JPRS ID: 10438 WEST EUROPE REPORT

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JPRS L/10438
. . 6 April 1982
WEST FJROPE R~PORT~
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(~~ouo 22/~sa~
~ CONTENTS
ECONOMIC
INTERNATIONAI~ AFFAIRS
Effects of Inflation, Interest Rates on Third World Debt
(Philippe Simonnot; Z~E7~PRES5, 19-25 Feb 82) 1
BELGIUM
Union Zeader Pronoses Economic Solutions
(Robert D~Hondt; POURQUOI PAS?, 11 Feb 82) 5
~ POI,ITICAI,
BELGIUM ' '
- Progress~ Setbacks of UDRT Party
~ (Jacqt~es Schepmans; POURQUOI PAS 11 Feb 82) 8
FRANCE
_ Changing Nature of PSF Creates Dissatisfaction.
(Michel Bosquet; 7~E' NOWE.L OBSEftUATEUR, 6 Feb $2) 11
~ ERRATUM: Opposition to ETA~s ~Revolutionary Taxes~ Stiffens
GENERAL
FRANCF
Training, Mission of Joint Space Flight With So~riets Outlined
(Pierre Langereux; AIR ET COSMOS, Oct 81) 20
Br�ief s
F1.iture S~ace Pro3 ects With Soviets 23
- a - [III - WE - 150 FOU~]
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ECONOMIC INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS
EFFECTS OF INFLATION, INTEREST RATES ON THIRD WORLD DEBT
Paris L'EXPRESS in French 19-25 Feb $2 pp 104-106
[Article by Philippe Simonnot: "Debt: The World Crash Will Not Take Place"]
[TextJ What is at stake for the bankers in the Polish situation? Avoiding a
suspension of payments, because if one link in the chain of international
credit crumbles, everything crumbles. Everything? Some 600 billion dollars
in bank credits: at the end of 1981, 520 billion for the Third World and
over 8G billion for Soviet bloc countries. With a little composure, however,
the worldwide crash which some defeatists are promising can be avoided.
Until the Polish crisis, bankers' attention had been focused on the Third
World. This was strange, and even upsetting, because the bankera, who are
anything but philanthropists, had in fact considerably increased their aid to
the Third World.
Tris expanded role by the bankers is only the logical countereff ect of the
twofold oil img~ct (1973 and 1979). The Gulf states accumulated f inancial
surpluses. Since they had no banking system adequate for the3r sudden and
i~nense fortune, Western banks, primarily American and British, were th~
principal beneficiaries of this ma~na of petrodollars. But in order to pay
interest ra�tes to their clients, these banks had to make th3.s money work.
~ How do do it other than by granting loans? An outlet was found--Third World
countries, which had been ~arred by the suddPn increase in their oil bills.
Of course, bankers' participation in "aid" to the Third World increased its
~ cost, because bankeYS charge more for their services than governments do.
But contrary to appearances, the aituation that has resulted is not a
dramatic one.
We m~st be careful her~a not to be influenced by the figures: the Third
- World's total debt has gone from.87 billion dollara in 1971 to 524 billion
dollars in 1981, increasing an average of 20 percent in face value. But in
real terms, once the effects of inflation are taken into account, the annual
increase is on the order of 8 to 10 percent, which is the sam~ rate for
the export of goods and servi~es �rom theae countries. In other words, the
debt-export ratio of the Third World has, on the average, remained constant.
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. Z'he 10 Largest Borrowers
The deb t service--that is, the payment of interest and reimbursement of
capital--has certainly increased more quickly than the debt itself. It has
gone from 10.9 billion dollars in 1971 to 112 billion dollars in 1981 (26
percent per year). But here again, we must pay attention to monetary
illusions! The debt and the deb t service are concentrated on a r~latively
small number of debtor countries: primarily pztroleum-exporting countries
(including the richest members of OPEC) and the so-called newly industrialized
countries. The latter, which make up only 16 percent of the population of the
Third Warld, accounted for 40 percent of the outetanding total of the debt and
for about 50 percent of the deb t service. The category of so-called low income
countries--the poorest of the por--which account for 55 percent of the Third
Worlc~'s population, is responsib le for only 17 perc~ent of the outstanding
debt and 7' percent of the debt service.
It is therefore not difficult to identify the m,a~or debtors. The threesome
of Brazil, Mexico and Venezuela pay almost one-third of the total debt
servic e. In Algeria, Spain, Saudi Arabia, South K~rea, Argentina and Indo-
nesia are added t~ those three, you have the list of the 10 largest borrowers,
accounting for~56 percent of the debt service. These are certainly not the
most deprived. Even in the Third World the adage holds true: only t11e rich
can borrow. Are these loans for life? It is rather a race between growth
and indebtedness. A report by the OECD showed that a large number of Third
World countries are able to eff iciently utilize funds borrowed abroad to ~uel
increased gruwth which, in turn, causes a new request for foreign capital.
The major debtors are good risks.
Moreover, the cost of this debt is not as high as a dramatic view of things
would make it seem. Over half of the loans were granted at f ixed rates quite
_ lower than the inflation rate; in real terms, these rates are therefore
negative. For the Third World as a whole, the averaoe interest rate today
is about 10 percent in face value. That is, in real terms it is barely
positive. The spectacular increase in the price of money on the financial
markets has had an impact only on that part of the debi whfch was lent at
floating rates, particularlq for the "big debtors" (Brazil, Mexico,. etc.).
~ This has resulted in the paradox of certain of the poorest countries, who are
least exposed because their deb ts are at �{xed rates, prof iting from the
soaring rates. Since their short-term credits a.re greater than their short-
term debt, they have been able to invest funds on the international markets.
' Finally, during the last two decades there has not been one suspension of
payment. Although OECD states that the number of countries asking for debt
- ref inancing (Peru, Turk~y, Zaire etc.) has increased during the.seventies,
the amounts in question have not increased "significantly." As paradoxical
as this may seem, loans to the Third World have remained a g~Qd deal for
financiers tlnese last few years, at least as profitable as loans to private
firms in industrialized countries.
~ Poland Will Fall Into Line
We must not be overly pessimistic about the Third World's debt. But what about
The Soviet bloc countries'1 Their deht raises even less worry. Until now, ~he
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socialist countries have always been good payers, with the exception c~f
Poland. Westexn financiers can count on the leaders in the Kremlin a_:~d their
allies to maintain order and, if needed, ration the people in order to honor
the debt. ~
With this perspective, Poland should fall back into line, no matter how
gloomily. But the Polish debt will have to continue to be refinanced. West
German bankers, who are the most heavily involved, are already workiiYg on this
- while Chancellor, significantly, is making more gestures of appeasement.
At f irst glance, refinancing sounds like a miracle. But this is no accident
and it is not due to chance. The reasons are that, first of all, no bank can
expect to escape alone: If a small bank declares a state to be in suspensioa
of payment, overlapping responsibility clauses, which are included in most
financial agreements, call for redistributing the assets of the insolvent
debtor among the creditors on a prorata baeis according to their credits, Even
without such clauses, a banker wili hesitate to go it.alone. In the long run,
~ his colleagues, upon whom he depends because of the overlapping of internation-
al f inancial relations, will make him pay for. it in one �aay cr anc,ther.
And the value of the assets liable to be seized--in Poland's case, for
example, coal arriving in Western por;:~, boats and planes outai3e of Polish
~ territory, a few buildings, etc.--is nowhere near the amount of the debt.
This is a problem which, after all, is npt dissimilar to that of the "German
reparations." 24orgenthau, Roosevelt's secretary~of the treasury, summed it
up nicel.y: "A creditor can seize what the debtor already has; but he ne~ds
the coope~ation of the debtor to obtain the products of his future labar."
A failing state is, in any case, always ready to'cooperate. It knowe that
the governments of rich countries will not accept a refinancing of their
credit cnless an agreement is reached with private bankers. It also knows
that it wi.ll be practically impossible to trade with ott~,er countries, because
this requires short-term bank c~edits.
Finally, another reason is that a country with problems is not stripped of
arguments during negotiations. Employment, already shaky in the North, wi11
be threaten~d ever further if new credits are not granted to the East, and
- even more so to the Scuth. Here again the problem of the German reparations
' comes up. Young Keynes gained celebrity by pointing out that the war debts
of the vanquished Germany could be reimbursed once and for all only by
products made in Germany, which would be to the detriment of the victors'
pro~uction and,�consequently, to their employment rate. A monumental lesson
that is particularZy applicable now: reimbursement of the 600 billion dollars
- must necessarily be through increased imports coming from the debtor countriea
of the South and East. And this is coming at the precise time when unemploy-
ment in the North is tending towards the dramatic levels between World Wars I
- and II, and when everyone wants to import less and export more.
In i~ality, the prime danger threatening world finances is th~e s].owdown in
- ec rn-~omic growth, which can be seen in the West as well as the East, the North
as well as the South. A ~eneral bankruptcy can b~e avoided only by new
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international progres~s. The current lethargy is all.the more dangerous today
because, for 9 countries in the Third World, the service of the debt is greater
than one-third of the value of exports, whereas there was only one such country
(Brazil) 10 years ago.
In addition, faced with the increasing dangers, fewer and fewer bankers are
willing to become involv~d in international activities without state guaran-
~ tees, which will lead to an increasing state 3.nvolvement in international
loans. This will increase tlie risk that f inanced investments will be les~
sensible than in the pa~t.
A gigantic bank crash will be avoided, but at the price of increasing world
inflation, the costs of which will be borne by the poorest (~peasants in the
Sahel or in Northeast Brazil) or those mdst deprived of political r3,ghts.
(Polish miners).
COPYRIGHT: 1982 s.a. Groupe Express
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CSO: 3100/416
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ECONOMIC B~E[,GIUM
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i iTNION LEADER PROPOSES ECONOMIC SOLUTIONS
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~irussels POURQUOI PAS? in F`rench 11 Feb 82 p 12
~ [Article by Robert D'Hondt, secretary general of the CSC: "To Find a Way Out
of the Crisis.;."]
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~ [Text] In order to find a way out.of the cris:Is, we will have to fully re-
~ think ouz� way of analyzing things. We carinot subscribe to the backward look-
~ ing concept which haxdline liberallsm, which dreams of reducing Eurape and
~ Belgium to the pathetic dimension of vassals of the Uziited States and of re-
~ producing the standaxds of a society of inequality, of solitude and of vio-
~ lence, wants to impose. We do not want any past of it.
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' The establishment of a different model assumes a break with capitalism. We
have to stop thinking of this in terms of the intellectual categories of the ~
~ past: the 19th century provided a definition of capitalism which is anachro-
' nistic and outmoded today; that period could not imagine what the power re-
! lationships announced by the technological wave of the future would be like,
even as it could not anticipate tMe field of possibilities which the crisis
~ opens up. ~
~ However, to make believe tha,t it will be possible to estahlish a new model im-
mediately~ ~rlthout transition~ would be a hoax. Any h~eak staxts with mea-
sures which prepare it. In Belgium, the labor movement is awaxe of this and
~ so are the Christian unions. Henceforth, the myth of the "great evening"
i ha.s 'become a museum piece to'them and, in the face of the crisis, they talk
~ in a more responsihle manner than the media would ha,ve the public at large
' believe.~ ~
What does the CSC [Confederation of Christian Trade Unions (Walloon)] propose
in order to b~eak with the hardline management of the crisis, and to develop
the links to tha,t other model of society which is more compati'ble with our
thirst for freedom and our concern for wha,t is human? ~
Briefly, let us say that it proposes four main lines, for the short and me-
dium term.
1) A coherent industrial policy, determined under the aegis of the public
authorities~ i'n consultation with the private sector, and within the framewor3s
of the overall plan which would have its own version in each enterprise;
strict criteria for any sta,te aid to enterprises, with social control over
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them; an effort toward industrial diversification which takes the domestic
market into account. This industrial policy would be financed by a compulsory
'~loan for industrial expansion" to tap the fresh capital which is currently
lacking.
2) The creation, spread over a 4~ year period, of 100,000 decent jobs through
the imFlementation of a real third labor network, financed by part of a spe-
cial ~risis tax.
3) To safeguard social security will require and we have foreseen it
efforts to be agreed to by the workers themselves. But for its part in the
financing of it, we cannot a11ow society as a whole to shirk its responsibi-
lities.
Rather than some solidar.ity contribution imposed on the workers alone, we pro-
pose that part of tk~~ proceeds from the spacial crisis tax be used to finance ~
- state subsidies to the social security sectors. It should be noted in~passing
that there cannot be any question of returning to a needs test, even if it is
introduced ~~at the top" and "within the family," which would in terms of its
principle undermine what social security ba,sically represents in Belgium~
4) A distribution of labor and of the av~,i].alale income through an accelerated
reduction of working hours on the order of 10 percent, with compulsory and
contraUed compensatory recruitment and, for lack of it, the proportiona,te fi-
nancing of an intersectoral regional or sub-regional fund for the creation of
new jobs or the ma,intenance of existing jobs. In this order, and taking into
= account the impa.ct of the new techn,ological flux to be controlled within the
framework ~f a real dialogue with ~he private and the political sector. The
ma,intenance and development of jobs in the puhlic services must be guaxanteed,
tha.nks to internal shifts and the development of riew services.
What we basically want is to regenerate an industrial fabric; which is cur-
rently breaking down, and to return the resources for its development to the
people.
In order to casry through such an orientation, there will have to be, if not
at~the 1eve1 of the country, at the very least in Wallonia, a true and new ma-
_ jority which feels the desire for it. On the ~side of the "Christian left" it
will also be necessary to get away from the conflicts which weaken it politi-
cally. The MOC [f:hristian Labor Movement (Walloon)] is currently working on
this through wid~ consultations with its rank and file.
The CSC, which wants to promote the unity of the workers, must fit in the
social dynamic which is characteristic of the sout'~ern paxt of the country.
This does not mean a break wi�th our Flemish friends, but an adaptation to the
difference in context experienced by the Walloons.
We also need a new trade unionism~ more interprofessional~ more centered
- axound local activities and economic and social experimentation~ which accepts
novel alliances with the shopkeepers and farmers who are associated with its
actions.
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A new strategy is emerging for the CSC in Wallonia. It is specifically aimed
at globalizing certain aspirations of the workers and at promoting methods
and forms of action which join them and theirs, the actively employed and the
non-actively employed~ together, both as producers in enterprises and as con-
sumers and savers. To strengthen the posii:ion of the workers. New practices
should lead to a wider selectivity in the traditional methods of trade union
action.
Fina,lly and especially, it is necessasy for the political deba,te in this coun-
try to becoms more subtle and intelligent~ outside its traditional and out-
dated portrayal as between heaven and hell, as if there were no other alterna,-
tive today than between a savage liberalism and a soulless collectivism.
CPYRIGHT: 1982 POURQUOI PAS?
8463
cso: 3100/343
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POLITICAL BELGIUM
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~ PROGRESS, SETBACKS OF UDRT PARTY
Brussels POUR~UOI PAS? in French 11 Feb 82 pp 10-11
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[Article by Jacques Schepmans: '~UDRT: A Second Wind?"]
[Text] In this month of October 1981~ and as soon as every-
one began �~o anticipate the inevitable elections, puU2ic
i opinion was convinced that a strong movement would come out
~ for the UDRT [~emocratic Union for Respect for Work (Walloon~~
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~ Its meetings enjoy great success and the media which up to
~ now had maintained a disdainful silence, opened their columns
~ to the unique representative, Robert Hendrick.
! Sign of the times: Christian Dwaon, the many-sided resident
~ of the Brussels PSC [Social Christian Party (Walloon~], a1-
; ways in quest of a mandate as illu~ive as the Holy Grail~
! even attended a UDRT meetirig. If he wer~t there t~ gather
information before ~ perhaps, going out to eat, t'za,t is be-
i cause there was success in the air. And then~ baxely 2 weeks
~ be.fore the elections~ the machinery suddenly jamn:ed up. The
, spring was broken and while they expected at least double,
the UDRT was left with only three representatives and one
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sena,tor. What happened?
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~ Today, it would be a lie to claim to have seen calm and serenity return within
_ the party. In December, and then in January, four very stortny and a little
I disillusioned internal meetings were held and~ when it came to vcting~ the
required quorum could not even be found.
Unquestionably, with the municipal elections only a feW months away, the party
feels a tiny bit demobilized, and all the more so as Robert Hendrick~ loyal to
his principles, once again refuses to follow the traditional tactic, namely
alliances, advance a~reements and the future distribution of government ma,n-
da,tes .
This is admirable, it is reassuring, it is everything one would want it to be,
but apparently this seems to strongly displease many a.ctivists who, for years,
have been pa,sting posters and licking envelopes, forever hanging about while
being used as menial s, and who today would like to draw the fruits of their
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efforts. This could 3.rideed play curious tricks on this party of purists as
wa.s already the case on the eve of the legislative elections.
At that time~ the leaders of the LLP.'r had pushed aside "good positions" held
' by old activists, who were a little pedestrian and too pragmatic~ to replace
them with brilliant jurists of the Thoma.s Delahaye style. A party of purist
jurists, if one ma.y sa.y so ~
This has axoused a good bit of bitterness and the president of the Federation
of Small and Medium Size Enterprises, Mr Eyckerma~i wh~ wa.s thus put out of
the rwining did not wait to take his revenge by leading a solid campaign in
favor of a11 the anti-tax people except for those, of rourse, who claimed mem-
ber~hip in the UDRT. Similax rifts ha.ve obviously left sca'rs, and even today
a wind of revolt from the rank and file is blowing aga,inst the paxty leader-
ship.
According to the statutes of the UDRT, the political manda.te should be the sole
occupation of those elected during the period of their term of office. Conse-�
quently~ some candida~es, for example sma11 company mana,gers, gave up their
ambitions. But today, while Mr Hendrick fulfills his contract perfectly, Re-
presentative Delahaye ha.s kept his very fJ.ourishing lawyer's practice and
Senator De Clippele more tha.n ever wants to be a notaxy public, having even
hired one of his clerks as paxliamentary secretary.
, Now this ~oes not bother us very much, as we axe convinced that a sound per-
sonal income strengthens the independence and honesty of inembers of p~arliament~
but how would you explain this to a rank ar.:~. file, some of whome were frustra-
ted in their hope for vainglory?
As for us~ we believe but our opinion is not importa,nt at all that the
UDRT was right in chosing quality for its paxliamer..taxy representation rather
than wanting to associate itself with old activists who, once at the rue de
_ la Loi, would rapidly make themselves look ridiculous if not wor~e..
A certain character in the UDRT, obligingly exhibited by the RTBF [Belgian
Radio Broadcasting and Television System French Service] during a"To Be
Follow=3" broadcast, which could have come out of a propa~anda, office and
showed as much fair play as an ambush in the Bondy forest, will have persuaded
many people that Representative Hendrick was not wrong.
Now, what is going to happen and ho~r axe they going to find.the second wind
which would transform the UDRT into somethir.g other than tliis te~mpOrary lock
for future rer~egades from the PRL [Liberal Reform Party (Walloon
From Convention to Conventions
As eaxly as the beginning of spring, the paxty is going to organize conventions
which,by eaxly 1983, should lead to a large congress aimed at redefining the
identity of the UDRT.
The primaxy themes will revolve axound the dua].ity s"Life and Liberty," with
two major polas: �'Life and Economic Liberty," and "Life anc~ Political Liberty.'
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For Robert Hendrick~ the direction of his immediate action is to ~'ight against
the monopolies~ against the RTT [Telegraph and Telephone Administration] which
will soon~ with the excuse of technology, control the data ba,nks, aa.id also
against the pressure groups which axe found in the state ma,na,ger:~:it bodies,
thus playing the role of policema,n policing himself.
Here we have once again a reappeaxance of the libertaxian philosophy so well
defended by the new president of the PW [Party for Freedom and Progress
(Flemish)], Guy Verhofsta.dt. Consequently, is the UDRT still necessary with
this liberal renewal ?
This makes Robert Hendrick hopping mad. First of all, the UDRT must remain
the radical spur destined to sting the liberals as soon as they are tempted to
fall back into their customary conservative rut, born out of a taste for com-
promise. Between langua,ge and actions Besides, the UDRT questions quite
a number of aspects of the government policy, for example its ambiguity and
its lack of courage, if not its selfishness.
"The liberals have promised a great dea1, but what did they do when it came
down to imposing a legal personality on the unions, which is within the demo-
cratic logic? Nothing. What have they done to resolve the problem of the
private radio stations? Nothin$. Finally, unlike them, the UDRT wants to re-
- duce social charges in order to make a cost reduction possihle and not to re-
duce labor income. It is true that we want to follow the straight line of the
progressive ideology of the liberation of man~ which is quite the opposite of
the dogmatic ossification of the socialists or the cool selfishness of the
liberals. As for the PSC, what's that?"
For a long time yet, the founder of the UDRT rrill pursue his idea, obsessed
_ by an anxiety in the form of a question: the UDRT~ what for?
Could it be that this is wha.t the voters on that cold November Sunday had not
very well understood?
COPYRIGHT: 1982 POURQUOI PAS?
84~63
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! POLITICAL FIaANCE
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' CHANGING NA~URE OF PSF CREATES DISSATISFACTION
Paris LE NOUVEL OBSERVATEUR in French 6 Feb 82 pp 26-27 .
~
[Article by Michel Bosquet: "The PS No Longer Exists"]
[Text] "In many respects, we were more free under Giscard or under Pompidou."
At leas,t that is what many high-level intellectuals and politically on the
left, wha,t is mcrre, are coming to think at times. Not, of~~.course, that the
conservative governments in the past have paid more attention to their ideas
or that there was more room in institutions, before 10 May, where those 3deas
could spread. On the contrary, remember Marcellin and Bonnet, Lacanuet and
Peyrefutte, Saunier-Sei.~e and the haughty supervision that Giscard hi~self
exercised on the press.
~ If a number of intellectuals (of the left) feel that they are less free at
; present, it is for an entirely different reason. They no longer find anyone
~ with ~rhom to talk. They no longer find any space where it is possible to
work out a p;~;.nt of view and to establish the shape of the future that should
~ be built. This space existed before 10 May. It was provided by that large
opgrosition party whose faults~~the intellige~itisia megs.ures without any illu-
_ sion but some~of whose very rare qualities it appreciated.
i,
i In fact the PS was everything except a monolithic party, regardless of how
~ ~ monarchical its structure might be and how bureaucratic its mechanism. Every
I socialist trend coexisted in it in some way or another: Leninists and liber-
_ tarians, Marxists and Christians, partisans of state control and those in
~ favor of self-administration. Alongside the habitual apparatchiks and profes-
sional politicians, the PS--and the PS alone--had among its members capable
of becoming a minister men and women with new, original thinking: Che Attali
; and Delors, Pisani and Badinter, Jeannette Laot and Evelyne Sullerot, and
; ~so on. No other party had as much gray matter and exercised so strong an at-
~ traction on the university, technical, scientific, artistic, litP:rary intelli-
; gentsia.
~
~ Owing to the PS, this intelligentsia was able, in all its components and on
~ every level, to believe f~r 5 years that it was not useless to invent, to
; reflect, to discuss. The socialist oppostion was the ready-to-hand outlet
' for this production of ideas. Owing even to the multiplicity of its trends,
the PS,~in some one or anotHer of its components, r.emained open to proposals
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� vl\ V~ ~ ~~.~l1L, V~Jti Vl\L�
and to the new forces: to nationalitarian, feminist consumer movements; to
groups or clubs representing the school, medicine, the city, the press, labor,
f ree time, and so on.
There no longer is much left of that abundance of militant ideas and energy.
The leftist intelligentsia is now an ~cr~han. Because as soon as the government
was installed in office, the PS--decapitated--slammed:its door shut in its
face. The often innovative and imaginative policies that the party's commit-
tees had worked out on planning, enterprise, health, agriculture, energy,
= industry, con~umption, and so on have almost all been shelved indefinitely.
The party no longer reflects, proposes or works out. Its best brains, the
ones who had ensured its opening to new ideas, are almost all in government
office. Debate no longer takes place except in closed meetings of a few "big
brains." The party has become the conveyor belt of the executive branch or,
as its top leaders tell it constantly, "the intermediary of government action."
Realize that it is responsible for "explaining" goverimaent action, that is
to say for ~ustifying it and for "mobilizing opinion" in favor of it.
Because the PS has thus become an ins*.,rument of power, the intelligentsia
is left to one side, r~duced to unemployment, if not to silence. Where, when,
with whom can it still reflect and discuss on the construction of a new so-
ciety? Today, 3ust like yesterday, the government, and the government alone,
works out and implements its policies. It has a monopoly of conception, of
decision and, of course, of expertize. When it is pressed, it refuses to
have debates arranged in the country or between experts with contrary opin-
ions. It prefers to consult experts of its own choosing in the secrecy of
its off ices, and then decide on its line in accordance with criteria known
to no one. The party, constantly violated and short-circuited, has been re~*
duced to making its existence known by means of demonstrations of ill humor
that often are demagogic. In the absence of public debates (for which Par-
liament is not necessarily the best place), the stakes or the nature of the
various possible options are never clarified. The government's choices are
still unexplainable with regard to the overall plan underlying them.
Where are we going? What society, what manner of living, what kind of civili-
zation does the government intend to set up under cover of its reference to
socialism? Does it only know? Does it see beyond its short-term ob~ectives?
Does it sometimes sacrif ice st~ategy to tactics, settle problems in terms
of secret struggles between cliques, rather than in terms of basic stakes?
These questions float around in every private conversation. Suspicion is
setting in: what is being boncealed from us? Is noti refusal to engage in
any debate motivated basically by a concern for removing the differences be-~~
tween PS and PC, or for preventing them from coming out into broad da3?light?
Are not the first statement by Cheysson on Poland, Mauroy's statement at Cam-
brai on Siberian gas, Jospin's extreme discretion on his meeting with Marchais
explained by this?
But if that is the game, who wins in it? By dint of wanting to "occupy's
the PC's ground," is not the PS in the process of losing what made tts spe-
cificity and its characteristic image? Ib is not certain that the govern-
ment itself is served, in its action, by a lack of ma~o~ debates and an abun-
dance of initiatives in enterprises, sc,hools, regions, communes. By setting
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aside everything that does not come by itself, by behaving as if the "change"
~~ould only come from on high, the leftist government finds itself settled
in that same situation that its best L~epresentatives, when they were in the
opposition, asserted that they wanted to avoid at all costs: a situation
in which the people are 1ed to expect everything from the state and from the
state alone. A situation in which, consequently, the people w~.ll be.prompt
in recriminating against the state with regard to everything that does not
change, sufficiently or fast enough.
In order to avoid feeding this recrimination and the "claim on the state"
that it expresses, it would be necessary for the Keynesian reforms, essentially
quantitative and slow in producing their effect, to be accompanied by qualita-
tive reforms that will transform living conditions, social relationahips,
perception of the future into appreciable areas without delay.
For example, mere ministerial circular letters can give state employees the
right to firer~ self-determination of their work time (annual, monthly, weekly)
and their hours, a r ight that will increase employment and will open up to
labor union assemblies very.ample room f~r self-managament of time, working
conditions and distribution of tasks, without costing anyone anything.
' Mere circular letters can specify new quality standards for products in general
use, standards specified in collaboration with consumer associations, finally
called on to participate in determining products.
Mere circular letters also can create--especially in building and particularly
in public buildings and the HLM [Low-cost Housing Program]--si~~able markets
for materials that economize energy, among others, markets with regard to
which hundreds of enterprises will be encouraged to equip themselves, to hire,
to conclude contracts and programs, and so on. There is no use in urging
industry to hire personnel and to invest, if, first of a11, ob~ectives for
further growth, the nature and quanties of the products to be provided are
not planned.
_ As long as the plane of quantitative, that is to say burdensome, measures
' is remained on, the limits of possibility are quickly reached, while the expec-
tations and possibilities of outbidding tacti,cs are limitless. It will be
impossible ever to make enough,,if the principle that "more" is "better"
is used as a basis. The PCF is well aware of who has set a date by im~ediately
demanding more nationalizations, more,nuclear powerplants, more estate taxes,
and so on. With regard to this quantitati~ie~dispute, the B.S will continue
to be embarrassed, torn between demagogic outbidding by some aad the moder-
ating "realism" of others, if it does not show concreteiy that "better" is
not merely more. "Better living" is also and especially "living and working
otherwise." In order to be successful in this demonstration, the party will,
however, have to exist by itself, carried by a great movement whose carrier
it will also know how to be.
COPYRIGHT: 1982 "1e Nouvel Observateur"
10,042
CSO: 3100/373
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POLITICAL SPAIN
ERRATUM: The following is a corrected version
I of an article originally published on pages 18-
~ 24 i~~ JPP.a, L/10420 of ~9 March 1982, FOUO 20/82 ~
~ of this seriea. .
;
; OPPOSITION TO ETA'S 'REVOLUTIONARY TAXES' STIFFENS
I Madrid CAMBIO 16 in Spanish 1 Feb 82 pp 18-21
- [Text] After enduring the most spectacular process of economic ruin in the
recent history of Western Europe, the Basque nationalist leaders, under pressure
by a large part of their party members and ~ympathizers, and especially by the
4,000 victims of extortion by ETA terrorists, who will have to pay, i.n France,
a total amount greater than 15 billion pesetas, have startPd open warfare .
against the terrorist organization. Town by town, village by tiillage. It~
is the rebellion of the victims that on 26 January, when 20 days had elapsed
since his kidnaping, they had their moet dramatic symbol in industrialist Jose
Lipperheide.
In a desperate attempt, the ETA military terrorists replied with new assaultsy
with explosi~~es and gunfire,against the brave persons ready to challenge them
and not to pay a cent. Bravery against ~xtorroion. But the fact that histor i-
cal dynamics is working against the assassins disguised as revolutionary poli-
ticians is demonstrated by the fact of a lack of support among the Basque society,
as Mario Fernandez himself, new vice president of the autonomous government
of~Vitoria analyzed in his interview granted to CAMBIO 16: "In order to or-
ganize a proamnesty demonstration or one~on behalf of a specific hunger strike,
" they have to stand with a poster in front of those of us who came out of the
Athletic-Royal Society soccer game 2 weeks ago in B~ilbao, and organize a demon-
stration in this way. Otherwise, 200 or 300 persons ~in the duty.shift go on
demonstrations that weekend."
In summary, Xavier Arzallus himself answered ETA's challenge tkit�h a categori-
cal: If ETA wants fear, there will be fear for all!
The declaration of total war made by the Basque Nationalist Party (P1W) and
the autonomous government of Vitoria against ETA, mobilizing the population
against the acts of economic extortion, brought to the surface the real back-
ground of the Basque problem: the existence of a hard class struggle with
� the force of arms.
ETA's number one objective is, and has been, the impoverishment of the Basque
Country. Over 3 million citizens in that community have undergone,~directly
or indirectly, as personal witnesses of history, Che most spectacular process
of economic ruin in Western Europe in the last few decades.
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L' Vl\ VL L iVi1aL V?L V~~Ya
Four thousand professional men, busineasmen, financiexs,.small merchant~, civil
servants a11 over the Basque countryhavebeen .intimidated irtto� paying a total
amount- greater than 15 billion pesetas.
Each demand ranged between 3 and 20 mil?ion: "If you do not deliver it within
the specified time, we shall seek you out to~execute you," the message from
the terrorists concludes.
The request for the so--called revolutionary tax inc'~udes another sentence that
extends the arm of terrorism to other continents: "If you notify th~ police,
or any kind of setback.whatsoever occurs in de3ivery, S~ou will also be executed~ �
wherever you may be, even if you leave Europe."
In recent years, the terrorized victims went in person or sent interme3iaries
to the French Basque towns of St, Jean de Luz, Biarritz or Bayonne to pay the
tribute of fear to "Senor Otxia" in used banknotes with unconnected serial
numbers. This was the most tangible proof of the impunity with which ETA ter-
rorism operates in the south of France. Billions iri illicit money that is
"~aundered" later 3n French agencies or other foreign centers.
But this extortion has touched bottom. ~n view.of the internal and public
rebellion by the victims, the PNV and Ba~sque gover.nment~leaders have said enough!
to this economic bloodletting by facing up to the reign of terror by weapons.
With the call by lendakari [ p r e s i d e n t] Carlo~ Gar:aikoetxiea "nbt to ~be intim-
idated or give in to extortion" and a unanimous reaction by, the people who
gathered in their districts, places of work, associations and public opinion
media, two victims of the "revolutonary tax,"~:the mayors of Guecho and Santur~
n
ce, put out the watchword: "We shall not pay.
"It would be a morale boost for me," Jose Antonio Loidi, maybr.~.oF Santur~e..
said, while his colleague from Guecho, Dr Urretxua, stated: "I believe that
in that way my stand can.serve as an example to encourage the others."
Indignation in the batzokis (PNV houses) of the towns was evident. "If some-
thing happens to our mayor, we shall respond." These reactions aloud were
repeated in a number of public establishments in Algorta, as a watchword that
"he who wants to be informed, take note.',' '
In this atmosphere, the PNV municipal,boards all over the area met in the par-
ty's building in Algorta. Over 100 representives of the party approved unani- .
mously a note representing, because of its harshness, a definite war comanunique
against ETA. Finally, the Basques were:�taking a hard stand.
In this communique, after asking the extortion victims to make their name known,
the municipal boards of the eight towns stated that "social ~ust3ce travel~
on paths other than assassination, extortion and terror."
Nevertheless, the last point in the communique was the most definite one, be- � .
cause the threa~~. became a countarthreat against ETA.and its collaborato~s:
"We poiat out, the eighth point stated, "that we all know each otlver;:'in the
Basque Country and~.very especially in the towne, and we know who is who, who
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' are in agreement with those methods and who abstain when there is a proposal
to reject this reprehensible recourse."
~ tierri Batasuna Po ular Unit ]
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' In view of these words, those who live in the�Basque Country or who are famil~
~ iar with the reality of the problem know that~the warning was addressed to the
~ members of the Herri Batasuna extreme left nationalist coalition and to it~
spokesmen, who, on many occasions, refused to condemn this kind of actiox~ b}?
ETA terrorism. And that ~it is not ~ mer.ely going to be words. There wi11.
be something more.
' This was realized by Mario Fernandez himself, who stated, in an interview
granted to CAMBIO 16: "I have the feeling that there is an overwhelming ma-
j ority absolutely in agreement (not to pay) . Soihe ~ of them ~even, with that
' voluntarism typical of our party, will probably be ready to put the last sen-
tence in that statement by the municipal.boards into practice."
This firm stand ran through the Basque Country like powder. In some towns,
like Orozco, the threat, although verbal, was transmitted directly to persons
sy mpathizing with ETA. Persons who up to now had kept silent about the threat-
ening messages were now commenting to their fxiends and were revealing them,
in:spite of family annoyance. Of the 4,000 persons affected by the tax, not
all were industrial magnates or Neguri businessmen. ~
Thus, in Algorta, it was learned that a~ormer dentist, a gudaris (Basque
f ighters) captain during the [civil] war, a foreman~ an industrialist, two
physicians, several merchants, and so on, had been victims of extortion by
the terrorist organization. Four physicians in the Portugalete clinic were
affected. The surp~ise was great in nationalist circles. "What, he too? But
he has been a party member all his life!
With its veto on the revolutinary tax and its severe condemnation of ETA, the
- party presided by ~Xabier Arzallus and the Basque government have declared open
war against ETA members, playing the i~ost severe and most difficult game in
its recent history. ~ war that does not evade many risks, including physical
risks, that PNV is ready to assume. Attacks with explosives on Guipuzcoa in-
dustrialists or the shooting of a San Sebastian businessman within the space
of a few hours, in connection with failure to pay the revolutionary tax, were
proof of the nature of these risks.
"We cannot leave the mayor alone now," a w.ell-known attorney in Guecho said.
"His stand must be extended to the whole Basque Country. Those who are brave
enot~gh to make their re~ection public merit the support of all the people.
Public support and with names."
In this connection, the PNV will have to have its own party members who still
are paying the tax decide bravely to refuse. It must.be condemned, as the
mayors of Guecho and Santurce have done and the furtive border passages must
be used only for traditional tourism.
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M~~:~iiwl~ile, a new slogan has emerged in t~e Basque Country using the statement
by a businessman, Jose Maria Vizcaino, preaident of the Guipuzcoa employers
association Adegui. The slogan "Not to pay is more abertzale" [nationalistic,
patriotic] has begun to spread around.
For a long time, the PNV was accused of ambiguous respect for the point of
view of ETA, in spite of some sporadic condemnatory statements. Suddenly,
it has launched f orth in an open war against terrorism. It is increaing its
statements. It is organizing its�.members and it is criticizing both branches
of ETA severel.y and openly. What has happened?
The reply comes from attorney Mario Fernandez, the new vice president of the
autonomous Basque gavernment: In recent times, terrorism, and particularly
the revolutionary tax, have been contributing considerably to the deteriora-
tion of the economic situation of the Basque Country.
"Therefore," Mario Fernandez adds, "the revolutionary tax not only does not
protect Che interests of the Basque working people, as is said customarily
in those cyclostyle cotmnuniques that ETA is accustomed to issuing, but, rather,
_ it directly harms the Basque Country workers."
For the right arm of Garaikoetxea, the challenge hurled against the ETA now
by the Basque gcvernment cannot serve for seeking, in this attitude, an indivi-
dual physical protection of all the recipients of a threat or coercion by the
ETA terrorist organization. ~
"I believe that what the Bas~ue government has taken on the commitment to lead
must be a reaction of public opinion," Mario Fernandez states, mentioning the
assassination of engineer Ryan as the people's fiirst massive reacti:on. This
event served both to weaken the terrorist organization and the political
groups that may be more or less defending their stands."
That is true. The murder of the Lemoniz en~ineer Jose:~farfa Ryan, that oc-
curred on 6 February--a year ago now--gave rise to a general strike and large-
scale demonstrations by the people--like the one at the portal--against ERA
terrorism in the Basque Country.
Durin~ that day, 9 February 1981, 300,000 persons demonstrated in the three
Basque capitals, in a meeting held by political and labor union forces like
:he PNV, PSOE [Spanish Socialiat Workers Party], PC, Euskadiko Ezkerra [Basque
Left], CC00 [Workers CommissionsJ, UGT.[General Union of Workers, ELA-STV
[Basque Workers Solidarity] and with the support of UCD [Democratic Center
Union] and AP [Popular Alliance]. Nationalist leaders, like Xabier Arzallus
himself, socialists N~.colas Redondo and Txiki Benegas, or comm?unists Mario
Onaindia, Roberto Lerchundi and Marcelino Camacho, w~ere in the large demonstrai-
~ tion on that day in Bilbao~ under the umbrellas tha~ covered the crowd from
the rain.
The Euskadiko Ezkerra deuuty stated categorically, in the capital of Guipuz-
coa: "Today I say withoutany scruples that they are few, but with faseist me-
thods. Fascism has be~n in the streets of San &ebastian, without uniform,
shielded by the acronym HB (Herri Batasuna)."
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Twelve months later, ~ Vizcaya industrialist, Jose Lipperheide,. lived minutes
and seconds in the clutches of ERA between life,and death, because he refused
to pay the revolutionary tax. .
In that lengthy situation of dramatism, in which sectors close to PNV and ~us-
kadiko Ezkerra maintained, sadly, until Wednesday that ETA military would
f inally kill Lipperheide "regardless.of k~ow much negoatiation," the family was
still awaiting proof that he w~as alive, while the kidnapers revealed~that sol~
tion of this kidnaping presented more problams!.than the kidnaping of Dr Iglesias
Puga.
The senseless action by ETA political-military in the kidnaping of~the father
of the world famous singer Julio Iglesias, as well as the subsequent discovery
of a sizable arsenal of weapons by the police in ~the Vi~acaya town of Erandio,
gave rise to conflicting reactions.
In spite of the fact that the political-military organization of ETA announced
in its communique, after the freeing of Dr Iglesias by the police, that the
kidnaping did not imply a breaking of the truce and that they had perpetrated
it only for economic purposes, fear that the terrorist organization is returning
to its old tricks has alarmed the Basque Country and the Madrid authorities.
The statements by Mario Onaindia, leader of Euskadiko Ezkerra, who~~is playing
a key role in the process of pacificat~.on, who made a statement with an opti-
mistic note after his interview with the minister of the Interior, Juan'Jose ~
Roson in Madrid last week, were not entirely shared in Basque circles.
"I believe that there is a political desire by the ETA p-m [political-military] ~
and by the government to maintain the positive dynamics ariginated by the truce
and acts like the return of political prisoners to the Basque Country might
be the basis ~for continuing on that course toward normalization," Mario Onain-
dia said.
Masters of Terror
The ETA members have graduated as professors of terrorism, training
other European groups that are part of the staff of "international terrorism."
An INTERPOL official informed CAMBIO 16 that last December the strategic lead-,
ership of what~constitutes the International~of terrorism met in the Swiss
city of Lausanne:
The Italian Red Brigades, the Fraction of the German Red Army, the Irish IRA,
the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine and ETA.
INTERPOL is sure that the wave of attacks on United~ States diplomats and senior
military officers was discussed in the meeting.
At the same time, it is obvious that the terrorist assembly was the result
of public invitations drawn up by several of the at.Cending!.organizations to
coordinate their activity against the European.democratic governments.
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One of the immediate results of ttiis collaboration was the arrest by the Ital-
ian police of a Syrian citizen who was transporting detonators and e~cplosives
intended for the Red Brigades.
,
Apparently, the connection with the Popular Front for the Liberation of Pales-
tine extrem~sts is what ensures~the supply of Soviet-made rocl:et launchers
and grenades, used by the leading guerrilla groups in Europe. .
The increasing part being played by ETA in the terrorist'International was
- also revealed with the statements by a"repentant" [terrorist], Fernando Va-
- liche, leader of the First Line organization.
The historic trial of the commander of this organization, taking place in Milan,
made it possible to become acquainted with a memorandum from Veliche in which
he revealed that Gianantonio Zanetti was made responsible for establishing �
connections with ETA.
In June 1978, Gianantonio Zar?~:tti went to Spain and made an agreement with �
ETA on the holding of training courses for members of First Line, the Commu-
nist Fighters Formations and other terrorist groups in what~is known, as a
whole, as "armed party" of Italy, that is to say, organizations basically in
agreement on confronting the democratic state violently.
COPYRIGHT: 1982, Informacion y Revistas, S.A. '
10,042 ~
CSO: 3110/81 ~
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- GENERAL FRANCE
TRAINING, MISSION OF JOINT SPACE FLIGHT WITH SOVIETS OUTLINED
Paris AIR ET COSMOS in French Oct 81 pp 37-38
~Article by Pierre Langereux: "First French Astronaut to Fly at End of June 1982"~
~Text~ The first French astronaut will fly aboard a Soviet spacecraft about the
middle.of next year, between June and August, most probably toward the end of June
1982. He will be launched together with two Soviets, aboard a Soyuz T spacecraft
which will rendezvous with the orbital station in which they will stay for 1 week
in orbit at about 250 km above the earth. The station will be either ~he Salyut 6
now in orbit, or more probably a new Salyut 7 which is scheduled to be launched
at the start of 1982.
The station will be manned initially by a"primary crew" who are tentatively
scheduled to be launched around February 1982. This crew will consist of two
Soviet cosmonauts who will effect a flight of long duration, but of less than 6
months, according to Vladimir Chatalov, head of the cosmonauts. The duration of
the flight will be set before their departure by officials of the USSR Academy of
Sciences, as is customary, V. Chatalov disclosed. But in the case of flights
of long duration, it is only after 1 month in orbit that the actual duration of
the mission is finally decided, with a lead time of 5 to 10 days approximately.
This primary crew will be joined near the end of June 1982 by a"visiting crew"
, consisting of two Soviet cosmonauts and the first French astronaut. At this point
and for the first time, there will be five persons aboard a Salyut spacecraft.
Until now, the Soviet Salyut 6 station has been occupied by no more than four
persons at any one time.
The two Franco-Soviet crews, who have been in training since 6 September 1981,
are now training at City of the Stars, where we met them at the official introduc-
tion on 19 October organized by the CNES ~National Center for Space Studies~ and
Intercosmos (see AIR ET COSMOS No 878). -
The "titular crew," who have been designated as the first to lift off, consista
of Aviation Commander Yuri Malychev, 4~as published~, flight commander; Engin-
eer Alexandre Ivantchenkov, 41, flight engineer; and Jean-Loup Chretien, 43,
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astronaut-experimenter. We recall that Y. Malychev piloted Soyuz T2, the first
of the new spacecraft to be launched with crew, and that A. Ivantchenkov, passen-
ger aboard Soyuz 29 ~as published~, flew aboard Salyut 6 for a period of 14A days.
mhe "standby crew," who will replace the titular crew in case of failure of the
latter, consists of Col Leonid Kizim, 40, flight comnander; Vladimir Soloviov, 35,
flight engineer; and Patrick Baudry, 35, astronaut-experimenter. L. Kizim took
part aboard Soyuz T3 in the new spacecraft's first three-man flight. V. Soloviov
is a new astronaut selected in 1977. Upon graduation in 1970 from the Bauman
Advanced Technical School in Moscow, he worked first in the Space Studies Bureau
headed by Academician Sergei Korolev, then returned to the Space Operations Cen-
ter as a rocket propulsion specialist. He is married and the father of two chil-
dren. His father was an aeronautical test engineer. ~
The detailed mission plan will be set up tentatively at the end of November 1981.
The two Franco-Soviet crews will undergo an initial flight-readi:iess examination
at the end of January 1982 administered by the Control Committee of the USSR Aca-
demy of Sciences. A second examination will take place 1 month before the flight
to designate the crew to be sent ir~to space.
The piesent designation of one as the titular crew and the other as the standby
crew notwithstanding, the chances of flying of each of the Franco-Soviet crews are
about equal. In case of failure or accident on the part of one of the members of
the titular crew, the entire crew would, in principle, be changed. But, accord-
ing to Gen Georgi Beregovoi, commander of City of the Stars, it is entirely possi-
ble that only one of the members may be replaced. It has already happened once
that an entire crew has had to be replaced, and several times that one of the
members of a primary crew has had to be, because of illness or accident. Thus,
Soviet Cosmonaut Valeri Rioumine, holder of the world's space flight record (362
days) had to be sent into space a second time in the place of Valentin Lebediev,
who had suffered a knee injury.
_ For the moment, the two Franco-Soviet crews are pursuing their practical training
which began 1 and 1/2 months ago with a 1-week survival exercise in the North Sea
off the coast of Feodossia, to familiarize themselves with the procedure for a
forced landing at sea. Unlike previous Soyuz's, the new Soyuz spacecraft is de-
signed to be able to put down on land as well as at sea. The landing point can
thus be displaced by some 1,000 km from the planned one in case of necessity.
The two French astronauts have also taken part in weightless-simulation exercises
aboard the new IL76 laboratory plane, which enables the effecting of some
15 simulations (by way of power dives followed by climbs), whereas the previous
Tu-104 provided only up to five simulations and for shorter durations. During
these flights, the astronauts train to move about inside a full-scale model of
the Soyuz T cabin installed in the fuselage of the plane. Further such flights
are scheduled for the spring of 1982.
This training was supplemented by other exercises in survival on land, simulating
landings in swamps and on lakes, with recovery by helicopter. The crews will also
undergo winter training near Moscow, and not in Siberia as is customary. Actually,
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,
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the flight of the Franco-Soviet crew is scheduled to take place in summer and,
theoretically, survival training under mountain or extreme cold conditions i_s not
necessary. Throughout their training, the French astronauts are manitored by an~
appointed military physician, Dr Sergei Ponomariov, a specialist in the training
of astronauts, who has worked at the City of the Stars over the past,ll,years.
But to date,.the training of the French astronauts has been highly satisfactorg.
Chretien and Baudry are very good candidates, self-disciplined, meticulous,
punctual and hard-working, according to the officials of City cf :he Stars.
Moceover, their qualification as military pilots and their tra:*:in~3 as test pilots
enable them to rapidly assimilate knowledge of the Soyuz T spacecraft and its
handling. In pri,nciple, however, the French astronaut will not be called upon to
pilot the Soyuz T; that is the function of the flight commander. Nevertheless,
in case of difficulties, each of the passengers aboard the Soyuz T must be capable
of manually piloting the spacecraft, designed, though it is, to be flown normally
in the automatic mode with the help of the on-board computer.
COPYRIGHT: A. & C. 1981
9238
CSO: 3100/297
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GENERAL ~ FRANCE
BRIEFS
FUTURE SFACE PROJECT~ WITH SOVIETS--French officials are desirous of having French
astronauts participate in further space flights after the first one, which is
sc~~eduled to take place in ,;~id-1982 wi~h, in principle, Jean-Loup Chretien aboard.
This would rnake it possible for "standby" astronaut Patrick Baudry to take part
in a space flight and would, ab~ve all, enable a continuation of Franco-Soviet
space cooperation at a very interesting level. The head of the CNES,~National Cen-
ter for Space Studies~ expressed his interest offi~cially in continuing ~oint space
flights during the recent Franco-Soviet talks at Rodez (France). Soviet officials
have not yet replied officially to this French proposal. .In fac~, they probably
will not do so until after the completion of the first joint flight. But those
whom we met during our visit to Moscow are rather favorable to the idea. Gen
Georgi Beregovoi, commander of City of the Stars, thinks "the cooperation that has
begun in this domain cannot be stopped." Professor Eugene Choulgenko, director
of space biomedicine in the Ministry of Public Health, also thinks that "future
joint flights would represent a consolidation of Franco-Soviet cooperation."
France can indeed provide support to the USSR in the field of biomedical instru-
mentation for manned space flights. This is already the case with the blood-
echography equipment, which will be used for the first time in space on the first
Franco-Soviet flight. This equipment has elicited a great deal of interest on th~
part of Soviet officials who are desirous of using it for further experiments on
flights of long duration. ~By Pierre Langereux~ CText~ ~Paris AIR ET COSMOS in
French 31 Oct 81 p 39~ ~COPYRIGHT: A. & C. 1981~ 9238
CSO: 3100/297 E~
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