JPRS ID: 10469 SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA REPORT

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• Content Type: REPORTS

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JPRS L! 10469
2a .April 1982 ~
Sub~Saharan Afric~ Re ort
p
FOUO No. 769
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JPRS L/1d469
- 20 April 1982
SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA REPORT
FOUO No. 759
CONTENTS
INTER-AFRICAN AFFAIRS
Jean-Baptiste Doumeng Explains Plan for Feeding Africa
(Jean-Baptiste Doumeng Interview; AFRIQUE-ASIE, 15-28 Fev ~2 1
CHAD
Goukouni Explains Opposition to OAU Resolution During Press

~ Conference ~
(Goukouni Oueddei; AFRIQUE-ASIE, ~5-28 Mar 82) 10
Clarifica tion of OAU Role Possibly Attained
~Antonia Blis; AFRIQUE-ASIE, 15-28 Feb 82) 16.
Departure of Libyans, Arriv~~. of OAU Force Described
(Tanguy Loyzance; AFRIQUE-ASIE, 15-28 Feb 82) 19
NAMIBIA �
Negotiations on Namibia 'Close To Breakdown`
(Denis Herbdtein; THE GUARDIAN, 2~+ Mar 82) 24
~ ZAIRE
Economic, Fiuancial Situation at End of 1981 Analyzed
(MARCI?ES TROPICAUX ET MEDITERRANEEPiS, various da~.es) 25
ZAMBIA
' Ariefs
Dispute With South-Africa Regarding Pontoon-Bridge 42
-a- [III-NE &A-120FOU0] ~
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- INTER-AFRICAN AFFAIRS
JEAN-BAPTISTE DOUMENG EXPLAINS PLAN FOR FEEDING AFRICA
_ Pari.s AFRIQUE-ASIE in French 15-2~t Feb 82 pp I7-20
[Interview with Jean-Baptiste Doumeng by Senri Delahaie: ."How Africa Can
Feed and Develop Itself"]
_ ~ [Text] He i.s a farmer; a Frenchman who, as he himself says,
_ "nevPr went to s~hool"--a footnote of history. He is a
man wl~ for fialf a century has been a communist witho:ut
any break in cantinuit~, who has "seen everything,'i who from
_ the time he was an adolescent decided to be a man who "was
formerly poor, and in fact became the man whom hi$ de-
tractors call "the Red Billionaire," which arouses one's
- curiosity.
~ But w:~en yo u become aware that this Frenchman fram Toutouse,
who has set up one of the world's leading cooperative socie=
ties, Interagra, is fascinated by Africa and its proble~s,
you are in contact with history, histo ry which iz capable
- of changing the direction of Histery with a capital H.
Yo u are not surprised by anything in this man's remarks: .
"G~~~w as much corn ~n Africa as in the United States"--
"c�iake 1.00 billion dollars available for use in African
development. The sphere of his activities on the Africari
- continent covers Nigeria, Congo, Madagascar, A.n.gola, and
- Benin,,b ut it als~ covers Alger3a, Libya, Ethiopia, Mozam-
bique, ZimbabwE; zan~b~.a, Burundi, Kenya, Rwanda, Uganda,
Gabon, etc. , .
He is a man who "targets" capitalist campanies a1I ouer
the world. But he is als~ a visiona.ry who intends to con-
tribute to--if not actually promote~-the structural chang es
necessary for developenent and self-sufficiency in Africa.
Henri Delaha3e met w3th h3m. ~
[Question] "How can Africa feed itself?" It is no secret to anyone that
that question interests you, and that through your various com:panies you
~ play a role ori that continent~which is not insignificant, a role which does
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not in any way pertain to the "assistance" proposed--even if not actually
granted--by several more or less official bodies. But is it possible, in your
opinion, to respon.d to that crucial question without considering structural
answers zather than answers limited to isolated ob~ecrives?
[Answer] The issues you mention elicit two comments. First, Africa has
_ been subjected to colonial exploitation, which means ~exploitation concen-
trated in coastal areas where merchants were concerned with bringing in
goods, carryjng them off to somewhere else, and the slave trade. But you
know about this. Second, ther~ is the industrial boom cau~ed by oil which
has taken place in the countries which have some, the oi1 being mainly off-
shore in the whole western gulf area.. The result has been an incredible rural .
exodus, whether in Nigeria, Ivory Goast, Angola, or Congo, with cities of
300,000 n~w having a million or more. And, moreover, the people living in
these cities have neither food--~and the vitamins which food r^ztains and
which are essential for lif e--nor housing.
Tn terms of the African market's viability, there are three kinds of vital ,
nutriments for these population groups: bread, fish, and poultry--and
- sometimes rice, but it is three t 3mes more expensive than bread.
Therefore, my first reaction has been to biiild silos, mills, b.aker3es for ~
large cities, poultry f~rms, and refrigerated warehouses, and to organize
- fishing--besides, this fits in with the market-finding vocation of my
Ruropean cooperatives. I feel that this was the only way to act quickly.
[Quest:ion] With the agreement of the countries concerned.
jAnswer] Of course I only engage in these activities when governments
correspond to what T believe to he the true reality as far as Af ri�a is con-
cerned and when those governments are in agreement with my doing so. And
T always do it in associati.ion with th~, never with a setup of a capitalist
~r neocolonialist nature.
But th ese installations have to b e"managed." Most countries do not have
the mea.ns for that. Then f inancing these installations is a major initia-
tive: they are all expensive items, and~with a few exceptions tfie colonial-
izing process never concerned itsel� with them. That is the first~ activity
to get under way.
Of course, people often mak~. the argument that this activity risks wiping
out th ~ food crops o.f African rural populations. That is wrong. We do
not have it in mind to act in such a way as to bring ~hat about. We are
trying to do the opposite in the countries involved i:z order to grow what
is lacking and supply what cannot be grown in theffi. Unfortunately, these
countr ies cannot grow wheat. But they can grow rice--like in Madagascar-- .
and corn--that is the main item of consumption in Nigeria, C~~?ngo, and Angola.
They can grow many things; and when local conditions do not stand in the way
and when the stat.e permits, we try to organize groups of producers along
cocperative lines and to prompte the steady expansion of food crops and, to
the extent possiblP, to encourage supply via local.production. ,
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Ali of this is a matter of great ~gency for these cotmtries. I would add
that if we were not doing this, it would be determined solely by importing
activity--class-oriented importing--importing which in the end would feed
only expatriates in the industrial and oil-producing areas who have much
greater supplies of available financial assets than do the country's other
residents. This is part of ':colonization by pampered~children." For
example, in Gabon there is an "Elf city"~which is completely c ut.off fram
the rest of.the country,.and nobody objects.
All right, tliat is the first idea. We are trying to set that up. But time
is needed, and a lot of money. And we feel that to the extent contractors
and goveriunents are allowed a free hand, and whatever their�good fa.ith,
whenever they are going to have to secure financing, with credit ins~ance
covered by foreign trade insurance companies like Hermes for Germany and
COFACE [French Insurance Company for Foreign Trade] for ]fYance, or with ~
.American credits, or with the European Commission, ~rhen they will often be
led to choose priorities other than those which I have mentioned. This is
because they will need housing and buildings for goverrnnent offices. Tliis
is because they will want to build a dam to check the flow of water which
there is no certainty of using due to the lack of upriver and dotanriver
irrigation systems. Therefore, these are expenditures which r~sic ending up
just in the erection of useless cathedrals, which unfortunately is scm etimes
the case.
Finally, those who determine what these larg e road and railway investments
are directed toward use than first to mov+e the industrial proaucts of these
countries to credit-worthy countries.
[Question] Neocolonialist aid, in point of fact.
[AnswerJ I think aid is always potentially neocoloniallst, especially since
food aid in most cases is a.bunch of words and slogans. It gets lost, it
is mi~appropriated, it is sometimes not ma.de good use of, and at other
times it is resold through lines of distribution which are always multi-
� national. That is the arrangement. And th ere is where I strongly note o~ir
desire to rectify history, e~ren though I am aware that human actions are
' only infinitesimal. �~n tnat rectification of history.
[Question] In view ef what you have just describeci, what do y.ou propose?
[Answer] Here is my plan. My plan is to help African countries create an
Afr.ican Development Fund. But who~.is able to do that? A country of 7Q0,000
like Gabon, whicr~ extracts oil at a 13-million-ton rate, is e~onomically
well off and is a relatively dev~eloped country. It wauld not take ~nuch to
bring it out of the clutches of neocolonialism and help it enter into some
activities of a mr~re prog~essive nature. That is what I discussed with
President Bongo during a meeting with him.
4Jhat wo uld have to be_done? The oil companies are caaumitted ta investing
the equivalent of aro~.md $10 per extracted barrel in the economy of the
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country where they extract it--above and beyond the ta~es they pay to that
country--but they do it on their own responsibility. Which amo~ts to
saying that the companies charge $10 for that which cos~s then 5, or else
they undertake investments which only correspond to their desire to develop
f ~ther .
Of course some scraps come back to the country and�its econ_omy. Besides,
in the case of Gabon it is more than scraps--it is real development--but
it is for the cities. That is because in Gabon, as in many of Africa's
countries, nobody is farming any more. Agriculture has in effect been pre-
cluded. And yet it is not truP that Gabonese land is barren. I will
demonstrate'that, if the country's authorities give me the chance~ For my
part, I wei~.t~ there mainly because Gabon has 800 lmi of coastline not being
~ used for fi:z.'zing. I said to myself: there is fishing in Equatorial Guinea,
in Congo, an~~' in Angola. Why not make use of that coastline area? Fishing
is an asset. Phere are 800 lan, and since the 200-mile statute I have signed
an agreenent ~~Tith the Goverinnent of Gabon in that connection.
[question] Th~~~ is getting us away from youx plan.
[Answer] What ~ want is for $2 per barrel of oiI to he frozen for ear-
marking into a i'und which can be called the Pan-African Development Fund~- .
$2 out of the $L~ which t~e companies have to invest, anyway, and which
would be "borrowe~d" from them and repaid without interest 20 years later.
Let us take ~the c~~.se of Gabon. Thirteen million tons, let us say rough1y,10,
mult~�plied by 7* makes $140 million at $2 a barrel. That is for Gabon alone:
That would. be, accoi�ding to evpn the most pessimistic assumption, ;a minimum
of $1.5 billion~ applied to a11 of Africa. ~
That is$1.5 billion for the sole purpose of paying for loans and credits .
- needed in Africa's development. With that $1.5 billion you will be able to
borrow $100 billion based on the dollar at 15 percent.
The Polish debt being talked about so much is, for example, on.ly $25 billion.
Wit~~iout considerin�~ South Africa, we are talking about $100 billion for 20
years bought in financial markets without any help from any government and
"managed" via an agreement with-the governments or associa.tions that want ~o
do it--in Europe, or France in particular--do you see?
[Question] But are you alone in associating yourself with these ideas?
[Answer] The representatives of +the agricul.tural cooperatives in Italy,
Spaxn, France, Portugal, Greece, and Yugoslavia met in Rome 28-29 January
on the initiative of the Economic Hureau of the Agricultural Committee of
the Internat~.ona.l Cooperative Allia.nce, with the participatior, of CEA ,
[~uropean Agriculture Confederation], FIPA [Internattinnal Agricultural
* There are 7 barrels in a ton.
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Products FederationJ, a.-~d CQGECA jthe European Economic~Co~nunfty's General
Committee for Agricultural Coopera~.ion]. Among the statements they made,
they approved, along the same lines as my thinking, "the idea of an African
Development Fund and the co~itment to 'manage' the technical economic
problems which might be entrusted" to them.
This means that European resources with mobilizat ion capabilitq, agricult~iral
product.ion ca~ability, and a long cooperative trad itionq aloof fxom any
corrupt practices of a multinational nature, would be able to respond tc an
i.nvitation of that kind. ~
[Question] An,.i.~vitation made by whom?
..1~'.R{' ~
~ jAnsw er] What I can tell you for the time being is that the GaFionese
President has agreed to Che idea and~ha.s publicly declared that he would
seek the agreement of the other African countries. It cannot be merely a
Gabonese affair. But if it can come into being, we w311 commit all our
- capab ilities to it.
[Question] But it also involves the commitment of European capabilities.
[Answer] I have informed the higher authorities of my country, France, of
these plans. They agree in principle with this general direction si.nce,
like me, they be]~~eeve that it is a good thing for the purpose of contriTiut-
ing to Af rican development independent of any neocolonialism.
[Question] Do you think that the oil companies will be in agreement?
[Answer] Let us be frank. The oil companies have many things to reproach
themselves for, in Gabon, in Africa, and elsewhere. And T can put several
questions to them to which they would have great diff iculty responding.
For~their sake, I hope they will not dare to actively oppose us on this ear-
marking. If they were to do.so, they had better not forget that they would
be hearing from us concerning their behavior in those countries! Besides
which, building this fund would not "stick" them .for one cent.�The fund
would prevent the companies from cheating the countries. It woul~d give the
companies security, after a fashion. As if nothing had happened, we would be
- purifying those who are continuing to rob developing countries by compelling
those parties to pay for devel4pment assistance. ,
[Question] Have you been in contact with other heads of state on this sub-
~ ecC, and what have been their reactions?
[Answer] No. Not yet. Since it is a question of pan-African development,
and the Pres.3dent of Gabon has agreed to it in principle, I did not want
to do that. This_matter is between Africans.
[Question] When you spea.k of Africa, are you talking only about hlack
Africa or all of Africa?
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[Answer] I am think3ng ahout all o~ Africa. It see~s to me that North
Africa overall fias less need of the fund. Hut it would be open to everyone.
Look at what the OAU is. It is a force which I respect; it should f it
its effor~s into this dialectical process, because if it wants to go beyond
- the political discussion stage, it ca:t support this pro3ect--and the
materializaCion of this project w311 be visible and will be African.
(Question] What type of management do you foresee for this fund?
[Answer] Tt is very simple. It is not a question of making this fund in~o
a kind of World Bank managed by the Americane. An example of that is
Ghana's needi.ng $10 billion and not being able to borrow it~fi ecause nobody
in those circles trusts Ghana. The fund I would like to see set up would
be able to borrow that $10 billion itaelf, from Amer.~Eca for example, and
thus Ghana would be able to borrow it.
[Question] So, in any case this would be a fund with a multinational calling.
[Answer] Of course. Broadly speaking, if you like, am~ong African Third and
Fourth World countries. For the time being, there is no questi.on of seeing
Africa flying to the assistance of South America or Asia. :.ut the fund can
help the Malagasy President do without the IMF and the~Mozambican President
keep from falling in the hands of that same IMF. There are the real issues
that present themselves. .
[QuestionJ But would this fund be more a~ World Bank-type fund or an INF-
type fund?
- [Answer] It is not for me to give an answer, other than that it is not a
matter of starti.ng up a neca IMF going around.explaining to countries how
to ma.nage an economy. That would be direct interf erence in a government's
affairs. That would not be able to work.
But the IMF turns up only when countries are unable to pay. That would not
be the fund's mission. There is a need today in Madagascar to build a road
from Antananarivo to Tamatave because it is a matter of urgency, or to build
a port, or to dredge a harbor in order to get the coff ee out~-whatever the
TMF's opinion might Tie and whatever conditions it might set, f inancing by the
fund I am talking about would be provided.
[Question] What would the financial conditions be?
[Answer.] There would be none. The fund would pay the interest and would
give the money unconditionally. There could be risks of nonpayment, but it
is up to the fund to take those risks if it appears that that is needed to
save the country. But that is a decision which will be made by the fund's
board of directors, which will be requ ired to be made up of representatkives
of the vartous countries that subscri~e to the ~und. ~t is of paramount
- importance that the fund bring together all African conntries--~progressive or
not--with the exception of course of Soutfi Africa.
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[question] You do not anticipate that other countries, non-A~rican countries,
might participate in this fund?
[Answer] Tf th~}? ask to. Of course, that is the visionary aspect of this
p1an, especially with regard to the OPEC countr3es. When Saudi Arabia de-
clares that it wants to make Sudan its breadbaaket, what is that other than
anotlier form of colonialism, ev~en if it is unintentional? It is not a matter
of covering those countries with shame. But this aiay, S?udfi Arabia could
find other'means. ~
[Question] And managing the fund? ~
[Answer] We--Euroge--are the only ones with the capac~'cty for "managing"
this fund, especially in France's case with Mitterrand's favorable Third
World policy, along the lines of an original French-style socialist concep-
tion. That is the only way to prevent the Americans or otfier powers from.
_ occupying African territory.
[Question] But even so, there do exist African funds, an African Develc~pment
Bank.
[Answer] Yes, indeed, but where do its funds come from, and to whom is it
useful? '
[Question] So there are two dimensions to this plan: a f inancial dimension
, which is undoubtedly original, but also privileged relationships with certain
countries or certain bodies. ~
[AnswerJ There is no question in my view that France should play a~nain role
in it. If France can be given the trust to "manage" the fund....
[Questian] At the present time,you are talking about socialist France. Tt
might be f elt objectively that Africa can in fact gain that confidence little
by little, what with the new political intentions of the group in power vis-
a-vis the Third World and Africa. But let us imagine that unforeseen cir-
cumstances of history make it such that there is a new dhange of government
_ in France, and that suddenly France, one of the leading spirits of the fund's
inanagement, finds itself with an "old regime"-type of government again.
[Answer] First of all, the cooperatives which I have set up have lived ~
through all fo rms of government in France. Besides, I am hoping that the
~ socialist government in power today wi11 succeed in making a 35-hour work-
week and 5 weeks of paid vacation the general rule. Tf a change in govern-
ment oecurs, do you think that they will go back on that 35 hours and 5
weeks of paid vacation? What will be done will be done.
- [Question] For benefits gained on the domestic plane, certainly. But is
' it not riskier in the area of foreign policy?
.
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[Answer] Listen. I cannot judge history that is yet to come. I am fitting
myseif into that history in orc',er for gains not to b.e reversed. I would have
proposed this plan to France, whatever i~s government.
[Question] Is this plan not suhstantially akin to President Ratsiraka's
proposal st the Nonaligned Conference in flavana advocating South-South
cooperation? And does it not echo the declaration of Cape Verde's President
Pereira at the last conference on the Sahel in Praia, asserti~g that "aid
car~not ensure Africa's food independence"?
[Answer] Of~~course. It is Ratsiraka, and Castro, and Pereira. What T am
seeking is to put wha.t responsible politicians think into conerete form in
tne actual practice of my profession and in my niche of 'activ3ty. But
politics is something that gets discarded in h~sstory. Reality, on the other
hand, is a"contraptinn" wh3ch is fashioned step by step. T am a novice in
r egard to radar. But that is of interest to every countrq. Spending $100
billion a year in Africal ~
[Question] That is also a means of having~Africa escape the clutches of
American imperial ism. ~
[Answer] All of Africa, what�ever its forms of government, must t+e mobilized
by helping it to provide for its complete development, and Fiy steering it
clear of extra burdens of a military nature and steering it clear of a wor-
sening of neocolonization. The~fund would not, a*_.any rate, be used to pay
for weapons. Nigeria needs a great deal of mo~:ey for certain things. Why
should it not make use of this fund? A great idea; for example, would be
to grow as much corn in Zimbabwe, Mozambiq~ie, and Ethiopia as in the United
States. And to feed Nigeria with its own agriculture. Angola, as we11. In
Nigeria there will be 150 million people in the year 2000. And in Angola,
an effort of this kind used for ~evelopment would make it possi6le to "turn
the coraer" on all the problems the;? are faced with there today and which
have been destabilizing the country for a number of years. Th~ti would also
force the South Africans to think twice before loosing their bombs. And as
for NamilSia and its genuine independence--you are dealing with countries
which claim to be arranging a settlement for that independence and which,
objectively speaking, are South.Af rican allies. There is an issue.
[Question] But is it out of the question for this fund to call for the
f inancial participation of the developed countries?
[Answer] Why not call on t hem if they want to part icipate?. And that does
not in any way change the role of those who want to fielp in other ways.~
To put it simply, there is the opportunity for arbitrage. And when the A~ri-
can countries are told that COFACE is raising its interest rates by one
point, th e African credit rates associated with the fund T am talking ab.out
.wi11 not be raised. The African countries will be given money for nothing!
Money taken to b.e used as a tool Fiecomes a genu3n e tool, not an instrument of
exploitat ion. With tfi is money, the Af rican economies w311 Be developed in 20
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years, and the -conditions ~or real security for Afiica will 1-.ave laeen estab-
lished. With its own production capacity, Africa will have set~itself up ~
as an enormous credit-wortI2y market for Europe. For Europz th~t is an
absolute necessity, since within 20 years Europe will no longer be able to
sell anything to the socialist countries, because the latter will be compsti-
tive and will be selling most of the goods they are buyin.g from us today. �
And a great number of other countries--aside from a few emirates,~~perhaps--
will not be far from socialism.
L.: .
How are we to f it ourselves into this inescapable evolution of the world?
Day to day, or with a broad and long-term perspective?
Africa is a rich area, close to services off ered by Europe, in which there is
little that needs to be done with resp~,ct to ports, roads, and railroads..
There is no need for Africans to go f etch the Americans. But if we wait too
long, there will be a different kind of confrontation in 20 years. Whereas
today, the caoperatives for which I prov3de the impetus and Afriea's agricul-
tural arrangements have convergent interests. I believe all th i~ because
I am anti-Malthusian, and because I think it is politically ~ust to move
toward peace by preventing Africa from heing ti.iri~ scene of a permanent safari.
~ COPYRIGHT: 1982 Afrique--Asie
9631
CSO: 4719/612
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- CHAD
GOUKOUNI EXPLAINS OPPOSITION TO OAU RESOLUTION DURING PRESS CONFERENCE
Paris AFRIQUE-ASIE in French No 261, 15-28 Mar 82 pp 12-14,15
[Goukouni Oueddei's Press Conference; 16 February in Ndjamena]
[Excerpts] The resolution published last 10 February in Nairobi ~
in the name of a self-styled OAU standing committee ~on
Chad, and which goes counter to all the decisions made by the
pan-African organization since the last summit meeting~of the
African heads of state last June in the Kenyan capital, has been
perceived in Ndjamena as a veritable declaration of war. It has
startled the country and aroused its f ighting spirit to such ~
an extent that the Chadian leaders themselves have been surprised.
In fact, the injunctions of the standing committee which, in a
way, were putting pressure on the GUNT [Transitional National
Union Government] to submit its resignation have been perceived
as a blatant~interference in the internal affairs of, this country,
as an insult to its dignity, its sovereignty, its independence
as.well as to those of its government who had never appeared
as close to its people as during these days of new trial~s.
Demonstrations supporting the GUNx and protesting against the
decisions of the OAU standing committee have taken place in
Ndjamena and in provincial towns. Following a meeting organized
in the Chadian capital by Che FROLINAT on 16 February, which
turned out to be a highpoint iri th.e mobilization of the people,
the president of the GUNT held a press conference, large excerpts
of which w:ill be found below. On this occasion, Goukouni Oueddei
answered niimerous, sometimes probing, questions from newsmen-- �
most of whnm were Chadian, although some foreigners were also
present; he recalled.the genesis of the present conflict, con-
firmed and explained what had happened in Nairobi as well as the
reasons why the GUNT asked for the'withdxawa~. of...th~e .Liby.an troops.
As will be seen, Goukouni Oueddei's statements are a good reflection
of the fighting spirit which is now p~'evailing in Ndjamena and
of the determination it has shown to spare no efforts to master the
situation and, once and for all, be done with Hissein Habre who
has shown he would destroy his own country, and bring to it war and
suffering.
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~'inally, the GUNT president's statements will also heln in drawing
a profile of this man iaho in every respect--especially rectitude,
abnegation and the will to struggle for his people--contrasts with
his political opponent.
_ "As I am talking with you, millions of Chadians are watching us. Therefore, you
have the great honor of bcing our interpreters with the people, this people who
have suffered so much arid been subjected to so much deprivation and injustice,
u who have stood by our side during the bitter war years, who were and are still
anxiously waiting for an end to their long tale of suffering and to know what
they can expect in the future. To answer their concerns, the government of which
I am president has adopted an open door policy. This is why, three times in a
single year,,the GUNT has accepted to meet with other Afri.can states in Nairobi
in order to discuss what is an internal problem of Chad."
"Thus, peace was finally restored to all of our national terriCory. But the OAU,
manipulated as it was by hidden forces, felt that the neo-colonial order in Africa
was being threatened by the presence of those [these are, of course, the Libyan
troops] who, at our request, had come to help us put down the rebellion. It sub-
jected us and our friends to ir.tolerable pressures. In order~not to place our
Liby~an friends in a bad position, we asked them to put an end to their presence
here. But before that, we had suggested that other African countries should re-
place the Libyan troops and fill t~.e vacuum created by their withdrawal since our
army was not yet fully integrated. And while the OAU was dodging the issue, the
rebels, who were receiving subsidies and weapons from pro-imperialist states, have
gained g~ound."
"Rather than taking measures to remedy this situation, the OAU took pretext of
logistic difficulties and decided to convene a summit meeting to discuss these
questions. The outcome was the November 1981 meeting in Nairobi where the Chadian
governinent and the OAU signed documents concerning the Inter-African Peace Force
in Chad. In agreement with the general secretary.of the. OAU, we had terminated'
the activities of said standing committee on Chad, the existence of which was not
supported by any legal text of the pan-African organization; therefore, in all good
fair~i, we assumed th