JPRS ID: 9915 USSR REPORT CYBERNETICS, COMPUTERS AND AUTOMATION TECHNOLOGY EXCERPTS FROM THE JOURNAL "HANDBOOK ON INEGRATED MICROCIRCUITS' ED. BY B.V. TARABRIN

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JPRS L/ 10173
9 December 1961
USSR Re ort
p
- POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS
CFOUO 29/81)
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~RS L/1o~~3
9 De~ember 1981
~ USSR REPORT
POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS
(FOUO 29/81)
CONTENTS
TNTERNATTONAL
Nationalism: Tool of' Imperialist Ideological Diversion
(O.S. Redznepova; TZVESTIYA AKADEMTT NAUK TURHI~NSKOY SSR, SERIYA
OBSHCHESTVENNYI4i NAUK, Apr 81) 1
- Soviet Experience Applied to Nationality Problems in Developing Countries
(I. Khalmuradov; IZVESTIYA AKADEMII NAUK TURKMENSKOY SSR, SERIYA
OBSHCHESTVENNYKIi NAUK, Apr 81) ........................a.......... 10
Book on South Yemen's Social, Economic Development
(NARODNAYA DEMOKFATICHESKAYA ~iESPUBLIKA YEMENA: EKONOMIKA I
TORGOVOEKONOMICHESKIYE OTNOSHIIVIYA, 1981) 16
Book on Domestic Factors Affecting U.S. Foreign Policy Revie~wed
(V. F. Petrovskiy; VOPRO5Y ISTORTI, Sep 81) 18
- NATIONAL '
Western Views on Soviet Econonic Development Attacked
(Yevgeniy Sergeyevich Troitskiy; VOPROSY EKONOMIKI, Oct 81)....... 21
Soviet Ethnographic Theories Outlined
~ (G. E. Markov; SOVETSKAYA ETNOGRAFIYA, Jul-Aug $1) 3~+
R~GI ON ~'1L
Lack of Armenian Literature in Central Press Deplored
(Karen Simonyan; LITERATURNAYA ARMENIYA, Ju1 81) 40
- a - [III - USSR - 35 FOUO]
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INTERrTATIONAL
NATIONALI9M : IbOI, OF IIyP'ERIALIST ID~EOLOGICAI~ DIV~lRSION
Ashkh~bad IZV~3TIYA AKADENIII NAUK TURKM~N3IGOY SSR~ SERIYA OBSHCHESTVffiJNYKH NAUK
No 4, Apr 81 pp 10-16
~Article by 0. S. Redzhepova, Department of philosophy and I,a~r, Tur~anen SSR Aca-
demy of Sciences~ "Nationalism--Tool of Imperialist Ideological Diversion'~
- ~TextJ Nationa.liem has always been a tested and universal weapon of imperialism in
_ the struggle against the forces of peace and progress. It could. not be other~riae,
inasmuoh as the bourgeois class essenoe as the contents of imperialist policy is
inextricably bound up with nationaliam aa its form. It is not by chance that every
ma~or social oonflict or exa,cerbation of the atruggle betKeen the two opposing sys-
tems provokes a flare-ixp of bourgeois natior~alism in one or another of its varie-
tiss. This is testified to by hiatorical pz~actioe, in particular, that of the pe-
riods of World War I arui Ylorld War II, ag Kell as by the p~esent-day situation in
the world~ When the incitement of chauvinism is directed at 3ustifying the unpre-
cedented scope of the West�a military prep~rations. Under the cover of deaa,gogi-
ca.l declarations about ~~defending na,tional intarests," the following aations are
being carried outr the U3 intervention into the internal affaira of ~1 Salvador
and Iran, the occu,p~.tion of Northern Irela~ by Britiah troops, Israeli aggression
� against the Arab countries and a course aimed at annexing their ].ailds, as xell as
the imperialist support of terrorist and racist regimes. We a~ust recall today the
words of V. I. Lenin~ "Wars are favored by nationaliet p~e3udices, whioh ar~ ayste-
matica,lly cultivated in civilized countrie$ in the intereats of the ruling cla.sses
for the purpose of distracting the proletarian massee fro~a their oxn cla,ss prob-
lems and to make them forget their debt to international class solidaxity" ~1,
p 188J.
In the struggle aga.inst modern-day socialism present-day anti-communism pla,ces
special hopes on nationalism. "It is p~ecisely on nationalist tend~ncies and, in
particul.ar, on those of them xhich take the form of anti-Sov~etism which the bour-
ge-~is ideolo~ists and bourgeoia prope,ganda ntost Willingl place their bets in the
- struggle against socialism and the oommunist movement" p 339J� ~verything is
ta.ken into consideration~ the groWth of the paoples' na,tional consciousness in the
present-day period, especially in the young~ developing countries, ae xell as the
easily wlnerable and mass na,ture of the national feelingg at Khich the national-
ist prope,ga,nda, is directed~ and the possibility of a a~ulti-purpose utilization of
_ nationa,lism. The la,tter is expre~aed in the fact that~ in the first place, na-
tiona.lism serve~ as a b~a,sic means for splitting up the international cominunist and
labor movement and also the na,tiona,l-liberation atruggle of peoples and breaking
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them apart from each ather. In declaring the ZOth century to be the "century of
na,tionalism~" the anti-communists hasten to proclaim themselves as its advocates,
and socialism as the most malicious foe of the national~ Which the bourgeois ideo-
logists consider as a spnonyn~ of the nationa,listic.
In the second pla.ce, nationaliem ia used to undexmine the unity of the socialist
community. On more than one occasion the imperialist stra.tegists have openly de-
clared that the "exp3.osive substance which threatens the unity of the communist
bloc is nationalism." In appealing to the national feelings of the peoplse of the
socialist countries, the bourgeois ideologists are exploitirig in their gubversive
prc~paa;anda the concepts of na,tiona,l independence, na.tional interests ~ and nationa.l
culture, Khich are treated in a na,tionaliatie spirit. They utilize any grcblems
or difficulties xhich arise bstKeen individual socialist countries or in a~y one
of them. Thus, the West's "psychologica,l frarfare" services reacted operationally
to the events in Pola,ndt during the period f~om 19 throu8h 25 August 1980 they de-
~ voted, on an avera~e, as many as 25 aomntentaries a day in broadoasts in Russi.an
alone. ~
Finally~ the third significance of nationalism in the West�a ideolagica~. diver-
sions--undeiynining the monolithic unity of the peoples of the US3R. Tens of radio
stations broadcast round the clock in the more tha,n 23 languages of the Soviet
peoples. The task of the bourgeoia prope,~a.ndista is to transform nationa.l charac-
teristics into national ba,rriers~ with the aid of nationally colored phenomena to
turn nationa,l feelings into nationaliatic pe.ssions. Concerning xha,t kinds of de-
vices and methods are being utilized in thig, an idea is provfded by the folloHing
excerpt from ~lashington's official instruction entitled "How to Compose Prope~ganda
Broadcasts"s "Use the device of sett3ng one people a~ainst another, one group of ~
th~ popula,tion against another~ if possible~-a ~~ority against a~inority--this
is very importants... Always find and ta,ke a position on the side of those Khom
yau can be~t use to carry out your purpose. If there is no one for you to support.
create such a group yourself" ~as quoted from 4, p 44~. As practi~al experience
_ has shoxn, the anti-communists have folloxed the letter and the spirit oP this in-
struction. Let us 111ustrate this by using the example of Soviet Central Asia.
The foreign csnters of lies and disinformation pay a great deal of attention to
the Central Asian region of the USaR, and in the imnediate future their subversive
activity xill undoubtedly be activa,ted even more. Testifying in fa~or of such a
forecast i$ an analysis of the works of the $ovietologists, xho h~ve developed for
the prope,ganda services a strategy and methods of ideaiogiea,l diversiona. as xell
as the pla,ns be.aed on the3.r reconuaendationa for theee services themsel~es during
the 1980~s.
Thus, on p 8 of the report of Radio Liberty and Re,dio Free Europe~ prep~red in
19?9. the followin~ is stated~ "...We auet pe~y more ~ttention than in pravious
years to preparing programs for the 3oviet paoples of Central Asia..."~ i. e., the
Centxal Asian peoples. In this saane rep~rt it is noted on p 17 that "...f~nds
have been allocated to further eniist the cooperation af ~he moet experi- '
enced consultanta and resear~hera on Ruesia,n queations and queatiatUS of t~e na,tio-
nality groups Within the 5oviet Union."
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In ihe disinformation which is beir,g disaenina,ted by the ideological diversion-
ists about the Turkmen 3SR there are diatortions of our republic's genuine .
achievemente in the sacioeconomic. politioa,l. and cnltural spheresi the;socialis-
tic tranaformations in the life of the Turlaaen pecple are evaluated from a na.-
~ tionalistic point of vieK. The ~oal of euch hostile prope~,ganda~ as ~aa noted at
the 18th Plenum of the CPT CC (July 2979), is to farm xithin the republic "an in-
ternal opposition xith a nationa,listic hue," MhiQh our foes are tryin.g to create
- themselves in accordance With the above-~ention~d inatruction. For this purpose
they are trying year after year to instill in the peoples oY Central Asia the idea
tha'c they are without rights and the ob3ects of discrimine,tion by the colonialiet,
chauvinistic pc~licy of the Ruseians, that their nationa,l spirittxal values are be-
ing destroyed, and that in the flxture thsy can anticip~te ethnic~ cultural, and
linguistic assimilation by the Russians. The mytha of "Soviet colonia.lisn." "Rus-
~ification~" and "assimile,tion," as fabricated by Western and Bei~ing propaganda~
are caiculated to affect the na,tional feelings and national dignity of the Cen-
tral Aaian peoples~ to arouse in them a nationa,l egois~ and a striving tvKard
national gelf-limitation and isolation.
The desire to discover na,tionaliam and a nationalistic opposition within the USSR
is so great that the bourgeois ideologiste f~equently accept tY,e desirable instead
of the reality. Durir?g the laet fex years the nyth of the "nati~na,lism" of the
non-Russian peoples has become fl.inda,ment~l in the works of 5ovietologiets. The
~ word ~~natianalism" already figurea in the very tit?.ea oP these porks. such ae H.
5eton-Watson, "Nationalism and Coauunism" ~iiJi E. Allworth, "Central Asian Pub~
lishing and. the Rise of Nationalism" ~6J~ T. Rakoxeka-Har~astone, "Russia and Na-
tiona,lism in Central Asia: The Case of Tadzhikista,n" ~lOJ; L~ Snyder, "The Ne~ Na-
tionalis~a" ~14Js G. Zimon, "Nationa,lism and National Policy in the USSR after 3ta-
- lin" ~13~, and others. aa we11 as an enorieoua number of articles.
Familiarity with these Horks ahoxs that ~hat is ~ee~nt by nationa.lism here, as a
rule, is everythir?g xhich haa a na.tional colora,tion and testifies to the multi-
faceted flourishing ~f our country~a nations and national groupa. The creation of
na,tional sta.ffs in the republics, a careflil attitude toWaxd the aonwaents of anti-
quity and the spiritual ::eritage in general~ the developaent of the na,tional la,n-
~uages and literatures, the growth of the population, and other phenomena are in-
trepreted in a nationalistic vein.
And it is not 3ust a matter of distinguishing the methodology of baurgeois socio-
logy, which quite often mixes up the concepts of ~~nationa,l" and "na,tiona,listie,'�
from the scientific methodology, aecording to xhich these concepte are polar. The
na,tiona,listic is an egotistica,l, one-sided, false ~eflection o~ the na,~iona.l~ car-
rying the latter to its extreme and distorting it, leading to an oppoaition betxeen
the na,tional and the intarnational interests. The socialistio flourishing of the
national has nothing at all in common r?ith the growth of na,tionalism, inasmuch as
it origina,tes on the basis of and by means of the ra~?prochement of nations under
the conditions of their growing ~nternational unity.
Here too there is an obvious manifeatation of so~aething which has been inherent to
anti-communism since the time of its ea~ergence--a conscioue attempt to present what
is desired as what is the realityi this hae been expressed in a thousand and one
attempts to depict soclalism as "not of long dttra,tion~~ �incapable of adapting to
life,~~ Marxism-Leninism as "ob$olete," and the US3R as a"di~intagrating empire."
3
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The arguments of history have proved to bs more aubstanti~.l~ they have overturned
these apgraisals and forecasts of the bourgeois ideologists, who are nox compelled
to make adaptations, to twist and tuxxi in order to extricate themselves from the
obstructions of their oKn lies and ala.nder. Year after year the anti-co~amunista
ha,ve expounded on tho "assimilation" an~d "Russifica,tion" of the non-Russian peoples
of the U5SR, on the destruction of their cultures, national la,ngtia,gea, and tradi-
tions. They have pe.ssed over in silenae or have distorted the tz-isth about the
well=ta,rgeted work of the p~rtq With regaxd to creating national statehood~ the
preserva,tion a,nd developanent of the aultural valnea of eaeh 3oviet people, devel-
opin~ a written literature, schola.rghip on the national langua,ges ~,rbd literatures,
trainin~ personnel of the na,tional intelligentsia, a national press, creating a
system of education and health ca,re in the na,tional republics~ arid overcoming any
sorts of evidence of mistru~t or emnity among the peoplee xith regard to their
consolidation into a uni~ied, friendly fa~ily. Nox, xhen the fruits of this ti-
tanic activity arP at hand and cannot be denied, there ren~ina nothing left for
- the anti-communi~ts to do but proclaim these fruits not to be the result of the
CPSU's nationality policy but, on the oontrary. nanifestations of nationalisn
xhieh are in contrauiiction to this policy. But there is a substantial f1a,K in the
given cla,ss logic of our ideological opponents--the deriveci supposition concerning
the "assimilating," "anti-national" na,ture of the perty's poliay is false~ a~nd,
therefore, the oonclusion concerning the nationallsm of the Soviet, in part3cular,
the Central Asian peoplea is invalid. In ord6r to p~ovide support for the myth of
the ~~nationa.lism" of the non-Rnssian peaples, use is also made of our prese's cri-
tical rnaterials concerning individual tAanifestations of loQalis~, national lixit-
edness, and the stru661e against natior~alistic vastigea. The role of these pheno- .
mena in the life of Soviet soQiety is so distorted and exa,~gerated that the most
zealous Sovietologists, suoh as the West German, G. Simon. reach the point of ut-
, tering such absurdities as the ~ollowiags tha,t "opposition na,tiona,list movements
exist today in the Sovie~ Union on a large sca,le" C12~ p~1~8J, and that "the demands
of the na,tiona.llst dissidenta have become aore ra.diea.l, as compa~red orith the
196o~s~~ ~i2, ~ ~r9J.
In order to refute such imaginings, it is sufficient to refer to those bourgeois
~ scholars themselvee who (ir: contrast to G. 81mon~ have visited the Land of the So-
viets and had .opportunities~to convinoe themselves with their own eyes of the ac-
tual sta,te of affairs. Thus, Profeesor D. Montgo~aezy, who apent six aonths in
Tashkent, did not discover any sort of manifesta.tions whatsoever of tension or es-
nity in the inter~ersona.l relations of inembera of varioum nationa.lity groups, not
to mention any mythica,l ~~nationa,liatic movements." Here is what he xrite~j "In
my meetings with Uzbeks and me~bere of the other Central Asia,n people~ in Tashkent
I did not hear any sort of expression of emnity or negative attitude toxa,rd the
Russians or other So~viet Europeans" ~15~ p 301J; "in Uzbekistan there exists a high
de~ree ~f harmony among the ethnic groups" ~15. P 299Jr "in Tashkent I never en-
countered anything that oould ~e inter~reted as an anti-3oviet attitude or dis~a-
tisfaction with the general system of political and economic organization" C15, p
292J. It should be noted that the statements by the professor quoted above are
far from being dictated by any sympe~thies for soeialiam or for the I,and of the So-
viets, inasa~uch aa he devotes much greater attention to our difficulties and, in
ceztain inatances, pe,tently exaggeratea them.
~
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Another American professor, ~ho also visited the U33R in the swnmer of 1976, frrites
. as followss "Tt~.e dissident movement in the US3R has received extensive coverage in
th~ Western preas. Ala.s, most of xhat the mass ~aedia are talking about is not so
much actual as desirable" p 161J. F~rther on this anthor emphasizes that there
_ are very fe~ Soviet dissidents, that these elements do not express the interests of
wide circles of the popula,tion, nor do they constitute ~.n organized movement xith
common goals and interests.
And even if one has not visited the U33R but has a sober head on one�s shoulders,
one ca,n more or less ob~ectively 3udge the Soviet reality.
As an example, let us refer �to such an experienced political seientiat~ ~rell-Irnoxn
in Sovietological circles of the West as a specialist on Asian groblems, as G.
_ Nheeler, who, despite his anti-Soviet bent~ has been compelled to remark on the
"a,bsence of any evidence at all of an organized dissident movement" in Centra,l'
Asia. "Under present coruiitiona there are no prospeots for a Muslim natioraalistic
moven~ent sirnil~r to the nationalistic movements of the Muslim peoples of the Aiiddle
East and South Asia," G. Wheeler enphasizes in his e~rticl~ entitled "Isla.m a.nd the
Soviet Union.'� "It i~ undoubtedly true, hoxever, that despite Soviet efforts~ or
even as a result of them, there ha8 been a groxth of national axarenes~ in recent
years among Soviet Musli~?s" ~i5, p 2ZOJ.
These la,st few xorda m~s~t be particularly empi~asized, f~r it i~ on the eophistia
substitution of the concept of national axarenese for the po2ar concept of natio~-
lism .that mo~t of the anti-communiat conetructg rest. If the socialist sqstem is~
in principle, under~ining the foundation~ of na.tionaliem and elimina,ting the socis,l
class soil Hhich nouriahes it, then it opens up broad possibilities for the groxth
of nationa,l awareness. The creation of nationa,l atatehood for previously oppreseed
peoples, the free development of national langua,ges, cultures~ tra.ditions. the
enormous socioeconomic ~uccesses. achieved in international unity r~ith fraternal
peovles and other faators of this floKering have facilitated the development of
nationa,l pride an~d socialist national axarene~ss among the peoples of the US5R. The
anti-communists ars also attenpting to direct this healthy growth of nati~nal
axa.reness into the distorted riverbed of nationalism.
3ovietoloa~ists seeking na.tiona,liet or racial disturbances and dise~atiafaction in
the: La.nd of the 5oviets rrould do better to pay attention to the situation in t,heir
- o~n countri~s. It would not cost Amarican Sovietologists sny efforts at all to
discover such phenomena, in their oxn conntry. Suffice it to say that, according
to Ameriean sourcea, approximately 330 instances of racial conflicts to one degree
of severity or the other ~ere ascertained in the United 3tates fron November 19'j9
throu~h Apr.il 1980. The mass outbr~aka runong Miami's bla.cke in ?;ay 1980, xhich
xere drowned in a sea nf blood~ reverbera,ted xidely within the country and abroad.
History has confirmed time and time again itnperfalism'e fidelity to the traditions
of racism and colonialism, xhich manifest thera~elves in segrQgation, apartheid,
_ racial and na.tiona.l discrimina.tion, as xell as other Porms of oppreseing and de-
meanin~ minority peoples. An authorita.tive internationa.l commission of ~uriets,
workin~; in the United 5ta,tes ~rom 3 through 20 August 1979 in its report presented
to the UN found the United 3tates guilty of criminal genocide against the coun-
try's indigenous popula,tion--the Indians. The planned physical extermina,tion of
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the Indians on reservations, where poverty and diseases are raxpa.nt, the sterilisa-
tion of Indian xomen, tha murder of activists fro~a the movement for the rights of
~ reci-skinned Americans--a11 this is a aad tYa,dition of American reality ~SJ. As a
result, the number of American Indiane has been reduced from 12 million to 800,000.
The events in Iran and Afghanistan revived the hopea of our o~ponents for galvani-
zing the na,tiona.listic moods in the Soniet republics bordering on these aountries.
Hoxever, acquaintanceBhip with the life of the peoples of these republics after
the Iranian and Afghan revolutions disillusioned the bourgeois ideologists, who
were compelled to state the followinge "In the bas~c Muslim regions (i. e., the re-
puUlics of Central Asia~ and Tranacauca,sia--0. R.) there is no viaible anti-Russian
nationalist movement" ~16, p 55J� At ~he same ~time, it ahould be noted that the
events in Iran and Afghanistan~ along Nith the t7ational-libera,tion movement in
other countries, inspired the bourgeois 9ovietologists to revive the concept of -
the so-called "Muslim national communism."
The gist of this concept, Hhich is b~,sed on the idea of co~bining Marxism, na,tion- ~
alism~ and Isl~m, amounts to an ema$culation of the alass contente of Marxism as a
ur.ified interna.tiona.l theory and to the exa,ggeratian of national specifics to the
detriment of the internationa,l interests of the peuples. Sulta,n-Galiyev in his oxn ,
time developed simila,r i~3eas, and historical pra,ctice ha.s confirmed their errone-
ousness and reactionary natnre. The failure of the idea of "na,tional commvnism" '
has also been very clearly de~anstrated by present-day China, in whi.ch a correat ;
Marxist position on taking na,tional characteriatica into conaideration in solving
international prablems, exaggerated and brou~t to the point of a'bsurdity, has led
to a seriou~ deformation of the foundatione of the socialist structure. Evidently
3ust such a result is being counted on by our i:deological adversaries, xho are at-
tempting to reanimate in our oxn days the ideas of Sultan-Galiyevism ~9J. For
example, it is to the memory of this nationa,list that a book published in t979 ha.s
been dedicated. It is by A. A. Benaingsen and 9. E. Wimbuah an& is entitled "Mu~-,
- lin National Communism in the Soviet Uaion~" xith tha ~ovocative snb-title "A
Revolutionary Strategy for the Colonial World" ~7J.
The concept of "Muslim national.communiam" is ane of the varia,nts nf a nore general
theory of the bourgeois politica,l acientists and sociologists on nationa].ism as an
all-encompassi.ng ideology, cagable of axalloxing up even Marxism.
Large ar~nies of ideolog3cal diversionist~t, in~truc~ed. and equipped, xith the lateat
techniques~ have been throT+n into the fxonte of the p~opa,garlda "aold xar" xhich
imperialism has now developed. againgt the USSR. In no xay should xe underestimate
this reactionary force no'r its potentials fox exerting an influence on the minda
and hearts of people. A particula.r respon~i~+ility in the atruggle against hoatile
ideolo~y and propaqanda resta un the intelligentsia. And not only because the ex-
posure of the lying, sla.nderous nature of bourgeois propaganda is ita direct duty
to the people and the pe,rty, but aleo beQause the intelligentsia itaelf ia one of
the principal ob3eets of ideologiaal treatment by imperialism. It is precisely
amon~ the intelligentsia that our opponents aeek out potential disaidents~ attempt-
in~ to pla,y upon such atrings as the intellectual's etriving for a critical under-
standing of social and cultural life. The role of the intelligenteia aa the crea-
tor, guardian, and tranamitter of the nation's spiritnal valuea conditione the re-
ceptivity of individual members of this aoelal stra~wn to nationalist propaganda.
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Especially important under the given conditions is the high mor~,l positio~ of the
intellectua,l~ his communist world-view, his ab311ty to correctly d~terr~ine what an-
swers to and wha,t is harlaful to the genuine national interests of his people.
Yt is said that shortcomings are essentially an extension of our merits. The ~ean-
ing here is to emphasize how fine and difficul.t �o catch 1s that borderline beyond
Nhich, for exa~ple, a legitimate na.tional pride in the suceesBes achieved becoaes
na,tionalist conceit and arrogance, while eoncern for the develo~nenic of one's own
people becomes narrox-minded nationaliet egoiBm. In true internationa,lism the ge-
neral and the particular alxays act in an indivisible unity within xhich the inter-
national is of determining importance for the developnent of the nati~nal. Hore-
over, gractical experience has shoxn that even in our own times one enconnters both
underestimation and overestimation of the national factor~ ~rhich is a basic cause
of nationalistic manifestations under conditions of socialiem.
Socialism guarantees the de ~ure and de faeto equality of natians and nationality
groups, therebq depriving of any meaning of the past division of peoples into
large and small according to the criteria of quality and contents. Within the uni-
fied international family each 3oviet people, regardless of its numbers, size ef
its territory, etc. has equal righta and equal opportunities for its oxn develop-
ment~ this has been esta.blished by laW ir. the Constitution of the USSR. In an
ethno-demographic sense, hokever~ nationa ara not equa,l, and this ob~ective fact
has its own definite importance. This is ~ea,nifested in the fact that that indivi-
dual membere of numerieally large nations have an inherant tendency to underesti-
_ mate the nat~onal factor, when they see the prospect for social deve'_opment out~
aide of the national framexork and national forlaa, as a~~esult of xhich the devel-
opment of na,tiona,i rela,tions seems to be something secondary and extra. At the
_ same time certa.in members of the ffifnority peoples ars inelined to view the devml-
opment of nationa,l relatior.s outside the social ahe.nge~ of the community, and, to
their xa.y of thinking, tha present and the future of the sma,ll nations raa,y be de-
scribed as a process of the un~ustified and traceless annihila,tion of the na,tional
community rrith all the richness of its culture and potentials. Hence, the striv-
ing, no matter xhat, to preserve inviolate the various attributes of the na.tiona,l
life, to halt the development of its custo~as and habits~ and. to Faintain it in a
state of unchangeability.
The psychological ba.sis for the undereetimation or ove~estin~a,tion of the nationa,l
factor is the different degree of r~ationa,l'eenaitivity amon~ the me~ber~ of the
la,rge and s~all n~tiona, its relative mn~fling among the fortner and exacerbation
amon~ the la,tter.
- Thus, in the characteristics of the reactione of individua~l members of large and
small nations to the grocess of internat3onalis~tinn there ia me~nifested not only
a rela.tive independence of a lagging axarenese 'but alao, in a limited a~eaaure ~
differences in the ethno-demoqraphic potentiale of the nations ~see
The characteristics enumerated above n~ust be considered in daily activitiee, in
our work re~ardinq the internationalist educatiott of working people. The effec-
tiveness of this method for overcotning nationalist vastiges increases if the edu-
cational xork is apgroached in a differentiated manner, i. e., preci~ely ae fol-
lowst arnong the xorkinq people of the large nations the accent ~ust be pla,ced on
sho~ing the dependence of the rapprocheaent of the nations on their parosperit~r,
while among the Horkin~ people of the s~tall ~a,tions the emphasis ought to be made
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on diaolosinq the reverse dependence--that of the developnent and prosperity of na-
tions and nationality groups on their mutual cooper~tion a,nd rapprochen~ent. The
exclusion of a one-sided approach to the solution of na.tione.lity problens, the cor-
x~ct ~ombination o~ the a~eneral and the particular, the interna,tional and national
in social development, the skillful a~nd flexible regulat~an of national relatia~na
- --this is what serves as a pledge for the succes~='4? struggle against individua.l
manifestations of na.tionalism and its vestiges unde~ conditions of socialism, aa a
guara.ntee against their reproduction in our soeiety.
FOOTNOTES
1. V. I. Lenin, "Polnoye sobraniye sochineniy" `Complete WorksJ, Vol 17�
2. L. I. Bre2hnev~ "0 vneshney politike KP33 i 3ovetskogo gosudarstva~ Reehi i
- stat'i"~ n the Foreign Policy af the CP3U and the Soviet 3tates Speeches and
Article , Moacowo 19?3�
3. M. V. Iozdan, "Internataionalizn protiv na:tsionaliza~a" ~Interr~at~ionalis~a versus
Nationaliam,~, Moacow, 1980.
4. L. V. Metelitsa, "Nationalizm v sovreAennoy ideologicheskoy bor'�b~e" ~Interna,-
tionalis~n in the Preaent-Day Ideological St~uggleJ, Moscow~ 19'~1~
PRAVDA, 19 May 1q80.
6. E. AllKOrth, "Centra,l Asian Publishing and the Rise of Nationalism," New York,
i G65 .
7� A. A. Benningsen and S, E. Wimbueh, "Muslim National Comaiunis~ in the Soviet
Union~ A Revolutianary Strategy for the Colonial World," Chica,go--London, 1979�
8. I~eo Hecht, "The USSk Toda,y: Facts and Interpreta.tions", Sprin~field, 1978.
9. "Marxism and the Muslim World", Zed Prese, Iondon~ 1979.
1~. Rakowska-Harmstone, "Russia ae~d Nationalism in Central Asia. The Case of
Tadzhihistan rsic~", London, 1970.
- 11. Seton-Watson~ "Nationa,lism and Communism", Londono 1964.
12. Simon Gerha.rd, "Die Nichtrussischen Volher in Gesellscha.ft und Innenpoli.tik
der UdSSR [~'he Non-Ruasian Peoples in Society and Domestic Policy of the
IJSSR~" ~ Colo&rle, 1979.
13. Simon Gerhard, "Nationalismus und Nationalita.tenpolitik in der Sow~etunion
seit 5talin [Nationa7ism and Nationality Polic,y in the Soviet Union since
Stalin1", Co].o~rne, 1979.
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14. I. Snyder, "The New Nationalism", Ithaca, NeW York, 1965.
15� ASIAN AFFAIRS~ 1979r Vol X~ p3Tt 3,
16. ECONOMIST~ 1979, Vol 272, No 7097, 8 Sep.
COPYRICHTs Izd.atel'stvo "ylvm", 1981
2384
cso: lA3o/28
~
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INTERNATIONAL
SOVIET E~'!'~tIENCE APPLTED TO NATIONALITY PROBT,EMS IN DEVELOPING COUNTRTES
Ashkh~,bad IZVE9TIYA AKADEMTI NAUK TURIQ~EN3K0Y SSR, SERZYA OBSHCHESTVENNYKH NAUK~
- No 4, Apr 81 pp 18-22 ~
CArticle by T. Khalmuradov, 'I~rIonen 3tate Institute imeni V. I. Lenin~ "3oviet
Experience in Solvinq the National Problem and the Developing Countries"J
CTextJ The Great October Socialist Revolution laid a, firm foundation for the flox-
- ing together into a single riverbed of tr,e moving forces of the ~rorld revolutionary
proaessr that of the world's first mocialist state (noK a worZd systee of soci~-
alism), as well as those of the international la,bor ~ovement a.nd the national-libe-
ration struggle. The development of thie prooess is taking place under the enor-
- mous influence of the experience of the I,e~nd of the Soviets, where the revolution- ~
- ary-tranaformational ideas of Ma.~sc, Engel~, and Lenin are being implemented.
In the eyea of the toiling masses of the East our countrjr ia the embodiment of the ;
ideals of ~ustice and lib~rty, of ~he atruggle for a better future for the Morking
_ people arLd for all mankind. The ideas of the October Revolution and the experience
- of building socialism in the U3SR have becone atta,inable by the xorking people in
countries all over the ~?orld--in the West as xell aa in the Ea,st.
The tremendous successes and achieve~ents of the Soviet rep~tblics, of all the peo- ~
ples of the U33R, axe the resul~ of earrying out the I,eninist nationality policy,
an important factor of the rovolutionary nationa,l-li'bexation ~novenent in the Eaat-
ern countrSea.
_ The id~ologisi:g of i~nperialisn are applying great efforta to hindar the use o~ our
experience by the developing countriea. They are striving to distort it in all man-
ner of xa,ys, xhi le, at the same time, imposing varioua forma of neo-colonialis~n on
these peoples. In the ideological sph~ere neo-colonialism haa manifested itself aa
anti-communism. In other rorords, the ideology of neo-colonialiam is a pe~rt of anti-
communism. W. Kola,rz, for example, xrites that the communiat theory on the na,tio-
na,l problem xas created on the~ baais af materials of ~urope~ North Csucasua, Trans- i
caucasia, Soviet Central Asia, arui that it cannot be acceptsble for other conntriea
~i3. P 137J. ;
After th6 victory of the October Revolution Russia oonprised a combination of~ peo-
ples who x~re at various levels of development. Here Were re~tona ~ith high and ~
middle levela of capita,list de;relopnent, ss rrell ae regions xhen� feudal, ae'i-
teudal, and even patriarchal relations existed. Hence~ the experi.9nce of thm aoci-
oeconomirs and cultura,l-political changes among our peoplas are acaep~table aot only
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for the industrial but aleo for the developing countries. The sncce~sful solution
of the nationa,l problem in our countr~r has shoxn that the policy of the Co~aunist
Party and the Soviet sta,te is the trulp correct policy, ensuring liberty, sovereign-
ty, and equal rights of all na.tions and peoples. L. I. Brezhnev ._as re~sai,rked ae
folloxs~ "Summing up the results of the heroic achievements of ,,he past half-cen-
tury~ He are entirely 3ustified in sta,ting that the national problem, in that form
- in which it r.as come doxn to us from the past, has been fully resolved, resolved
finally and once and for all. This achievement~ uhich can rightf't~lly be pla,ced
alon~side such victories in building a nex society in the U3SR as industria.lization~
collectivization, and the cultural revolution" C3, pp 11-12J.
Boura~eois ideoloqists, reformists, and revisionists have striven to prove that there
can be no common principles in building eocialism, including any in the field of na~
tiona.l rel.~.t~.ons= they have atepped ug their attacks on proletaxian internationalism,
made abso2.utea out of na,tional characteriatics, and pushed other peoples onto the
capita,list path of developnent. These attempts found reflection in the so-called
theory of "democratic socialism," as set forth by present-day reformista. There are
= also other theories of na,tional variants of socialia;: (African, Arab, India,n~ etc.).
These theorie~s axe either the result of immaturity on th~ gart of the revolutiona,ry
movement in individua,l countries or a means by which the bourgeoisie deceive the
neoples of the newly libera,ted countries. The ideologiats of the bour~eoisie dis-
seminate the p~.rticular traits of the np~,~tic socialism" or "lyrical socialism"
of L. Sen~hor~ xhich is directed aga.indt genuine socialia~e.
Today "African socialism" is lauded to the akies by the ideologists of neo-coloni-
- alism, especially by the leaders of socisl-reformism. The Socialist Internationa.l
is strivin~ to unite "African soaialis~" ~rith the internationa.l social-democratic
movement on an anti-communiet ba,sis. That same Senghor, appearing at a conference
of 2Fi nolitical Fa,rties of Africa, held in Tuni$ in 1975, apoke about the una.dapta,-
bility of Marxism--LPninism to the conditions of Africa. He even denied the decisive
role of world socialism in the revolutiona.ry struggle and aecused the commnnist
movement of attempting to impose a"unifore~ model" of dev~lopment on the young
sta,te~, etc. ~12, p 53J. HoKevex, many Zeade~cs of the liberated countries under-
sta.nd the necessity of studying the ideas of building socialism. At the Sixth Con-
~ress of the Democra.tic Party of Guinea Sekou Toure decla.red that to speak about
African socialism is juat as fallacioua as to speak about Senegalese chemistry or
Morrocan mathe~natics ~li ~ p 129J.
No one denies that the solution of the na,tional ro~roblem and oth~r problems has spe-
cific characteristics among different peoples, But they can acquire a great dea~
uhich ia uaeful for themselves by ntilizing tr,~ experienca of the socialiet coun-
tries. The peoples of the developing countries are confronted with approximately
the saine problems xhich had to be solved by the peoples of Central Asiar industri-
alization as a basis for strengthening economie independence= carrying out agrarian
_ reformsi abolishing age-old cultural barkxardnees and the developaent of a national
culture; the training of national staffsf the r~vercoming of inter-na.tional and in-
ter-tribal conflicta and the consalidation of the populatian on the basis of a re-
volutionary pzbgr:,~m; the conduct of a conaistent peace-loving and foreign-policy
course and the struggle a~~ainat imperia,lism ai,nd aggreeaion, for cooperation with
all countries on an equgl-~rights baeia. Y. I. Lenin foresax that "all the p~inary
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and many of tYie seeonda,xy trai~;s of our revolution are of international importQnce
in the sense of its influerice on all countriea" [2, p 3] �
In formerly backwaxd countries socialist ~.~cnduction relations are being for~ned on
the be,sis of xeakly developed production fo.~ces. As a result there arise difficul-
ties in creating a ma~erial-technical ba,Le.~or socialiamo Hence, the necesaity for
industrialization. Building s4cialism cann~�i be cnnsidered conpleted if industry
does not exert a substantial influence on agriculture. but depends on agriculture,
and i.f a system of machine production has not ta.ken shape.
As is irnown, prior to 1917 tKO-thirds of ~oa.nkind was living in feudal ~d semi-
- feudal countries. From this fact it is obvious xhat iniportance pertains to the ex-
peri~nce of making the transition to soci$lism by-paseing capita,lism.
Also instructive are such aspects of the experienee of the peoples of the 3oviet
East as the introduction of the la,nguage of the native population into state admin-
istration, the develop~nent of a i+ritten literarq language based on the popula.r-
spoken ).a,ngua~e, the econo~ic devel.opa~ent of mining and deaert regions, irriga,tion
and la,nd reclamatlon, carrying on a struggle with the aid of inedicine against such
rridespread diseases in the East as malaria, tra,choma, mange, and others. Of great
intereet for the proqressive forces of Agia and Africa ia the aolution of the wo-
men's question in Central Asia and the liberation of the xomen of the Soviet East.
The acquisition of national independence by the formerly oppreseed peoples of Rus-
sia has oxerted a~reat influence on the patriotic forces of the colonial and de-
pendent countries. The head of the first Afghan mission, upon arriving in MoscoW
stated the followinqo "My government has devoted its principal attention to the in-
dependence anci self-sufficiency of all Muslim republias. And so (xe) greet all
these elevated idea~, all theae lofty slogans which have been put into practice,
_ thanks to which the Kirghiz Republic. the Khore~n~ Regublic~ and the Bukharan Repub-
lic have attain~d their oa~m independence and self-snfficiency" ~10, pp 249-250,J. ~
The experience of resolvin~ the national problam in the Central Asian republics and
certain other parts of our country has sho?m that the complex prablems of the de~
velopinr~ countries, connected xith the requlation of inter-na,tiona.l and inter-tri-
- bal re].ations can be succe~sfully solved by~aeana of building a nex, socialist so-
ciety, free of all forms of exploita tion. One of the resultg of promulgating the
Leninist na,tionality policy hRS~been the riee in our country of Union and autono-
mous republice, autonomous obla,st~, and national okrug$. All these forms of na-
tional statehood have afforded the opportunity to ~ive fuller and deepar considera-
tion to the national characteristics of peoples~ their everyday aay of life, cue-
toms, and tra,dition~. And thi~ has draxn the organe of Soviet poxer still oloser
to al~ peoples. 3ervinq as an example of the drawing closer of the 9oviete to the
~ toilin~ maesee was tt:e national-state demarcation of Central Aaia in 1924. As a
r.eault of this, the international ties araong the peoplea of Central A~ia an,d the
_ entire country have become even stronger and fix~eer.
Many bourgeois authors have been coMpelled to recogni~e the succesae$ of the Cen-
tral Asian peoples in the economy ar:d culture. M. Ryxkin acknoxledgee that �'the
achievements in the field of education in Central Aaia are impressive. Russian
- and Muslim children have equal opportunities for atudy." He writes that as early
as 1950 school attendance in Uzbekistan was close to the level of the southern
states c'_' America ~16, pp 95-96J�
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W. Kolarz also admit:: that with refiaxd to economic and cultural development the re-
publics of c:entral Asia stand much higher than the developing countries of Asia and
ltfrica, He writes that the number of schools in Uzbekistan � the industrial devel- ~
opment of Azerbaijan, the extensive irrigation structures of Turkmenistan, and the
highly organized health care of Kirghizia cannot be compared with Iran or Pakistan
~13~ P 126J.
The reactionary bourgeois ideologists declare that the economy of the Central Asian
republics was developed by means of force. Some of them even assert that the Cen-
tral Asian peoples would have preferred to live in povert,y and ignorance ~15~ p
_ 112~, whereas G. Wheeler considers the Soviet experience to be successful in many
matf:rial aspects, but he accompanies all this with the words "colonial exploita-�_, ,
tion~" "imperi.alist domination~" etc. ~17~ p 250J.
Thu~, even those bourgeois authors who have beer. compelled to acknowledge the suc-
cesses of the Soviet n~.tionality policy strive to conceal the true sources of these
successes or are silent about them. And these sources comprise proletarian inter-
nationalism, the friendship and fraternal mutual aid among peoples, the overcoming
of economic and cul.tural backw~,rdness~ the nature of the socialist system itself,
and the implementation of the Leninist nationality policy. The experience of the
Sovi.et multi-national state teaches that the unification of material and labor re-
sources speeds up the economic and cultural progess of each nation individually
and of 1;he country as a whole.
The Soviet state has made widespread use of the unified state budget for red.istri-
buting the country's financial resources in order to equalize the level of the eco-
nomic development of the individual republics. This is testified to by the follow-
ing data: ttie proportion of outlays on the national economy am~unted to the fol-
lowing ~_n the period 1925~26 in the state budget of the RSFSR 11.6 percent, the
likraine 15.9 percen+,, the Turkmen SSR 33.~ percent, and the Uzbek SSR 24.3 percent.
In the next budget year these figures amounted. respectively to 16,7~ z1�3, 36�5,
_ and 33.1 percent. Also t,EStifying about the redistribution of funds is the differ-
ing proportion of revenues from the All-Union bud.g~t within the total sum of the
incomes f'rom the republics. For the RSFSR this indicator amounted in 1931 to 18
percent, the Ukraine 21, the Turkmen SSR 80, the Uzbek SSR 58, the Tajik aSR 82
. perc ent ~7, pP 36-39~ .
. In pr_e-revolutionary Turkmenistan industry was poorly developed. But now this re-
public's territory is covered with a dense network of industrial enterprises. The
leading branches of industry are the petroleum, chemical, gas-extraction~ and ma-
chine-building industries, Over the 60 years of the Soviet regime the volume of
indi~strial production in this republic has increased by a factor of 75. In 197?
six times as much electric power was produced in the repu'~lic for one day than was
produced tt~roughout all of the year i913 ~5, pp 26-28J.
In the struggle to overcome de facto inequality in the sphere of culture as well as
in the sphere of economic development the Soviet state redistributed the total fi-
nancial resources of the country for the benefit of the previously ba.ckward peor
ple~. Fraternal aid in developing education was expressed not only in the allo-
cation of the necess~~.r,y funds. It also manifested. itself in such forms as the de-
velopment and printin~; of textbooks, the transmitting of pedagogical experience,
assignment of teachers, and reservin~ places in the VUZ's of the country's central
cities.
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As result of the concerned care of the Communist Party and the Soviet state~ the
aid of the Great Russian people and that of the country's other peoples gradually
- overcame the inequality in the spheres of education and culture. By the end of the
Second Five-Year Plan the number of pupils in tre general-education schools, as com-
pa.red with 191~~15 had increased on the whole throughout the Soviet Union by a fad-
tor of 4.7, while in TurIanenistan the figure was 23~ in Kirghizia--32.4. Uzbekis-
tan--19.4~, Ta jikistan--68.2 I6, p 250J.
In 1914 the Trans-Caspian Province had 58 general-education schools~ where about
7~000 children of tsarist officials and local landowners were enrolled. There were
no technical schools nor any other secondary special educational institutions, with-
out even mentioning higher educational institu'cions. Only 15 kopecIcs per capita
were allocated for public education pp 184-185J. During the year of its forma-
tion the Turkmen SSR stood near the bottom of the entire country with regard to the
l.eve]. of litaracy. Now Turkmenistan has been transformed into a republic of solid
literacy.
The economic and cultural achievements of the previously backward peoples of the
USSR have a magnetic force for the developing countries. The following words of
V. I. Lenin are coming true: "For all of Asia and for all the world's colonies~
for thousands and millions of people the attitude of the Soviet republic of workers
and peasants toward the weak~ up-to-now oppressed peoples will be of practical im-
portance" ~1, p 30~t~. One of the testimonies of the growing interest on the part
of the world community in our achievements is the holding of a UNESCO conference in
- Ashkhabad in 1972. Such conferences~ symposia, and seminars are also being held in
the capitals of the other Central Asian republics.
Works by honest~ objective bourgeois scholars also constitute an answer to the fal-
sifiers. The pro~ressive ~imerican bourgeois historian C. Lamont has justly re-
marked that the Soviets have put ari end to all fozm s of ethnic discrimination ji4~,
p 104�~. He emphasizes the great international importance of attitudes toward the
national minoritie; in the Soviet Union ~~.4~, p 80J.
In such countries as Turkey, Iran, Pakistan the population even now is approximately
- at the same stage as we:�e the peoples of Soviet Central Asia under tsarism and the
domination of the feudal lords. They are just as deprived of their rights, in just
as much darkness and ignorance as they were half a century ago. The exp:loiter clas-
ses there are to ~blame for prolonging the nationa.l enmity between the members of the
various peoples. .
Hun~;er, need, diseases, and a high infant mortality rate were the lot of the peor~ .
_ ples of the underdeve.loped countri~s of 60 years ago; their situation is no better
even now. The infan~t mortality rate remains high in Tr~rkey. On the average 150 out
of every 1,000 newly born infants die before the age of one year. In certain of the
most backward countries of Asia and Africa only one-third of the children in the ap-
propriate age group are enrolled in the elementary schools. One of the reasons for
this is the difficult material situation. In many fami].ies the incomes are so low
that the parents are not able to acquire textbooks or a school uniform for their
child. In Turkey a school uniform, textbooks, and writing materials cost at least
1,000 liras, whereas the average wages of a Turkish worker amount to 1,~100 liras
j9, PP 15-16J.
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History has confirmed the correctness of V. I. Lenin's foresight that "with the
aid of the proletariat of the a.dvanced countries the backward countries can make
the transition to the Soviet system and through specific stages of development--
to communism, by-passing the capitalist stage of development" ~2, p 246J. The suc-
cessful solution of the nationality problem in our country serves as one of the in-
dicators of socialism, vivid and accessible to the understanding of the broad masses
of the people.
COPYRIGHT: Izdatel'stv~ "Ylym", 1981
z384
cso: 183oJ29
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INTERNATIONAL ~
~
BOOK ON SOUTH YEMEN'S SOCIAL, ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT '
Moscow NARODNAYA DEMOKFATICHESKAYA RESPUBLIKA YEMENA: EKONOMIKA I TORGOVO-
. EKONOMICHESKIYE OTNOSHENIYA in Russian 1981(signed to press 24 Apr 81) pp 1-2, 175-176
[Table of contents and brief description of book by V.N. Burmistrov] ~
I
[Excerpts] Title Page:
Title: NARODNAYA DEMOKRATICHESKAYA RESPUBLIKA YEMENA: EKONOMIKA I
TORGOVO-EKONOMICHESKIYA OTNOSHENIYA (The People's Democratic
Republic of Yemen: the Economy and Economic Trade Relations~
Publisher: "Nauka"
Place and year of publication: Moscow, 1981
Signed to Press Date: 24 April 1981
Number of Copies Published: 2Q00
Number of Pages: 176
BrieE Description:
The main directions in the development of South Yemen's economy in.the colonial
period, after winning independence, and at the present stage of implementing reforms
in South Yemen are covered. The foreign trade policies, means of state control of
the republic's foreign trade, and basic trends in the development of foreign eco- '
nomic trade ties are examined.
T;:ble uf Contents
Introduction 3
Chapter 1. Characteristics of the Social-Economic Development of the
Peaple's Democratic Republic of Yemen and the Role of Foreign
Trade in the Country's Economy 11
1. Characteristics of the social-economic development of Sou~th Yemen
in the period of colonial enslavement 11
2. Social-economic reforms in the period of South Yemen`s independent
_ development 22.
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3. General characteristics of South Yemen's present economic state....... 39
4. The role of foreign trade in the country's economy 60
Chapter 2. The Basic Principles of Foreign Trade Policies and the Means of
State Control of South Yemen's Foreign Trade 65
1. The basic principles of South Yemen's foreign trade policy............ 65
2. The role of the state in South Yemen's foreign trade 71
3. The means of state control of South Yemen's foreign trade 78
_ Chapter 3. Basic Trends in the Development of South Yemen's Economic
- Trade Ties 89
1. The dynamics, structure and geographic distribution of South
Yemen's foreign trade 89
2. Characteristics of South Yemen's economic trade ties with
capitalist countries 113
3. South Yemen's economic trads ties with developing countries........... 122
4. South Yemen's economic trade cooperation with socialist countries..... 128
5. South Yemen's economic trade cooperation with the Soviet Union........ 134
Conclusion . 141
- APPendixes 152
Footnotes 172
~ COPYRIGHT: Glavnaya redaktsiya vostochnoy titeratury izdatel'stva "Nauka", 1981
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INTERPIATIONAL
BOOK ON DOtTESTIC FACTORS AFFECTING U.S. FOREIGN POLICY REVIEWID
rloscow VOPROSY ISTORII in Russian No 9, Sep 81 pp 152--154
[9.F. Petrovslciy revieo~ of A.A. Kokoshin book on U.S. foreign policy*]
[Text] The monograph by A.A. Kokoshin, candidatP of historical sciences and head
of the Domestic Policy Problems of the United States Department of the USSR Academy
of Sciences Institute of the United States and Canada, is the result of a thorough
- study of the domestic factors of American imperial3sm's foreign policy. This is
the first comprehensive work on such an important and pertinent subject in Soviet
American studies since the publication in 1965 of the collective work "Dvizhushchiye
sily vneshney politiki SShA" [Driving Forces of U.S. Foreign Policy].
A study of the domestic factors of the �ormation of U.S. foreign policy with the ac- ~
cent on superstructural phenomena in American society helps us get to the essence ~
oE the complex processes ciirrently occurring in U.S. political life and understand ,
the ongoing turnabout toward the country's militarization and the exacerbation of
confrontation in the international arena. Concentration of attention in the 1970's, ,
that is, in a period when many processes and phenomena ripened which have been de- ;
veloped in our day, makes it possible to ascertain long-term trends in American ~
foreign policy. ;
Systematizin~ a vast amount of material, the author has concretely shown the connec-
tion between U.S. foreign and domestic policy, revealed the imperialist nature and ,
content of this policy and attempted to determine the trends of its further develop-
ment. A.A. Kokoshin devotes much space to the change in the United States' inter-
national positions in the 1970's and its impact on domestic policy and socioeconomic
processes in the country. And this is perfectly justified inasmuch as there was a
marked increase in the United States' dependence on the outside world in the said
period. it is becoming a long-term factor which is exerting and, to judge by every- ~
thing, will continue to exert an ever increasing influence on the development of..
domestic processes in the United Statea. The depth and extensiveness of the relations ,
~
*"SS11A: za fasad~m global'noy politiki (Vnutrenniye faktory formirovaniya vneshney
politilci amerikanskogo imperializma na poroge 80-x godov)~'[The United States: Be-
hind the Facade of Global Poliey (Domeatic Factora of the Formation of the Foreign
~ Policy of Elmerican Imperialism on the Threshold of the 1980's)], Moscow, Politiz-
dat, 1981, p 368.
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between external, international processes and the trends of the United States'
domestic development have in recent years come to approach what jJest Europe, for
- example, has been experiencing for many years now.
The examination of the change in the United States' international positions and their
impact on the domestic political and socioeconontiC processes in the country serves
- as a point of departure for the author for an analysis of the domestic factors of
~ American imperialism's foreign policy. The book attempts to synthesize this analysis
_ with the results of a study of the changes which occurred in the United States' in-
- ternational positions in the 1970's. True, this is not entirely successful, which
has to be explained to a considerable extent by the complexity of the task set by
A.A. Kokoshin and also the insufficient number of sources and material.
The book examines the singularities of the United States' current domestic economic
situation, the main social problems and the trends in the deve~opment of mass public
movemen~s. The multilevel analysis of the eiiergy crisis as the most acute domestic
and foreign policy problem of the United States, and not only economic but also so-
- cial problem, moreover, is of particular interest. Unfortunately, the author has
_ concentrated almost all his attention on oil imports and oil and gas prices and
paid insufficient attention to the struggle over questions of the development of
nuclear power engineering, which was characterized by considerahle sharpness in the
1970's. Its results were reflected in the energy policy of the monopolies and the
J. Carter administration.
The book's analysis of the struggle in the United States over the question of the
order of priority and correlation of the state's foreign and domestic tasks, that
is, "national priorities" may be considered successful. The author examines the
activi.ty of the military-industrial complex as the ~?ain force of imperialism and
- reaction in U.S. domestic and foreign policy, studies the dynamics of the alignment
of forces in the ruling elite in connection with the discussion of "national priori-
ties," traces their r.eflection in the federal budget and describes the role of numer-
ous public-political movements in the struggle on this prob~em. The monograph's
aralysis enables us to comprehend in greater depth the reasons for the U.S. ruling
circles' transition to a policy of detente at the start ofthe 1970's. The author
establishes, for example, the existence of a definite connectian between the switch
- from a policy of confrontation to negotiation and a certain restructuring of the
federal budget, particularly the reduction and limitation of military spending. In
~he same way the author also reveals the factors of the U.S. ruling elite's depart-
ure from this pol'~cy in the latter half of the 1970's, which are characrerized by
the start o� a new buildup of military preparations and increased appropriations
for. military needs.
ZnvestigatinK the cri.sis of power and its foreign policy significance, A. A. Koko~
shin devotes paramount attention to the "4Jatergate affair"~-its sources, dynamics
and consequences. The author is far from having simplistic ideas about this affair.
}~e shows the entire complexity and at times ambiguousness of the factors which
brought about this biggest crisis of presidential authority in the country's history,
- which also had a considerable impact on its foreign policy. The book shows con-
- vincingly that Watergate cannot be viewed as a phenomenon typical only of the poli-
tical life of 1973-1977; the consequences of this crisis were reflected not only
in the position of the administration of G. Ford but of J, Carter also. The author
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reveals the strength and depth o~ the influence o~ the Watergate crisis on the sub-
sequent development of the entire system of ~ederal authority in the United States.
The study of the crisis of power, particularly from a foreign policy angle, enables
us to compose a more profound idea of the formationrand practical implementation�of
_ American imperial~sm's foreign policy. Taking into consideration the fact that the
formal structure of the American foreign policy mechanism has been studied in great
detail by a number of Soviet scholars (A.A. Mishin, R.G. Bogdanov, Yu.A. Shvedkov,
P.T. Podlesnyy and others), the author puts the accent on haw this mechanism operates
in practice and, what is of particular interest, how foreign policy is shaped at
the highest 1eve1 of federal power. The monograph justifiably pays particular at-
tention to or~anizations of the ruling class, particularly the activity of the for-
eign policy lobby and its role in the power mechanism in the United States.
The fruitfuLness of such an approach was graphically revealed upon the author's
examination of the conflicts in the J. Carter administration. The monograph shows
the persons who really influence the formation of foreign policy decisions at the
highest level. There ax�e among these not only the president himself, his national
security adviser, secretary of state and defense secretary but als~ the White House
chief of staff, u~mestic policy adviser, legal adviser and others. The author
how in the "purely" foreign policy logic of decision-making on international issues ;
are interwoven domestic policy, inlcuding purely business, considerations which ,
increase the unpredictability and zigzag appearance of U.S. policy in the interna~ ~
tional arena and make the United States an even more unsuitable partner for construc- ~
tive foreign policy acts. ~
Today it is obvious that much of what was typical of the "post-Watergate" G. Ford I
and .T. Carter administrations in the sphere of the functioning of t~e highest eche-
lon of the United State's foreign policy mechanism is also char.acteristic of ~he
R. Reagan administration, in which there is an incessant struggle for influence--
among the secretary of state, leaders of the White House staff, the vice president
and certain other figures and their groupinga.
'Phe monograph's analysis of the domestic factors of the .formation of U.S. foreign
polLcy helps us understand more deeply the essence of the present global strategy
manipulations of American imperialism, which are perfectly definitely based on
achieving world domination. For this purpose U.S. ruling circles are setting them-
selves the task of securing milita~ry superiority over socialism, achieving leader-
ship in the capitalist system and resisting the social renewal of the world with
every means. At the same time this analysis shows what an effect domestic policy
processes are having oti U.S. strategy and diplomacy.
7'he monograph under review, which contains much very useful and hitherto little- ,
known material, will undoubtedly attract the attention~~of all who are interested in
contemporary problems of American imperialism.
COPYRTGHT: Izdatel'stvo "Pravda", "Voprosy istorii", 1981
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NATIONAL
WESTERN VIEWS ON SOVIET ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT ATTACRED
Moscow VOPROSY ~KUNOMIKI in Russian No 10, Oct 81 pp 100-109
[Article by Yevgeniy Sergeyevich Troitskiy, doctor of philosophical sciences,
Institute of Marxism-Leninisn of the CPSU Central Committee: "Economic Unity of
the P~oples of the USSR and Bankruptcy of the Bourgeois Falsifications"]
[Text] The resolution of the national question, formation of socialist national
relations, and formation of a new historical community,~the Soviet people, are
imnortant results of bi~ilding socialism in the USSR. "Fraternal friendship of a
a11 the peoples of our multinational motherland is being steadily strengthened,"
the Accountability Report of the CPSU Central Committee to the 26th Party Congress
stresses. "Our course is to increase the material and spiriCual potential of
each republic, and at the same time, its maximum use for the harmonious develop-
ment ar the entire country. We have made truly historical advances on this path."
Witti a radical change in tne correlation of forces in the international arena in
favor of the socialist system, and strengthening of the world revolutionary
process as a whole, tiie imperialist reaction places great stakes on undermining
ideol.ogical work in the socialist countries. In particular, the spokesmen for
its interests distort the essence and the forms of manifestation of the processes
of strengthing the economic unity of the socialist nations and nationalities. For
example, the French "soviei:ologist" H. Carr~re d'Encausse c~mpares the USSR with
a"colonial empire."1 The Swiss professor, L. Revesz and other anticommunists
repeat over and over the "colonial nature" of the economic policy of the CPSU.2
The antisoviets try to slander the economic and national policy of the Leninist
party, the relations between different socialist nations and nationalities, and
in this manner to shake their solidarity and friendship, and the monolithic
economic foundation for the social international community. Their goal is to
weaken the great magnetic f.orce of the economic and national policy of the CPSU
and its influence on rhe progress of mankind.
Falsification of Socioeconomic Fundamentals of Friendship of the Peoples of the
USSR
Aeepening oF natic~n:il. economic cooperation of our republics under conditions of
mature socialism .is citar3cterized by a further increase in the significance of
the socialist system of public relations, and the role of the natio~al and kolkhoz-
cooperative property. Speaking About the accomplishments of the Soviet people
in economics, culture and other spheres of life, and the blossoming of the Uzbek
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socialist n:ition, candidate for membership to the CPSU Central Committee Polit-
t~urc~, First Secretriry c~C the Uzbekistan Communist Party Central Committee Sh.
R.~Sl~i~lov nc~ted: "When yuu r~ally inake an evaZuation of what has been accom-
plisheci ancl yau :look into our socialist reality, you in~~~luntarily ask the ques-
- tion: where did tt~ese rich fruits come from? There is one answer: they are the
_ natural. result of the development of the Soviet society, the result of a.ndispu-
table advanta~es of socialism, the Soviet way of Iife, our social and state struc-
ture over capitalism."
- 'The essence of national relzitions of the socialist type, and their progressiveness
are primarily determined by the natura of the socialist social structure. This
is wliy the anticommtmists advance the thesis that public ownership of the means
of production in the USSR, and centralized national economic planning supposedly
cause diff.iculties~ crisis phenomena in the economy, in the sphere of social and
national relations , create obstacles to the improvement in ch2 "quality of life"
of the peoples af the USSR.4 Some "sovietologists," counting on the degeneration
of oiir society, assert that the interests of development of the peoples of the
USSI: are supposedly inco~patible with communism, with the production relations
existing in our country.
T'hese inventions clearly contradict reality. The volume of industrial production
c~F t}~e USSR in 1979 w~zs 157-Cold greater than the 1913 level, while in Belorussia
it was correspondingly 221, in Kazakhstan 2?8, Moldavia 281, Khirgizia 344-fold,
etc. The advanced rates of development of previously backward regions, and their
cumpr.ehensive socioeconomic pragress have become possible namely under socialism.
Kazakhstan, at one time the poor outskirts of Russia, has now taken third place
amon~; ttie union repi~blics for the level of industrial development, and has be-
come a regiun of tl~e coal, oil, mining, light and food industry. In the years of
tl~e !Oth Five-Year Plan alone, 250 industrial enterprises, shops and industries
werE~ started up t~er.e. In rhe framework of the Pavlodar-Ekibastuz territorial .
production complex, tr.actors, ferroalloys, alumina, and products of the chemical
and vil refining inductries are produced. After development of the virgin land,
the Kazakh SSR occupied one of the leading places in the Soviet Union for the
production of agricultural products.
Public nwnership of the means of production and centralized economic planniiig in
which all of the peoples of the USSR actively participate is tlie basis for the
ecori~mic achievements of the socialist nations and nationalities. Ho~~ever, '
cert~iitx bourgeois �alsific.rs of the development of socioeconomic and national
- rel.~tions in the USSR, d~~Cencling the "theory of converg~nce," view socialist
c~w~lc~rship aiid t.he ownershi~~ of capital.ist monopolies as factors which suppbsedly
_ hav~~ equ~il import;ince in solving the national question. Proponents of this
ttieory of ten say tliat thc~ nature of relations of ownership cloes not fundamentally
aCfect the development of national relations and international conflicts.6 For
~r.amp.le, N. Glazer and D. Moynihan (United States) believe that in the modern
worlcl, social stratiFic:ation primarily depends on the ethnic community, while the
natt~re ot ownership in this case supposedly plays a secondary role.~
_ 7't~i:~ type of "methodolo~y" however cannot serve as the basis for a scientific
ana]ysis oE the mutu:il influence of economics and national relations. Marxist
science proved long ago the radical, fundamental difference between socialist
ancl state-monopolistic ownership. State enterprises in the capitalist enter-
pr.ises serve in the final analysis to enrich the monopolies and extract an
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additicmal cost. Under sociali~m, man's exploitation of man is eliminated. The
all-power of ttie monopc~lies, especially the transnational ones, is the source of
class and national oppression. The enterprises of the transnational corporations
which control about half. of the industrial production of the capitalist world
exploit millions of workers of different countries. The immigrant workers and
the nationa.l minorities are in an especially difficult position. According to
tlie estimates of tiie National Chairman of the U.S. Communist Party G. Winston,
alme~st SO tuillion B.lacks, people of Asian and Latin American extraction, American
Indians and repres~iit~~tives of certain other national minorities suff.er from
- racial oppression. The income of half of the Black familes is below the officially
estahlished poverty level.
The situation of. the national minorities in Canada, Great Britain and other
countries is slightly better. The transnational corpora*_ions subject the workers
of Asia, Africa and L:itin America to neocolonial exploitation. 'The profits for
tlie invested capital. of foreign companies in the liberated count~~ies is much
- I~ifiher than in the d~veloped capitalist states. The imperialist monopolies
~;enerate international conflicts and frictions.
Publ ic ownc.r.sl~ip j~lriys ~i comoletel.y difterent social role. The founders of
M~~rxi~:m-l.~~ninism 'nrive cc~nvincing.ly proved that the commor. interests of the people
wh~ luive been libcr