utio~.n on Chad that was adopted by
the OAU Permanent Committee at its meeting in Nairobi on 10 and 11 February.

] L. Hubert-Rodier: You have just made an offici.al visit to Nigeria. In your
opinion, can it be considered that the matte~ oi~ last May's border incident is
definitely closed? What is the outlook now for political, economic, cultural,
and border cooperation between Cameroon and Nigeria?
Ahmadou Ahidjo: I have in fact jLSt made ar_ official visit to Nigeria at the
invitation of President Shehu Shagari. I would like to emphasize first of all
that my visit was a matter of reciprocity, meaning that it was not a consequence
of the incident you mentioned. I wou].d also like to point out that long before
my visit, our two governments had agreed on a compromise concerning the solu-
tion to that problem after realizing that what it actually involved was a local
incident whose significance should not be overstated or dramatized.
That being said, my visit gave us the opportunity to lay new foundations with
a view to more active political cooperation that will enable us, through regu-
]?r cunsultations between our two governments and especially our border author-
ities, to resolve amicably and peacefully, if not prevent, any incident likely
to harm the good neighbor relations between our two countries.
The visit also led to positive results in the ares of economic cooperation. We
decided to sign new agreements in the areas of customs, posts and telecommuni-
cations, trade, and hydroelectric energy. So all in all, there are good pros-
pects for cooperarion between Nigexia and Cameroon.
L. Hubert-Rodier: Are you satisf ied with Franco-Cameroonian cooper~tion, and
in wl~ich areas might it bP destined to develop as a result of the meeting by the
Major Franco-Cameroonian Jc~_nt Commission?
Ahmadou Ahidjo: Being based on the equality of the partners and respect for
their independence, sovereignty, and choices, cooperation between our two coun-
tries does n~t present any major problems. It therefore needs only to be con-
tinued, adapted to any possible and necessary changes, and, in that way, rein-
fo�rced and improved.
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Cameroon is hoping for improvement in some areas of that cooperation having to
do with trade and, more particularly, a rebalancing of our trade so that our
trade balznce will no longer show the deficit that has been recorded so far.
A5 far as the industrial area is concerned, it is desirable ta encourage par-
ticipa~ion by French industrialists in the promotion of small and medium-sized
enterprises and of mor.e complex projects requiring sizable investments.
COPYRIGHT: Latitude Sp.RL. 4th trimestre 1981
11~9$
CSO: 4719/792
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i,
! CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC
~
TENSION WITH FRANCE FOLLOWING ABORTIVE COUP SUBSIDING
Paris MARCHES TROPICAUX ET MEDITERRANEENS in French No 1897, 19 Mar 82 pp 773-
774
[Article: "The Lesson From Patasse's Failure"] .
[Excerpts] The tension existing between France and the Central African Repub-
lic since the abortive coup of Ange Patasse is subsiding. General Kolingba has
in fact publicly stated that he does not wish to make the surrender of Patasse,
who sought asylum in the French Embassy and to whom Paris has granted the right
of asylum, a test of relations between the two countries. This position seems
to have some merit, inasmuch as certain intransigent members of the Military
Committee for National Recovery (CMRN) would like to be able to try Patasse
and eliminate from public life an opponent whose personality lends itself to
controversy and who is a bothersome adversary.
When he was named minister of development in the first government set up by
Colonel Bokassa after he ousted President Dacko, Patasse, agricultural engi-
neer and director in the Ministry of Agriculture, had the reputation of being
. a man of progress quite naturally associated with the policy of f ighting cor-
ruption announced by the army chief of staff in order to justify his takeover.
The 12 years during which Patasse participated in government and witnessed the
degradation of the government, the development of the most total arbitrariness
and the reign of corruption even more frightful than that which existed before
Emperor Bokassa came to power, did not alienate the sympathy of a fraction of
the Bangui population, including teachers, professors and university and high
school students in search of a leader capable of ousting the tyrant. Moreover,
he knew how to maintain his popularity through acts of generosity to students
or the people living in certain low-income districts of Bangui. The origin
of the resources which Patasse used ~~ould be surprising to some.
When Emperor Bokassa was overthrown, Patasse, who founded the Central African
People's Liberation Movement (MLPC), was not in Bangui. Upon his return on
5 October 1979, he acted as leader of the opposition. He demanded a revision
of cooperation agreements with France and the departure of French troops, whose
presence was "a violation of national sovereignty." This nationalist talk
~ could only be welcomed by part of the population, especially the intellectuals
who had been humiliated by the circumstances of President Dacko's return to
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power in a military p.lane and accompanied by French paratroopers.. Patasse's
test of strength of the new government caused him to be incarcerated a month
later and to remain in prison for 13 months. He was freed because of his
state of health and within the framework of an attempt to relax the political
atmosphere made by the chief of state. ~~is trial, for "an attempt on govern-
ment internal security," was to end in a dismissal which also applied to mem-
bers of his family being tried along with him.
The principal leader of the opposition, Patasse watched the number of his
rivals grow and opposition parties f lourish while the dates of the referendum
- on the constitution and presidential election came closer. Five candidates
were to confront one another in the election campaign beginning on 1 March
1981. The proclamation of results by the Constitutional Council was postponed
several days and Dacko's.election by a majority of 50.23 percent was violently
disputed by his adversaries because, they claimed, of.serious irregularities
_ in voting. While Pehoua, Maidou and Goumba combined gathered less than 10 per-
cent of the votes cast, Patasse obtained 38.11 percent. He even won 5,000
votes in Bangui, the only city in the country to manifest real interest in
po:l.itical life. From that time on, he would constantly claim that without
the manipulations of his adversaries, he would have won, thus contesting the
- legitimacy of President Dacko. .
A certain malaise marked relations between France and the Central Africar. Re-
public after the election of Francois Mitterraud, not that relations betwe~~n
the two governments were affected, but because of statements and positions
taken, either by individuals in the French Socialist Party expressing their
personal views or by the Socialist Party itself. Intervention in African inter-
nal affairs by preceding French authorities was denouneed and it was recalled
that the resignation of the minister of coopEration at the time of the ouster
of Emperor Bokassa had been demanded in Parliament.
Criticisms grew even stronger when the Socialist Party, in a bulletin, ex-
~ pressed its "very strong disapproval of the repression" aimed at the Central
African opposition following the explosion of a bomb in a Bangui movie theater
on 14 July 1981, an attack attributed to opposition movements. Dacko's govern-
ment then ordered the state of siege, suspension of the constitution, dissolu-
tion of two political parties and the suspension of Patasse's MLPC. Certain
"authorized" circles manifested their "surprise" in Paris about the decisions
made in Bangui. Three weeks later, President Dacko, apparently encouraged by
the new French Government, took back the measure coneerning the MLPC. Paris'
attitude regarding him undoubtedly encouraged him to restore power to General
Kolingba, who immediately set up a Military Committee of National Renewal
(CMRN) and hinted that he would turn it over to civilians when the economic
situation permitted him to do so.
It was in Europe, where he traveled during the 5 months preceding his attempted
coup generally in Paris that Patasse affirmed his position as the de-
clared leader of the opposition to General Kolingba. At a Paris press confer-
ence on 6 October, he revealed his party's proposals to the CMRN, accompanied
by a schedule for a return to normality of Central African political life.
He asked for presidential elections at the end of 1981 and legislative and
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municipal elections at the end of January 1982. Receiving no satisfactory
response, he filed a complaint, from Paris, with the Supreme Court of Bangui
against Dacko and Kolingba far high treaso.n, deeming the suspension of the con-
stitution illegal. At the same time, he said that his party which he
claimed enjoyed a majority was ready "to assume its responsibilities in
obtaining a return to a normal situation." A little later, he accused leaders
in Bangui of planning the "liquidation" of his supporters with aid from "foreign
mercenaries," using t~he pretext of an attempted coup.
At the same time, Kolingba was nami:ng representatives of the opposition to
posts of responsibility. AFter Abel Goumba, president of the Ubangi Patriotic
Front-Labor Party, named rector of the University of Bangui, prominent persons
who had enjoyed great influence in political life over the past 5 years acceded
to posts of high responsibility in the administrative hierarchy or in joint
ventures. Among those benefiting from these promotions expressing a desire
for a political opening vis-a-vis the opposition was Gabriel Dote-Badekara,
who was close to Patasse.
The latter returned to Bangui from Paris on 28 February. On the evening of
3 March, Gen Francois Bozize and Gen Alphonse Mbaikoua made their move, counting
on an uprising of the people, who remained indifferent in Bangui and the rest
of the country. The CMRN had no trouble restoring order in a situation that
was never seriously compromised. Patasse, sought by the authorities, then
fled to the French Embassy and asked for the political asylum whieh France has
just granted him.
Ri~hCly or wrongly, Bangui has suspected that unofficial French police en-
couraged Patasse's attempt. It was reportedly not the SDECE [Foreign Intelli-
gence and Counterintelligence Service], which, on the contrary, warned the
government in Bangui of the plot being hatched. However, it is certain that
Patasse did have rather close relations in France, not with members of the
French Government, but with members of the Socialist Party whose sensitivities
prompt them to suspect the legitimacy of any goveriunent originating in a coup
d'etat, especially if the author is a military man. Perhaps they speculated
on Patasse's promises to restore parliamentary democracy in Bangui. Or perhaps
they simply did not disapprove strongly enough, which led him to believe that
he was being tacitly encouraged by the highest authorities in the Socialist
Party, who cannot be seriously suspected of complicity.with him. But whatever
the hypothesis, the French Socialist Party has yet to learn that it bears ~
special responsibility because of the fact that it has a parliamentary majority
in France and tha~ its statements or positions have reper^_ussions on France's
international relations. The example of its recent statements on Moroccan and
~thioPian policies is an illustration of this. Consciously or not, part of
French public opinion refuses to make a distinction between the French Govern-
ment and the Socialist Party, an essential element in the majority. It should
therefore not be surprising that foreign governments make the same mistake.
COPYRIGHT: Rene Moreux et Cie Paris 1982
11,464
CSO: 4719/652
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CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC
UBAC REPORT ON ECONOMIC SITUATION IN 1980
- Paris MARCHES TROPICAUX ET MEDITERRANEENS in French No 1896, 12 Mar 82 p 743
[Text] The activity report on the 1980 fiscal year of the Banking Union in
Central Africa (UBAC), an establishment affiliated with the General Company
group, provides information on the situation of the economy of the Central
African Republic, whose rehabilitation of the productive structure after the
events of September 1979 has not yet resulted in a lasting recovery.
Coffee exports for the 1979-1980 season totaled 10,945 tons (up 2,310 tons over
the preceding season). Despite the drop in p.rices, the purchase price to the
producer was raised from 300 to 330 CFA francs per kilogram. Action undertaken
in the coffee area should result in a production ~f 14,000 tons by 1984 by all
family crops. ~
I'or the 1979-1980 season, the cottonseed harvest amounted to 32,150 tons (down
4,387 tons), supplying 10,416 tons of cotton fiber (down 1,411 tons) after
ginning.
Because in the drop in area planted to 1,200 hectares, tobacco production
totaled 1,189 tons in 1980 (down 550 tons), including 573 tons of the Sumatra
variety (tobacco for cigars), grown in the western region. The tobacco was of
good quality and marketing was satisfactory.
Some 2.7 million hectares of useful forest were registered. Large-scale lum-
bering permits granted provided 479,600 cubic meters of rough timber in 1980
(up 30,500 cubic meters). Exports of rough tiunber, sawn wood and veneer
totaled (169,000 cubic meters (up 16,600 cubic meters). Reorganization of the
forestry sector should lead to an improvement in production.
In 1980, diamond production totaled 341,700 carats (up 27,500). Exports
totaled 333,500 carats of rough diamonds and 2,000 carats of cut stones, repre-
senting a total value of 8.4 billion CFA francs. Gold exports amounted to
521 kilograms, worth 1 billion CFA francs. The future working of the Bakouma
uranium deposit is still being studied and oil prospecting has been begun in
the north.
In the industrial sector, 1981 saw the establishznent of two breweries and the
startup of the FAF Citroen vehicle assembly plant, which now assembles Visas.
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The River Transport Company (SOCATRAF) has been reorganized and its equipment
improved for container transport. In 1980, 263,400 tons~of goods were trans-
ported by river (upstr^am and downstream).
Thanks to diamonds and cotton, the Central African Republic has a favorable
trade balance (surplus of 2.1 billion CFA francs in 1979). The f irst. nine
months of 1980 registered 14.6 billion CFA francs in imports and 18.5 billion
in exports, which would indicate, at year's end, a higher surplus than in 1979.
Within such a context, the Banking Union in Central Africa developed its
operations and strengthened its position. Its balance sheet on 21 December
1980 totaled 10.2 ~illion CFA francs. All customer resources (deposit and
long-term accounts) amounted to 4.9 billion CFA francs (up 66.4 percent over
the end of 1979). Reinvestments (portfolios and advances) represented 8.1 bil-
lion CFA francs (up 32.7 percent). The bank resorted to advances from the
Ussing Institute (.9 billion CFA francs) and foreign resources. Outside the
balance sheet, commitments for securities and guarantees and the opening of
loans conf irmed for customers amounted to 1.3 billion CFA francs.
The increase in general expenditures resulted in.a drop in the result which,
after amortizations, funds and taxes, amounted to 55.4 million CFA francs,
compared with 96.6 million for the 1979 fiscal year. The general assembly of
22 June 1981 decided to distribute a dividend of 9 pErcent on capital of 550
million CFA francs, capital matched by 52.5 million in reserves.
COPYRIGHT: Rene Moreux et Cie Paris 1982
11,464
CSO: 4719/747
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CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC
BRIEFS ~ '
ARRESTED LEADER TORTURED--Paris, 9 Apr (REUTER)--The major opposition group
in the CAR announced on Friday that one of the members of its political
bureau, Professor Simon Bedaya Ngaro, has been transfered to the Ngaragba
prison in Bangui where he has been subjected to torture. The Central African
People's Liberation Movement, [MLPC] of former Prime Minister Ange Patasse
stated that Professor Ngaro, associate member of the French Academy of
Surgeons and former CAR minister of foreign affairs, was arrested during
the March attempted coup to overthrow the government of President Andre
Kolingba. Ange Patasse, former prime minister to ex-emperor Bokassa and
preented as the brains behind the coup attempt, is still at the French
Embassy where he sought refuge, French sources state. Rumors spread recently
that Mr Patasse would leave the French Embassy for Togo where he had been
given asylum. The MLPC calls for the "immediate release" of Professor
Bedaya Ngaro ar~d all militants and supporters of the movement who were
"injustly arrested for breach of opinion." [Text] [AB100814 London REUTER
in French 1746 GMT 9 Apr 82]
CSO: 4719/814
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ETHIOPIA
~.F-RC ELECTS NEW LEADER
JN012112 London REUTER in English 2055 GMT 1 Apr 82
[Text] Damascus, 1 Apr (REUTER)--0ne of the main guerrilla organizations
fighting Ethiopia for the independence of Eritrea has elected a new leader,
the Eritrean news agency said here today.
At an emergency meeting in Eritrea, the Eritrean Liberation Front-Revolutionary
Council (ELF-RC) chose Abdullah Idris, a 38-year-old soldier, to replace
Ahmed Nasser as executive committee chairman, it said.
TYie change was the second committee reshuffle since last summer, when the
- organisation came off worst in fighting with the larger and more powerful
Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF).
The two guerrilla groups have long been bitter rivals for control of the
Eritrean secessionist movement an d attempts to form a united front have
repeatedly foundered.
The ELF-RC lost most of its strongholds in Eritrea Province to the EPLF
and some 4,000 of its fighters fl ed to neighbouring Sudan.
It represents a come-back for Abdullah Idris, who was thrown off the
executive committee in a reshuffle last November after 10 years as ELF-RC
chief of staff.
Th e new leader graduated from Syria's staff college in 1966 and has good
relations with senior officers in the Arab world, Eritr~an officials said.
CS~: 4700/1099
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GABON
BRIEFS
CANADIAN INTEREST IN MINING PROJECT--On 5 March in Libreville, President Bongo,
accompanied by Gabonese Minister of Mines Etienne-Guy Mouvagha-Tchioba, met
with a delegation of Canadian businessmen interested in the mining re~earch
' p?-oj ect on the Transgabonese line, 100 kilometers on both sides of the rail-
road, including the northern zone that is, the Booue-Belinga section. Ac-
cording to L'UNION in Libreville, t~e four Cana:?ian businessmen, part of whom
are interested in the establishment and equipping of laboratories and the
others in mining research and operations, told the president of their desire
to participate both technically and f inaneially in the proposed railroad. They
then talked with the diff erent Gabonese administrative and technical depart-
ments, continuing the discussion begun with the chief of state. Programmed
as part of the 1980-1982 interim plan, completion of the project will take
5 or 6 years, said Paulin Ampampa Gouerangue, Gabonese general director of
mining and geology, adding that soil.work has been underway for several months
by the Geological and Mineral Prospecting Off ice (BRGM) of France and the
Gabonese National Geological Service. The length of the project is extended
because of the fact that it involves 140,000 square kilometers. [Text]
[Paris MARCHES TROPICAUX ET MEDITERRANEENS in French No 1896, 12 Mar 82 p 743]
[COPYRIGHT: Rene Moreux et Cie Paris 1982] 11,464
PALM OIL PROJECT--On 5 March in Brazzaville, the SOCFINCO company [expansion
unknown] joined with Congolese authorities in signing an agreement involving
an agroindustrial project in Sangha in the northern region of the People's
Republic of the Congo. Some 10,000 hectares of oil palms will be planted.
[Text] [Paris MARCHES TROPICAUX ET MEDITERRANEENS in French No 1896, 12 Mar 82
p 744] [COPYRIGHT: Rene Moreux et Cie Paris 1982] 11,464
. CS O: 4719/747
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, GHANA
OPPOSITICN PRESS CONFERENCE FOUNDS NEW ORGANIZATION
Libyan 'Interference' Noted
AB021626 London GNA in English to GNA Accra 1415 GMT 2 Apr 82
[Text] London, Z Apr (GNA)--The right of Ghanaians to choose their own
leaders is in danger because of the failure of the ruling Provisional
- National Defense Council [PNDC] to announce a programme for the return to
civilian rule.
Ttiis s ituation is unacceptable because the right to choose their own govern-
ment is the birthright of all Ghanaians, Mr Justice R. J. Hayfron-Benjamin,
until recently chief justice of Botswana, told a press conference here today.
The conference, at which he was the chairman but also principal speaker,~
was to inaugurate a newlyformed "Campaign for Democracy in Ghana" [CDG]
aimed at advocating a return to civilian ru1e.
r1r Justice Hayfron-Benjamin who is a Ghanaian, said he had accepted the ~
invitation by all political groups represented in the disbanded parliament
to present a statement to the press for the launching because he felt his
birthright was threatened.
He traced Ghana's 25 years of independence and pointed out the democratic
rule in Ghana had faced threats of military interventions since 1966, thus
depriving the people of their right to freely choose who should rule them.
rir Justice Hayfron-Benjamin said early return to representative government
is tlie only way the views of all sections of the people could be marshalled
Cor Gtiana's reconstruction~ adding:
"If one claims to represent the peaple, then he should put liimself up for
an election."
Repudiating a suggestion that civilian goverrnnents had failed Ghanaians,
he said rather it was military regimes that had failed the people.
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He ~idded that if the PNDC failed to fulf ill the CDG's request to announce a
pro~;ramme for the return to civilian rule, the members would search for the
appropriate means to exert the necessary pressure for such a change. He
would not give details of the nature of such pressure nor elaborate.
Mr Justice Hayfron-Benjamin referred to the erstwhile Nat~onal Liberation
Council regime which he said fulfilled its promise and returned Ghana to
civilian rule until the 1972 intervention by the late Kutu Acheampong's
military coup.
He said when the Acheampong government failed to announce a similar
programme to return the country to democratic elections, the result was the
AFRC [Armed Forces Revolutionary Coun~il] intervention. He noted that
the AFRC duly recognised the Ghanaian ri~ht to civilian rule and gave way.
The former chief justice therefore urged the PNDC to open the field soon
- for the var ious political groupings in Ghana to contest a democratically-
organized elections.
He said it was the view of the groups involved in the campaign that Libya
was interfering in Ghana's affairs.
Mr S. Addae-Amoako, former national organizer of the PNP [People's National
Party] who shared the dais with r1r Hayfron-Benjamin, said the "bandwagon"
now going round Ghana does not represent the people. They (PNDC) have
forced ttiemselves on the people.
rir Addae-Amoako, who said he was hot during the 31st December revolution,
told the press he had informed PNDC chairman flight-lieutenant Jerry Rawlings
he was not against him personally, but that he (Amoako) was opposed to
- undemocratic takeover of government.
On Libya, he asked: "Do we see democracy in Libya? How can Libya help
Ghana build democracy?"
He added that Libya's presence in Ghana posed a threat to West Africa and Africa
in general.
Among those wtio attended by were Mr Henry Djaba, Major (rtd) Boakye Djan,
Hutton Mills (Chappie), Alhaji Youssif Patty, former high commissioner in
Lagos, E, ll. Mahami, former first deputy speaker and a host of former
YNI' officiais and leading members who were th ere ostensibly as spectators.
'Campaign for Democracy'
A13021425 London GNA in English to GNA Accra 1330 GMT 2 Apr ~2
[Text] London, 2 Apr (GN[1)--An organization calling itself "Campaign for
llemocracy in Ghana (CDG)" was inaugurated at a press conference at the Africa
centre here today.
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Mr Justice R. J. Hayfron-Benjamin, until recently chief justice of Botswana,
; who read a statement, said he did so on behalf of all Ghanaian political
groups which were represented in the third republic's parliament.
On the dais with him was Samuel Addae-Amoako, former national organization
of the proscribed People's National Party (PNP), who together with
Justice Hayfron-Benjamin answered reporters' questions.
- Mr Justice Hayfron-Benjamin said the CDG was being inaugurated by concerned
Ghanaians who are committed to a struggle to restore sanity and democracy
into Ghana.
The statement went on: "For the record, about three months ago, the
constitutionally elected government led by Dr Hilla Limann in Ghana, was
overthrown in a coup d'etat led by flight Lt J. J. Rawlings.
~ "The initial misguided euphoria in the press which greeted the so-called
second coming of Rawlings and his Provisional National Defense Council [PNDC],
here and abroad, has now given way to embarassed silence even for the most
faithful disciplines of J. J. Rawlings. Within three months Rawlings' regi.me
has grown up to become an instrument of terror and anarchy. A regime, which
made promises for the hard-pressed ordinary man in Ghana, has gradua.lly
made the plight of the average Ghanaian already unbearable.
_ "As nf now, not only has the regime proved beyond reasonable doubt that it
- is in no pos ition to deliver the goods on its promise, b ut by its methods
and conduct, it is also not acceptable to many Ghanaians and freedom-loving
peoples of the world.
"We could list ad inf initum our grounds for asserting that the current military
regime cannot be acceptable to Ghanaians and the international community. But
for the moment we would like to confine ourselves to the most pertinent of our
claims.
"The first striking thing about the regine is that it is unrepresentative,
even for a military regime. It is made up of people who were simply hand-
picked by known friends and hangers-on to the Ghairman of the PNDC,
J. J. Rawlings. The arb itrariness of the regime in appointing or retaining
people in many key posts has opened it to charges of tr3balism and corruption
already. In any event, whole regions and districts which are not adequately
represented in the armed forces and th e public services are effectively
disenfranchised. The rumblings from this direction for those who want to
hear tiave already started.
"For three months now, the Rawlings' regime has not been able to come out
with a clearly formulated plan or program. It has merely set itself the task
of transforming the social and economic structure of the Ghanaian society on
the wings of social revolution. Experience has shown that when a group of
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people take political power on the vague promise of organizing social
revolution without a clear-cut policy or strategy that group risks plunging
- the country into fascism whose ugly aspects include intimidation, political
terrorism, arbitrary execution, curtailment of basic property and human
rights, and above all the threat of civil war.
"Within the last three months Ghana has b een exposed to all these social
degradations and many more. Curfew has been in force in Ghana. three
months after the military takeover and still is. This insistence on imposing
a curfew has infringed on the most vital of all human rights--freedom of
movement--which has led to ruthless suppression of facts and truths
cons idered to be inconvenient to the regime while at the same time allegations
which are intended to discredit and smear public figures and successful
businessmen with probity are given free flow in the media.
"This is understandable because soon after the takeover a number of independent-
minded journalists were replaced with others who were given clear directives
to toe the line or be fired.
"The general ban on all political parties and pressure groups has not been
made to cover organizations like June 4th movement, new democratic movement,
Kwame Nkrumah Revolutionary Guards, from which the majority of Rawlings'
appointees came. They are actually allowed to operate openly. All known
state and traditional institutions in Ghana are under assault.
"The armed forces, police, students, prisons, the banks and courts are being
dismantled, demoralized or rendered redundant. In this unrepre::entative
extra-legal structures like people's defense committees, nationaT investiga-
- tion committee and citizens vetting committee have become
ready instruments to be used. [sentence as received]
"Although statistics vary and evidence is tendentious, the indisputable
fact is that people are being killed in cold blood, property is being
selectively destroyed and Ghanaians are fleeing or planning to flee the
country. Those who have neither the means nor the will to leave are nervous.
"What matters in all these to us is that these events have in turn led to
a kind of situation which has ominous consequences for our country. As of
now the country is reported to be hit by serious shortages of essentials of
life. Food and drugs are not only in short supply but those available are
beyond the reach of the poor farmer and the average worker whose answer to
their plight amounts to an incipient civil war. The co untry, in short,
is on the brink of disaster which can only be averted by an alternative
solution.
"It is against this background that we, the members of the campaign for
democracy in Ghana, are proclaiming here and now that only demecratic
restructuring of our dear country can help stem the tide in which she is
caught. We are, therefore, demanding of the PNDC to announce a clear program
for a r.eturn to electoral and representative government in Ghana.
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~ "1. The announcement should be made immediztely.
"2. The timetable should be planned to last not more than six months.
"We would like to announce at this stage that the responsibilif.y for
organizing a peaceful return to constitutional rule rests fully with the
, PNDC and o ur subsequent reaction to the PNDC regime will b e largely
' determined by their response to our demands.
"We would also like to end our statement on this note: That the campaign
for democracy in Ghana is non-sectarian. It is open to all Ghanaians
who are opposed to an undemocratic way of life--young, old, farmer, soldier,
student, policeman or ordinary worker and judges--as the only acceptable
method of identifying and solving our problems under relative peace, law
and order."
CSO: 4700/1099
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GHANA
RAWLINGS: SECRET SERVICiS ARE PURSUING ME
PM061255 Paris JEUNE AFRIQUE in French 31 Mar 82 pp 25-29
[Excerpts] JEUNE AFRIQUE: It is normal in the region for a new head of
state to immediately establish contacts with his neighbors. Following
your coup you waited 3 weeks before sending a mission to explain matters
to the Ivory Coast, Togo, Upper Volta and Nigeria. Why did you wait~so long?
Jerry Rawlings: We were principally concerned with the domestic situation.
But foreign policy rules apparently require th e immediate sending of a
delegation. May we be forgiven if we are not experts in protocol. We
told ourse].ves that it was a more pressing necessity to protect people and
property and to prevent anarchy.
JEUNE AFRIQUE: What do you expect from these countries? What is the nature
of your relations with them?
Jerry Rawlings: The delegation returned with much hope. But it is still
too early to say whether the messages brought back were sincere or no~.
JEUNE AFRIQUE; You fear foreign interventions. What substance is there to
this fear?
_ Jerry Rawlings: For th e past 2 years the CIA and also, I believe, the French
services have been pursuing me.
In any case the secret services of the majority of West African countries
have done their utmost to prevent the coordination of revolutionary activities.
Th eir aim is clear: to prevent the liberation of our countries. Now that
the irreparable has been done, they are again working to try and achieve what
they failed to do before: to multiply the number of conspiracies designed
to eliminate us. If I live for long I will have time to talk about these
matters. For the time being only my country's survival is important. We
have reached such a low ebb that it is no longer a matter of dignity b ut
a matter of survival.
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JEUNE AFRIQU~: If you were to pay a visit abroad, which country would
you visit first?
Jerry Rawlings: I do not know, That depends on who invites us and on the
aim of the visit. It is natural for us to reply to countries that have
b een hones t with us .
JLUNE AFRIQUE: Libya and th e Soviet Union. Are they more honest than the
rest?
_ Jerry Rawlings: Libya and th e USSR can be really honest. After all, the
Libyans are not co~nunists. Ghana is more important than anything else.
I would like to see myself in the mirror and see only my own reflection,
not the white man's reflection.
We must rediscover our own real culture and depend on our own strength.
This is w}lat 14 million Ghanaians want.
COPYRIGHT: Jeune Afrique GRUPJIA 1982
' CSO: 4719/829
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IVORY COAST
PARTICULARLY DIFFICULT YEAR FORECAST FOR 1982
Paris JEUNE AFRIQ,UE in French 3 Mar 82 pp 11~-15
- L Article by Siradiou Diallo: "Ivory Coast: a(Very) Difficult Year" /
~ Text / Houphouet's country is a successful construction,
. but a fragile one. Unity is more necessary than ever. For
a failure would be the failure of all of West Africa.
There is every indication that 1982 is, and will be a particularly difficult
year for Ivory Coast. To be sure, the country has experienced some shocks in
trie past. The pseudo-conspiracies in 196/~-1965 that nearly beheaded the poli-
tical general staff and the high levels of the administration, as well as the
uprisin~ that at the instigation of Niagbe Kragbe broke out in October 1970
in the Gagnoa area still remain in the memory of all.
But compared to today's violent convulsions,those events tend to seem like
mere epiphenomena. Indeed, for several months, a strong wave of discontent-
ment and disputation has been washing over the country. Dissatisfied over
the gradual lowering of their buying power, woriters in the public and private
sec~ors are resorting to wildcat strikes to exact wa~e increases. Thrown out
of trieir jobs as a result of the falling-off in operations, young unemployed
persons do not hesitate to take to the streets to get the attention of the
autliorities. "Papa Houphouet must give us work," they proclaim as a sort of
refrain.
Spoiled in the past, cadre mahe no secret any more of their anger at the freez-
in~, and even sometimes the substantial lowering of their salaries. Those in ~
_ :~tate companies, whose rates are aligned wi~;h those of tiieir colleagues in the
ci~ril service, are particularly vociferous with their bitterness. And are
openly thrcatening to go to war against the government. It is true that some
01:' them, who used to lead a li�e of luxury in Abidjar., have been unemployed
sirice the di~solution of their enterprises nearly 2 years ago. Unemployment
- i; ~il:o thc: obsession of :tudents , whose violent demonstrations induced the
autt~orities to close the University of Abidjan as of 10 February.
Op until the past few years, indeed, Ivorian students had no trouble finding
work once their studies were over. They were not only hired immediately,
eittler in the civil service or in the private sector, at comfortable salaries,
but they were automatically housed in areas specially built for them. Sometimes,
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even, the state helped them through subsidies and special opportunities, to
soon become the owners of their private houses. However, 3 or years ago,
the butter of abundance began to melt in the hot sun of ci_rcumstances. So yes-
terday's happy, carefree privileged persons quickly yielded to the gloomy
white-collar unemployed of today. Is it not whispered about that some 2,OOG
cadre from the faculties of letters and law of Abidjan University are now
tramping the sidewalks in search of jobs? Hence their anger, expressed in
pamphlets, in which among other grievances, ma,y be read: "We refuse to be out-
of-work intellectuals."
Oddly, the reopening of old wounds believed forever healed is being witnessed.
For example, the Be~es! veiled opposition to the regime. It is known that the
inhabitants of Daloa and Gagnoa only rallied at the last moment (and in a way
lacking spontaneity) to President Fe1ix Houphoiaet-Boigny. So it is not sur-
prising now to see the latter asking the Bete cadre, among them Gen Zeze
Earouan, head of the general staff of the armed forces, to censure the "desta-
bilizing action" of "those among the students and teachers~'(Bete understood)
at the university.
In fact, all this agitation isonly the foam on a tidal wave of which the sub-
structure is above all of a political order. Given the head of state's ad-
vanced age, candidates for the succession are getting impatient. Clans are mul-
tiplying, competing with each other and tearing each other apart, each using
all the means at its disposal in hopes of being in the best pla.ce. One delega-
tion fo1lo:JS another to the country's hinterland at a rapid rate, making all
sorts of promises: water supplies, electrification, paved roads, hospitals,
schools....Marabouts, soothsayers, and wizards are having a very fine time.
Some candidates are bringing them in from the four corners of Africa, while
others have no qualms about sending missions as far away as India and Pakistan.
The tension is all the higher because the "Old Man" remains calm and refuses to
give the slightest hint about the choice of the vice president destined to suc-
ceed him. What is more, there has to be one-upmanship. So recently he dropped
this remark on the dumbfounded cabinet: "I know which people are hustling.
They can go on doing so. But be sure of this, none of them will be designated.
You are in for a:i.~rprise...." The head of state has so successfully spread
confusion that any forecast is proving extremely foolhardy.
In the face of the fog enveloping the institutions and giving rise to doubts
anc3 uncertainty as to the countr,y's future, it is not surprising that the
nrition's driving forces are stirred to an~er. Buthowever legitimate their irri-
t,ation, it should not go so far as to call into queution what has been achiev-
ed already. Even though some may be in a hurry to take over from the "Old
Man," even thou~h others feel rie should no longer stay beyond his time in
oPfice, they stlould still all show calr~ and cool-headedness. And above ~.11,
not 1et their ambiti~~n com~: before the unity ttiat Ivory Coast needs~
This country, which is nothing other tnan the fruit of F'elix Houphouet-Boigny's
political genius, is in fact a successful construction, but a fragile one.
Despite present difficulties, it is the only country in Africa south of the
Sahara to have an infrastructure strong enough to pursue rapid, coherent devel-
opment. In every area, the work accomplished by the "Old Man" over the past
20 ,years is immense.
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Ivory Coast is one of the few countries, if not the only one, south of the
Sahara, that can be crossed in every direction,thanks to a road system that
- leaves little to be envied of those in developed countries. In which any city
in the interior can be reached by dial telephone, while the same system pro-
vi~fc:~~ 1:ink~ with ~.bout 50 foreign countries, including the principal ones in
Af'rica, America, and Europe. Tn which electricity and running water, in common
use ~_n all the towns, are reaching the rural areas with astonishing speed. Not
to mention that Ivory Coast, along with Cameroon, is one of the only two count-
ries in the south Sahara in a strong position to be self-suffient in foodstuffs.
It is a notable fact that these worthy results have been achieved without viol-
ence, and especially without shedding Ivorian blood.
Proof of the confidence that the country continues to enjoy abroad are the re-
cent visits to Abidjan by eminent western bankers, such as the Americans
W:iila?n Draner, president of EXIMBANK L Export-Import Bank_/, and David Rocke-
feller, for Chase Manhattan Bank, or the head of Barclay's Bank (British). This
shortly after the large loans just granted by the World Bank and the L Interna-
tional / Monetary Fund. And just before a huge loan that Paris is reportedly
preparing to grar.t,. The enticing oil prospects being offered Ivory Coast are
surely not unrelated ~to this shower of amiable gestures.
But :.till, Ivorians must not be beguiled by illusions. If their country is
being so rnuch courted, it owes it above all to the stability and tireless ef-
fort,,; incarnated by Houphouet-Boigny for nearly 40 years. All it would take
would be for the "Old Man's" dialogue, understanding, and realism to be re-
placerl by paroc}iial quarreling, rivalries, and personal ambitions, to send for-
eign cadres,experts, and investors flying off like a flight of sparrows from
a rifle shot. And for� the dazzling Ivorian :,howcase to shatter into a thousand
Cra~;ments, leavin* the country to sink as other African nations have sunk be-
loi�e it, under tYie dual influence of the impatience and irresponsibility of
their leaders.
That is why, at this crucial time that Ivory Coast is going through, it is up
to all tYie nation's ciriving forces to help the "Old Man" to get past the relay
in tkie best of conditions. In any case, a failure would not belong to Ivory
Coa~t alone. It would be the failure of all of West Africa, whose precious
symbol of wisdum it is, as well as its last keystone. Especially since the vol-
untary withdrawal, a year ago, of Leopold Sed~,r Senghor in Senegal.
COPYRIGHT: Jeune Afrique GRUPJIA ~1982
1 ~149
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' NORY COAST '
SOCIAL UNREST ATTRIBUTED TO MOVE TOWARD DEMOCRACY, ECONOMIG WOES
Paris AFRIQUE-ASIE in French 1/~ Mar 82 pp 12, 13
L Article by Koffi Mamane: "Why the 'Insurrection' "1
L Text / A paradoxical result of the move toward democracy de-
sired by the head of state and the revealer of a difficult
economic situation.
Closure of the University of Abidjan; suspension of higher education teachers'
salaries; question of "destabilization outside Ivory Coast" brought up. The
social climate, already somewhat touchy, suddenly got gloomier early this year
in a state which until now seemed to be one of the most stable on the African
continent. The fact that the current show of peevishness got its start at the
University of Abidjan is certainly raiaing questions about realities in ivori-
an society: t:~e Abidjan campus has no reputation for being a hotbed of cri-
tics nor a haunt of great war-chiefs. The student-teacher rebellion begar~,
anyway, in a fashion that that some intellectual circles in Abidjan describe
as ba.nal.
Groundless Rumor
Professor La.urent Gba.gbo, one of the most prominent figures among Ivorian in-
telligentsia, was to give a public lecture on the topic of democracy. The
h