JPRS ID: 10366 USSR REPORT POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS

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• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP82-00850R000500040012-9
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• Document Page Count: 44
• Document Creation Date: November 1, 2016
• Sequence Number: 12
• Content Type: REPORTS

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JPRS L/ 10366
4 March 1982
USSR Report
POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS
(FOUO 7/82)
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JPRS L/10366
4 March 1982
USSR REPORT
POLIT!CAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS
(FOUO 7/82)
CONTENTS
INTGRNATIONAL
New I3ook Discusses Internationa]. Communist Movement
(V. V. Zagladin; MEZHDONARODNOYE KOMMUNISTICHESKOYF:
DVIZtIENIYE: PRAVDA PROTIV VYMYSLOV, 1981) 1
NATIONAL
- Tikhonov Reviews: Economic, Social Policy
(Nikolay Tikhonov7 PROBLEMY MIRA I SOTSIALIZMA, Jan 82)..... 24
_ Burlatskiy on Economic, Political Ineffectiveness
(F. M. Burlatskiy; VOPROSY FILOSOFII, Dec 81) 36
_ a _ [III - USSR - 35 FOUO]
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INTERNATIONAL
NEW BOOK DISCUSSES INTF.RNATIONAL COMMUNIST MOVEr1ENT
Moscow MEZHDONARODNOYE KOMMUNISTICHESKOYE DVIZHENIYE: PIZAVDA PROTIV VYMYSLGV in
Russian 1981 (signed to press 4 Oct 81) pp 1- 19, 139 - 161, 220-239, 319-320
[Annotation, table of contents, preface by V. V. Zagladin, excerpts of articles '-ly
V. I. Lazarev and R. A. U1.'yanovskiy from book "The International Commuriist Movement:
Truth vs Fiction", edited by V. V. Zagladin, Politizdat, 45,000 copies, 320
pages]
[Text] The collection includes articles by Soviet and foreign scientists in
which several urgent questions concerning the ideological struggle during the
present stage are examined and in which the ideological subversive activity of
imperialism and its accomplices against the international communist movement is
unmasked.
The collection is intended for party and scientific workers and everyone who is
- interested in present probleris in the theory and practices of the international
communist movement.
Table of Contents
The New Alignment of World Forces and the Ideological Struggle Over
Questions Co,cerning the Communist Movement (Preface by V.V. Zagladin..... 3
A. C. Yegorov (USSP.)
Leninism--The Marxism of Our Age 20
O.B. Borisov (USSR)
V. I. Lenin's Teachings Are the Scientific Basis for the
Development of Real Socialism 58
Y. Gavlin (Czechoslovak Socialist Republic)
The Nistorical Experience of the Czechoslovak Communist Party's
Struggl.e Against Opportunism and Modernism 79
1. D'yeri (Hungarian People's Republic)
The Relpcation of Tensions and theStzuggle of Ideologies 102
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- N. V. Zagladin (USSR)
- Some Aspects of U.S. Imperialism's Tdeological Strategy Regarding
the Communist Movement in Western Europe 120
V. I. Lazarev (USSR)
At the Sources of Collusion of the Maoist Leaders With the
U. S. Imperialists 139
S. I. Mokshin (USSR)
The Struggle of Communists for International Solidarity:
Reality and Bourgeois Fictions 162
B. V. Pospelov (USSR)
The Maoists' Subversive Activity Against the World Communist
Movement 190
R. A. U1'yanovskiy (USSR)
V. I. Lenin's Ideas and the National Liberation Movement 220
G. Filipov (People's Republic of Bulgaria)
' '!'he Historical Eexperience of World Socialism: Bourgeois
Myths and Reality 240
K. nhager (German Democratic Republic)
The Triumph of Real Socialism and Some Aspects of the Pr.esent
Ideological Struggle 260
G. Kh. Shakhnazarov (USSR)
"Democratic Socialism": Reformist Illusions and Actual Reality......... 274
R. Shtaygerval'd (Federal Republic of Germany)
Peaceful Coexistciice and Problems in the German Communist Party's
Ideological Struggle ..........................o......................... 296
The New Alignment of World Forces and the Ideological Struggle Over Questions
Concerning the Communist Movement (t'reface) by V. Zagladin
The present collection has been compiled from articles which are devoted to
several important aspects of the ideological struggle over problems which concern
the international communist movement and its ideological and theoretical base
Mar:cism-Leninism.
It is evident that there is no need to prove that these problems really belong to
those whicn are being most actively discussed in ttie modern world. There is
nothing surprising in this. The dialectics of social development have shown
rather convincingly that the greater the results are which communist parties, that-
are guided by Marxist Leninist teachings, have achieved in their struggle and in
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llic i r construct ivu :ict ivity; the more active will the atCempts of bourgeois
ideologists and opportuni5ts of various types to cast doubt on these teachings
and to declare tliat the coRLmunist movement is "undergning a crisis" or is
- "not passing the test of history" become. In other words, the sharpening of
the ideological battles around Marxism-Leninism and the communist movement iG
_ directly proportional to the growth of thcir role in the life of modern mankind
and to the increase of their importance as very important factors in social
progress.
~ As is ICIlOWil, durins each stage of social development, the ideological strugble in
general just as the struggle around Marxist-Leninist teachings and the cflnun-
unist movement in particular acquires its own characteristic features. During
each of these stages, an amount of quite specific arguments, considerations and
subjects connected with the present-day content and features of the class artag-
_ onism on a world scale moves to the center of the discussion. 'i'he present time
period also has its distinctive marks from this point of view.
As was pointed out duritlg the 26th CPSU Congress, the present periud is charact--
erized for us by a special growth in the role of the ideological struggle. The
intensity of the ideological battles has increased significantly or even un-
precedentedly. It is apparently important to emphasize that this intensity i.s
- being predetermined by the major feature of the class antagonism in the world
arena during the last yuarter of the twentieth century, viz., by the qualitatively
new ratio of forces between socialism ar.d capitalism and between all the forces
of peace and democracy and all tYle forces oS: war and reaction on a world-wide
scale.
The ratio of forces is a complex and dynamic category affecting differenL spheres
of human activity economics and military affairs, politics and ideology. Since
the concept "ratio" of forces" is used extremely frequently in modern political
language, it is apparently advisable to explain right away what melning we
attach to it here. Moreover, it is worthwhile to do this because the concept is
often interpreted differently.
The concept of "ratio of forces" is most often used in the following cases. lt
is emp].oyed to describe (1) a military-strategic ("the ratio of the mi.litary
furces of the United States and the USSR", " the ratio of KAT0 and Wars3w Pact
farcos") or (2) an economic ("the ratio of U.S. and Japanese economic power",
"t,he r.atio of the economic capabi.lities of the two world systems") situation.
It is al.so used (3) when one wants to show the condition of the international
s i tuat ion cm Lhe whol.e and tl-ie dynamics and trends in itr- develupment l"ttlE
rltio of the forces of peace and the forces of war" "the ratio of the forces of
r.e].axation and the forces of tension." It is used (4) to define the degree of
the class struggle which has been reached within some state ("The ratio of
forces of the proletariat nnd the bourgeoisie'', "the ratio of forces of monopol-
i:,tic capital an(i its enemies"). Final.ly, it can also be encountered (5) in
works de�oted to describi.ng the general historical process on the whole, and
the Process of sliifting from one formation to another on a world scale ("the
_ ratio of the forces of canitalism and socialism", "the ratio of the forces of
imper ial ism and its enem.ies").
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- It iti eviclently c.Orir that in al.l these cases the talk concerns different
nlienomena. At the same time, a definite connection, an interdependence, exists
between them. Thus, the ratio of military forces (1), of econamic forces (2)
and the ratio of the class forces on an international scale (4) are, of cours�,
essentially different. Fiowever, in our age when the socialist countries have
b-ocome a very importa.lt component of the anti-imperialist forces and the forces
of social progress, their military might and economic capabilities have been
converted into vital elements of the overall ratio of class forces on an inter-
natianal scale.
Even from what has been said, it is evident that the ratio of forces is not
something t',iat has hardecied and been established once and forever, but a process
of development and struggle accompanied by quantitative and then qualitative
changes. In this regard, the mentioned changes have both a spontaneous and a
. deliberate nature. Iri the first case, they appear as the result of the spont-
- aneous action of the inner laws of development which are inherent in this
society; in the second as tha result of the deliberate use of these laws
by revolutionary forces or of the resistance to the operation of these laws on
the part of.the forces of social regression.
It is understandable and natural that all the advocates of mankind's progressive
cievelopment the advocates of socialism, democracy, and peace are deeply
convinced that the ratio of social forces will, as a result of the action of
these very laws of history, henceforth be changed in favor of the ideals advocat-
ed by them. They are deliberately doir.g everything necessary so that these
changes will take place.
Here, having in mind the theme of the collection which is being offered to the
readers, it is impossible not to mention the following. The posing by communists
and the representatives of other revolutionary detachments of the question of
tlie inevitability of further changes in the ratio of forces and, moreover, of
the need for such changes is being subjected to fierce attacks by imperialist
ideologists. The latter are trying by juggling similar, but quite different
in meaning, terms to falsify the views and intentions of communists. Here
is a typical example.
When communists talk about the tendency of the ratio of class forces in the world
to change in favor of socia lism and d~mocracy and to the detriment of imperialism
and reaction, they are reproached for the fact that they so it is said are
striving to conduct a"policy of from a position of strength". However, we
are talking here about a purely speculative statement of the question. You see,
the policy of "�rom a position of strength" is a course which assumes the use of
political influence, economic power, and military might to bind the will of one
state to another, of one country to another. This is the imperialist course.
Such a policy is absolutely foreign to communists.
A convincing testimony of this is the attitude of the USSR and the other
socialist countries to the problem of the ratio of forces in the military sphere.
As is known, the arms race and the striving to achieve military superiority have
been and rema.in an integral part of r.he imperialist policy of "from a position
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of. :atreilgth." FIowiver, such an approach is absolutely foreign to the countries
of socialism. In descrili-ng our country's policy, L. I. Brezhnev declared, for
examplc: "Concerning the Soviet Union, I repeat again and again: We are not
strivinfi for military supcriority. It is not our intention, nor was it ever
our i.ntention, to threaten any state or group of states whatsoever. Our strategic
doctrine has a purely defensive direction. The statement that the Soviet Union
is building up its military power on the European continent to a scale uncalled
for by the requirements of defense,has nothing in comnon with reality. It
is a deliberate deception of the general public.
"In l:urope, just as in aJ.l the other regions of our planet, we want peace, a
firm peace. This is the fundamental basis of our foreigl policy, its backbone.
We are following this policy consistently and steadily."
When communists pose thE~ question of the need to ensure a pre.ponderance of forces
on the side of social progress, they are pursuing the goal not of tying someone
to the:ir will but of defending the freedom of people against imperialism's
attempts to restrain that freedom; they are seeing to the creation of conditions
utider which imperial.ism would be deprived of the opportunity to exert pressure
on oClier peoples. In this regard, it is far from ;rn accident that the USSR
- has become the author of ideas on concluding a general treaty on the inapplica-
bility of force in international relations. In the interests of tlle strugble
against a policy of force, the Soviet Union introduced for UN review the resolu-
_ tion "Concerning the Inadmissability of a Policy of Hegemonism in International
Relations" whicti was supported by all the secialist countries (and the absolute
majority of the developing states). This resolution decisively rejected "all
forias of domination, subordination, interference, or intervention and all forms
of pressure whether political, ideological, ecunomic, military, or cultural--
in international relations", as well as "the expanding practice of open a~d
secret interference and intervention in the internal affairs of a state".
In other words, imperialism is concerned about the accumulation of military forces
in or.der to use them against social progress and to hinder the progressive
course of historical development. 5ocialism and the worker and liberation
movements require the maintenance of a preponderance of social and class forces
- over i.mperialism in order to eliminate the barriers created by it on the path of
- social progress and t-o remove the Qbstructions erected by it on the path of
historical progress:ive development. The first contradicts and the second fully
corresponds to ttie interes=s of the overwhelming majority of manlcind.
Some repr.esentativcs of left-wing forces also at times express a certain anxiety in
connectton with the statement of the question on ttie inevitability (and histor-
ical neccssity) of a change in the ratio of forces in favor of the cause of peace
and social progress. The course of their arguments is approximately this. Since
uiider modern conditions war between countries belonging to different social
systems would in practice become a nuclear missile war and since such a war woul.d
- create a potentia.l threat to the existence of all mankind, it is necessary to
avoi.d everythin}; that woul.d provoke such a catastrophe. In particul.ar, the
changes in the rati.o of forces to the detriment of imperialism are giving birth
tn an "al.lergic" reacLion on the part of the reactionary and militaristic circles
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s
of the capitalist world, evoking active resistance on their part, and
perhaps increastng the chances for the origin of an armed conflict. The
conclusion: The concept of the ratio oF forces in our nuclear age "is inapplica-
ble as a policy base in the international arena...."
The first part of these arguments is undoubtedly true. The taking of actions
which would provoke a nuclear catastrophe is inadmissable without a doubt. How-
ever, is it possible to regard the changes in the ratio of forces in the world
in favor of social progress as something which would provoke such a catastrophe?
It is clear that this is impossible.
You see, these changes first of all have an objective nature on the whole and
are determined by the conformitles to law of history's movement. No matter who
wantG it or who does not wanC it, these changes are taking place and will take
place until the appropriate laws of social development are in effect. Denying
the legal conformity of the changes for the better in the ratio of forces in favor
of the cause of peace and socialism means denying social progress in general.
Of course, these laws manij'est themselves through the activity of people
through the class, national and similar struggl.es. Thus, is it necessary,
perilaps, to regard this strLggle as an action which provokes a nuclear catastrophe
and see to its cessation? Each revolutionary, yes and a quite democratically
inclined individual, woula apparently consider the one, who comes forward with
such a proposal, as not beitig a completely normal fellow. He would be right.
No one has it in his power to halt the struggle of a people working for tYieir
rights. Lenin that greatesr of revolutionaries said: Revolutions are
not made by fiat or by agreement. It is possible to add that it is impossible
al.so to call off a revolution, class struggle, and the liberation movements by
fiat or agreement. There is no force on earth which could turn back the inexor-
able process of renovating social life. W here there is colonialism, there will
be a struggle for national liberation. Wnere there is exploitation, there will
be a struggle for the emancipation of labor. Where there is aggression, there
will also be a rebuff to it.
"The popular masses are trying to change the world and will change it."3 The
denial of these truths is not in the least a leftist, democratic and
especially a revolutionary position.
OL course, the yearning of people for freedom runs into the resistance of those
who suppress and limit this freedom, that is, the colonialists, exploiters and
militarists. It is they who ofteri employ armed force in order to prevent tlie
v.ictory of the revolutionary and liberation forces. In this way, wars arise
- wars which have a just nature for peop].e who are defending their rights and an
un,just one for those who are trampling on these rights. Can they these wars
create the threat of a broader conflict? Of course! But how can this be
avoi_ded? By banning the liberation struggle? No! By completely excluding the
export of counterrevolution and attempts to maintain oppressive reactionary
systems by force. The conclusion. One can (and must) avert the threat of a
wider, especially a nuclear missile, conflict arising in this case, by expanding
ttie active and effecrive struggle against the imperialist export of counter-
revolution and Lhe struggle for the realization of the right of people to
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self-determination which is stated in basic international law documents (and,
cunsequentl.y, formally recognized even by imperialist powers). "Under the condi-
tions of the world's split into two systems, international security can be built
tip only on the full and strict observance of the principles of peaceful coex4 st-
ence, in particular, on non-interference in the internal affairs of states."
The strugg:.e for tlie peoples' exercise of the right to self-determination and
against imperialism's interference in the internal affairs of states under-
srandably assumes international solidarity with the fighters for freedom and
assistance to them in ttie most varied forms such as those which in achieving
the goal (that is, really supporting these fighters) do not lead to the
origin of new international conflicts or to the expansion of existing conflicts.
' Of course, imperialist forces never iiss a chance to accuse socialist countries
(or other states and social forces which are following a policy of solidarity
with righters for freedom) of the fact that their assistance to people, who are
defending their social or national rights, allegedly is damaging the cause of
peace, "destabilizing" the situation, etc, etc. The class line of imperialism,
its policy of prolonging the existence of the system of robbing and oppressing
countries and peoples, is manifested in this.
In fact, liowever, the support by the socialist countries and by revolutionary
clemocratic and other democratic forces for a people's struggle for their rights
contributes to strengthening the potential for peace and peaceful coexistence.
Regimes, which originate in the wreckage of the colonial or neocolonial empires,
and especially of course-- revolutionary democratic countries, whicli enjoy
the support of socialist states (not to mention the newly emerging countries of
socialism), these regimes are on the path of conducting a policy of peace; all
of them are advancing from the positions of the struggle to halt the arms race
and to ensure the dependable security of people. One does not have to go far for
examples. During the last decade, the countries of socialism helped Angola,
Mozambiqiie, Ethiopia, South Yemen, Vietnam, Laos and Kampuchea to achieve
f.reedom or to defend freedom. Ali these countries, who are in the ranks of the
non-aligned countries, are consistently defending the ideals of peace and
disarmament and the ideals of dependable security for all people.
True, in reply to these views bourgeois propagandists usually object: "However,
you see, Ethiopia fou~tlt agair.st Somalia and Vietnam introduced its troops into
Kampuchea! How can one maintain that they are peaceloving countries?"
Yes, in history, it has unfortunately happened that peaceloving countries have
been forced to wage war hard protracted wars. However, what should be done
if ttiey are subjected to aggression? What should be done if they are forced
to defend themsel.ves?
Thcre is no doubt that a.11 true revolutionaries both in the developing countries
and in al1 the other areas of the world would prefer a peaceful way to solve
ttie problems facing them, obtain their independence without resorting to arms,
and build the new society, which the appropriate people want to build, without
being subjected to violence. Beginning with K. Marx and F. Engels, the struggle
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for a peaceful path to revolution has always been regarded, for example, by
communists as an important task. This struggle is acquiring greater importance
_ today considering that any armed conflict can potentially grow into a dangerous
wide clasll of a new character. In other words, the new nature of modern
weapons comes forv3rd as a new additional argument which confirms the correctness
of the goal of communists of advancing to socialism using peaceful means where
possible.
Those who are providing support to fighters for freedom also consider this cir-
cumstance. They prefer the political forms of this assistance, and acr.ieve a
political solution to problems which arise. Under necessary conditions, of
course, Lhis solutioti does not mean betrayal of the people struggling; it
satisfies their lawful interests. However, these efforts can be crowned with
success only if they meet the realistic understanding of the other side, that is,
of those forces in the West which still count on keeping the old orders unch.3nged
and which l.ook for the "intrigues of .*ioscow" or of some other "foreign hand"
behind any revolutionary speech of this or that people, forgetting that we are
talking about the movement of history which cannot be stopped and that revolu-
tions and revolutionary movements (including, for example, the American Revolu-
tion of the 18th Century!) always arose regardless of whether "Moscow" existed
or not....
In basing their policy on the non-acceptance of liberation movements, imperialist
politicans usually allude to the desire to secure the national interests" of
their country, for example, their energy (oil) or raw material supplies. How-
= ever, experience demonstrates rather well that the path selected by them does no*_
lead to this goal but leads away from it. During our age when people do not
wish to resign themselves to social inequality, oppression, and dictation, the
only possibility of solving the energy and raw material problems, facing several
_ developed capitalist countries, consists of their establishing equal and mutually
advantageous relations with the states of the former colonial world. Any other
approach, especially attempts to act with force, to deny with force the right
of nations to self-determination, can only give birth to a destabilization of
ttie situation and subject the world to the prospects of a catastrophe. It is
high time for the realism, which the ruling circles in a number of Western
countries have displayed regarding relaxation, to be shown in this case also.
And so, the changes in the ratio of world forces continue and it is given to no
one to stop the.r.l. These changes, which correspond ':o the interests of people,
also took place throughout the Seventies in the world arena. These changes
manifested themselvzs primarily in the following.
--The socialist countries from an economic respect have become during this
period of time a great figure, surpassing each taken separately of the
three existing centers of imperialism's power, i.e. the United States, Western
Lurope and Japan, and have moved in general into f irst place in the world
according to many indicators.
From a military respect, the socialist commonwealth has achieved parity with
the bloc of imperialist states. In the opinion of the CPSU, "the military,,
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strategic equality which has been achieved between the world o� socialism ang the
world of capitalism is an achievement of fundamental historical importance."
After the break-up of the last (the Portuguese) colonial empire, the number,
strength an3 influence of the developing countries, who are consistently
advancing from the positions of tne struggle against war and aggression and for
the peaceful and independent development of all peoples, grew. In particular,
this was clearly manifested during the 1979 and 1981 conferences of non-aligned
nations.
The intErnational worker movement has come forward with great determination
in the defense of peace and for a shift to the relaxation of tensions. '1'his
has found its own convincing expression primarily in the results of the 1969
Moscow conference of cor.ununist and caorkers parties and of the regional meetings
of communists in Eu:ope, t'lmerica, the Arab East, and the African countries
which were held throughout the 5ixties. It was also reflected in the positions
of the Socialist International on internationa1 questions (Let us recall that
the Socialist Internattonal held the first disarmament conference in its history
in Helsinki in 1978). It also let itself be known in the speeches of trade
unions of various stripes.
The positions of the working class and of democratic and anti-monopolistic
forces have been considerably strengthened in the capitalist countries to tlte
detriment of the forces of reaction and the forces of social and national
oppression. This has let itself be known both in Europe and in Japan and the
- countries of Latin America.
Finally, in the ruli,.g circles of many Western (especially Western European)
countries such as Franc(., the FRG, and Italy, the realistic approach to inter-
national affairs has bE--n strengthened, and the understanding that only mutual
destruction in the flat:.es of a nuclear war can be the alternative to peaceful
coexistence has gained the upper hand.
As can be seen, ttirougt-:out the Sixties and Seventies the changes in the ratio
of forces affected practically every aspect of the international and domestic
life of states. Consequently, it is possible to talk about changes in the ratio
of the mili.tary and, economic forces of the two systems, about changes in the
ratio of forces between the adherents of peace and its enemies, and about the
changes for the better in the ratio of class and political forces in the world
arena arld in individual capitalist countries, that is in the final analysis
about changes in the ratio oE world forces in general in favor of social progress.
Under the new conditions which have taken shape, the capabilities of the forces
of peace and social progress are growing little by little, they are developing
tlieir own energy and offensive nature. This is bringing closer future positive
changes for the better in international relations and new victories of the
tiberation movements in various regions of t'ie planet.
Elowever, tllis general tendency does nat mean a decrease in the white-hot heat of
the international class struggle. It especially does not mean that the reactionary
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and militaristic forces, whose capabilities of course have been narrowed
to a certain degree, have become or are becoming passive, that they are giving
up or planning to give up plans for social revenge. On the contrary, they are
intensifying more and more with each day the scale of their operations which
call for the return of lost privileges, the elimination of the military
- strategic parity wh,ich has been created, the restoration of their military
advantage, and then as they hope the achievement of superiority over the
- forces of socialism and, by no means, not only in the military sphere.
Imperialism's attempts to regain lost positions are being expanded to all spheres
of social tife. We are also talking about the building up of the arms race
which is, essentially, the material preparations for war. We are talking about
attempts to overcome the economic difficulties of capitalist society by coord-
_ inating the forces of the main Western powers. At the same time, active opera-
tions aimed at weakening the economies of the socialist countries even up to
the introduction of cruel export restrictions and the threats of a blockade are
being undertalcen. Finally, the sharp battles, which are taking place in the
arena of foreign policy and in the foreign policy sphere in general, are well
known. However, there are no doubts that the ideological struggle really
occupies a completely independent, if not to say, a special place in imperialism's
calculations.
Realistically thinking imperialist politicians well understand that the restora-
tion of the military superiority which nas been lost by the West is practically a
hopeless task. It is clear that socialism will do everything to prevent this.
_ Despite the difficult problems which can arise and are aric:ing in the socialist
- world, competition in the economic sphere also does not promise any serious
- successes to capitalism. The advantages of socialism as a SOC12.1 system, which
tiave been multiplied by the work efforts of the people of the socialist common-
wealth guided by the scientifically based economic policy worked out by the
communist parties, are without a douLL capable of ensuring socialism's victory
in the rivalry with t:le old order.
In the area of foreign policy, socialism firmly took the initiative into its hands
many years ago, and it does not plan to surrender it to anyone no matter whom.
Ideology remains. Here the advantages of socialism are also evident. It is
- sufficient to read the numerous statements of bourgeois politicans and philosophers
themselves who admit that the Western world, in striv4.ng at all costs to preserve
and maintain social orders which are outdated, has gr-tten into a deep ideol-
ogical blind alley, whose exit they are not in c:ndition to find. Capitalism has
lost the sense of the future. It regards the future with fear. Meanwhile,
socia].ism is confident of the correctness of the path which has been selected
_ by it and which coincides with the mainline path of development of all mankind--
with the path of unlimited social progress.
Nevertheless, it is to the ideological sphere that capitalism is trying to pay
special attention, spending enormous manpower and resources on the carrying out
of appropriate operations in the areas of science and propaganda. Why? Are
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'i
our enemies seriously counting on the victory of their ideas? Howaver, as was
- already mentioned, they are not only not confi:ient of their ideas, they have
in general lost to an enormous degree any attractive ideas whatsoever. What
then is the matter?
The matter is that the estimates of tt.- West's ideological strategists have been
constructed not so much on the publicizing of some kind of ideals ideals of
a positive nature as on the development of negative, unfavorable and essentially
destructive views and approaches, and the attempt to introduce them into the
camp of the fighters against imperialism. We are talking about, for example,
not the offering of some kind of ideological or moral values, which would attract
people by their novelty, progressiveness and the prospects opened up by them,
to the people of the socialist countries as much as the attempt to undermine
that system of ideological and moral values which has taken shape in the socialist
world and which is ensuring its successful development. It is the same, if one
speaks from the cammunist movement, about the revolutionary movement in general.
- Our enemies are trying to suggest to it a new path of social progress, undermine
the faith of its adherents in social progress in general, break the bonds which
have been established between individual revolutionary detachments, and sow
distrust of each other between them. Such is the "super-windfall" of imperial-
ist ideology and propaganda. Each society makes those discoveries which it
deserves....
However, the deliberately negative and anti-historical nature of today's bour-
geois ideology, just as that of the imperialist propaganda built on this ideology,
in no way lessens its danger to the revolutionary movement. The fact i.s that
society, when developing, is not immediately f reed from the remnants of the past,
from the legacy of even long ago overcome social orders. By speculating on
these vestigial items (such as, for example, national distrust or the yearning
for enrichment at the expense of society and for unprincipled money-grubbing,
- etc.), our enemies are trying to achieve their goals regarding socialist society,
demoralize it, and undermine it from within.
They are acting in exactly the same way with respect to the communist movement.
The propagandists of the monopolies are trying to exploit in their favor the
objective differences in the position and interests of the various communist
movement detachmen-ts. They are trying to transform small divergencies on some
specific question or other into serious and prolonged disagreements, debates
into quarrels, and quarrels into animosity. "Divide and conquer" this
old and ancient principle of an exploiting society has not only not been forgotten
but has practically become one of the main foundations of modern imperialist
policy and the propaganda directed at undermining the positions and unity of the
communist movement and all revolutionary forces.
LJhat-- in the final analysis is the goal of the maneuvers which are being
undertaken? This question can be answered only if one other important aspect of
the problem of the ratio of forces is considered. It was already mentioned
above that the ratio of forces manifests itself in different spheres economic,
military and political. However, it also manifests itself in the ideological
sphere. Whose ideological positions are stronger? Whose ideological unity is
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stronger? Whose ideological influence is greater? The ratio of for:.es in the
world depends a lot on what answer life gives to all these questions. It is nec-
y essary to say straight out that one of the important sources for the change in
the ratio of foces in favor of the ca use of peace and socialism, which took place
during the Seventies, was the strengthening of socialism's ideological influence,
the growth in the influence of Marxist-Leninisr ideas and the ideas of the
national and social liberation movement in the minds of peoples on all continents.
When speaking about the importance of the ideological component of the ratio of
forces, one cannot fail to point out another side of the matter: The state of
affairs at the front of the ideological struggle directly and noticeably affects
all other sector.s of the class antagonism in the international arena. Thus,
let us say, the strengthening of socialist society's ideological unity appears as
the factor which contributes to the strengthening of the cooperation of fraternal
countries and to the successes of socialist creation both in the economic and in
the political fields. On the other hand, any weakening of socialism's ideological
foundation inflicts damage both on its domestic development and on its positions
in r_he e:cternal world.
Considering what has been said, it is evident that the enemies of imperialism can-
- not fail to react in the required way to its ideological maneuverings. If one
speaks specif ically about the communist movement, it cannot fail to give the
necessary reply to the imperialist tactic of splitting and separating revolutionary
forces. This reply embraces, where necessary, both the purely ideological and
the political spheres. Actually, it is possible to prevent a split only by
strengthening the ideological basis of the unity, pursuing a policy of unity, and
giving a rebuff to the policy and ideology of splitting.
- One cannot also fail to mention another peculiarity of the modern ideological
struggle of the imperialist forces, which directly touches upon their activity
against the communist movement. '1'hey are trying to follow their diversionary
line in propaganda and policy as subtly as possible, avoiding the gross methods
used, for example, during the years o� the "cold war", not to mention more
recent periods. Thus, when performing the work aimed at undermining socialism,
tlley are trying to cover it with the hypocritical mask of almost a"concern for
the good of socialism." They, our enemies you see? are strivinb to defend
the citizens of the socialist world,who posses an incomparably greater volume
of social, political and other rights than do the citizens of the Western
countries, from socialism and are coming out as adherents of freedom and progress.
The maneuver is not a complicated one, but it is necessary to admit that it
nevertheless deludes some people. Even if this error will have a tempor.ary nature,
even if life will dispel its poisonous fog with all the force of its persuasive-
- ness in time; one cannot fail, however, to wage an active struggl.e against
this form of delusions since today they are inflicting real damage, are interfer-
ing in the construction of socialism and the defense of its accomplishments,
and are hindering the defense of the cause of general peace.
The propaganda of the monopolies is also using similar methods with respect
to the communist movement. Today, it often comes forward as almost the defender
of the interests of the communists in this or that country against... the
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cunmuinist parties of the cuuntries of socialism and of course-- primarily
against tiic CPSU. I3ourbeois ideolugists and politicians try to convincc onc:
t1iaC they allegedly are ready to admit the growing political role of the communist
movement. As they say, "only one thing" the attachment of communists to a
"certain system of principles", that is, to rfarxism-Leninism, prevents this,
- but the main thing is the close friendly contacts with the Commur.ist Party of the
Soviet Union and with the fraternal parties of the other countries of the social-
ist commonwealth.
These concoctions will also be exhausted in time and will lose their credit. This
is completely natural you see, we are talking about deliberate and premed-
itated lies. However, today, these approaches of bourgeois propaganda are
sometimes noca encountering echoes among a small portion of the communists. They,
these approaches, are nevertheless dangerous. Opportunistic and revisionistic
elements, which always oxist in the worker movement, and now of course
the Maoists of a different stripe are actively supporting them. The necessityto
g ive a reply a reply that is rather impressive and well reasoned to all
these types of maneuverings by the class enemy is evident from this.
The collection "Mezhdunarodnoye kommunisticheskoye dvizheniye:pravda pEotiv
vymyslov" [The International Communist Movement: Truth vs. I'iction] has
been called upon to acquaint the Soviet public with how the communist parties of
the different regions of the world and, of course, our party the CPSU-- are
fighting against the anticommunist fabrications of imperialist ideology and
propaganda.
It is understandable that it is impossible in one collection to embrace all the
aspects of the ideological struggle concerning questions on the communist movement.
Nevertheless, many of these aspects are touched upon here. Indeed, one of the
basic directions in imperialism's struggle against the communist movement is
the yearning to "divide" it, that is, to tear the communist movement away from
the Marxist-Leninist ideology and primarily from Leninism.
Our enemy excellently understands that one of the decisive sources of the
strength of the revolutionary worker movement is its close ties to revolutionary
theory. To undermine this tie and deprive the vanguard of the working class of
its ideological foundation is a task which the class enemies of the proletariat
have always assigned themselves. Because today Leninism embodies the most
progressive views on the development of human society and because Leninism is
the basis of the ideological views of the communist vanguard on the whole, it
is understandable that the sharpness of imperialism's attacks has been directed
in the first place to undermining Leninism, placing it in apposition to the viewF,
of Marx and Engels, and "proving" the groundlessness of this or that conclusion
of Marxist-Leninist theory.
A number of articles (by comrades A. Yegorov, K. Khager, 0. Borisov, and R.
U1'yanovskiy) which are devoted to revealing the historic role of Leninism and
unm.asking the imperialist and revisionist attacks directed against it, have
been published in this collection.
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Another avenue of the impcrialist criticism addressed to the communist movement
is the attempt to discredit the socialist ideals of communists and distort the
picture of real socialism and the socialist future of mankind in the 1=yes of the
masses. From this viewpoint anti-Sovietism,which is called upon to casi a shadow
on the first and greatest socialist country in the contemporary world, is playing
a special role.
A number of articles in the collection (the articles of Comrades G. Filipov, G.
Shakhnazarov and others) are also devoted to immasking the attempts to compromise
r.he ideals of socialism and their realization in the countries of our commonwealth.
It was already mentioned above that the enthusiasm of the bourgeois attacks
agaiilst the communist movement is the striving to undermine and break its unity
and achieve its disintegration, that is, the undermining of its importance and
role as a world-wide political force. The corresponding constructions of
bourgeois opportunistic ideologists are revealed in the articles of Comrades Y.
Gavlin, S. M kshin, B. Pospelov, and others.
Finally, it is completely natural thaL several articles, being offered to the
reader, are devoted to problems lying at the junction of international politics
the struggle for the peace and security of people on the one hand and the
- class struggle and the activity of the communist movement as such on the other.
These are the articles of Comrades R. Shtayger.val'd, N. Zagladin, V. Lazarev,
and others.
These problems are extremely interesting by themselves, even for the Soviet
reader-- the more so since the struggle of the views on international question.s
within the communist movement has recently become more and more noticeable and
more and more acute. It, this struggle, is practically acquiring political
importance, especially considering the circumstance that today's communist
movement is an important element of the rati.o of forces in the world arena.
'1'aken as a whole, the collection's articles convincingly testify that the
communist movement is displaying the necessary vigilance with respect to the
intrigues of the class enemy. At the same time, they show that a great deal
- still needs to be done in this regard. There are quite a few subjects and
bends in this or that subject which deserve a more careful examination and,
moreover, which musc be examined in the name of achieving concrete successes
in the struggles for the triumph of Marxist-Leninist ideas. The decisions of the
24th - 26th CPSU Congresses and CPSU Central Committee plenums and,
especially the lan dmar k decree of our party's Central Committee on improving
ideological and indoctrinational work, which gives clear and unequivocal orient-
ations on this score, summon the Soviet scieiitific community to this.
- At the Sources of the Collusion of the Maoist Leades:s With the U.S. Imperialists
by V. I. Lazarev
The collusion of the Maoist leaders with the U. S. imperialists has its own
theoretical explanation. If one mentally traces the basic line of the Chinese
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Conununist Party' s leaderstii.p in international affairs aftcr it fell under ttic
control of the Maoists,it is possible to detect its oscillations without diffi-
culty. Here is their outline:
---from the second half of the Thirties a growing trend in the direction of
rapprochement with the United States especially after Hitlerite Germany's attack
on the U S5R with the simultaneous preservation of ties with the Comintern
and the Soviet Union;
from the formation of the Chinese People's Republic an ebb in pro-imperial-
ist activity and a turn toward comprehensive cooperation with the USSR and towards
_ unity with the world socialist system;
from the second half of the Fifties a gradual withdrawal from the world
socialist system and the establishment of contacts with Washington at the ambassad-
orial level, an increase in the criticismsof the policy of the USSR and the other
fraternal countries parallel with a deepening repudiation by Beij ingof the principles
of scientific communism and proletarian internationalism; �_he declaration of
a situation of struggle against the "three enemies; imperia.Lism, modern revisionism,
and reaction";
from the second half of the Sixties a new turn towarl rapprachement with the
United States as a result of the establishment of a military bureaucratic dictator-
ship regime in the Chinese People's Republic during the cultural revolution which
expressed itself in the fact that Beijing's foreign policy lost its socialist
content,in connivance with the American aggression in Indochina and in Beijing's
disruption of the efforts of the USSR and other fraternal countries to organize a
collective rebuff to this aggression;
the Seventies the forced development of China's ties with the United StateS
in various directions, including politics, the economy, military affairs, sci%nCific
and technical cooperation, the exchange of delegations, etc.;
- the end of the Seventies and the beginning of the Eighties the open
collusion of the Beijing leadership with American imperialism which was marked by
_ an agreement between them for the Chinese armed attack on socialist Vietnam and
_ by parallel and joint actions to spread a counter-offensive against the position
of world socialism, against d etente and against the peace and rights of people.
In the struggle between the socialist and capitalist world systems, Ctiina has
actually moved to the side of the latter.
_ Thus, f.orty-five years of experience show that the international policy of the
Maoists tias constantly vacillated, and these were vacillations between world
socialisit and world capitalism.
What is the nature of these oscillations, what is their initial cause?
This question is not an idle one since a correct answer to it will provide an
opportunity to understand why Beijing, which calls its country a socialist one,
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has found itself in collusion with American imperialism, and a chance to ascertain
the r.ature of this collusion and that means also its degree of durability.
Meanwhile, quite a few contradictions can still be observed in analyzing the
sources of the present policy of the Chinese People's Republic. Some press against
the so-called Chinese centrism, a nationalistic tradition which has been character-
istic of China for a long time, and look for the roots of the present policy of
the Chinese leadership (including its collusion with Washington) in the darkness
of time. At times, it seems that it is not so much Mao Zedong and his heirs who
are guilty of Beijing's treacherous policy as it is the ancient Chinese emperors
and philosophers who founded Chinese chauvinism and who devised many of the differ-
ent tactical devices (such as "sit on a mountain and watch the fight of two tigers
in the valley") which the Maoists only armed themselves with.
Others think that the oscillations in the policy of the Chinese People's Republic
are the direct result of a struggle between groupings and leaders in the ruling
iipper crust. Apart from the fact that this approach smells strongly of subjective
idealism, it automatically gives birth to an illusory hope: They say, let more
obliging people. ("certrists" ,"pragmatists","realists",and heaven knows who else
instead of the Maoist "leftists","extremists", and "orthodox believers") become
more powerful in Beijing and things will take a turn for the better. However,
many foreign observers argued the same way with respect to Mao Zedong himself:
They said, let him pass from the scene and the Chinese People's Republic will
return to solidarity with the Soviet Union and the other fraternal countries,with
the people struggling for national and social liberation and with all peaceloving
and progressive forces. However, what happened in actuality? Mao died, but
Beijing's policy became even more anti-socialist and anti-Soviet and even mor.e
pro-imperialist, inflammatory and reactionary.
Of course, both the nationalistic tradition and the struggle for power exert an
effect on the foreign policy of the Chinese People's Republic; however, they do
not define its substance. This is determined by the class content of the policy
whose Marxist7Leninist analysis is a great and serious task, as L. I. Brezhnev
said in 1969.
Mar.xists regard politics as a relationship between classes. Maoism is a petty
bourgeois ideology, and Maoists exoress the views and desires of the reactionary
part of the Chinese petty bourgeoisie. As is known, the petty bourgeoisie occupy
an intermediate position between the proletariat and the capitalist. Deprived of
a solid economic base (small property ownership is not capable of providing it)
and a clear class awareness and without having gone through the school of large-
scale production and organized class struggle, they aim between the forces of
socialism and the forces of capitalism between revolution and counterrevolution
during periods of aggravation of the social situation. Lenin wrote about
"the dozens of years of historical experience in all countries" which testify
_ that the petty bourgeoisie�today march with the proletariat, tomorrow are
frightened by the difficulties of the revolution, panic at the first defeat or
semi-defeat of the workers~ become nervous, throw themselves about, whimper,
run from camp to camp...." The Beijing leaders have conducted themselves this
way in the past and they are coaducting themselves the same way now.
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Practical conclusions which directly pertain to the Chinese - American collusion,
flow f rom these general theoretical propositions. This collusion cannot be
durable. Since it is the result of petty-bourgeois instability, one can expect
new oscillations from Beijing at any moment in its relations with the imperiali5t5.
When breaking the ties of the Chinese People's Republic with the world socialist
system, Mao Zedong at the same time said in 1958: "After a certain number of.
- years we will inevitably construct a large empire and we will be ready to land in
Japan, the Phillippines and San Francisco".
Geng Biao, who was mentioned above,pointed out in a secret speech (the reliability
of its text, which got into the press, was at the time confirmed by American
diplomats): At this time let the United States defend us against the influence
of Soviet revisionism.... When we consider that the 6ime has come, we will say
'be so kind as to pack up your things' to Uncle Sam".
A secret Chinese document, in which doubt was r.ast upon the future of Chinese-
American relations, fell into the hands of the Americans in March 1980. It
testifies to the double-faced position of Beijing with respect to its growing ties
with Washington. In particular, it points out: the American government and
capitalists are imperialists.... To a certain degree the ft6t that we are do:ng
this is a tactic a combined struggle against hegemonism .
The Chinese leadership's distrust of the United States is a real social state 4f
affairs: It reflects the instinctive animosity of the petty bourg_~oisietDwards the
upper bourgeoisie an animosity which constantly destroys and devours on a mass
scale small level ownership during capitalist competition. Today, tieijing's
hegemon ism is the hegemonism of Napoleons who have sprung up on the soil of small
property ownership.
On their part, several American politicans are coming to the conclusion that it
is "impossible to bet on the China card" and that the United States will not
receive anything good if it uses the alliance with China to wage "a cold war".
Evidently those American specialists on Asian affairs are correct who warn
that "these friendly relations (the United States with the Chinese People's
Republic V. L. ) are in the best case not stable and could at any moment
vanish into thin air because of such problems as Korea or Taiwan or simply because
of those ideological differences which exist between our countries.... Just as
before, the Chinese consider the United States their main enemy after the Russians".
In this regard, Beijing "will be able to back up any future change in their policy
with inter-continental ballistic missiles with nuclear war heads wh}ih will be
capable of inflicting blows on the territory of the United States". The
Chinese and American rulers have now started a reckless card ga*.ne. Beijing is
pl.aying the "Ameri.can card", trying to receive economic and military help from the
United States as a bribe for its anti-Sovietism; and at the same time trying
in every way possible to drag America into a mutually destructive conflict with the
USSR so that tt can then establish a"Chinese age" on the wreckage of civiliz,- tion.
The promise that "the 21st Century will be the Century of the Chinese" since
they "possess manpower and intellectual capWlities in abundance" has already
appeared on the pages of the Beijing press.
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I
Washington is playing the'Chinese card", trying m change China into its minion--
a minion who would help to imple.ment the obsession about American"world
leadership". Thc United States does not conceal the fact that it is using Beijing's
anti-Sovietism for its own purposes: as M. Pillsbury, a security advisor for the
Senate of the American congress, has declared: "Closer American - Chinese ties
will create a threat to Russia's eastern border" and the possibility of combined
actions by the United States and the Chinese People's Repy~lic in Asia will "remove
a considerable part of the burden from NATO's shoulders."
In estimating Beijing betrayal of the interest of the world liberation movement at
its true worth, American imperialists are assigning it the role of an international
police spy who will report to them "who is who in revolutionary movements abroad",
and of a paid provocateur who must "react delicately to differences between
revolutionary leaders" since "it is rather difficult for official American person-
ages" to do this. They complain in Washington: "Angola would not have become
such a fiasco for America if we had consulted wit~4the Chinese. During the Eigtties,
situations, similar to Angola, will arise often".
- However, no matter how ref ined the Beijing leadership and the White House adminis-
tration are in their policy, they will not be able to leceive the people. The
Chinese-American collusion will certainly become bankrupt. The future is not
in favor of the Beijing hegemonists and not in favor of the American imperialists.
The futtr,: is on the side of those forces who are defending the cause of peace
and soc;ilism, rzlaxation and the rightsof people. A future and truly socialistic
Chi.na wi l undoubtedly take its worthy place in their ranks.
V. I. Lenin's Ideas and the National Liberation Movement by R. A. U1'yanovskiy
V. I. Lenin, in developing the Comintern's strategy on the national colonial
question, came to a conclusion of cardinal importance. He pointed out, we will
emphasize once again, that Soviet Russia has become the center around which libera-
tion movements, in particular the liberation movements ir. oppressed countries,
will group themse_~�7es; that the objective necessity and an opportunity to unite
the world's anti-imperialist forces under the leadership of international social-
ism exist; that the preservation of the independence of proletarian parties
and groups in the E sst and the development of non-communist revolutionary anti-
imperialist organizations which embrace the broad popular masses are obligatory;
that the anti-imperialisz movement will grow into an anti-capitalist one; that
the peasants in the oppressed countries will have to play a large role during the
- subsequent phases of the world revolutionary process; and that the shift of
backward countries to socialism, a�voiding the capitalist stage, and the possibility
of bourgeois-democratic re�;olutions developing into socialist ones under the
direction of Marxist-Leninist part:i.es are possible under the new post-October
conditions.
These very important conclusions of V. I. Lenin have become the program for the
activity of the international communist movement in regard to the national libera-
tion struggle of oppressed peoples which is regarded by Marxist-Leninistsas an
integral component part of the world revolutionary process. This international
communist movement was guided by Leninist instructions both during the time of
the work of the historically called for organizational union of communist parties--
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the Communist l:nternational, and during the subsequent era. Faithfulness to
Leninist precepts, and in particular to those which pertain to the prospects for
the development of the revolutionary process in the East and to the policy of
communists in the oppressed regions of the world, and to the precepts put forward
during the pre-October period and the first years after the victory of Great
October, was the guarantee of the great victories won by the forces of peace,
democracy and socialism whose vanguard is formed by communists.
The world has lived for more than six d2cades since Great October which was a very
important frontier in the development of mankind and mankind's greatest creative
act. With the victory of the Russian working class headed by the Leninist party,
an unparalleled mighty factor arose in the world revolutionary process, and
this process acquired an unbeatable nature from that time. The chain of imperial-
ism was broken and the Soviet people 4;ho had won a victory over domestic and
foreign counterrevolutio;i began to construct a socialist society. A general
offensi.ve against imperialism began, and it has lost position after position
since October 1917. The appearance of the world has been irreversibly changed
since that time. The Soviet people have created a developed socialist society
and are successfully advancing along the path to communism.
A world socialist system has arisen. The colonial empires have fallen. The
international communist movement has been transformed into the most influential
political force of modern times. The gigantic, historically important process of
combining Marxism-Leninism with the liberation movement of workers is being
expanded wider and wider. The worker movement is becoming stronger in the
- countries of developed capitalism, and the class battles of the workers are expand-
ing. Liberated countries with a population of more than 150 million people have
selected a socialist orientation. The law of the uneven development of imperialism
an unevenness which leads to an aggravation of the contradictions within this
doomed system-- continues to operate with unbeatable force, and its "periphery"
the states which are being subjected to neocolonial oppression are challeng-
ing the imperia list rule economically and politically. The anti-imperialist
struggle has truly become world-wide. By receiving the powerful support of the
Soviet Union and the socialist commonwealth, it is expanding with greater and
greater force. The new countries and regions "are breaking away" from world
capitalism. The victories of the socialist revolution in Vietnam and of the
national democratic revolution in Laos were a new demonstration of this universal
historical trend. The relaxation of international tensions, for whose strengthen-
ing and further development the Soviet Union, the countries of the socialist
commonwealth, and Marxist-Leninist parties are struggling, contributes to an
enormous degree to the intensification of the anti-imperialist and anti-capital.ist
struggle of the people.
Comrade L. I. Brezhnev, general secretary of the CPSU Central Committee emphasized
in the report to the 25th Congress of the Cummunist Party of the Soviet Union:
"Communistsare far from prophesying the 'automatic collapse' of capitalism. It
still has quite a few resources. However, the events of reignt years confirm with
new force that capitalism is a society which has no future.
The policy of the CPSU, of other ruling parties in the states of the socialist
commonwealth and all fraternal communist and worker parties which are moving in
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the vanguard of the "socialist international revolution against imperialism'; which
was begun during the 20th Century~is a Leninist policy and is its continuation
and development. This pertains especially to the policy of the CPSU and the
other Marxist-Leninist parties with respect to the liberation movements in the
countries which are being oppressed by imperialism.
Marxist-Leninists are coming out in favor of strengthening the alliance of the
USSR and the countries of the socialist commonwealth with the people who are fight-
ing for liberation from imperialist oppression,and are in favor of unbreakable
friendship between the world of socialism and the countries who have freed them-
selves from the colonial yoke and who are moving towards the path of independent
progressive development. In supporting the anti-imperialist struggle of the
people, they note that the nature of imperialism has not changed, that neocolonial-
ism is a system of economic, political, military, and ideological remedies with
whose help the imperialist powers are trying to maintain their positions in the
developing countries; and that the struggle against neocolonialism is a very
important task of people who have achieved political independence.
Marxist-Leninists are in fact proving their solidarity which is based on inter-
national principles with the people who are struggling to eliminate the last
centers of colonialism and to defeat racist regimes.
Marxist-Leninistswarn against underestimating the danger of imperialism's call--
at the time when it appears suitable for direct methods of suppression,
violence, aggression, and intervention which are characteristic of the age of
colonialism; and caution that there are no crimes which imperialists would not
commit in trying to preserve or restore in modernized form their dominance over the
_ peoples of the former colonies. Reality has repeatedly conf irmed the validity
of these warnings.
Marxist-Leninists point out two possible prospects for the development of the
former colonial countries a breaking away from capitalism or development along
the capitalistic path and movement along the capitalist channel. The first pros-
pect opens up the possibility for insuring social and economic progress and indep-
endence, for overcoming social conflicts in favor of the people, and for raising
- the standard of living of the workers. The development of capitalism in Afro-
Asian countries is not in condition to insure high growth rates. It aggravates
class contradictions, it dooms the popular masses to new sufferings, and pre-
disposes to neocolonial dependence. Plarxist-Leninists are the principle adherents
and propagandists of a social orientation in the domestic and foreign policy of
the liberated countries.
~ Marxist-Leninists emphasize: Only in a struggle against imperialism, in union with
the socialist commonwealth and by relying on the working masses, can national
democracy operate as revolutionary democracy and insure the development of its
country along the path of social progress. On the other hand, non-proletarian
democracy degenerates and ceases to be democratic. It becomes an anti-national
force.
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,tarxist-Leninists relate tht following to the roain avenues of the progressive
changes which are taking place during recent years in many liberated countries:
the transfer of the center of gravity in industrial development to the state
sector, the elimination of feudal land ownership, and the limitation and control
of foreign capital, which have as their goal the establishment of the young
states' effective sovereignty over thnir national riches and the training of their
own cadres. Here, we are talking about transformations which are taking place
not only in countries with a socialist orientation, although they are occurring
with greater fullness ir them.
The CPSU and all fraternal Marxist-Leninist parties welcome militant anti-imperial-
ism, the resolute defense of economic and political independence, and the striving
to carry out progressive tranform,atimsfrom various class positions; and they
support every political rorce which has not last these qualities. Marxist-Leninists
and the socialist commonwealth are convinced that a socialist orientation best
refl.ects the hopes of the working masses in Asian and African countries under
modern cor.ditions, and that many of the countries on these continents are coming
to it. At the same time, they do not impose their views on the young states in
any way, they completely respect the political choice of each people and they
a.re ready to support them in progressive undertakings on the path selected by
them. The Soviet Union emphasizes that it does not interferein the internal
affairs of other countries and peoples, and that respect for the right of eacti
people and each country to select its own development path is a firm principle
in its Leninist foreign policy. However, the CPSU--just as other Marxist-
Leninist parties does not intend to conceal its views. In the developing
countries, just as everywhere, Lenin's party is on the side of the f.orces of
democracy, social progress and true national independence and regards them as
its own brotilers-in-arms and comrades in the struggle.
Marxist-Leninists describe the peasantry of the developing coun.tries as a powerful
revolutionary force, but at the same time as a primordial force. Oscillations
and contradictions both in ideology and policy are peculiar to it. And it is
understandable: The broadest masses of the peasants in the developing countries
have until now lived in terrible poverty and lawlessness under the conditions of
insurmountable feudal and at times pre-feudal relationships. Marxist-Leninists
point out that the most reliable way to enlist the peasantry in the struggle
against imperialism and f.or social progress is the creation of a firm alliance
between them and the working class.
Marxist-Leninists consider the struggle for equal political and economic relations
and cooperation between developed states and the former colonial and dependent
countries relations such as those which the socialist states established
with them a long time ago to be their international duty. Marxist-Leninists
are actively coming out in favor of the new economic order.
rfarxist-Leninists are confirmed
of international tensions. The
by the USSR and the other socia
ion in the countries which have
comparatively recently and also
imperialism.
and highly principled fighters for
policy of d e t en t e which is being
list countries is enjoying more and
entered on the path of independent
in those which are still struggling
the relaxation
conducted
more recognit-
development
against
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The relaxation of international tensions is favorable not only for economic and
cultural development but also for the revolutionary struggle for national and
social liberation since it creates the best conditions for demonstrating solidar-
ity and for providing international assistance to struggling people. Such
victories of the liberation movement as the unification of Vietnam on a sociaZist
basis, the winning of independence by the peoples of the former Portuguese
colonies, the establishment of the power of anti-imperialist and progressive
forces in these countries, the powerful development of the people's revolution
in Ethiopia and Afghanistan and of the anti-imperialist revolution in Iran; and
such large historical changes for the better as the entrance of all the new
countries on the path of socialist orientation, the intensification of the democra-
- tic movement, and the decisive and coordinated appearance of young states in the
international arena have taken place under the conditions of relaxing internation-
al tensions. The relaxation of tensions,as it is understood by the CPSU and
other 'LvIarxist-Leninist parties, does not at all mean reconciliation with the
existing state of affairs or a weakening of the struggle against colonialism,
imperialism and reaction. On the contrary, it supposes the intensificatio.^. of
the struggle in this direction and the offering of an opportunity to people to
decide their fate themselves without interference in their internal affairs.
The revolutionary changes for the better,which have taken place in the countries
of Asia and Africa during the past decade, are truly majestic. The anti-imperial-
ist movement has never been so broad and aggressive. The positions of socialism
in the former colonial countries have never been so solid and its prospects so
reassuring. '1'he people, who have been liberated from colonial dependence have
never played such a prominent role in international life. The cooperation of
the developing countries and the socialist commonwealLh of nations has never been
so comprehensive, constant and firm.
FOOTNOTES
1. PRAVDA, 7 October 1979
2. Ibid., 15 December 1979
3. L.I. Brezhnev, "Leninskim Kursom" [A Leninist Course], Moscow, 1974, Vol 4,
p 336. ,
4. Ibid., pp 336-337.
5. "Materialy Plenum Tsentral'nogo Komiteta KPSS 23 Iyunya 1980 Goda" [Materials
on the 23 June 1980 Plenum of the CPSU Central CommitteeJ, Moscow, 1980,
p 13.
6. Articles, published in the magazine VOPROSY ISTORII KPSS, form the basis of
the collection.
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7. Cf."Mezhdunarodnoye Soveshchaniye Kommunisticheskikh i Rabochikh Partiy.
Dokumenty i Materialy. Moskva, 5- 17 Iyunya 1969 G." [International
Conference of Communist and Worker's Parties. llocuments and Materials.
Moscow, 5- 17 June 1969], Moscow, 1969, p 69.
8. V. I. Lenin, "Polnoye Sobraniye Sochineniy" [Complere Works], Vol 37r
p 264.
~ 9. Cf. PRAVDA, 14 May 1977.
10. WASHINGTON POST, 31 March 1980.
11. Ibid., 27 March 1980.
12. ZHONGGUO QINGNIAN BAO, 9 June 1979.
13 NEWSWEEK, 21 April 1980.
14. Ibid.
15. Brezhnev, op. cit., Vol 5, p 480.
COPYRIGHT: POLITIZDAT, 1981
8802
CSU: 1807/38
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- NATtONAL
TIKHONOV REVIEWS ECONOMIC, SOCIAL POLICY
Prague PROBLEMY MIRA I SQTSIALIZMA in Russian No 1, Jan 82 pp 4-10
[Article by Nikolay Tikhonov, member of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Commit-
tee, chairman of the USSR Council of Ministers: "Unity of Econemic and Social
Policies Under the Conditions of Developed Socialism"]
[Text] We are beginning the year in which our people will celebrate the 60th anni-
- versay of the formation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republir_s--the iirst mul-
tinational socialist state in the world. A long and glorious path has been tra-
veled. The country enters the anniversary year at a time when our society has
' reached an important historical landmark--the stage of mature socialism.
- Developed socialism is the triumph of the Leninist economic and social policy of
- the Commu.r.ist Party, which is the guiding and directive force of the Soviet soci-
ety. Additionally, the demands on the party and state policy increase in this
stage, for tasks of economic and social progress and communist construction which
are immense in their historical significance, scope and complexity are being car-
ried out. Recognizing its responsibility, our party, on the basis of creative
development of Marxist-Leninst theory, the generalization of practical experience
and scientific analysis of concrete reality, is revealing possibilities and creat-
ing conditions for fuller disclosure of the creative forces of socialism and their
efficient utilization in the interests of the entire society and each- individual.
It is precisely on this basis that the 26th CPSU Congress advanced the program
for the country's further economic and social development. The accountability re-
port of the CPSU Central Committee presented by General Secretary of the CPSU
Central Committee, Chairman of the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Soviet, Comrade
L. I. Brezhnev, gives a comprehensive theoretical and political substantiation for
this program and indicates ways to implement it. It was concretely embodied in
the Main Directions for the Economic and Social Development of the USSR During
_ 1981-1985 and the Period up to 1990 which was approved by the Congress, and in the
Eleventh Five-Year Plan which was adopted by the USSR Supreme Soviet. This pro-
gram is an embodiment of the unity of the economic and social policy and takes
into account the peculiarities of the interaction between economic and social pro-
cesses in the modern stage.
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The principle of unity of the economic and social policy of the ruling Communist
Party predictably ensues from the Marxist-Leninist understanding of the goal of
public production under socialism. Long before the revolution, during the develop-
- ment of the first Party program, V. I. Lenin wrote that this goal consists in pro-
viding for complete well-being and free, all-around devel.opment of all members of
the society.* The priority of social goals thus has the force of an objective law
in the sense that with public ownership of the means of production and distribution
of labor, successful solutions to social problems serve not only as a gaal, but al-
so as a stimulus and an important factor in the development of production.
The assignment of priority to social goals, which reflects the long-term, funda-
- mental tasks of the national economy under the condition of socialism, have always
guided the economic policy of our party and the Soviet state and determined the
strategy and tactics for the development of socialist production. "The point of
departure for the Party's political approach to the economy," emphasized L. I.
Brezhnev, "has been and will be an unchanging program requirement --every thing in
the name of man, everything for the good of man."*
But the overall pattern has not always manifested itself in the same way under spe-
cific historical conditions and in various stages of socialist construction. In
practice the question of the interconnection between economic and social tasks has
always appeared in concrete form. It is manifested as the question of the distri-
bution of the national income, the ratio between accumulation and consumption, and
so forth.
- At the dawn of Soviet power and during the course of the construction of the fun-
damentals of sociali.sm, economic and social problems were so closely interwoven
and were so critical and immediate that frequently the boundaries between them
were indistinguishable. While recovering from economic ruin, the Party and state
- reso],ved such essential problems as the elimination of unemployment and the provi-
sion of full employment for the population, the achievement of technical equality
with industrially developed countries, the fight against illiteracy of the over-
whelming majority of the people, and the equalization of the profound socio-econo-
- mic and cultural differences between the central regions and the former national
outskirts of Russia.
Every one of our ;ive-year plans was a marked stage in the development of the ec.o-
nomy and in the planned resolution of social problems. But the possibilities of
:ealizing the Party's programmed goals in the area of improving the national well-
being were limited for a long period of time because of a number of domestic and
*See V. I. Lenin, "Poln. sobr. soch." [Complete Col.lected Works], Vol 6, p 232.
*L. I. Brezhnev, "Leninskim kursom" [Qn a Leninist Course], Vul 8, Moscow, 1981,
p 668.
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international conditions. Large amounts of material and financial resources were
n_.:essary to industrialize the country, collectivize agriculture and strengthen the
state's defense capabilities. Through an economic blockade the imperialist coun-
- tries tried to suffocate the young Soviet republic and prevent it from creating
its own highly developed industry and collective agricultnre based on advanced
- technology. Almost one-third of the entire period of the existence of bur social-
ist state was taken up by repulsing military aggression from the imperialists and
restoring the national economy, which narrowed the possibilities of resolving so-
cial problems more rapidly. It is known, for example, that the attack from fascist
Germany alone cost the Soviet Union about 30 percent of its national wealth and
more than 20 million lives of Soviet citizens. Every honest, unprejudiced person
understands how difficult it is to heal such wounds.
But even during those difficult times there were no dangerous contradictions be-
tween the economic and social development in the society, for the Party policy al-
ways responded to the essential interests of the people. The Soviet people knew
and recognized that truly vital problems were being solved first and that the Par-
ty was doing everything it could to improve the well-being of the people. This is
the basis for the moral and political unity in the country and the confidence of
the masses in the Party of communists. Experiences convinces us that something of
principal importance lies herein. It is not just that the policy does not toler-
ate subjectivism, arbitrarily giving preference to one aspect or another--economic
or social, but that the policy of the Party and the state, their decisions about
priorities, were understood and supported by the people. Anyone who does not re-
cognize this inevitably encounters both economic and political difficulties.
Consistently utilizing the advantages of socialism, our Party was able to lead the
country to the vanguard of economic and social progress and to achieve large suc-
cesses in all areas of the life of the society. The country has entered the period
of developed socialism, which is characterized both by a new wEalth of possibili-
ties related to the incomparably growing economic potential and by a new scope of
problems which much be resolved. As compared to the second half of the 1930's,
when the USSR constructed the bases of socialism, the national income has now in-
creased almost 21-fold and industrial production has grown almost 34-fold. The
Soviet Union has taken first place in the world in the production of many impor-
tant kinds of products, including petroleum, steel, cement, mineral fertilizers,
wheat, cotton, long-distance electric locomotives and steam locomotives. The so-
cio-economic achievements of the 1970's played an especially important role in rhe
country's social development.
The significance of what has been achieved by the Soviet people is determined not
only by the quantitative indicators, but also by the profound qualitative changes
that have taken place in the socio-economic life of the people, under whose influ-
ence there have arisen a number of principally new factors which bring about a
unique interconnection between economic and social progress under the conditions
of developed socialism. What specifically are these factors?
- First, the powerful economic potential, the highly
mature socialism not only make it possible to solve
social problems simultaneously, but also, directly
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developed productive forces of
a large number of economic and
and indirectly, place at the
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center of the Party's practical nolicy the task of more fully satisfying the di-
verse material and cultural demands cf the people. In other words, in the stage
of mature socialism the social direction of the development of the national eco-
nomy becomes more marked and the economy turns more toward solving problems re-
- lated to improving the well-being of the people.
Second, social progress, as a goal and a final generalizing result of the growth
of public production, simultaneously becomes an increasingly important prerequisite
for further economic growth; this reverse connection, that is, the effect on eco-
_ nomic development of social factors as the standard of living of the people, the
degree of educational and spiritual growth and social interrelations, is becoming
immeasurably stronger.
_ Third, new, more favorable conditions for solving social and economic problems are
created by the political system of developed socialism which has taken form as a
result of the increased role of the Communist Party in the life of society, the
growth of the state with a dictatorship of the proletariat intu a nationwide so-
cialist state, and the deepening and all-around development of socialist democracy.
- This system provides for creative, motivated participation of the broadest masses
of workers in the economic and social process.
The factors that have been named, however, do not operate automatically; they can
- produce positive results only if the Party and state utilize them purposefully.
Under the conditions of the gigantic growth of the scale of the national economy,
the interdependence of its parts, the closer interconnection of all social pro-
cesses and the increased complexity of the tasks, it is especially important to
provide political leadership and administration which will guarantee that there
will be no contradictions between economic growth and social progress, between ac-
cumulation and consumption, between statewide and local interests. This is a-
chieved by combining the scientific substantiation of the policy and the enlist-
ment of the broad masses of workers in the processes of its development, the adop-
tion of the decisions and participation in administration. Democratically forming
and extensively discussing our national economic plans, checking on Che proposals
of specialists and experts during the course of this, and revealing how closely
they coincide with the expectations of the masses contribute not only to the cor-
- rectness of the decisions and the improvement of the plans, but also the peoples'
understanding of this correctness, their awareness of what is possible to do and
what is still impossible, and their awareness that the entire policy corresponds
to the interests of the workers.
It is precisely here--in the consistent development of democratism in the area of
socio-economic relations and in the increased role of the masses in the adminis-
tration of the economy--that the Party sees an important guarantee against the
appearance of contradictions between economic and social factors. It is precisely
on this basis that we are achieving, to use Lenin's words, a situation wherein
the aware worker feels himself to be not only the master at his own plant, but a
representative of the country, where he feels his own responsibility.*
*L. I. Brezhnev, "Leninskim kursom," Vol 8, Moscow, 1981, pp 734-735.
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The socio-economic policy followed by the Party and the Soviet state provides for
our society's progress by joining together with the creativity, initiative and
energy of the masses. The basis for the successful solutions of social problems
and the implementation of the broad program for improved national well-being which
the Party earmarked for the 1980's is the further advancement and improvement of
socialist production. It is known that one car.not use for social needs or distri-
bute that which is not produced, and if one is to set larger-scale social tasks of
greater complexity, the corresponding steps must be taken in the economy in order
to carry them out. Therefore the leadership of the national economy forms the
core of all of the activity of the Party and state under the conditions of develop-
ed socialism.
What are the main directions of our strategy which is being realized during the
current five-yeaY� period?
Above all, in the 1980's we must complete a changeover of the national economy to
the path of intensive development and further increase production efficiency.
The new five-year plan envisions that final national economic results will in-
- crease more rapidly than labor and material expenditures. In the past economic
growth has relied mainly on high rates of capital investments, on extensive fac-
tors: then expenditures of material and labor resources increased more rapidly
than the national income did. Now we intend to have a principally different ratio
between expenditures and results. Specifically, under the Eleventh Five-Year Plan
capital investments will increase by 10.4 percent and the national income, by 18
percent. In other words, we are speaking about utilizing the society's resources
according to the principle formulated by L. I. Brezhnev at the 26th CPSU Congress:
"T:,e economy should be economical."
The main factors in advancing in this direction are to be economizing on labor and
increasing the growth rates of its productivity, as a result of which under the
Eleventh Five-Year Plan it is intended to obtain 90 percent of rhe increase in
national income, about 90 percent of the increase in industrial output, and all
of the increase in the output of agricultural products. It should also be noted
here that under the conditions of socialism economizing on labor is not the same
thing as economizing on wages. A reduction of the wage level cannot provide an
economic advantage for us any more than can a reduction of expenditures on social
needs. It is not intensification of labor, but precisely intensification of pro-
duction, better organization of it, the application of the achievements of science
and technology, and mechanization and automation of work that must increase labor
productivity and the efficiency of production.
Under the Eleventh Five-Year Plan, as a result of the aforementioned measures,
which have come to be called "rationalization" in the capitalist West, 17 million
workers will be released in the national economy, or, as we say, "conventionally
released," for, of course, they will not comprise a reserve army of unemployed,
but will occupy--and this distinguishes our measures from capitalist "rationaliza-
tion"--jobs in other branches of production where the labor force is inadequate.
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Efficient utilization of raw material, fuel and energy, and other material re-
sources acquires special national economic significance now. With the modern
scale of production, to maintain and, the more so to increase, the volume of the
extraction of raw material and fuel is becoming more and more costly. Shifting
the material and technical base of'the extraction branches of industry to the
less inhabited and less accessible regions of the west and east involves a con-
siderable increase in expenditures. Therefore the effect from economizing on each
ton of petroleum, coal and metal becomes more and more appreciable. It must be
noted that we still expend more raw material and e-iergy for each unit of national
income as compared to the best world indicators. Measures for greater economy es-
tablish an economical attitude toward the public good both among production lead-
ers and amongthe broad masses of workers.
An important direction for the intensification of production is improving the uti-
lization of fixed production capital. It is increasing rapidly in the USSR so it
is even more important to overcome shortcomings in its utilization more rapidly
and to develop industrialization of capital construction and reconstruction of
e:cisting enterprises as well as to accelerate the startup and assimilation of new
production capacities. The implementation of programs for production, housing
and cultural and domestic construction and the training of skilled personnel is
extremely important. Serious attention is being devoted to the creation of com-
fortable modern conditions for labor and living and to making sure that the funds
for the social development of enterprises, cities and villages are used precisely
for their intended purpose, fully and within the established time periods. Here
- economic and social goals practically merge into one.
The same thing can be said about providing for high quality of products and im-
proving their consumer and technical and economic properties, which are considered
to be both a factor in inereasing production efficiency and a means of bztter
satisfying the demands of the population who are motivated to improve the overall
quality of goods. Products that are produced in 1981-1985 will be updated more
ran y .
In order ro carry out the large-scale and complex tasks related to increasing pro-
duction efficiency and impraving product quality, it is necessary to acceler.ate
scientific and technical progress. To bring all branches of the national economy
up to the vanguard of science and technology--this is the way the 26th Party Con-
gress formulated the main task in this area. The main direction here is the de-
velopment and improvement of implements of labor and the introduction of advanced
technology. The creation and the organization of production of systems and sets
of machines and equipment wi11 make it possible to maximally niechanize and auto-
mate the most important production processes in industry, construction, agr.icul-
ture and transportation, and to eliminate manual, less skilled and heavy physical
labor. The production of miniature electronic coiitrol devices and industrial ro-
7 bots that are being applied more and more extensively open up truly revolutionary
possibilities.
'I'he fact that the Party will continue its strategic course toward changing the
_ national ecc?nomic proportion in favor of branches that produce consumer goods can
be considered an essential feature of the five-year plan. This is what explains
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the fact the production of products of branches of industry of group "B" is in-
creasing somewhat more rapidly than production of products of group "A." The ex-
pansion of the production of goods for the population and the essential improve-
- ment of their quality constitute an important indicator of the increased social
direction of the economy. Under the Eleventh Five-Year Plan the output of products
_ from branches of the food industry is to increase by 22 percent, of light indus-
try--by 19 percent, and the production of goods for cultural-domestic and house-
hold purposes--l.4-fold. Still, such base branches of industry as electric energy,
_ metallurgy, chemistry and machine building will continue to play a decisj.ve role in
developing the national economy and obtaining high final results.
The emphasis on the social direction of the Soviet economy is also reflected in
the intensive formation of the country's unified agro-industrial complex. The
food program developed in the USSR on the initiative of L. I. Brezhnev is oriented
toward improving the supply of food products for the population. The food program,
as L. I. Brezhnev pointed out at the November (1981) Plenum of the CPSU Central
Committee, is the central problem of the entire five-year plan both on the econumic
and on the political planes.
Almost one-third of all the capital investments in the national economy are being
allotted for the development and improvement of the unified agro-industrial com-
_ plex. Moreover, a large part of them are being used directly for the advancement
of agricultural production. As a result, as much money will be allotted for the
development of the branch in 1981-1985 as was allotted during the entire period
from 1918 through 1970. This will make it possible to accelerate the growth r3tes
- of agricultural production, to increase the average annual yield of grain by al-
most 35 million tons during the five-year plan, and to increase meat production by
- more than 2 million tons.
Thus the program for deep social transformations in the 1980's relies on a firm
- pconomic base which is provided for by the corresponding deep changes in produc-
tion.
While recognizing the truly historic accomplishments of the Soviet people and
evaluating highly the possibilities of further economic and social progress, our
party also sees clearly the difficulties, shortcomings and unsolved problems. We
did not succeed in achieving all of the earmarked goals. Not all branches of in-
dustry are operating with the necessary efficiency. The national economy still
has bottlenecks and disproportions. There are various reasons for this. They in-
clude the effects of objective circumstances that do not depend on our will, in-
complete developments in planning and administration, insufficient demandingness
on the part of a number of party agencies and economic managers, violations of
discipline and manifestations of bad management. But, as was noted at the 26th
CPSU Congress, perhaps the major reason is that we have still not fully overcome
the forces of inertia, tradition and habit that took form during that period when,
because of our lesser capabilities and other conditions, it was not so much the
qualitative as the quantitative side of the matter that came to the fore.
Our economy is developing without crises and it does not experience the vices that
- inhere in capitalist production, but it requires constant improvement of adminis-
tration, taking into account the effects of objective economic laws, and it cannot
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withstand uncontrolled behavior any more than it can withstand controlled natural
processes. The essence of the tasks that have now been set by the Party and state
consists in better utilizing the advantages of the socialist system of economy and
the immense economic possibilities and reserves. This will make it possible, un-
der the Eleventh Five-Year Plan and in subsequent years, to successful.ly resolve
the large problems of socio-economic development which we face.
When we speak about the new level and scope of social tasks carried out during the
period of mature socialism on the basis of the forward development of the socialist
economy we are proceeding not from a narrow understanding of the problem in the
spirit of purely consumer "ideals," but from the task of achieving positive strides
in the entire way of life of the Soviet people.
As a result of the implementation of ineasures directed toward advancing the econo-
my, the Party and state provide for a constant growth of the real incomes of the
- workers. The money allotted by the state under the centralizeci policy toward im-
proving the national well-being amounted to 16.5 billion rubles during the Seventh
and Eighth Five-Year Plans, and 32 billion rubles during the Ninth and Tenth Five-
Year Plans, including 12.8 billion rubles for 4ncreasing the earnings of workers
and 22.5 billion rubles for increasing the earnings of employees. And the earnings
of workers and employees and the incomes of kolkhoz workers also increased because
of the increased skills and increased labor productivity of each worker. As a re-
sult, during the past decade the real per capita income increased approximately
1.5-fold. Under the current five-year plan there is to be a further 16.5-percent
increase in real per capita incomes. Public consumption funds will increase by
23 percent, which will significantly augment the earnings of the workers. And one
can also not fail to take into account the fact that all this is taking place while
the prices for the main goods in mass demand, payments for apartments and urban
transportation have remained the same for several decades.
Along with the overall increase in the incomes of the population, there is a de-
veloping process of their equalization. This is provided by further increasing
the minimum wage and also by distributing public funds in such a way as to de-
crease the differences in incomes and the conditions for the satisfaction of the
most important social demands of various segments of the population (free educa-
ti.on of- children, medical service, pensions, stipends and so forth). In the stage
of mature socialism, equalization of social conditions on the territorial plane
becomes more important. To this end, specifically, under the new five-year plan
in the regions of Siberia, the Far East and the northern region the construction
of housing and the entire socio-cultural complex is to proceed at more rapid rates
and the supply of consumer goods for the population will improve.
The policy of: the Party and state is leading to a steady expansion of the socio-
economic rights of the Soviet people. Under the conditions of mature socialism
the economic base of socialist democracy has expanded, the ri.ghts of citizens have
been reinforced with more substantial material content and the guarantees of these
rights have become more solid, which is reinforced in the new USSR Constitution.
Thus while providing the right to work the state also provides fr.ee occupational
training, contributes to increasing labor skills and training in new specialties,
develops the system of occupational orientation and work placement, and introduces
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progressive forms of organization and payment for labor. All this makes it pos-
sible to organically combine the interests of the worker, the collective and the
society, and to utilize more fully the possibilities of the socialist labor poten-
tial.
The USSR Constitution establishes che right to housing for the first time. It is
reliably guaranteed by the widespread, large-scale housing construction. State
funds are being used to construct 85 percent of the housing in the country. Under
the past five-year plan more than 50 million Soviet citizens (every fifth one) im-
proved his living conditions. The following is also relevant: we have no unin-
habited, neglected buildings as one frequently encounters in capitalist countries
where simple people do not have the money for costly housing. Payment for apart-
ments in the USSR does not exceed 3 percent of the family earnings. Th e state
pays the main expenses for maintaining the housing supply--in 1980, for example,
it paid almost 7 billion rubles for these purposes. For more than a half a cen-
tury payments for apartments in the USSR, as already noted, have remained un-
changed, although the income of the population and state expenditures on housing
construction and its operation (housing has become much more comfortable and well-
arranged) have increased.
The social policy of the Party and state is characterized by a profound humanism.
This is clearly manifested in their concern for the family, children, pensioners
and invalids. Under the Eleventh Five-Year Plan and in subsequent years the coun-
try will implement a new system of ineasures for improving the life of mothers and
the younger generation, and for increasing state assistance to families with chil-
dren and youth. We are speaking about increasing the incomes of families with
children and improving their living and domestic conditions, especially young
f amilies, and about further developing the network of children's preschool insti-
tutions so that each family can take advantage of their services, increasing the
amount of free time of mothers, and creating better conditions for raising chil-
dren. Living conditions are also being improved for labor veterans who are taking
a well-deserved rest. The minimum amounts of old-age and disability pensions for
workers, employees and kolkhoz workers are being raised, as is the pension for
the loss of the breadwinner. New measures are envisioned for material and domes-
tic support for participants in the Great Patriotic War. As calculations show,
because of these measures, incomes will increase for approximately 50 million
Soviet people.
Any measure--be it increasing monetary incomes, improving social security, or
solving the housing problem--is directed toward the all-around and harmonious de-
velopment of man. "Mature socialism," said L. I. Brezhnev at the close of the
26th CPSU Congxess, "provides for the broadest possibilities to reveal the capa-
bilities of each citizen. The point is to realize these possibilities."*
There is a process *_aking place in the Soviet Union whereby all classes and social
groups of the society are coming closer together. Social differences between the
*L. I. Brezhnev, "Leninskim kursom," Vol 8, Moscow, 1981, pp 734-735.
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city and the country continue to be erased. Physical and mental labor are more
and more closely interwoven in the production activity of millions of workers.
Having deeply analyzed these social strides, the 26th CPSU Congress set forth
provisions to the effect that the establishment of a classless structure of so-
ciety will obviously take place mainly and fundamentally within the historic frame-
work of developed socialism. The leading force of this process is the modern
working class; its revolutionary ideology and morality, its collectivist psycholo-
gy and its interests and ideals a.re now being assumed by all segments of the So-
viet society.
It was noted at the Congress that tne elimination of interclass differences sets
new tasks for the social policy: it is being concentrated more and more on over-
coming the differences that go beyond the framework of individual classes and on
the solution to problems that require the most attentive accounting for the pecu-
liarities and interests af each group of the society.
The complete elimination of the disparity in the levels of development of the cen-
ter of Russia and the former national outskirts is an historic achievement of so-
cialism. All Soviet republics are now developing steadily and dynamically. These
results are convincing evidence of the fruitfulness of the Leninist national poli-
cy of the CPSU and its tested principles of equality, fraternal cooperation and
voluntary participation, which lie at the basis of the consol.idation of the fra-
_ ternal friendship of all peoples of the multinational Soviet Union in the stage of
mature socialism. This tendency is reflected in the accelerating, comprehensive
coming together of the country's nations and nationalities, in the development of �
a new historic community--the Soviet people.
The clear facets of this socialist way of life--collectivism and comradeship,
friendship of all the country's nations and nationalities, moral health and social
optimism--are not only perfected and refined in the process of communist creation,
but also serve as an inspirational basis for all of the society's transformations.
The Party and the governme:nt are constantly taking into account the importance of
a favorable situation in the international arena for the country's economic and
social development. The a.pproach of the CPSU and the Soviet state to international
affairs is principally the same as it is for domestic ones: it reflects the in-
- terests and aspirations of the working people. Therefore the domestic and foreign
policies nf the Party and state are the same in their social content: within the
country this content is revealed in the creative labor of the Soviet people who
are constructing communism, and in the international arena--in the consistent
struggle of the USSR for the consolidation of peace.
The Soviet people responded with deep understanding to the idea L. I. Brezhnev er,-
pressed at the 26th CPSU Congress to the effect that it is not preparation for
war, which dooms peoples to senseless waste of their material and spiritual wealth,
- but consolidation of peace that is the guiding path into tomorrow. And if the
Soviet Union strengthens its defense capability and spends a certain amount of its
budget funds on this, withdrawing them from peaceful construction, it is forced to
do this by the unconcealed threat of war on the part of the aggressive circles of
imperialism. Were it not for this threat the country's economy would develop
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more successfully and the peopJ.P would live better. Our desire for this is clear-
ly expressed in the Program of reace, and our concrete suggestions are widely
known.
The long-term plans of th e Soviet Union are based on the goal of developing exten-
sive and multilateral communication with other peoples, above all mutually advan-
tageous economic cooperation. We proceed from the idea that the Soviet economy is
a constituent part of the world economy and is connected to it by various kinds of
relations, which must be strengthened in the common interests of all peoples.
Naturally, the Soviet Union tries primarily to develop in all ways ties with
countries of the socialist community. We are firmly joined together by our com-
mon socio-economic structure and close interaction in the construction and defense
of socialism. While maintaining this unshakeable basis, we are constantly improv-
ing the mechanisms of business cooperation. The long-term target programs that
have been adopted in recent years have contributed to deepening socialist economic
integration. The fruits of production specialization can be seen in practically
a11 branches of economics, science and technology. The coordination of long-term
_ national economic plans of the CEMA countries is being improved. The sister coun-
tries are now taking a course for transforming the 1980's into a period of inten-
sive production and scientific-technical cooperation among the countries of social-
ism. On the agenda are such problems as bringing the structures of the economic
mechanisms closer together, further developing direct ties among ministries, asso-
ciations and enterprises that are participating in the cooperation, and creating
joint firms. The Main Directions set the task of searching out new possibilities
for the development of cooperation in order to utilize efficiently the scientific-
technical and production potential as well as the material, financial and labor
resources of the countries of the socialist community in order to solve through
common efforts the problems of in;.,~nsification and the creation of additional
sources of commodity resources.
The experience the CEMA countries have accumulated in cooperation shows that the
problems of increasing the efficiency ane improving the quality of work which are
coming to the fore are resolved more successfully as our economic organizations
mak.e greater mutual demands in business relations. The economic ties of the
states, which are based on the principles of solidarity and fraternal mutual as-
sistance, should be reinforced with good accounting which leads to mutual advan-
tage. We see in further deepening and improvement of multilateral cooperation
with sister countries not only an important factor in overall economic and social
progress, but also an effective means of consolidating the positions of socialism
in the world economy, and protecting the socialist countries from the influence
of unfavorable tendencies that are manifested in the world capitalist economy.
While taking these tendencies into account, the USSR is still consistently enter-
ing into stable, mutually advantageous ties with capitalist countries and the ex-
pansion of business relations in various forms. In this connection it is appro-
priate to emphasize that the USSR and other countries of the socialist community
are exerting a stablizing influence on the world markets and the general market
conditions. In Western European countries alone the export orders from the so-
cialist states provide employment for about Z million people. So no one can doubt
the mutual advantage of cooperation. And, today business cooperation is the
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economic basis of peace, an important factor in good relations among people and
the maintenance and development of human civilization.
The line of the Soviet Union toward extensive, all-around international cooperation
is unchanged; it is our principal course, which reflects the purposive direction
of the policy of the CPSU and Soviet government toward the prevention of war, the
deepening of detente, mutual understanding among peoples of all nations and nation-
alities, and the ensurance of conditions for world social progress.
= We are fully aware tliat the implementation of the immense program for the economic
and social development of the Soviet society that was advanced by the 26th CPSU
Congress will require great efforts and *_h.2 solutions to many complex domestic and
international problems.
At the present time our party's Central Committee and the Soviet government are
concentrating their attention on the implementatian of practical measures for re-
alizing the historic decisions of the 26th Party Congress. The Plenum of the CPSU
Central Committee that took place in November 1981 made another important step--
- after the adoption of the economic policy for the 80's at the congress, it compre-
- hensively considered and basically approved the draft of the State Plan for the
Economic and Social Development of the USSR During 1981-1985. The plan concretizes
the aims of the 26th CPSU Congress for the first half of the 1980's.
A large amount of organizational work is being done. Special attention is being
devoted to improving the administration of the economy and further developing the
economic mechanism so that it Grill contribute more fully to the disclosure and
utilization of the immense potential of the society of mature socialism.
As L. I. Brezhnev said at the 26th Party Congress, we are optimists, we look con-
fidently into the future, for we believe in the force of labor, in our country and
in our people, we believe in our party and we know that the path it indicates is
the only true path. It leads to the realization of communist ideals.
11772
CSO: 1800/220
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NATIONAL
BURLATSKIY ON ECONOMIC, POLITICAL INEFFECTIVENESS
Moscow VOPROSY FILOSOFII in Russian No 12, Dec 81 pp 165-168
[Review by F. M. Burlatskiy of book "Sotsial'nyy Progress I. Upravleniye" [The
Social Process and Management] by P. V. Kerimova, Moscow, Politizdat, 1980,
173 pages]
[Text] The book attracts one's attention by the very way that the problem is put.
Indeed, to examine management from the point of view of the extent to which it
assists the progress of society is the most fruitful position--both from the point
of view of theory and from the point of view of practice.
As was emphasized at the 26th CPSU Congress, the chief problem of our economic and
social development is to increase efficiency. And efficiency to a great extent
depends upon good management and modern forms of the organization of the labor
process and of all of social life. Without pretending to a study of all of the
aspects of management, the author concentrates his basic attention on an analysis
of the feedback relations which are formed during the course of management
between its subject and its object. It sets itself the goal of studying not only
the conscious regulation of social relations which is carried out through the
participation of people in the managerial process, but also the regulating influence
which is achieved without the direct intervention in these relations from the
agencies of management. Later, managerial questions themselves (the principles of
the organizational structure of the managerial system, the content, forms, and
methods of managerial influence, and others) are examined in the book as a part of
the more general problems of the functioning of the social system as a whole.
This kind of approach seems to be a fundamentally correct one insofar as manage-
ment cannot be analyzed in isolation from social self-management. Attempts to
examine the process of social production and of all of social development on a
basis of the dichotomy "decision-execution" cannot provide any kind of serious
scientific result. This profoundly contradicts the practice of the functioning
of socialist society. First of all, the very decision which is taken by the
managing agency is a complex process during the course of which account is taken
of the interests and opinians af both the managers and of those being managed,
of society, and of its individual groups. Secondly, the execution of a decision
depends not only upon its judiciousness and advisability, but also upon the
degree to which the performers have consciously believed in it and have adopted it
as their own decision, and upon how zealously they seek and find methods for its
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optimal realization in life. For this reason, a study of the feedback relations
in the managerial process is one of the most important preconditions for im-
proving it.
The author is correct *ahen he writes that the functions of management are
realized both through the mechanisms of conscious and directed influence which is
carried out by the state, the party, and other social institutions and through
the regulation of social processes which occur objectively, without the partici-
p3tion of special agencies of management. The basic features of the organization
and character of management are determined by the socio-economic and political
characteristics of the system and depend upon the level of production, science,
and culture, upon the position of the individual, the social activeness of the
masses, and the rates at which society moves along the path of social progress.
One can say more: the degree of the development of society and the level of its
social progress are determined, in particular, by the extent to which society is
capable of using the objective forms of self-regulation. Interest and level of
culture are the most important categories of this self-regulation. In those
places where economic, social, and cultural progress respond to the greatest
degree to the interests of each class, each social group, and every individual,
and in those places where all of these groups and individuals consciously and
voluntarily work for this process--it is precisely there that societq has
reached the highest level of its development. The fundamental advantage of
socialism as a system consists above all in the fact that there is no need here
to drive on workers either with extra-economic methods of coercion, as under
feudalism, or with economic methods of pressure (fear of unemployment, the com-
petitive struggle, and so forth), as under capitalism. For this reason, those
researchers are mistaken who are seeking a method with the help of which it will
be possible to "organize" and "regulate" social relations under socialism. The
problem as a matter of fact is in the opposite: in the creation of the condi-
tions, social stimuli, and personal interests in increasing the productiun-social
- activeness o� every member of society. A judicious "measure" of management from
above and of self-management from below has to be found.
The author devotes a great deal of attention to the concept of management as a
variety of social activity. It is characterized in the book with the following
features. First, management is formed on the basis of the need to organize the
labor of many people and is connected with the necessity for maintaining order
in the most basic social cells such as unifications of a system type. Secondly,
management presupposes that foresight, planning, the adoption of decisions, and
controls over performance wtiich are connected with the regulation of joint human
activity are becoming a special function whose realization has been made the
responsibility of a special system, or, as it is customary to call it, manage-
ment operators. This system which unites a relatively small collective of
people is specialized on an especial type of work which is necessary to establish,
maintain, and improve the very organization of affairs. Thirdly, social manage-
ment appears as an institutionalized activity which is performed by the
corresponding system of agencies and organizations that possess an entire arsenal
of diverse means of purposefully influencing social life.
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One more feature which characterizes the concept of management can be added to this.
Social management presupposes the participatiun in the managerial process of those
who are the object of management, that is, the preponderant part of society which,
although it does not specialize in managerial activity, without which the entire
managerial process would be deprived of any meaning. This mass of managed has to
agree to allow itself to be managed. This agreement is reached in different
- societies by different means--direct coercion, the implantation of a definite
- morality and ideology, and traditions of behavior. However, under all conditions
the passive or active participation in the managerial process of those whom
science with a certain amount of snobbism calls the object of management is
undoubtedly an essential feature of the very concept of management.
It is precisely this most important aspect of management--the behavior of those
being managed--that determines the effectiveness of the entire managerial pro-
cess. Concrete sociological research which has been conducted in our country has
shown a quite higYi percentage of managerial decisions which are either not carried
out in full, or are carried out partially and with poor quality. The reason for
such a phenomenon has to be sought not only in the irrationality of the decisions
which are made. It is also, and frequently primarily, in the level of under-
standing of the decision by its executors and, especially, in the degree of their
interest in putting it into practice.
In this connection, it is not possible, in our view, to agree with one proposition
which is stated in the book--regarding the demarcation of the concepts of manage-
ment and regulation. The author, along with other scholars, believes that the
regulating influence is effected by the forces of the object itself without the
intervention of the subject of management (page 67), although in the introduction
it is stated that the concepts of management and regulation are used as identical
ones.
It seems to me that both of these points of view are insufficiently well grounded.
In the scholarly literature, for example, the following demarcation has developed:
under socialism the management of the economy is carried out by the state, while
under capitalism the state carries out only the function of regulating economic
activity. In this case regulation is understood as minimum managerial influence.
On the other hand, it is also understood as self-regulation.
Consequently, regulation is one of the partial forms of management which is
characterized by a minimum intervention by the subject into the managerial pro-
cess. It is not accidental that in her subsequent argument T. V. Kerimova pre-
fe-rs to use the concept correlation of "self-regulation" and "management."
T. V. Kerimova later characterizes certain specific features of the social pro-
cess under socialism. She shows, first, that under socialism there occurs a
subordination to society of the anarchic forces which held sway over people in
all preceding formations; secondly, the communist type of historical progress is
characterized by the fact that it develops as a broad social movement of the
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workers themselves who actively and creatively participa , in the creation of
a new system. The consciousness of historical action, the author emphasizes, is
achieved when every member of society shows initiative and creatively and actively
participates in the life of society. This is possible when the members of society
possess a community of fundamental interests, have uniform goals, and strive for
the same ideals. In their turn, t:le realization of these interests and the
achievement of the goals and ideals demand the united efforts of the popular
masses acting in a directed, planned, and organized manner.
Interesting reflections. The point is that in our literature where the growth
of the subjective factor in social life is correctly emphasized, this process is
interpreted chiefly from the point of view of the activities of the state and of
other leading institutions of society. In fact, more extensive possibilities for
~ social progress are opened up not only because society obtains the opportunity of
consciously planning its development. Of no less importance is the fact that the
popular masses join in the struggle for social progress and join in it in an
interested and conscious manner. If this second factor "limps," the former one
does not operate sufficiently. An excessive emphasis on the subjective factor
without abstracting it from objective conditions, possibilities, and resources is
doubtful both theoretically and practically speaking. The supporters of this kind
of exaggeration refer to the well-known ideas of Marx and Engels: "Communism
differs from all previous movements in that it accomplishPS a revolution in the
very basis of all previous production and social relations and for the first time
looks upon all spontaneous preconditions as the creations of previous generations,
- deprives these preconditions of their spontaneous nature and subordinates them
to the power of united individuals."* It should not be forgotten, however, that
this statement applied to complete communism under which all of the potentialities
which exist in it will be uncove~-ed.
In this connection, the author's reflections regarding the subject and the object
of socialist management are worthy of attention. She writes about two flows of
information which come together. While the first flow which proceeds from the
- subject of management and which contains a single basis determines the overall
program of action for some kind of social formation, the second, which proceeds
from the object, supplements and enriches this program, and sometimes makes
important corrections in it (page 102). However, the author's conclusian about
the coincidence of the subject and object of socialist management does not appear
to be entirely justified. It contradicts reality and, besides that, the conclu-
sions which were drawn in the book earlier about the fact that management is the
activity of a d.efinite group of people who are professionally employed in this
work.
A logical continuation of the author's general orientation toward studying feed-
back in the managerial process is the idea that normative regulation should
affect only the general and most important aspects of the creative initiatives
*K. Marx and F. Engels, "Works," Vol 3, pp 70-71
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and independent movements of the workers (page 105). In the correct opinion of
the author, the wide dissemination of progressive initiatives and their trans-
formation from an exceptional phenomenon into a norm of life demands both a mosC
careful study o� the in3ependent experience of the masses (management "from
below") and an improvement of the entire system of the scientific management of
society. The movement for the development and production of plans for the
soci.al development of labor collectives which is widely developed in our country
is an example of this kind of unity of management "from above" and "from below."
A number of important and interesting theoretical problems which have a direct
connection with political practice are raised in the last chapter of the book.
Touching upon the question of the place of the political system and, above all,
of the state in the categories of base and superstructure, D. V. Kerimova makes
a number of corrections in the simplified ideas that are current in certain
philosophical works. She emphasizes that the state becomes increasingly deeply
involved in economic life and covers an ever wider range of relations with its
regulating influence. However, "the strengthened economic role of the socialist
state is sometimes unjustifiably interpreted as its transformation into a base
phenomenon" (page 117). While not agreeing with this point of view, subsequently
the author nevertheless organizes her reflections on an iinderstanding of the
special role of the state and of the political system among the other super-
structural phenomena. It is stated in the book that "the thesis that the functions
of the state in all of their manifestations belong to the superstructure cannot
be absolutized and employed to explain all of the processes of the economic life
of socialist society. The concepts of base and superstructure are philosophical
abstractions which throw light on the question of the relationship between
material and ideological relations. In reality, however, there occurs a close
interpenetration and interdetermination of base and superstructure phenomena.
For this reason, a description of the mechanism of practical economic management
in which state agencies take the most direct and active part has to be performed
in the categories not only of historical materialism, but of other sciences also.
But in one way or another the recognition of the state as a base phenomenon
excludes the possibility of a scientific explanation of the laws of the develop-
ment of the state and of changes in its functions, including an expansion of its
- economic role" (pages 118-119). Interesting reflections, although, from my point
of view, they are not indisputable.
Let us pose the question on the same level: Are we to say that the recognition
of the state as an exclusivel.y superstructural phenomenon whi.ch is interpreted as
the "totality of ideological social relations" (page 117) does not exclude the
possibility of a scientific explanation of the laws of its development? Are we
to understand that the state which, in Lenin's words, represents a special group
of people, the machine of management, can be interpreted as an exclusively
ideological phenomenon? Are the state and the political system not to the same
degree an objective phenomenon, the social milieu, as the economy in which people
live and in which their social consciousness is formed? No, things are not so
simple here as it appears to those who attempt to reduce the state and the entire
political system to the totality of ideological relations. Especially since as
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a result of the socialist revolutions the state acts as a factor in the creation
and formation of new production socialist relations by means of the socialization
of property and the regulation of all social relations.
It seems to me that the philosophical solution of this problem requires a clarifi-
cation of two points. First: an understanding of the state, as of other social
_ institutions, is usefully connected first of all with the categories of "social
existence" and "social consciousness." No one would deny that the state unques-
tionably is a part of the concept of social existence, that is, it belongs to the
category of the objective conditions of social life which form and regulate
social consciousness. Second: in speaking about the place of the state in the
base and superstructure system, it is essential to clarify the very concept of
- superstructure. In my view, it is not entirely correct to define superstructural
phenomena as the totality of ideological social relations. In such a case the
concept of ideology is interpreted too broadly--it includes political, moral,
and many other forms of social relations and consciousness. The classical defi-
nition which was given by K. Marx in the Preface to the "Critique of the Political
Economy" is the starting point for an understanding of the relationship between
base and superstructure. We shall not cite it here since it is generally known.
We shall only point out that in this both views and institutions belong to
superstructural phenomena. The state is an institution and, moreover, under
socialism it is the kind of institution which envelops all of society, including
the economy. But I repeat: we shall be much cl.oser to an understanding of the
contemporary forms of the development and functioning of the state if we proceed
from the categories of "socinl existence" and "social consciousness."
In essence, this whole dispute would not be of any great importance for the
practice of management and would be of interest only to teachers of philosophy if
not for one circumstance. We are talking about the relationship between economics
and politics. Here both extremes are equally harmful: both an exaggeration of
the role of politics and a depiction of it as some kind of command force which,
at its own discretion, can form and reform the economic process, and an under-
estimation of the role of politics and, consequently, of the state, of law, and
of the entire political system of society as an active factor in the development
and stimulation or in the retardation and destabilization of the economic process.
The small but thought-saturated book by T. V. Kerimova advances the study of the
problems of social management in close connection with the development and func-
tioning of the other aspects of the life of socialist society.
COPYRIGHT: Izdatel'stvo TsK KPSS "Pravda," "Voprosy filosofii," 1981
2959
CSO: 1800/218 END
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