JPRS ID: 10345 WEST EUROPE REPORT

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• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP82-00850R000500030054-4
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• Sequence Number: 54
• Content Type: REPORTS

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JPRS L/ 10345
22 February 1982
West Europe Report
(FOUO 10/82)
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JPRS L/10345
22 February 1982
WEST EUROPE REPORT
(FOUO 10/8 2 )
CONTENTS
THEATER FORCES
I TALY
Socialist Journal Comments on 'Zero Option,' 'Coupling'
(Francesco Polesella; MONDOPERAIO, Dec 81) 1
TERRURISM
ITALY
Repentant Ter_orist Cianfanelli Describes Life With BR
(Ar.tonio Carlucci; PANORAMA, 21 Dec 81) 4
ENERGY ECONOMICS
FE DE RAL REP UB LI C 0 F CP-RMAIv'Y
New Method for Utilizing Waste Heat Developsd
(Karl-Heinz Seyfried; CAPITAL, No 1, 1982) 10
E CONOMLC
I TALY
Coldiretti's Lobianco Attacks Financial Iaw
(Arcangelo Lobianco Interview; PANORAMEI, 21 Dec 81) . . . . . . . . . . 12
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Rivral ry Be tween Ae ri talia, Augus ta in Air Sec to r
- (Giuseppe Oldani; PANORAMA, 21 Dec 81) 16
POLITICAL
FRANCE
Labo r Unions Pro tes t New Iaw on Arbitration Boards
(Francoise Chirot; L'EXPRESS, 14 Jan 82) 19
ITALY -
Demoskopea Survey on Spadolini, Previous Governments
(Chiara Valentini; PANORAMA, 21 Dec 81) 21
NE THE RLAN DS
Dissident Group Arises Within D'66 Party
(Ma:c Van Weezel; VRIJ NEDERLAND, 16 Jan 82) . . . . . . . . 28
T9.J RKEY
Article Scores Policies of Military Regim
(Sam Corbin; AFRIQUE-ASIE, 9-22 Nov 81) 31.
MI LITARY
FRAN CE
Submarines To Be Armed With New Exocet SM 39 Missile
(Pierre Langereux; AIR & COSMOS, 14 Nov 81) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
UNITED KINGDOM
UK's Nott Reaffirms Defense Spending Plans
(THE TIMES, 27 Jan 82) 40
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THEATER FORCES
SOCIALIST JOURNAL COMMENTS ON 'ZERO OPTION,' 'COUPLING'
Rome MONDOPERAIO in Italian Dec 81 pp 16-17
ITALY
[Article by Francesco Polesella: "Zero Year for Diearmament"; Slantlines
denote italics as published.]
[T,xt] The "zero option" has restated the Western negotiating
position in Genava, placing on the USSR the onus for an ef-
fective response in terms of European public opinion. But
even bilateral elimination of Euromisailes would not affect
Soviet preponderance in conventional weaponry, with the risk
of accentuating the importance of the N-bomb.
Negotiations on theater nuclear f orce reduction in Europe were opened on
30 November in an atmosphere of optimism, which, though tempered by varioue
consideXations, would have been imposaible to imagine only a few weeks ago.
The Americana, who were suspected by more than one of wanting to sacrifice the
appointment in Geneva in order to regain what tb^y felt to be supremacy in terms
of a hard-line confrcmtation with the USSR, have made a spectacul.ar turn-around:
Reagan's apeech on "zero option" restated the Western negotiating position, and,
for the first time in a long while, has ahifted onto the USSR the onua for an
effective response in terms of European public opinion.
This is an important factur for Europe, and not only because of the political
debut of "zero option." Schmidc's Germany--apart from polemics about its "twin
tracks" tawards negotiations--sees, after Brezhnev's visit, its central poaition
reinforced with respect to any negotiating hypothesis referring to the European
continent; it becomes, in this sense, first of all, the "interpreter" of the
moet important needs of Europe included in the diacuasion--by means of the neces-
eary tutelage of German interest, because it is more exposed--and of the interests
- of ita other components in an organic and balanced view. The security of Germany,
in other words, is proposed in the negotiations as tie prime motivation and
guarantor of the security of all of Europe.
The peace movement brings about, by means of a more balanced position from the
negotiating platfo rn, a new motive for enriching ite own position, which ahould
permit it to make a contribution removed from dangerous manipulations to political
debate in European public opinion.
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The Hostage Effect
_ After all, Europe needa successes: The continuation of internationa.l hotbeds, such
as the aggravation of the Polish question, despite temporary ameliorations, brings
- cloae to the Old Continent the hypothesis of a bipolar recamposition of inter-
national assets, which would reduce drastically the margin of maneuverability,
forcing us sl:ill more to delegate the ma�agement of crises to the superpowers and
adding to the hypothesis of the "militarization of relations" in Europe a much more
dangerous reality. In this picture, the search for peace assumes a. basic value,
and the fact of the negotiations on theater forces must be accepted even before its
implications on the level of the renewal of the detente process as an important
- opening.
_ The objective of "zero option" acquires, under the European aspect, a central
: political aignificance: the measure to which it is carried out will be in the
ability of Europe to recuperate its own proposing capability on a general level.
The negotiating path is, in any case, complex and assumes variations which are
useful to examine.
An essential point of the speech on theater nuclear forces is to obtain arms
reduction and at the same time mainrain a degree of security which is at least equal
for the Wesr.. This means two parallel objectivea: the raiaing of the "nuclear
threshold" in Europe and the reaffirmation of Euro-American /coupling/, (on
the principle, that is, according to which a Soviet attack in Europe should in any
case determine a reaction by the entire alliance, and therefore, in the first place,
the United Stares) .
The theater missiles--or. LRTNF if one prefers--are considered in rhis lighC. That
is, because they counterbalance the Soviet threat of the SS-20 with a strike-back
capability of the United States in Europe, they tend to accentuate the "hostage
effect" of American policy with respect to Europe and to reduce the risk of
_ /de-coupling/. The iogical consequence of this set-up is obviousl.y that of an
increase--and the possibility of spiraling--of nuclear araenals in Europe:
~ certainly a high price, and one which seems unacceptable to many.
_ T`he solution, however, cannot be found in the simple removal o� probleme or in rhe
wishful denial of data which still exiat, auch ae the imbalance determined by the
deploymenC of the Soviet SS-20s. On the contrary, the quest for peace must pass
through a realistic evaluation of exiating alt::rnativea, and tend--internally--ta
maximize the results in the intereata of Europe.
The "zero option" could produce, in an extreme hypothesis, contradictory consequences.
Total elimination of the Euromissiles by the two sides, which would leave the im-
balance of conventional arms unaltered, would not affect the Soviet preponderance
in Europe, which, especially in tanks, would aeem overwhelming. It would derermine
the Weseern need to attribute still more importance--in order to compensate for con-
ventional inferiority--to tactical nuclear weapons, such as the N-bomb, from the
"battlefield" and consequently running the risk of lowering the nuclear threshold
in Europe and rendering legs credible the Euro-American /coupling/. This because--
beynnd official aeaurances--the hypothesis of a Soviet conventional attack in Europe,
followed by a"tactical" nuclear exchange limited to the European battlefield with-
out involving the auperpowers could become credible. Obviously, we are dealing
with hypotheaes, but deterrence is based on such hypotheais, and they seem, in any
case, not to create little worry for European countries, and above all for those auch
as Italy and Germany which would be chiefly invoLved.
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The Rebalar.cing of Conventional Forces
One easertial paint to such a scenario, then, ia the rebalancing of conventional
. forces. The objective of a European defense policy is or ehould be this: by
adequately atrengthening its own ronveneional reaponse, Europe would be capable
of recuperatiiig its own margin of autonamy in the elaboration of Lhe alliance's
defensive scenarios, if not otherwise, in the "intermediate step" of deterrence,
_ by conanitting itself with equal dignity and attributing a different value to the
auton omous" Anglo-F'rench deterrent, The proposals recently made in the Colombo-
Genscher plan for an extension of European political cooperation on security could
find fertil_e territory tor thoughr_ iiere and might be immediately operational.
Undoubtedly, given the financzal situation of Eurupe, even more..than the political,
it seems more than problematical to speak of massive conventioi:al modernization
these days. The problem, however, is /not rearmament, it is equilibrium/: Europe
can resolve it my aiming decisively at the objec:tive of a substantial red uction
- of Soviet conventional arms.
+ Thia does not mean rejecting the "zero option" or approaching it with reservation;
_ on the contrary, it must remain at the center of a Western political position,
through which a careful evaluation uf objectives can be achieved.
The Euromissiles are not in themselves "good" or "bad" depending on how and by
whom they are deployed. If mattera concerni.ng the relationship of forces ehould
not change substantially in Geneve, the aolution of deploymen t--al though unpleasant--
would be the only solution capable of guaranteeing a sufficienr degree of secur.ity
to Furope, even if Europe witnessed a growing dependence on global American choicea
in defenf;e mattera. A dependence, which anyway would correspond to a reality of
facts which ar.e difficult to dispute.
In the present state of relationa, a unilateral reduction oE Western Euromiaeiles
would not bring about the result of stabiliziiig Europe and advancing the cause of
peace; rather, r.he contrary would be rrue. Equilibrium, as we have said, does not
in any case always c:xclusively assume higher leve]_s of nuclear presence It is
compatibte witti a revision ~)f.` internal relatior.s in the alliance, in order not to
modify the total reacti.ve capability to the Soviet threat.
For Europe, thie means a decisive effort for equitibrium of conventional forces,
thanks to a grearer direct commitment and to negotiations aimed at reducing the
weight of Soviet preponderance. It cculd be in rhe interest of Europe to link
togetiier the same theme of t:actical nuclear arms with thia high-priority
objective: a reduction in tactical nviclear arma which would not alter the overali
"on the battlefield" equilibrium would have, above all, the effect of increasing
its political-strategic wei_ght, apart from negotiating hypotheaes.
In this scenario, the mutual reduction--or even disappearance: "zero option",
in short�-of F.uropean theater nuclear forces could demonstrate fully its effective-
nesa as a factor for peace and rationality in the policies of Lhoae natione which
create, with armaments, conditions ever increasingly i.ntolerable to the free
flowering of their own capaUilities for civil and humane growth.
COPYRIGHT: 1981 Mondoperaio Edizioni Avanti:
- 9941
CSO: 3104/79
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TERRORISM
REPENTANT 'i'ERRORIST CIANFANELLI DESCRtBES LIFi, WITH BR
Milan PANORAb1A in Italian 21 Dec 81 pp 63-66
[Articla by Antonio Carlucci]
[Textj A repentant i;errorist te11s us of every step along the
fatal road that, over 13 years, led him from t-he 1968
demonstrations to the most savage acts of the BR.
ITALY
At 175 in mid-1968, the first strikes, the disorderly rallies, and the
_ i;hrongs of high-school students marching. Then joining and becoming
active in the extreme left, amid splii;s, reunifications, drifting from
one group to another. Always the meetings, the mimeograph machines,
the pamphlets, the processions. A lot of verbal violence, thuugh some
of the people opted to carry a pistol in {;heir pocket or a Molotov
cocktai.l in their boolc-bag.
At the university he first fell in with the Red Brigades (IiR): the
first cautious, tentative approaches, the reading of a few "strategic
resolutions," passing out pamphlets stamped with the $-pointed star.
After the murder of A1do Moro came full-fledged membership in the or-
ganization, f irst doing minor errands for the "logistics secL-or," then
into rifle practice, and lastly an assignment to an operational com-
mando group. A lot of "armed propaganda" action, but there was one
murder, too: that of Judge Girolamo 7.'artaglione.
With the Red Brigades, though, there is nothing like an armed mass
movement. And so there was another wave of migration toward nearby
groups wto might be willing to engage in terrorism, but were not pre-
pared to obey the iron rules of an underground organization. In the
interval.s between the occasional armed attack and numerous armed rob-
beries, th.e dream of an impossible revolution f aded into nothingness.
It was no chor-e to go back to living a normal life. Then one morning
in June 1981) the poiice knocked at the door: once arrested, the pri-
soner made the decisien to te11 all about his 13 years of illusion,
_ but mainly years of violence and death.
Massimo Cianfanelli, 30, a non-degree student at the university, i;o1d
his story to magistrates Ferdinando Imposimato and Rosario Priore. It
was 11 days in the telling. In more than 1$0 pages of transcript,
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Cianfanelli revealed many of the darkest secrets of the Brigades, of
the Rev-olutionary Communist Movement (Valerio Morucci founded it after
he pulled out of the BR), of Autonomia's armed groups as well as those
of METROPOLI, the magazine published. by Franco Piperno and Lanfranco
Pace.
"From 1968 to 19M" testifies Cianf anelli, I was present at meetings
of the rank-and-file committees at the Cavour lycee. Tn all the schools
they wer-e coordinated by organizations with no permanent structure,
and operatecl only on an ad hoc basis when there were demonstrations aiid
strikes." Massimc, Cianfanelli was involved in the same concerns as
tens of thousands of students a11 over Italy: protesting everything
about the way the schools were run, demonstrating over Vietnam, impas-
sioned debates over the revolution.
Upon graduation from thc lycee he enrolled in engineering school. And
in politics, he pickecl onc of the smallest groups: the Revolutionary
Communist Nuclei. "We didn't have party cards, but if you count sym-
pathizers there were more than 100 of us." Operating money came from
voluntary contribuLions: "I, as a student, paid 3,000 lire a month,
but those witki ;jobs gave more." Leader of the group was F�anco Russo,
under investigation for his activiti.es at Calabria Universi.ty. Among
the members were Paolo Flores, today a socialist intel"lectual, and
Sergio Petruccioli, brother of UNITA's managing editor, both of whom
swif tly set out c,n dif f erent roads.
Two years later, in 1974, the Nucl.ei merged with another rninuscule
group known as Long L,ive Communism. "We did it out of political oppor-
tunism," Cianfanelli. recalls. "Both organizat-ions were very short on
numbers. " The netv party was bapt- ized Communist Vanguard. Among its
leading liglits were F'abrizio Panzieri, in prison for the mur.der of
neo-fascist leader Mi.kis Mantakas; Roberto Martelli, who fled to Por-
tuga1 during the investi.gation of the Communist Combat Units; and Marina
and SteCano Petrella, brother and sister who wound up in the BR. Other
members were not so easil,y sed.uceci into the armed struggle : Rosa
(',io1.iL-Li and Giu.si Manci_rii, claughters uf the former Socialist cabiriet
ministers, were two who wrre noL.
Iii 1975, Llie Cirst pistol-s. Ci_ani'anelli saw MarLcl.li firing blindly
during an attack on ari MSI oi'I'ice. "Afterwards, " hr: told the magis-
traLes, "t;hc r'Lll1lOT, went around that Martel.li and Panzieri liad been
auL-horized by the group leadershi_p to carry weapons in protest marches
to protecL us against attUck hy the fascisl.s. "
Cianfaiielli discovered. somc;t}iing nore than weapons, though. "Inside
the organization, you could see a pattern oF inaf.ia management taking
shape: one small group was in on evcrything L-hat was going on, and
they made the decisions, Wrti1e the rest of us were left in the dark
about the reall.y importani; things. " And that is why hc quit Communist
Vanguard and joined Worlcers Vanguard (A.O.)�
There he spent; 2 years of peace: in A.O. everything was out in the open.
This group, though, like the others, was under constant surveillance
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wux urrItiAi, uar, uNi_Y
by the BR (as were many otliers like ii; ) as a promising source of
new recru:its. What decided the matter for Cianfanelli was his encoun-
ter with Emili_a Libera, a BR "irregular, " meaning she had not yet
gone underground. "Why doii~t you cover your face during demonstra-
tions? You thinlc you're ac a concerC or something?"
Later on, Lhc woman openecl up a little more duri.ng a ra11y: "Did
you sec w}iat happeried?" The police had just shut down the Roman HQ
of the Autonorni, on Via dei Volsc i. And Cianf anc:lli replied: "That 's
serious." I3ut Emilia Libera was thingking o� something else. In
Turin, there had been an assault on the assistant managing editor of
- LA STAMPA, Carlo Casalegno. "One for our side:"
From her university classmate's reaction, the Brigade member knew she
cUUld press harder. "I knecv instinctively Lhat she was in contact
wit}i tlle organization," Cianfanelli told the magistrates. But from
tier attitude I knew I daren't ask any nior�e questions. " Thai; first
communication tivas just the beginning. lt wasn't until April 1978,
though, at the height of the Moro kidnap:ing case, that Libera openly
acknowledged that she be:longed to LYie Red Rrigades.
That was the necessary move to recruit }iim. C-i.anfanelli, fascinated
by his fellow-student, hesitatecl very little before accepting his
- first assi~,,runent : passing out hundreds of pamphlets on campus. And
at the end of Apri1 he joined the campus Brigade. That was the start
of the rendezvous typica"1 of the underground life (times and dates
set far- in advance, meetirigs invariably sL-abed in student haunts).
_ One after the other, he met the top men in the organization: Bruno
Seghetti, Antonio Savasta, Francesco Piccioni, and Valerio Morucci.
Even Prospero Gallinari, the head of the column, wanted to meet the
new recruit and subject him to a political examination before assign-
~ ing riim to the L-ask of pickin~ out targets on campus.
On his first assignment, though drafting a docwnent on the s:itua-
tion on the Rome campus-- Cianfanelli flunlcc,d. He failed again when
ordered to post his men heneath the house of the pr-ofessor the BR
wanted to h.it. After- a severe reprimand, he was transferred to ano-
ther sector: the logisti.cs front. "They said I would be assigned to
the antenna sector, that money would be no object, that I was to buy
a11 the special.:ized publications, and scout the city and pinpoint all
antennae on military installations."
The assignmeni;s grew mor-e: sensitive as the months passed. First,
though, Gallinari decided to give Cianf anelli a driving test: How
would he handle himsclF in an unplanned, high-speed escape? In the
fa11 of 1978 came his baptism oF fi.re, at a road-repair site on the
Via Flaminia ("We were firing f'rorr, inside a big pipe, and the noise
was so laud I was deaF f'or 2 days afterwards:"). At last came word
from Piccioni, L-he Rome column's armorer: "Be ready: you'll be the
driver on our next operation."
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'nce summons came rigfit at the beginniiig o� October. At the mecting,
in addition to Gallinar-i and Piccioni, Cianfarelli found a foitrth man:
Alvaro Loiacono, a former member of Worker Power (P.O.), Morucci's
protege, who had been a fugitive for months and who had been sentenced
with Panzieri for the murder of MSI boss Mantakas. He was introduced
as an irregular who was picking targets among the "Triple Alliance"
(meaning magistrates, car-abinieri, and policemen). At that meet:i.r..g
they decided to lcill Jtidge Girclamo Tartaglione. A couple of checks,
another round of firing practice, and the commando was ready : in ad-
dition to Cianfanelli, it included Loiacono, Adriana Faranda, and
"Camillo," a BR member he met only on tnat one occasion, and whom
Cianfanelli has never ,nanaged to identify.
It was 10 October 1978. They decided to prepare the ambush at 1430
hours, trie time when the judge usually left his office at the Justice
Ministry. Cianfanelli, wearing a fake mustache, waited in the car
for his accomplices. When the shooting was over he saw them coming ori
the ruri, "Camillo and Loi_acono quite cool, and t}Ze Faratida woman up-
set. " Only iiex+ day did he learn t11e details oF the actioii: "Camillo
told how he had gone ahead of. Tartaglione onto ti-ie landing, had moved
in on him, and i'irecl two shoLs from a Glisenti revolve.r, at paint-blank
range. Loiacono had a Smith anu WeSSOn ancl the Skorpion submachinegun
to cover the courtyard, but he didn't even have to fir-e a shot : when
the doorman stopped him ("I heard shots:") he replied that he hadn't
heard anything. Faranda, with an rllZ machi_negun and a pistol, was in
charge of coverinC; the out.sidr: oi' the building. "
With Tartaglione dcad, C.i_anfanelli was tapped for another action: to
b>>shwhack a police r.,ar. Morucci devised the p1an: afake phone call
to 113, the eme2�gc.nc:y squad car rushir.g along Via Nomentana, and fall-
ing ini;o the trap. Within a few seconds came a couple of bursts of
machinegu.n f':ire, 5ii(jt,5 from a pistol ("The wounding of a policeman
was neitlier p:Lannecl nor wanted." Cian�anelli strolled eaLnly away.
"I waliced a ways, and. t)ien I st;ol.e a scooter LhaL was tied -co a light-
post.n
The pa]_icc liad been hit;, illl(.j IIOw :it was Llic carabinieri's t:urn. With
,lrt, thcy cou1d. lure one of their offir_ers
the same i;echr,ic{ue they t.ltoug
into the trap and fciJ.l liim. That action was a hust. So they switched
to another plan ot:.t of the ~,juerrilla manual of arms: kidnaping Gen
Carlo A]_berto Dalla Cliiesa, and setLing his car af:i_re.
But during t}i11, same period of easy rnilitary victaries, the climate
inside the 15R was at hl.oocl-heat. "Seven of_ us left the orgarlizaLion
over an ideologi.cal and polit.i.cal di.spute that had been brewing for a
long ti_me," Cianfanel.J.i recalls. He changed carnps once more, going
along witli rlirucci anc.i I'araiida, who "kept pressing the neeci for concen-
trat:ing on operations closcr t;o home, to the ;joh, Lo serviccs. " The
split, w}iich had begun over the Moro kidnanirig arid killing, was nol; a
painless one. Cianfanelli was ordered by a scowling Gallinari to get
back amoiig the ranks and help recover the weapons Morucci had made
off with. "Gallinari told me they were bandits who had let themselves
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rOtt ON'NtCini, t,SH: ovLv
be manipulated by pecple like Piperno and Yace." Not even another
meeting wii;h the BR (with the seven dropouts present) sufficed ta heal
the schism.
And that was how the Communist Kevolutionary Movement was born, d.estined
to become a ragtag patchwork of neighborhood fringe-groups. Without
hi.deout,s, without a structure, and without funds the "movement" limped
alond until the erid of 1979, even losing two of its leaders, biorucci
and Faranda, who were arrested in .7une. In the early months of 1980
the action started up again: a couple of armed robberies and two
breakins at gunpoint. Communications were tightened, too, with the
Autonomy and Prima Linea [Front Line] groups. Ever_ so, for every new
recr�uit there were more who chose to d.efect. Cianfanelli began to
travel around Italy, from Bergamo to Padua, from Milan to Genoa, to
keep his contacts alive. But the pickings were slim. To make up for
that, though, he picked up somc: interesting morsels of information:
for instance, that Andrea Morelli and Domenico De Feo, both from Milan,
were part of the METROPOLI orgariization, but their assignrnent was arms
deals in the Micidle East. He knewMarco Donat Cattin, met him again
in Rone, and heard his suggestion that he jDlll ot;her armed groups
(Donat Cattin was one of the leaders of Prima Linea). "At those meei;-
ings," Cianf anellz recalls, "the talk was of joint operations. Never
of inergers, though, because in Rome the possibi'lities were limited and
besides, the Prima Linea people were ready by i;hen to leave Italy."
The man who set about getting the Communist Revolutionary Movement back
on its feet was a free-lanre who ]zad just been released from prison
(he shared a cell with Morucci). Wii;h $0 rnembers in a11, the organi-
zation devoted itself mainly to armed robbery ("For�: apartment jobs,
trie inc.ividual cells handleci the whole bit, but for banks the leader-
ship made the decisions"). The money was used not only to finance the
4rroup, but a1.so to pay salaries (350,000 per month) and. help individual
terrorists to apen high-ii stores, import-export companies, and alter-
native restaurants.
Some of the money also went t
- With the fall came more bank
ended with the killing of two
Genoino) in a shoot-out with
o pay �or vaca-t;ions in the swnmer of 1980.
robberies. Then, on 13 November, they
terrorists (Claudio Pallone and Arnaldo
the carabinieri.
His political illusions in tatters, and the stalces in the game already
too high, Cianfanelli decided it was time to go home. Just as he had
wandered into te.rrorism, he was freP to vvalk out of it without so much
as a by-your-leave, taking advantage of a period when the major units
were breaking up. Nor did he lose all contact: some of his erstwhile
comrades met hi;n again, some by chance, at a casual party (at the nome
of an unwitting newsmen) for one), or in the halls of the university.
The police bot to him almost by chance, wYiile they were investigating
a neof ascist group that had had indirect contacts with red terrorists
(their weapons came from the same source and at times their targets
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were very similar) . For several days he held out and refused to talk.
Then he began: "Some time ago I made up my mind to pull out. Now
I'll tell you where my political odessey took me."
In Naples, a War of Words
The Naples BR column and the BR prison f ront to the BR executive:
"Your styl.e ranges all the way from insolence to arrogance."
BR executive to the Neapolitan column and the prison front: "With
your stupid attitude you are a serious handicap to the organization."
- D uring May and June 1981 at the height of the public furor over the
kidnapings of Ciro Cirillo, Remo Sandrucci, Giuseppe Taliercio, and
Robert Peci a furious dispute broke out within the ranks of the BR.
Charges and counter-charges, threats and expulsions, and insults un-
- heard-of between BR brethren, even during the stormy months in 1980
- when Milan's "Walter Alasia" colLUnn decided to go its own way.
The events that triggered the.May-June row were the Cirillo and Tali-
ercio killings. The executive opened hostilities (that was the BR's
eight-man summit, according to Patrizio Peci's confession). In four
typewritten pages dated "May 3.9811'! smuggled into the maximum secu-
rity prison at Palma, t'.ze Neapolitan column f'ound itself charged with
"questionable judgment in thC % 14.rillo action." ! "You have endangered
- a tremendous opportunity," wrote thl- execut ive, "having to do with a
series of follow-up tarbet s involving ti:e government." And it went
on: "Just to shut people up, you are fighi;ing political battles in the
name of action" (a reference to the woundir:g of two Naples city coun-
_ cilmen; Ed.). And it wound up: "We called a meeting of the strategic
leadership to talk about this, and you didn't even bother to show up."
The Neapolitan column and the prison front
blast. It centered on two major charges:
its nose into every issue; and it had str
ship, which includes all column-chiefs, of
for political discussion of divergences."
meeting because you wanted to turn it into
fired off a 16-page counter-
the e.xecutive was sticking
:.pped the strategic leader-
its proper role as "a forum
("We did no-t come to the
a disciplinary hearing!').
Most signiFicant, though, the resolution dateu "June 81" contains the
charge that the whole Taliercio business �was wron.g from start to fin-
_ ish. There is no complaint about the murder of t2:e company director:
the fault was in not persuading him to "cooperate," and in failing to
make even one recruit in the company plant. "The lack of ambition was
- the clue to the operation's most egregious shortcomings."
Thc;re is no clue in either of the documents as to whether or
br-each has been hea?.ed. Oi:e carabiniere offic;er, though, has
~ hope: "Maybe something has happened at last that we have been
for, a long time. Maybe some of the BR brethren are dropping
organization because they are fed up with the power struggles
the column leaders."
COPYRIGHT: 1981 Arnaldo Mondadori Editore S.p.A. Milano
~ 6182
CsO: 3104/83 9
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not the
some
waiting
out of the
among
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ENE RGY E CONOML CS
NEW METHOD FOR UTILIZING WASTE HEAT DEVELOPED
Hamburg CAPITAL in German No l, 1982 p 129
FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY
[Article by Karl-Heinz Seyfried: "How Industrial Waste Heat
Can be Utilized." Industry Wastes Large Quantities Of Heat
Each Day That Are Contained in Air and Water. This Could
Be Used To Heat Many Homes. A New Process May Put An End To
This Waste--Cold Conducters.]
[Text] The waste is without parallel: from joint sewage treatment plants of the
city of Ludwigshafen and the BASF chemical plant enough energy flows unused into
the Rhine to heat a city of 80,000 inhabitants. A similar and equally depressing
balance could be drawn up for all areas of industrial concentration in the Federal
Republic.
Until now no one knew exactly what to do with the discharge and cooling water from
factories, electrical generating plants and sewage treatment plants since this
water attains a temperature of at best around 40�C. In order to feed a regional
_ heating network, much higher temperatures are needed: at least 80�C or better even,
180�C. Superheating the water, most experts agreed, would be uneconomical.
The study group Planning-Energy-Architecture (Plenar) seems finally to have found
one way to end the wastage. Highly respected city planners, engineers and the
Rhenish-Westphalian Electrical Works in E;ssen have joined forces to develop, under
a contract with the Federal Ministry of Research, a new type of regional heating
system fnr the area on the left bank of the Rhine between Speyer and Worms. The
specialists were not at a loss. The way to attack the problem was not to be found
- in the conventional.delivery of extremely hot water under high pressure to customers,
but instead lukewarm waste water.
Heat pumps would superheat the tieating water at the point of use. Such pumps
operate on the same principle as that of a refrigerator: like the latter it also
- withdraws heat from its interior and transfers it by way of condensor coils at its
rear intc the air of the kitchen. The heat pumps can thereby generate at least
3.2 times the heat as its requirecaent for operating energy--electrical current, gas
or heating oil. The remainder comes from the waste water.
To be sure, heat pumps can also absorb energy not just from waste water, but also
from their immediate environment--for example from the air, the ground or subsurface
water. Yet the initial temperature from these sources is lower in winter than is
the case with waste water, which brings about higher installation and energy costs.
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For example, a heat punip using air delivers only 2.2 times as much energy as is
~
invested in electrical current. The construction of waste water pipe lines is
justified, if for no other rcsson, by the fact that they are inexpensive compared
with the pipes required for higr.-temperature regional heating systems. One kilometer
of insulated regional heating rjipeline, laid underground, cosCs more than DM 10 million.
Using the simpler cement pipes For "cool regional heating," the costs are reduced
to DM 2 million.
Because the lulcewarm water does not reduce substantially in temperature during
transport, as Plenar associate Andreas Krebs of the Frankfurt Uffice for City Planning
explained, even relatively long distances between the source of the waste heat and
the ultimate consumer can be dealt with economically. This will allow the discharge
heat from large power plants which are generally located at some distance from
population concentration centers, to be used for heating purposes in the cities.
One block of the Biblis nuclear power plants could heat all of the more densely
settled regions along the left banlc of the Rhine between Worms and Speyer using
pipeline approximately 45 km long. The second block of the atomic pile could similarly
serve ttie Frankfuxt area.
_ The Plenar Plan has one hitch however. Such a regional network would only be
economical if all dwellings were hooked in to the regional heating net. But this
assumes legal compulsion to do so. In the light of this difficulty Plenar proposes
ro serve only districts with short distances between the waste heat sollrce and the
consumers, using the proposed system. Traditional heating systems could serve as
an emergency reserve and be maintained for periods of peak need.
Even at this moment the proponents of waste heat are certain of one thing: thair
solution would not only spare the enviYonment and res.2rves of energy, but also the
pocketbooks of consumers who are increasingly plagued by price increasss.
Comparison of Gas Iieating With Waste Heat
The 20� to 28� C discharge water of the large-scale sewage treatment plant at
Ludwigshafen can, by using 4 gas-driven heat pumps coupled with gas boilers for peak
production, heat the 300 private homes and 850 apartment dwellings of a new housing
development some 4.5 km distant f-rom the plant. Investment costs: DM 8 million.
The municipal utility authorities plan gas boilers for the individual houses which
will entail hookup costs of some DM 4 million for homeowners. Nonetheless the balance
comes out in favor oF waste heat use:
Annual fieating Costs For Gas Heat Waste Heat
'1'he Lnt:ire Development in DM 1,000
Energy * 1,716 838
Interest (10 percent) and Depreciation 430 960
Maintenance 160 190
Total Costs 2,306 1,988
*DM 0.66 per cubic meter for gas heating, DM 0.57 for waste heat system.
COPYRIGH'f: 1982 Gruner + Jahr Ag & Co.
9878
CSO: 3103/215
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- ECONOMIC ITALY
COLDIRETTI' S LOBIANCO ATTACKS FINANCIAL LAW
Milan PANORAMA in Italian 21 Dec 81 pp 210-21$
[Interview with Arcangelo Lobianco, Naples deputy, president of the independent
farme,.s association (Coldiretti) by Tino Oldani: "Look Out For the Farmers!"]
[Text] Farm organization president points the finger at Prime
Minister Spadolini: he raises taxes and then kicks
- out even the basic financial aid.
"The budget bill as passed by the senate is a punitive measure aimed at
those who till the soil. If it is not ir,iproved in the Chamber, members
- with ties to our organization wi11 vote against it." Arcangelo Lobian-
co, $2, Christian Democrat deputy from Naples who has headed the inde-
pendent farmers' federation for a year now, has decided to take the
f ield against Giovanni Spadolini's government. His is going to be a
tough, frontal attack that may well imperil the first [postwar] govern-
ment coalition that does not include the DC: in the Chamber, DCodepQL-
ties with IOUs out to the independent farmers number 3$, more than the
PRI's 1$ and the PLI's 9 put together, and a force bigger than even
Pietro Longo's Social Democrat (PSDI) contingent of 21 deputies.
A man to watch these days, one who heads an imposing organization which
- his predecessor, Paolo Bonomi, used �or 3$ years as a pool for DC votes
- (1. 2 million member families, 11, 000 sections , and 20, 000 of its canJ
didates elected to local and national off ice), Lobianco has devoted
the first year of his presidency to breaking down the walls the Coldi-
retti had built around themselves through their all-or-nothir4g stance.
"Now," he says, "the hard part begins: our political and cultural re-
newal." His first move to the general astonishment was his swi.ft
back-off from the DC: at the Christian Democrats' November gathering
at Romets EUR, Coldiretti registered among the "non-party" (outsider)
groups, along with intellectuals like Pietro Scoppola, Luigi Pedrazzi,
and Achille Ardigo. Lobianco talked to PANORAMA about his next moves.
- Question: What is it about the budget bill that the Coldiretti doesn't
like?
Answer: A lot of things. But there are two provisions that threaten
more than any others to snag the farm sector in a punitive bite: first,
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it calls L'or very large hikes in our social security and health cosLs,
and then, with one stroke of the pen, it takes away basic government
financial support for agricultural investments. I am referring to the
700 billion lire in the "4-leaf clover" bill already appropriated for
1981 and now deferred to 1982; the same fate was meted out to the ad-
ditional 300 billion lire in financing already promised, and then they
take another 500 billion lire out of the 1982 appropriation and add
them to the funding for the current fiscal year. If these measures are
not changed, the farm worker's income, which is already less than 55
percent of the average income of all other workers, will be pared to
even meaner levels next year. And 1982 already looks like a horrib" ' e
year, following on this year's 2-percent drop in farm production.
- Question: You're not going to claim that the increase in social secu-
rity taxes is unjustif ied: the Coldiretti have been pilloried precise-
ly because, by drawing pensions far out of proportion to what they have
paid in, they are sinking the Social Security Fund (INPS).
Answer: The Coldiretti have never opposed a gradual increase in Soc.ial
Security taxes, so long as it was accompanied by an improvemF:nt in farm
pensions, which are far below those of other workers. We are squarely
opposed, i,hough, to the indiscriminate increase in per capita contri-
butions: you can't aslc every farm to come up with tlze same amount, be-
cause a 12-hectare farm planted to vinyards pays a minimal sum by com-
parison with t;he 10 hectare spread planted to profitable cash crops.
Tt would be fairer to spread Social Security costs proportionally, ac-
cording to the amount each farm can pay, and to adjust pensions to match.
Question: What wi1:1 hap
Answer: That's obvious:
us wi_11 vote against the
get that, in addition to
currc:nt iTiidc!le executive
fices, we can also count
our orhanizat-ion.
pen if your demands are not met ?
those deputies in the Chamber who are with
budget bill. And it would be wise noi;-to for-
the 35 deputies who come straight out of the
levels of Coldire-ttils national and local of-
on other deputies elected with the votes of
y Question: Just how many ar-e there senators and deputies together
who have close ties to Coldiretti?
Answer: When we all get together to talk over something really impor-
tant, there are no less than 60 of us. Like it or not, we represent
almost 4 million votes.
Question: What you're telling me has all thc; earmarks of a DC torpedo
with Spadolini's name on it.
Aizswer: Torpedos always arrive unannounced, sometimes even from behind.
But we have L-old Spadolini personally about what we want, at least three
different times. Otzr latest meeting w.ith him,,unfortunately a disap-
pointing one, was held no later than 1 December.
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Question: Probably with a government headed by a Christian llemocrat
your attitude would be a little more malleable.
Answer: I rule that out absolutely. Last year, on this same issue of
the budget bill, I took on Arnaido I'orlani, who at the time was pri.me
minister. And I locked horns with Treasury Minister Nino Andreatte,
too, even though he is a Christian Democrat too, citing th~-, same cri-
ticism as I had the year before : the farmers are no loiigei, willing
to submit to punitive [tax] measures, nor yet to indiscriminate cuts
in the funds for producti.ve investments.
Our spending on agriculture is already the lowest in Europe: for every
lira granted in Italy, they spend 3.3 in Germany, 4.6 in France, and
� in England. So let the Christian Democratic ministers not toy with
illusions: Coldiretti intends to become increasingly a union that
will starid up for the rights of its members, wholly independent of
the DC.
Question: How are your relations with the other unior..s?
Answer: For years we haven't spoken a word to each other. Now, thou.gh,
we have a constructive dialogue under way. A lot of our moves are de-
termined in conference with the Confcoltivatori, which is clase to the
PCI and PSI. After I sat down to lunch with Lama, Carniti, and Benven-
uto we also established relations with the national unions. Right now
at the National Economic and Labor Council (CNEL) there are three
joint working groups on whi_ch Coldiretti sits along with t-he CGIL,
CISL, and UII,, sei; up to investigate three areas : the 3-year p1an,
revision of the EEC's farm policy, and social security.
Question: What did you say to Lama, Carniti, and Benvenuto wher, you
met them for the first time?
Answer: I explained that agriculture will no longer stand for being
the rear wheel on the car�t. Ai: a demonstration we staged in f'iazza
San Giovanni in Rome, there was one poster that read: "HEY: CGIL:
Cisli UIL! Stop a minute: Wait for us:" Today tkiere is a gulf of
misunderstanding between the farm world and that of industry: the fac-
tory worker and i;he office worker are completely ignorant about the
men and-women who work in the fields) while the farmer looks on the
- people who work in f actories or offices as privileged classes. The
_ disparity between the two sectors is enormous.
Question: For example?
Answer: An independent farmer often works land that is not his own,
under conditions not al.l that different from those of a factory worker.
Yet if a f armer 's wif e who works on the f amily f arm has a baby, in
place of the 6 months leave that ol;her working women get, she gets only
a$0,000-lire check from the government, or just about what the EEC
pays farmers for the birth of a calf. Yes, the list of privileges the
farmers envy workers in industry is a long one.
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Question: Have you also made some changes in Coldirettits relations
with the left-wing parties?
Answer: The facts are there to show that we have: on practical issues,
like farm agreements, our positions and those of the PCI coincide. Why7
Because both of us represent real forces in our society. And we behave
responsibly. Maybe this is why we can't seem to get aTong with the
social democrats.
Question: Cou1d you clarify that a little?
Answer: It would be a very easy thing to ride the anger coming out of
the country For political gain. And we refuse to do that. We cannot,
however, hid,e our deep concern when we see behind the grape revolution
in Barletta or behind what are tantamount to subversive incidents in
Tuscany and Tarantino, not only the fascists (MSI) f anning the flames,
but a party that is actually part of the government, like the Social
Democrats. Our opting for a place in the ranks of organized labor is
also motivated by our determination to defeat this ridiculous line of
empty uot; to say Poujadist protest for protest's sake.
COPYRIGHT: 1981 Arnaldo Mondadori Editore S. p. A. Milano
6182
CSO: 3104/83
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ECONOMIC ITALY
RIVALRY BETWEEN AERITALIA, AUGUSTA IN AIic SECTOR
Mi1an PANORAMA in Italian 21 Dec 81 pp 215--219
[Article by Giuseppe 0ldani]
[Text] The battle between Aeritalia and Augusta goes on,
no holds barred. And even though their feud spoils
international agreements that would mean billions
to Italy, the ministers act as though nothing were
happening.
There is one sector of Italian industry that derives practically its
entire living from government: money for financing, money from the
sinking fund to bail it out of rough going, money for support of its
foseign marketing, and money from purchase contracts. And yet, de-
spite this unique feature, it is the sector where you find the least
concern with resource planning, with investment coordination, or with
joint projects. On the contrary: international experts look on the
Italisn aviation industry as a savage jungle where, in spite of the
ministers on the Interministerial Economic Planning Committee (CIPE))
it's every man for himself not just priva',..e against state-owned in-
dustry, but IRI-controlled state-run industry against EFTM-controlled
state-run industry.
To read it, one r.vould think that� the plari CIPr laid down for the avia-
tion sector should have restored some semblance of order there. But
instead the struggles of the hostile znterests have clearly been so
vialent as to force the architects of the plan to conf ine themselves
to generalities, sound enough at the strategic level, but nothing
spelled out to bring the warring corporatians back into line. So the
plan says that the corporations must cooperatep assigning priority to
joint ventures in Europe wherever possible, falling uack on the Ameri-
cans for bigger and more costly aircraft, but says ;nothing about the
specific cases of companies which are already floixting those gi:tidelines.
The chaos became too noisy for comfort with the personally embittered
struggle between.the heads of the two state-controiled companies in
the sector: in one corner you have Pietro Fascione, vice president
of EFIM's Augusta; and in the other Renato Bonifacio, president of
the IRI-Finmeccanica subsidiary, Aeritalia. The former reportedly has
~
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socialist leanings, the latter proudly wears the Christian Democrat
brand.
State Participations Minister Gianni De Michelis has already let it
be known that he intends to settle the issue by merging �the two com-
panies or by putting both of them under the wings of a special finan-
_ cial corporation for the aviation sector. He had nothing to say,
however, about the fate of the two men, who are battling tooth and
claw for the most impregnable power base.
There have been episodes that border on the si11y. There is a story
making the rounds in Milanese industrial circles, for one: "Since
Augusta owns a little foundry at Benevento, Bonifacio is moving hea-
ven and earth to get one of his own, and is scattering bids right and
left for a comparable share."
On his part, Fascione is bulling ahead in some very ambitious plans.
Rumor has it that Bonif aciols Aeritalia might be interested in buying
Aermacchi, a Varese company still in private hands, whose prosperity
is based on the MB 339, a training craft that has been adopted by
several countries. And so, not to let the grass grow under foot, the
Augusta subsidiary, SIAI, has another trainer on its drawing boards,
to be known as the S 211, and of course is asking IMI for the money
to finance it, despite the fact that the Defense Ministry has turned
it down on the grounds that it is "of no interest."
Yet another episode: t:ze German and Italian military have called for
proposals on an anti-tank helicopter and, by some happy chance, the
German requirements are almost line-for-line identical with the Ita-
lian. There was talk of collaboration which would involve Augusta on
- the Italian side and Germany's MBB on the other. Augusta turned that
idea dowr., and plans instead to do the whole thing on its own, design-
ing a model its A-129 based on the civilian A-109 and equipped
with an engine manuf actured by Piaggio under a Rolls Royce licence.
The upshot is t-hat the Germans are going ahead on their own, with MBB
doing the helicopter's airframe and Motoren Turbinen Union (MTU) doing
the engine, and voluntarily offering to work with FIAT Aviation in
Ita1y and Turbomeca in France.
- The large-scale maneuvering for slices of the aviation pie is not
confined to on-again, off-again international agreements. There is
worse to come: right here at home there is guerrilla warfare going on
for control of this or that company. Aeritalia has already laid co-
vetous hands on Partena-fia. Now Fascione's Augusta is negotiating a
takeover of Breda Nardi, a little company making helicopters under
licence from Hughes, a tiny outfit which is 40 percent owned by the
Nardi f amily and 45 percent held by INSUD, a holding company in which
most of the stock is held by EFIM, of which Augusta was a subsidiary.
Apparently Fascione is asking for a financial dowry package of 'LO bi1-
lic,n lire to take over Breda Nardi, but, above and beyond a11 this,
there has already been a little "thriller" at the ministerial level.
Looking Gianni De Michelis straight in the eye, Fascione declared that
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l,l.il, sliould 13reda :dardi come into Augusta's hands t,here would be con-
- siderable economies of scale, and it could go on building Hughes heli-
- copters undisturbed. Emanuele Nardi and the old private owners, tiow-
ever, showed the minister a letter from Hughes informing them that the
Hughes licence to build would be revoked should Augusta take over the
i company. Who will win? While we wait to find out, it is cert ain that
Breda Nardi, which the military selected to receive a large order,
will die by droc.nine in a rising tide of debt.
"If this ia the way we straighten out the aviation sector," say many
_ experts, "then it is clear that the Italian taxpayer will be m ade to
- pay dearly for the lack of production and marketing caordinati.on. In
_ aviation, L-he fact is that ever-y new takeover battle simply makes the
_ long-standing maladies worse."
Those long-standing maladies, thnugh, were made more acute precisely
by an excess of parochial chauvinism. The latest instance is still
merely a rumor: right now, there is a world-wide boom in commuter
aircrafL p.lanes carrying 30 or so passengers designed to serve the
less heavily traveled routes which have been abandoned by t}ie major
air-lines. Olle of them is the ATR-42, which is a Franco-Italian pro-
duct (Aeritalia on our side, Aer-ospat-:iale in France). Despit e this
presence, the story goes that Siai an Augusta subsidiary is in-
tent on designing another similar model, a commuter aircra�t which re-
portedly already has a name: Kangaroo.
Is tliis r-umor true? Or is it fair to suspect mischief }iere? Will the
battle between Aerit