JPRS ID: 10375 KOREAN AFFAIRS REPORT

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• Collection: JPRS
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP82-00850R000500040021-9
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• Document Page Count: 18
• Document Creation Date: November 1, 2016
• Sequence Number: 21
• Content Type: REPORTS

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~ JPRS L/10375
9 March 1 ~82
Korean Affai rs Re ort
p
cFOUO 3is2~~
Fg~~ FOREIt~N BROADCAST INFORMATION SERVICE
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JPRS L/10375
- 9 March 1982
KOREAN AFFAIRS REPORT
~FOUO 3/82)
CONTENTS
~ SOUTH KflREA
pOLITICS AND GOVERNMENT
Economic Malaise, Workers~ Plight, Disaffection Reported
(SEKAI, Feb 82) 1
ECONOI~C
F`ive-Year Plan, $6 Billion Zoan Request Analyzed
(TOYO KEIZAI, 16 Jan 82) .............e................. 12
. ~
i
- a - [III - ASIA - 109 FOUOj
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S. KOREA/POLITICS APID GOVERNMENT
~ ECONOMIC MALAISE, WiORKERS~ PLIGflT, DISAP'FECTION REPORTED
Tokyo SEKAI in Japaneae Feb 82 pp 171-179
[Article by T.R.: "Undiminishing Light" -News from ROKJ ~
[Excerpt] Reports of a da~rk economic situation continue. The reports say that
the "hemorrhage of exporta" of~important industrial products such as cnlor tele.
television sets, paesenger cars and cement con2inues at prices ranging from 42 to
73 percent of the cost of production. The newspapers eay that from January�through
October of 1981, payments on interest on foreign debt alone reached $2.8 billion,
and that this ia an increase of 43 percent over the previous year. In addition,
_ the trade deficit in 1981 will reportedly reach $5 billion.
"The hemmorrhage of exports" is having its effect upon ~the domestic market prices
� of manufactured products. These prices axe tw~o or three times the price of ,
exports. The dollars earned through exports are cycled to pay for imparta, and
the price of imported products has to be high.
~Furthermpre, in the midst of recession and inflation, the number of unpaid bills
is increasing. The am~unt of defaulted notes in October was 8.8 billion won, the ~
highest tota3 recorded in 1981. Meanwhile, wage increases in 1982 Frill reportedly
be held~down to 10 percent, but inflatiot~ will be in excess of 30 perEent. What
is to be done about this discrepancy?
Although th~ price at which the government buys rice will be raised 1k percent,
the price of fertiliz~r is. rising rapidly. It is an extremely high, 68 percent
higher than ~he.international price. Because of this, ~even the newapapers
finally could not stand by without~ raieing the alarm over� the situation. The
chemical fertilizer plant is,.so to speak, the illegitimate offspring of the
multinational corporations. The agricultural cooper.atives,are under obligation
_ to take 90 percent or more of the plant's production and have guaranteed a profit
of $2 million per year for 15 years. Gulf Oil and the others which invested
$10 million on the basis of this guarantee have already gotten a"return" which
totals three times their investment. Furthermore, since the facilities are old
and cannot export, there is excess production. Because of conditions� such as
these, the multinational corporations do their utmost all. over the~world to
support aorrupt regimes which make such profits possible. They also approach
politicians in their own countries to get them to support these regimes. ~
,
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Thus the farmers and the co~oon peoplesm~of the shortageVOftgovernmentafunds, even
Furthermore, it is reported that becau
the government's rice purchases are not m~ving forward and the farmers, suf.fering
under the burden of the agr cultural cooperatives' debts, have begun to se.t~ rice
at a loss. There has been whispering ia�-the streets about whether it is possible
to get safetly through next spring in this economic situation~e B~ee~~hasfcontinued
the government is nervous about moves by the workers. The go
its large-scale arrest and imprisortment, m~stly out of concern that the i::*e7
tuals, and particularly the students, might spark activity on the part af the
workers.
The insecurity of the Chun Doo-hwan faction in this situati.on seems to be beyond
imagination. It is said that the members of the faction have made it known to
those around them that their very lives are at atake. Their rule is roo.ted in
~ insecurity and fear of the people. Therefore they cannot make calm, rationa.l
decisions. Also, they try tn make the people afraid and unable to make ratic~nal
decisions.
One old person whc~ was daring enough to retire commrented deploringly on the
situation as follows:
"They mpbiiized the newspapers and used many beautiful w~rds. They pr.omised not

I only liberation from war and poverty ~~8e SO ~strincidents go~entirely ~pression.
But, in fact, the oppression only inc
unreported. When it seems this mi8ht be the case, once in a while they give
' only a brief report that students at some university h~et ndethatnin doing~this
many years in connection with a demonstration. They P
rhey are even reporting demonstrations. Their propaganda says that the rice
harvest,is good this year. In fact, however, even the government adm~~ted that
the harvest will not be as great as the average yearly harvest for the past 5
years. They said they would provide acholarship money for one-third of the
college students, but in fact they have mereortednot b~noveernmentfs~ sidi sebut
~ from half of L�heir fees . Since this is supp Y S
by the students themselves, it amounts to nothing more than talcing away an amount
equivalent to 5 percent of the fees paid by other students. Their propaganda says
that they have liberalized student exchange and study abroad. Actually, they
have suppressed both completely and are merely sending training groups abroad for
short periods every now and then for the sake of political show.
"Everything runs this way. Possibly because they are military peoPle, they want
to say their tactics have succeeded when there are temporary results from their
propaganda. They ordered compulsory admission of an additional 30 percent over
the authorized number of students and were threatening to make this exces~ 'drop
out' before graduation. At this time, however, they are reportedly letting the
universities handle this because ~he matter seemed about to become a social
problem. If there are more than the authorized number of students at graduation
- tim~~, the excess students are to be given a'certificate of completion of
stud:~.es.' How does that differ from a diploma? Furtherm~re, it is saic~ that in
- order to eliminate even a few more students from the 30 percent, strict political
survelYlance is carried on~and students are expelled from the universities if
they utter eveni$ ~ke what wasadone under imperialBJapaneserrulen when people
arbitrary~ . It
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were punished immediately if they inadvertentlq atarte; to speak Korean. I do not
know what to call this unheard-of sort of politic:g an3 education. There ie
probably nothing to call it except gang rule."
The o1d man went on to say�that it "ie truly absurd" that in addition to every?t~ti~g
else, at the end of last year when pricea were rising the government raiaed the
- charges for railway and other public services acroes the board, and becauae of
the increased service chargea,� the pricea of manufactured producta rose.
"Our pocketbooka are certainly suffering because the regime continues to waste
mcney. In Korea, politics ueually ca~ae firet and the economq came afteYward.
Pol{tics did not support the.economy. But this Chun faction is even worse.
Overseas, the aituation ie that politics has been the ealesman for economica.
At this time Rorea certainly needa flexible dem~cratic politics for the sake of its
economy, but the politics are a complete mess. Korea is like Poland, full of
contiradictions.
"The more the Chun faction doea, the w~orse the problems become. The system of
having studenta in axcesa of the authorized studemtbody drop out of the
universities seems to have failed. On the gro~inds of preparing for the Olympica,
_ they have imposed etiff penalti~s for throwinp, away cigarette butte or being
careless about street-crossing regulatione. Thie seems to be something they
learned from Singapore; nothing of this sort has been done in thig counrry for a
lvng time. They have been pushing the police bq assigning quotae for cases, but
this will break down, tao. There�ia no instance where a me~sure of this kind has
been continued by the gonernment when there ia no cooperation at all from the
people. ,
"The government says it will aboliah the evening curfew, which has exieted from
~ust after liberation up to the present, and it will~begin�a system of local
autonomy. Theae are benefits given to the geople in an attempt to win popularity.
They say they will~change the things which have bee~i.necessary up to now to
ma~ntain a dictatorial regime. They think that if they do not do tt?ia they will
not retain power. One wonders, however, how long things which~ are auppoaed to be
changed will go on. 'Just~when it seems they will make the change, they glway,s
create a'criais' and the change is reversed overnight. Local sutonomy and so
forth will probably end up as nothing but empty words. If this happens, there
will be further resentment that the promiae was nothing more than shouting. In
~ fact, given the situation in the farm villages, I do not know what would happen �
- if local autonomy did come about. If, however, local autonomy is not put into
effect, there may be another explosion. On the other hand, the government says
it will intensify the "Semaul" mov~ment (this means 'new village'). The president
has appointed ~is own brother Kim Kyong-hwan as director of this movement. TQ
talk about simultaneously having liberalization and,compulsory organization is to
make promises which are filled taitl~ contradictions. It is a case of being wrong
whichever way they go. Disorder will set in while they alternate~between loosening
gnd tightening up. Disorder will reault from challenges from outside. It is sAid
that in 1979 Chun originally conferred with No T'ae-wu (commander at the time of
the then 9th Division) and brought about the coup d~etat when he heard, 3ust after
Pak Chong-hui's death, that he was to be deanoted from chief of ae~urity to
Paek Yong-to (a small~island facing the northern part of the west coast).
~
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Furthermore, he made a mess with the butchery in Rwangju. There was absolutely
no vision and no pol3tical ability or firm intention. New corpses are still being
found at Rwangju. Althovgh the people of the city openly criticize Chun and his
faction as though the town were a liberated zone, there is no way for them to take
action. This could suddenly become the atmosphere all over the country. I have
a feeling there would be no way for the United States or others who have completely
supported the gang to save it."
It seemed as though the old man could go on indefinitely. In fact, at this time,
rather than concentrating its powex on shifting to implementation of any
progressive program, the Chun faction is afraid of a popular uprising and is
throwing all its effort into policies to counter such a ristng. However, it is
not conceivable that means other than oppression by physical means would be
effective. Therefore they are most afraid that the workers will join together
with the intellectuals and students. The Chun faction may have learnpd this from
the situation in Poland. In this context they fabricated the so-called "National
Democratic Labor Federation" and "National Democratic Student Federation"
incidents, which involved mainly the Kwang Min Sa publishing house.
Of course, the several thousand students who were driven out of the universities
and the students who were imprisoned and released have not bQen given a normal
place to work. They go into the factories and the farm villages. They must do
*his even to secure a minimum daily sut~sistence. The labor unions are either
languishing or under the government's influence. The intellectuals who up to this
point had expressed interest in labor problems have become silent. Because of
this, the young students go into the factoxies with the idea of enduring the
_ suffering of the workers. They will share their awareness of the problems with
the workers who have already begun to be fully aware.
In the case of the So T'ong wfg factory, there were 900 workers, mostly f emale.
Until March 1980 their wages started at 1100 won per day (a daily wage of 380 yen)
for an average of 12 to 14 hours of work a day. The~.n, in April 198I, 3ob action
for~a 30-percent increase in wages was started, but when the police intervened,
just as it seemed that the issue had been settled at: 23 percent, the leaaers of
the union were arrested on the grounds that hard-line bargaining with the company
president was an act of violence. The union paper Sang Nok Su was declarsd
' illegally published material. In th~s way, eight~persons were charged,
incarcerated and tortured severely. Included am~ng these eight~persons was Yi
Mok-hi, who had been driven out of the Planning Experts Co~nittee of the head-
quarters of the Textile Worker's Union. He was said to have violated the article
concerning Prohibition of Intervention by Third Parties" in labor movements
because he explained to the women workers the "Demand for Increased Wagesy"
which was an official publication of the union, and because he was involved in
manuscripts for Sang Nok Su. This is the first case of a violation of the
"Prohibition of Intervention by Third Parties" in the labor law devieed by the
Chun faction.
In her appeal, the wife of Chong Sun-hi asked whether workers have the opportunity
- to receive education and the right to hold dialogue with someone to receive
advice. She pleaded as follows:
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"Is it intervention by third parties when scholars write books about labor
questions, when professors write on labor questions in the newspapers, when people
wfth brothers and sisters who are workers diacuss labor issues or when pastora
hold a dialogue with workers in order to do misaionary work in industry?"
I have in my possession an appeal by Chong Sun-hui which says: "Why must workers
atarve because of the law?" This is an appeal published by a woman who had
formerly worked at Sam Rip Foods because she had been put out of the company on
allegationa of violating the "Labor Standards Act." I will cite a section in
which she describes the environment at Sam Rip Foods, where several thousand

~ people are employed.
"Excessively harsh wage levels and verbal abuse are common. In aummer, the work-
place is a steam bath without a single fan. In winter, the room tempera~ure ~s as
low as in a refrigerator room. The roof leaks terribly and machines are used to
bail out the water. Even now the floor is such that the ~aorkers~have to etop
working sometimes so that the water can be cleared out. Becauae the sanita.ry
facilitiea are too terrible for a food company, the company was cited by tne city
of Seoul last September for poor sanitary conditions. The peop3.e from tb.e Labor
Ministry who came to investigate saw the 'dormitories which are l~ke chi~aken
coops' and went so far as to say, 'Sam Rip Foods muat be called to.account for
this.' This incident tells what our working conditions are like."
Far from rectifying this aituation, the Chun faction regime has cooperated in
driving out the defenseless workers because tihey resisted these conditions.
Therefore, when they say the welfare of the people is the building of the nation"
and "all harmonp among the people," one must ~wonder what on earth their .
intentions are. Even thouah they w~ould cor~solidate their own power by rectifying
this sort of situation, it appears that they may take sadistic pleasure in keeping
the workers' dissatisf action a~.t the exploding point and keeping it in check with
bloody repression.
The appeal continues as follows concerning the circumstances in which the petition
had to be made to the Ministry of Labor. ~
"For 2 weeks last May, the 450 workers in the Ice Foods Department were made to
w~rk 12 hours a day. In June, however, when the rains suddenly came, the workers
were sent home almost every day. When we went to work through the.thunder at
10 pm, soaked by the pouring rain, we were aent home. When we came in at 4 am
we were sent home. When we came in at 6am, rubbing our eyea in the dawn, we were
sent home. Since when this tiappened our wages were cut to 60 percent, our dai.ly
wage dropped from 2079 won (about 670 Japanese yen) to about 1200 won. Subtract
300 to 400 won in transportation expenses from it...what is left? It should have
been possible to tell us in advance so that we could save this transportation
expense. Going out through the company gates, soaked in the evening rain, I felt
as though my heart would break when I thought of the Ioyal workers who are always
make to come to work only to be sent home. However, when the rains ended, the
12-hour operation began in such heat that it was hard to breathe. There were
no fixed mealtimes. We were given a meal at around 9 am and we got a meal ~bout
5 pm, but we ate in shifts. It was more like stuffing in our food on the run than
like eating."
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This is behind the propaganda, "Health First, Sana Rip Foods." If a worker
complains to the Ministry of Labor about the situation, the Ministry of Labor
gives the worker's name to the comp~ny and the worker is fired. Because of this,
Chong had to crq out: "This is the Fifth Republic, which said that the workers
who sweat wculd be given the price of their sweat and that a 3ust society where ,
law and order are preserved would be built. Would the just society and the
welfare state we are seeking be blind to the illegal actions of the company, which
was wealth and power, and trample in this way upon the workers who made their
appeal in an orderly way?'
This woman worker has resolutely decided that she cannot be silent in a situation
in which, as the proverb says, "the law is far away and the fist is close by."
What will happen to this woman next? Will it be terrifying violence or imprison-
ment? This should be watched.
In Pusan, 15 Young people who belonged to the Good Books Union were arrested. ~A
look at the indictment of one of these persons shows that he had an interest in
labor movements and had read improper literature. Included in this improper
literature were many publications which formerly had been published in Korea and
publications concerned with economics which had been published in Japan. Even
"What Is History?" by E.H. Carr was among the improper literature. A look at the
facts in the indictment shows that the ~harge was merely that by puttin$ together i
10,000 or 20,000 won from club dues, into which they each paid 1,000 woxi a month,
and from the salaries of those who�were teachers, four or five persons would get
together, read the so-called improper Iiterature and discuss the political ~I
situation. The charge says that the person must be imprtsoned on the grounds that ;
prior. to January of this year the meetings constituted "assembly without permission i
of the martial law authorities," and in February and thereafter, when martial
law had been removed, the meetings became "assemblies which were cause for concern I
about social unrest."
Countless people have been tried by laws which no one outside the group which made II
the laws would accept. Then propaganda use has been made of such incidents by I
labellin~; them communist, when possible.
A fact which to some extent may have been touched upon earlier is that the
"secret" document, "The Existence of Pro~oalnaunigt Students and Organizations with
Rebellious Ideologies as Seen in the CouYSe of Investigations and Trials
- Involving Leftist Incidents at Universities," which was produced by the "Section
for Research into Students' Ideology, Ministry of Education" in nearly every
instance labels as communist those incidents which even the courts did not find
communist. Let me give just two very brief explanations from "Assumption of
Leftist Perceptions and Course of Criminal Actions' which is a record of the "Mu
Rim Incident" at Seoul University.
(3) Hydn Mu-hwan:
--Came from the household of a civil servant who had seven children; because he
was poor, earned his school money by home tutoring from his junior high school
days .
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--Immediately after entering 5EOU1 Univeraity in March 1977 ~oined the club, "The
Soci~ty for the Study of Economics in Less Developed Countries" and in the process
of reading such books as "Theorq of an Age of Transition" by Yi Yong-hi "What
Ia History?" by E.A. Carr, "Tonghak and the Tonghak Rebellion by Rim Sang-ki,
"A History of ~ocial T.houghta" by Watkin, "St4diea of the Development of
Capitalism" by Maurice Dobb, came to perceive that the proletarian movement, which
is the main element in history, is necessary, and became devoted to socialist
~deology.
--In Auguet 1978, ~oined the "77 Student Guard UndPr$round Organization" and took
a positive part in activities.
(4) Nam Myong-su:
--Was the second son in the family of an eduGator who had two sons and three
daughtera; entered Seoul Univeraitq (Linguistics) in April 1977 and left off his
studies in October 1980 when he was in his fourth year.
--His father was a promoter of education and hie mother was a teacher at a atate
achool.
--From his infancy he gr~w up in impoverished surroundings anc: developed a deep
_ dissatisfaction with the social sys.tem in which the difference between rich and
poor ia conspicuous. Then, in April 1977, at the urging of an older graduate of
his high achool, he joiried a club,."7'he Historical Friendship Society," at school
and, through reading subversive books such as "Reason and Revolution" (Marcuse)
and "Theory of the Development of Capitalism" (Sweezie), came to harbor ideas of
substantive�resiatance to the system.
zn the document, the "philosophy of the proletari~t" has become "a transfprmed ~
Christian ideology which was first introduced by the Reverend Pak Hyong-kyu in
the 1970's." The document ignor.es or distorts the co~only known fact that the
philosophy of the proletariat was not introduced from the outside but is a philo-
sophy which developed in the midst of South Korea's struggle for democratization
and was transmitted to the world outside. The document also ignores the facti
that Reverend Pak is not the philosopher who proposed the philosophy of the
proletariat. The document.says that a report which called upon "Beloved Co*nrade
Kim I1-song" was sent north in the name of "The Central t;ommittee of the
Preparatory CommitEee of the South ~orean People's Liberation Front." The docu-
a~ent includes the full text of ~such a report. The fact is, however, that it was
not proven in court that such a report was sent and the allegation was completely
. denied. The method is the same as in the case of the poet Kim Chi-ha, in which
a government document was distributed which labelled the man a communist but which
bore no relation to what happened in court.
The document also goes on at length about the so-called "assumption of J.eftist
perceptions and courses of criminal actions" of Mr Y~ T'ai-Pak who had managed
the Kwang Min Sa. The newspapers in Korea cannot report a word about his trial.
I would, however, like to quote what was said by the mother of this man who was
imprisoned, tortured and convicted in court.
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"I am very grateful that I have a proud son. The newspapers in this country cannot
report a word on this trial. I would like more people to know the truth about
this incident. I would like to have this made known ~xtensively overseas."
The Imprisoned
- The situation of those who are in prison this winter is miserable. Tliey worry
whether they wil~ safely survive the winter.
There is a rumor that Rim Dae-jung may be released sometime but that at that point
he will probably be in a condition from which he can no longer recover. The
remains of Yi Chae~mun, who was imprisoned and sentenced to death in the incident
of the so-called "South Korean People's Liberation Front," were turned over to his
family after he reportedly died of illness on 22 November. The funeral was held
on 24 November and there was a great deal of suspicion about the cause of his
death. His fami]:y was not told even the name of his illness. One of the
persons imprisoned in the Kwang~u incident suffered paralysis over half his body
and his mind was impaired. It is said that his family met with physicians and his
- illness was acknowledged but he was not moved to the sick ward.
A~though the number of political offenses is rising sharply and treatment for
these offenses is extremely cruel, South Korean newspapers report that the Reagan i
administration has announced: "The current situation in South Korea in connection
with the question of hum~~ rights has recently improved greatly." Indignantly
wondering what sort of farce is going on, the �amilies of the conscientious j
- offendexs have tried to organize prayer meetings but have been prevented by the ~
police. Therefore, in October these families issued a statement saying: "Confine I
all of us." Also, on 4 December they issued an appeal on "Approaching Human !
Rights Week." In this appeal they again criticized the Reagan administration's
support for the Chun government and "approval of the muvement of troops under the
command of joint Korean-U.S. headquarters" in the Kwangju incident. They also I
criticized the position taken by the Japanese Government in using the excuse that I
it did not know whether the text of the judgment against Kim Dae-jung was genuine.
The a ea1 b the families of the conscientious offenders on 14 December, which I
PP Y
n
was sent to all Christians in Korea and abroad" and which said, "We wish to ;
worship," was a thoroughly.poignant appeal. It lamented the fact that.it was i
prohibited even to hold a Friday prayer service to think and pray about spouses
and children in prison, sick and suffering in the cold. The Friday prayer service
is a prayer service which was continued under the Palc regime to the very end.
An executive in the Ministry of National Security and Plans (the~former KCIA) is
said to have arrogantly remarked that, of course, "if Che Friday prayer service
were allowed, not only the families of those in prison bu*_ also the families
of expelled students, teachers and workers and even the families of former
politicians and government officials would probably ~oin in."
The families' struggle for the Friday prayer service is amazingly atrong. On the
day selected, the authorities were to keep the families under surveillance
' beginning at 4 am, when the evening curfew is lifted, and to restrain them by
violent force. Therefore, the families stayed over from the day before in a
Christian assembly hall. On Friday the police were everywhere inside and outside
the Christian assembly hall. What happened then, on 26 November, was such an
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uproar that the wife of Profeaeor Yi Mun-qong was knocked down aad her teeth
broken. It seems that in this harah winter the wivea have been trying to wage a
mortal atruggle for freedom of worship.
Z'he Catholic churches in Rwang~u reportedlq send conatant letters o~ appeal fbt'
release af political prisonere. The mass for human righta celebrated on 7 necember
in the Catholic churches of Rwang~u was heavily attended. Because of this, agents
. have also been regularly stationed in the Roman Catholic churches. It is said that
17 agenta move in and out of Kwang~u and elsewhere and that 11 are always at their
posts. In Mokp's, too, the pastors of Protestant churchea were rounded up and
beaten. The reason for this is not known, but is is speculated that intimidation
wae the purpoae.
For some reaeon or other, the Victory Union of the United Churches was recently
ordered d~sbanded. Since the union was not very popular, it would seem that the
Chun faction was trying to ahow publicly that it had washed its hande of the union.
A~ournaliat friend cos~nented as followa about the recent eituation:
"Because neither. exports nor domeatic salee are doing well, firma are troubled
by accumulating inventories. The labor problema are~by no means normal. Japan
is probably going to aseist thia tyrannical regime with $6 billion. Japan has
its own interests in doing thie. Nevertheless, things will probably still be bad.
The people have no faith at al]. in the regime.. The regime made much of izs
economizing on atate expenditures by eliminating the poets of high-ranking
officials. In fact, however, they forced out old people and ina~alled young
'substitutes in whom they have a stake. Everything runa this way. Ttie regime also
drove poor people out in the middle of~winter by tearing down shanties on the
grounds that they were unauthorized buildings. This is the first time a
government has been this cruel. Why would the government carry out sucH a heart-
lesa act when no previous government did auch a thing in midwinter? Probably, o.nly
as a ahow of strength.
~ "In the organs of public expression, the gang from the Ministry of Security and
Planning has mnveii in and is in place at the buxeau chief level. There is no ~
reason to expect that these people can administrate. They sit around and slezp.
T'he people who were drawn over to the government from Toyo Televi~ion and Toa
Broadcast~ng are now the moat capable people at the government's Central
Television. Central Television collects a viewing,charge and makes co~ercials,
so ~.t can use money freely. Still,~since ~he peo~le who work there would always
rather take other ~obs if they had them, morale is not high. ~This can probably
be said of all the officials. The faction is like oil floating on water.
Therefore, while on the one hand they repress expression of ideas, on the other
they give out candy. They provide many benefits for their first-line reporters,
whose children's school bills are paid if they simpley submit a voucher. Money
is generously available for scholarships, trips abroad and so forth. How long
can the regime stay in power when it does such things?
"In October, the families of the conscientious off enders met with thc~ U.S.
ambassador to Korea. Reportedly, throughout the meeting the ambassador
consistently explained that "~merica does not have influence over the Government
of South Korea." The families said that America had acquiesced in the butchery
at Kwang~u and pressed the ambassador by asking whether the U.S. Embassy did not
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maintain silence about the appeal made by the people of 1~:wangju to the U.S.
Government and did not approve of the attack by the army. The ambassador evaded
the question by saying that he had not been present at the time, but repoxtedly
his face became red and he was irritated by the question. He says that he does
not like to hear people say, 'Yankee go home,~ but he probably will not be ~bl~
to avoid hearing it now.
"Recently, a new warden is said to have taken over at th~ Ch'ongju prison and the
treatment of Kim Dae-jung reportedly has suddenly become worse. Kim is allowed
- only one interview a month. He is given only three blankets. And so it goes."
There is no end to stories like these. Many young people who have gone underground
are not stopping their activities. I wish sincerely to ask assistance for these
people from their friends abroad. There are also problems with legal expenses
for criminal offenses. At half the regular legal fee, about 500,000 won (about
160,000 yen) was paid for the first hearing, and reportedly 300,000 won was paid
at the time of the appeal.
I would like to relay one ua re poignant appeal to our friends abroad. I wrote
somewhat along Chis line earlier, but a plaintive appeal fxom a mother will come
. closer to the heart.
Her son Kwon Un-song ~s a physically disabled person who contracted infantile
paralysis when he was 3 year~ old. In 1975 he ~ras expelled from the university for
leading a demonstration; he joined the United Socialist Party and advanced to the
position of chief of the Labor Bureau. Just after :+~he incident at Kwangju, in
resentment at the holding of the Miss Universe Contest in Seoul, he complained:
"What good is a beauty contest at a time like this?" A friend replied: "~t
would be good if someone threw z bomb." Simply because this exchange tocic place,
he was sentenced by a military court to 10 years in prison. Two witnesses
testified in the court martial, but they were completely disregarded. In April
of this year he was su~~ected to a gang attack by the jailers at Tae~on prison.
His teeth and his back were broken. He is still suffering from the aftereffects
and a complete recovery will be difficult. It is said that the paralysis in the
.lower part of his body could be extended to his whole body. Nevertheless, he is
not allowed even to put on a single sweater in the harsh winter cold. The mother _
is crying at this cruel treatment.
As I send you New Year's greetings at the beginning of 1982, I would like to quote
for you one or two paragraphs from the latest letters from Kim Dae-jung to his
wife.
The chrysanthemums are in full,bloom where I go out for exercise, but they have
only yellow flowers. The flowers I remember bloomed only after a great deal of
hard work was done on them, but thev were fu11 of life and lasted nearly a month
longer than other flowers. This chaers me and makes me grateful. Whenever I
touch flowers, I remember contemplating the flowerbeds at home. When you send
me news of the flowers, I see them in my mind's eye. Nostalgia fills my heart.
There are also times I think very fondly about the dog, Torutoruri. (From the
opening paragrapfi of the letter dated 28 October 1981)
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I learned from your letter that the flowera in the beds at home have all died out.
The flowera here at the prison were finished long before the 20th. But I recall
about 20 plants which still retain their beauty and to which the bees still come.
While I consider anew hom much significance the devotion and love nf a peraon has
for a flower, I conaider again how much more meaningful it is in the case of human
beings, where ambition and emotion are at work. Aa you know, I have read many
literary books and I continue to read good lite~ary works. "The Old Man and The
Sea," "For Whom the Bell Tolls," "Farewell to Arms," "A StreetcF~r Named Desire"
(he lists 50 Korean and foreign titles; the list ia abbreviated. here) and other
such good literature serves as lubricating oil which revives dried up emotions and
~ives vitality and resilience to the psych~. I think that pacticularly for people
of the older generatianf like you and me, it is very necessa~y to revitalize our ~
souls with good literature so ttaat we will have the flexibi].ity of soul to adapt
ourselves to the radical chang~s of the times and be able to understand the
thinking of the younger generation and our countrymen. I'nave listed the names
of these books to recommend them to you. (From the lettec dated 27 November 1981)
COPYRIGHT: Iwanami Shoten 1982
9111
CSO: 4105/45
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S. KOl7EA/ECONCMY
FIVE-YEAR PLAN, $6 BII,LION I,OA~'~ REQUEST ANALYZED
Tokyo TOYO KEI2AI in Japanese 16 Jan 82 pp 64-65
[Text] A year has passed since the birth of Sout3~ Korea~s Chon Tu Hwan gavernment.
Despite initial fears, it achieved a degree of stability and in January it lifted the
midnigYit curfew. Amid such a situatiot~,. it is fervently seeking a huge $6 billion in
aid fr~m Japan.
Cleanliness Highly Assessed �
The aim of the Chon Tu Hwan government, domestically, has been the reali.zation of
socialism and, externally, the raising of South Rorea's international status. In the
area of internal politica, in the name of social purification.it has curtailed the
activities of some 600 politicians and dismissed 5,000 public service emplayees,
thereby raising the banner of social justice and impress'ing the people with clean
= government. ~
Another mave was to implant a sense of oonfidenoe in President Chon~.through the
arrest of President Chon's cousin, who was implicated with a group of swindlers, and
the ouster of Pak Sei Jik, the capital city security commander and President Chon's
righth and man. . ~
~ ~
In foreign relations, President Chan's ooncrete mwes are highly assessed. In
February 1981,.he visited the United States and met Pres~dent Reagan shortly after
the latter's inauguraticn, and a decision was made against the pullout of U.S. ground
forces from South Korea. In June, he visited the ASEAN nations and strengthened
economic relations, including tho~e on arms exports, thereby laying the ground for
elevatirvg the ROK's international status.
President Chon's political stance is also exemplified in the cabinet lineup. Ccntrary
to early expectations of a military gwernment, he installed a cabinet with emphasis
on expert political and eoonanic figures. ~
Its link with economic quarters is said to be marked by fairness. Equidistant
policies are adopted toward financial groups.
With the pubTic acceptanoe of such a jcst political stance, the Chon government's
foundation has attained greater st~bility. In particular.,. in order to avoid any long-
- term rule, he personally set the president!s term of office as 7 years, enacted a
constitutional pravision against reelection, and made sure that a president oould not
undertake a constitutional revision by himself. This was intended to shaw that he had
no intention to hold onto power indefinitely. Thus, President Chcn has been able to
gain the pe~~le's trust.
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Emphasis on Exparts Unchanged
On 21 August 1981~ the delayed public ahnouncement of the Fifth Econanic Social
Developnent 5-Year Plan was made.. Its major cha~'acteristics a~e oonversion from high
growth to stable growth and from a government-led econany to a private sector-led
econcmy.
While the third and fassth plans plaoed top priority on growth, the fifth plan's basic
goals are "stability," "~efficiencyM and "balance," wi.th the word "growth" cmitted.
While the past gaals were an econcmic groi~th rate of 10 percent or above, the GNP
growth rate under the ;iftr, plan is set at 7.6 percent real annual growth. In
rewgnition of the evil~: of structural inflation, the first half of the period
represents an adjustment period, and startfng in the seoond half, attempts will be
made to achieve a"second leap."
For realization of the "seoond leap," the key point seems to be "efficiency,"
including improver3 productivity and rationalization of management. For this reason,
self-aid by the private sector is encouraged. ~
H owever, the basic stra~egy of an export-oriented econcmy by mears of heavy chemical
industrialization remains unchanged. The average annual graath by industry is as
follows: agriculture and fishe ry, 2.6 percent; social, indirect capital service,
7.3 percent; manufacturing, 11.0 percent; and a projected high growth of 12.1 percent
for the heavy chemical ';idustry.
In exports, a high average annual qrawth of 20.3 percent is envisioned, climbing
from 21 billion dol].ars in 1^81 tc 53 billion in 1986. By type of export items, the
annual growth sate for light industrial products is 16.1 percent, and for heavy
chemical industrial products, 25.7 percent. Thus, efforts are made to maintain an
econ anic developnent that is primariZy export-oriented on the basis of the heavy
= chemical industrial aYea..
Key Econ anic Indicators of the Fifth 5-Year Plan
~ Rate of average
. , annual increase,
Item Unit 1980 1986 1982-1986
GN P Won, in 35.0 53.7 7:6
trillicns
_ Same . Dollar, in 574 900 7.6
100 m311iaz
GNP per capita Dollar 1,506 2,170 5.9
Industrial structuie
Agriculture & fishery $ 16.9 14.8 2.6
Mining " 30.7 35.0 10.8
Manufacturing " 29..4 34~0 11.0
(Light industry) " (45.5) (42.0) 9.5
(Heavy chemical) " (54..5) (58.0) 12:2
(Machinery) " (16.7) (22.6) 17.6
Social indirect capital & others " 52..4 50.2 7.3
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Top Priority for Machinery Industry Developnent
_ Even under the Fi�th 5-Xear Plan~ the qreatest etfort is placed on the development
of the machinery inc~ustry. The goverrunent considers that the problems of c:mplayment
, and the int~rnational balance of trade in the eighties would be unresolvabl~e uttless
the machinery industry were f ostered internationally.
I In the course of the Fifth 5-Year Plan, the grawth rate of the machinery industry
, is the highest, with a real annual growth of 17.6 percent. Machinery exports are
estimated to climb f ran $2.5 billion in 1981 to $3.26 billion in 1986. The average
annLal growth during the period of the fifth plan is extremely high-~31.5 percent.
There are great hopes f or machinery as the future export strategy industry.
In 1970's, the electronic industry and shipbuilding spearheaded the developnent
of the machinery industry. In the fifth plan, for the flourishing of general
machinery, in which huye investments have been made, the aim is to develop it as an
- export industry. In the period of the fifth plan, it is nated that among export
~ items, the annual grawth .rate for general machinery is estimated at 43.5 percent.
Canpared to the grawth of ,~lectronic/electric products with 25.3 percent and transport
machinery's 35.3 p~rcent, ii can be seen that emphasis will be on general machi.r.~ry.
The machinery industry has profound ove=tones of an arms industry. In order to.
f oster zne machinery industry, including the general machinery industry, South Korea
constructed the Changwon machinery industrial base during the period of the fourth
p].~:. ThiS base is said to be the fortress for arms production. General machinery
requires huge inve stments, has a long period of gestation, and the recovery of
investment can be difficult. It has been said that these a7e large factors in the
stagnation of South Korea's econany. The purpose. of President Chon's ASEAN visit,
it is said, was to help re~store the econcmy through arms exports. In the indus-
trialization of general machinery for exports the developnent of the arms industry
lies in the background.
Background of the $6-Billion Loan
During the Japan-RGK foreign ministers' conferenoe in August 1981, South Korea asked
f or a huge public loan of $6 billion aver the 5-year period of the fifth plan. This
amounts to an annual average of $1.2 billion, or fourteenfold over the actual FY-80
record of $86 million. Why is South Korea seeking such a huge loan?
South Korea is staking its econcmic re~overy on the Fifth 5-Year Plan. However,
because of the enormous burden of defense costs, it is beset by a lack of econanic
develc.~ment funds. South Korea's c~efense costs amount to 6 percent of GNP, which is
more th,;n 35 percent of the natiot~al budget. On t~he other hand, econanic development
funds ccxne to only about 20 pereent of the budget. As a result, it hopes to obtain
$46.5 billion from foreign sources for the fifth pZan,. but with �oreiqn debts of
$30 billion outstanding up to 1980, it finds it difficult to raise the huge amount.
_ For the Chon Tu Hwan governmentR. econ anic recovery is the most important subject,
and it must successfully implement the fifth plan. But e~nomic reeovery is unachievable
nnless some of the burc~en of defense oosts is diverted to eaonchtic recavery. It
w~ould even like to ask Japan td assume the burden of defense oost s. But since Japan
cannot be asked to assume such a burden in view of Japan's situation, it hopes to
have Japan asswne the burden of security in the form of ev~nanic cooperation.
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Japan finds this hard to accept because of the huge sum and the security treaty
issue, but it might be willing to loan up to $3.5 billion, it is said. However,
South Korea remains adamant. One st ory is that it is backed by the United States
_ ~hich is displeased with Japan's defense buildup.
At the same time, it is said that actual power in the Chon government is held by the
non-Japanese speaking "Ha:~gul" generatiot~. They harbor strong anti-Japanese ~
- sentiments and are said to be steadfast i~ their demand for a$6 billion loan.
The Ja panese side has sh own some tendency toward voncessions, but a minor one would
probably be rejected. This is because the $6 billiai Japanese loan fs vounted upon
in the fifth plan.
COPYRIGHT: Shukan Toyo Keizai 1982
~ 9097
C50: 4105/51 END
I .
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