JPRS ID: 10084 NEAR EAST/NORTH AFRICA REPORT
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JPRS L/ i 4Q84
~ 30 Octob~~ 198
ear E~ast Nort~ Afri~a Re ort
I~ p
tFO~~ ~'~/81}.
Fg~$ FOREIGN ~ROADCAST INFC)RtVIATION SERVICE
FOR OFFICIAL USE OPILY
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rraTE
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- newspapers, periodicals and books, but also from news agency
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_ are transcribed or reprinted, with the original phrasing and
" other charaeteristics retained.
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JPRS L/10084
30 October 1981
,
NEAR EAST/NORTF! AFRICA REPORT
(FOUO 39/81)
CONTENTS
- INTER-ARAB AFFAIRS
- Ways of Inczeasing Ar~b Influence in Media Examined
(AL-WATAN AL-'~lRABI, narious datea) 1
AFGHANISTAN
~ Defector Denounces Kabu1 Govemment
(Alexander Thompson; THE~GUARDIAN, 19 Oct 81) 21
Cofounder Describea Progranmaing of 'Radio Free Afghanistan'
(Renzo Rosaellini Interview; LA STA1~A, 9 Sep 81) 23
LEBANON
Bashir al-Jumayyil Interviewed
(Bashir al-Jumayyil Interview; AL-WATAN AL-'ARABT, 9 ~ct 81) 25
SUDAN
~ Financial Situation Analyzed; Deficit Growa Worse
, (MARCHES TROPICAUX ET MEDITERRANEENS, 18 Sep 81) 29
~ Prospecta of Sugar Induatr~ DiacuBSed
(MARCHES TROPICAUR ET I~DITERRANEENS, 18 Sep 81) 31
SYRIA
Briefs
- Information Miniater Reportedly Hospitalized 33
.
- - a - [I~T - NE & A - 121 FOUO]
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INTER-ARAB AFFAIRS
~
WAYS OF INCftEASING ARAB INFZUENCE IN MEDIA EXA1~ffNED
Paris AL-WATAN AL-'ARABI in Arabic 14-20, 21-27 Aug 81
[No 235, 14-20 Aug 81 pp 18-21]
~ [Text] How can Arabs prevail on world publiG opinion
- and win its sympathy?
The international. character of the Arab media.
Can Arabs imitate THE HERALD TRIBUN~, REUTER and
the BBC?
Eighty percent of the news we relay about our Arab world
is filtered first by British, U.S. and French media.
When young students went out in a demonstration to protest the fact that
they were being forced to purchase their ciothes from textile plants owned
by Her Excellency the Empress [of the Central African Empire], His Excel-
lency Emperor Jean-Bxdel Bokassa was enraged and ordered that the stu-
dents be shot. Those who escaped the emperor's bullets were strangled in a
prison cell by the emperor's divine hands, and their tender f~lesh was
turned into a delicious meal that was served at his tabin.
When Gen Mohammad Zia-ul-Haq--and what an inappropriate nam2 that is--came
to power in Pakistan 4 years ago, he said he would stay in po~aer 4 months
only. He promised he would reinstate the constitution and restore liber-
ties, but then this general whose name means light and truth forgot his
_ promises. He has stayed in power until now and has no intention of giving
up power in tl~e near future. Instead, he slowly and cunningly removed from
power his benefactor, his president and his ?eader, Dhulfiqar 'Ali Bhutto,
because his presence used to remind him of the demands of 20 million
Pakistanis who were subjectedl eo his brand of justice and havp been its
captives ever since.
There are regimes in the Middle East that fall somewhere between Bokassa's
and Zia-ul-Haq's. These r.egimes destroy constitutions and liberties and
do away with liberals and with those who oppose thern. However, they d~
refrain--and we do thank them for this--from eating the flesh of those who
oppose them.
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Are these and other regimes qualified to undertake by themselves the task
of giving the outside world information about what is happening in their
, countries and their homelands?
Briefly, this is the question with which UNESCO, the UN Organization which
oversees the affairs of education, science and culture in the world, has
been preoccupied since 1970. In recent years this question has developed
into a political question that provokes noisy debate between~the communists
of the east and the capitalists of the west and between the rich people
of the north and the poor peopie of ~h~ south.
,
Three fourths of the 154 countries that are members of UNESCO are saying
yes. The constant argument [that is being advanced) is the need for "a
new worldwide information order" that would eliminate the discrimination
that western agencies and media practice in reporting the news, questions
aiid problems oi the Third World. Such a new order would restore balance to
the flow and transmittal of news so that world public opinion does not
become overwhelmed with the questions and concerns of the wealthy advanced
people and for~et the tragedies and hardships of poor, backward people.
It is painful that the distinguished Arab delegates to UNESCO--and we hope
that we do not arouse their anger--are taking the side of the former
emperor and the presen*_ general in supporting the i�ight of governments to
impose greater control on the process of selecting local and domestic news
and information which has been prepared for transmitt3l atroad er for
foreign consumption.
Although this Arab posture is painful to us, it is in fact neither sur-
prising nor curious. This is because despite their vast knowledge and educa-
~ tion, none of these delegates is a professional journalist who knows quite
well the hardships, problems and danger encountered by the press in its
daily and constart contact with the mentality ot the agencies that are
_ in control. These delegates do not have to deal with these agencies' under-
standing of the role of the media and the press and their curious explana-
tion of fxeedom and dem~cracy.
The argument is crystal clear and almost compelling. It is the western
media that control today the in�luential, active 3nd mor2 powerful public
= opinion in the world. They are almost the only means by which news and
information ab~ut the Third World can be d~rived, transmitted and relayed
to the world because of their trained manpower and their superior tech-
nology devices. The process of selecting the kind and quantity of news tha~
is transmitted is quite unfair to the Third or developing world. Negative,
provocative or trivial aspects of daily life and society are always chosen,
and the positive features of progress and development as well as the aspira-
tions of nations and the struggles they go through to achieve a better
future are never covered.
However--and we are also addressing the distinguished Arab delegates in
UNESCO--it would not be reasonable to remove the injustice of the western
media and to replace it with another that is official and rnore dangerous.
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.
We cannot for e::ample assume that Emperor Bakassa or Gen Zia-ul-Haq can
also become correspozidents for THE TIMES or LE MONDE and provid~ them with
- infarmation about what was happening in their countries and under their ;
regimes.
If the outside world knows nothing about "development and progress" in
Central Africa or Fakis~ar. because of discrimination by the western media,
would the outside world have learned something about 2hat if the official
regime were supervising the selectiot~ and the flow o� news abroad? Would
the outside world have known about the empcror killing and strangling chil-
dren? Would the outside world hav~e known that human flesh was eaten at
official banquets? Would the outside world have known anything about what
~ happened to Bhutto during his last days in his cell on death row?
The noisy debate which is taki~g place in the hallways and meeting rooms of
UNESCO and which has been exter.;3ed to the pages of international newspapers
is quite stimulating. It is 4ltimately, however, a futile debate th~t does
not deserve all this attentian. It may end, as the evidence indicates, in a
- modest recomrnendation to establish a training program to help th~
developing world develop its media and the means by which it communicates
its news to the advanced world. Implementation of this program may take
many years and will yield inconsequential results that are not worth the
importance and the hopes that had been placed on it.
AL-WATAN AL-'ARABI's purpose in this reuiew is not to keep itself and the
distinguished gentlemen, the Arab delegates in UNESCO, preoccupied with
an argument about the "new warld-wide information order," which is being
heralded by Ahmed Mahtar M~bow~ the intellectual, diatinguished director
of UNESCO. [Nor is it its purpose to become involved in an argument] about
whether or not governments have a right to impose greater control over the
flow of r_ews abroad. AL-WATAN AL-'ARABI rather wants to explore and to find
out the proper and practical way of presenting Arab questions to world
public opinion, especially the mors important western sector of that public
opi.nion which exercises more influence on its governments. Western public
opinion also plays a greater part in forming the political decisions of
western governments and in shaping the foreign tendencies on V~hase bases
these governments deal with the world and its questions.
We must concede that the Arab countries have failed--perhaps inadvertently
- and for rea~ons beyond their control--to convey an accurate image of rhe
Arabs and their causes to world public opinion. Despite the relative under-
standing that is presently available for the Palestinian question, the.
image of the Arab which is imprinted in the mind of most people in the
world, especially in the West, does not go beyond three distorted and~
negative images of the original. In the mind of the world the Arab is an
inc~ividual who is looking for a good time with a blonde; a murderous.ter-
rorist who has no pity or mercy; or an unemployed man, wandering in the
Arab ghettos of Europe's cities and undergound tunnels. None of these
images, naturally, does credit to the true Arab ar his just causes.
The old motif that had ~ettled in the back of the western mind helped
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outline this new image. This motif goPS back to the ages of armed conflict
with Arabs and Muslims, who were either conquerors, threatening Europe or
- warding off an invasion of their homeland and their old east. This motif is
strengthened by a large measure of condescension mixed with disdain and
scorn for Arab and Islamic culture. It filtered down with the modern
European renaissance which was built on science and material objects which
refuse to recognize the major influence of spiritual consid~rations and
religion in society.
7'h~n colonialism conveyed an ugly picture of backwardness in the Arab and
= Islamic worlds to justify to the European nations the fact that they were
being dragged and involved in the invasion, conquest, Qxploitation and
plunder of the Arab nation and the Islamic people. Colonialism was followed
by world Zionism which distorted the Arab image further. To do so Zionism
_ used its financial influence and its influence in the media and in adver-
tising, and it took advantage of the fact that Jews have contributed for a
long time to the cultural, artistic and political organizations that are in
control in the West.
Thus the process of changing ~he features of the Arab image in western
minds is not easy. This process will take a long time and will require
intelligence, patience, deliberation, expertise and experience ir~ penetra-
cing the traditional western view of Arabs. It will require a thorough
- understanding of the western mind whose thinking is based on reading;
making judgments; observing; experimenting; extreme precision in c~ealing
with figures; absolute respect f~r counter and opposing opinions; a tire-
less search for truth; and staying away from abstractions, complications
and theoretical and creative analy~sis. .
Furthermore, Arab media that address the West must completely and fully
remove from consideration the direct information which is based on blatant
propaganda for regimes and exaggerated praise for their leaders and their
men. Although a few regimes can justify the use of such information in
their countries and in the locaticans where they exercise control, this kind '
of information is not acceptable in any form [o western public opinion.
There are several means and methods of the media which can convey the Arab
voice to world public opinion gentl;~, deliberately, without supervision and
- without affectation, obtrusion or irnposition.
The first one of these methods may be that of publishing a daily inter-
national newspaper in Engl?.sh in a F:uropean capital, in London or Paris,
for example. This newspaper would fc~llow the exclusive rules of journalism
and information in cavering and anal.yzing the news. It would offer the
western reader news of interest about developments in the queszions of the
world in which he lives, the world t:hat is around him. Such a newspaper
would offer the western reader no mUre articles of Arab interest than he
can accept and digest on a daily basis.
This daily "Arab dosag~e" can be presented cleverly through the news and
general analyses. It would not be tainted by bias, emotion; enthusiasm or
~
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the exaggeration that still characterizes the way we deal with each other
in the media.
Diversity in this daily dosage is an obligatary duty. The newspaper would,
for example, deal caref~lly, scientifically and objectively with political
developments regardless of how sensitive they are. It would not exclude
any question or problem over which the official media imposes a black~ut
~ or sets up a screen. The newspaper is also to include reports, impressions
and observations about social and economic questions and daily life in the
~ Arab world written in an elegant and succinct journalistic style. These
articles are also t~ show the value of the old and modern cultu�ral, educa-
tional and human he~ritage of the Arabs.
If this daily dosage of information can prevail upon western belicfs
through a sedate, elegant and attractive internatior.al newspaper, such a
news~aper will in time exercise considerable influence not only on the
average caestern reader's understanding and indirect sympathy with Arab
questions, but it will also influence the circles where political decisions
are made, especially if modern technology, the communications revolution
and the means of orderly and rapid distribution are made available to that
newspaper so that it would arrive daily on schedule at the basic principal
locations in the fiv~ continents.
Suffice it here to'refer to the obvious direct and indirect services which
a:e offered ~o the ruling U.S. establishment in Washington by an inter-
national newspaper Iike THE INTERNATIONAL HERALD TRIBUNE. This newspaper,
which has been published in Paris for about 100 years with the help of
the news service and the analytical material of the two largest and most
~ influential U.S. newspapers, THE NEW YORK TIMES and THE WASHINGTON POST,
is now distributed on the day it is published in the capitals and cities of
Europe, southeast Asia, the Far Eas~ and perhaps the Middle East. Through
it~ development, its elegance and its 5implified linguistic and journalis-
tic American style, it has been able to impose itself on the average reader
who speaks English fluently or who knows aome English and keeps up with
international quEStions.
_ An analyst ar an observer who has been with THE HERALD TRIBUNE for a long
time can perceive in its headlines, ~redispositions and choices of the news
and subjects it promotes the declared and undeclared lines of U.S. official
policy. The newspaper does not impose this or prescribe it obtrusively, but
it ratrier presents it through its genezal international subjects where
interest in European auestions primarily prevails.
THE HERALD TRIBUNE do~s not disregard the questions of the Middle East.
At first, it appears or tries to appear to be balanced in its presentation
of the developments of the Arab-Israeli s*_ruggle. But as soon as one fol-
lows its presentation of a question like that of the missiles crisis or
the Palestinian-Israel.i fighting, an observar discovers how biasad the
newspaper is toward Israel. Begin's threatening statements to the Arabs
were headlined on the first pages of the newspaper most days of the crisis,
whereas Arab points of view were hidden in the back and ~resented in bits
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a~id pieces. Similarly, the press coverage given to the brutal raid on
Beirut was equal, as far as importance is concerned, to the random
Palestinian shelling of the border sEttlements.
The bias is extreme in an angle that may not be of interest to the average
reader but is of interest to the iratellectual and critical reader. This
angle is that of the t~ook review and criticism section. The newspaper
quotes from THE NEW YORK TI.*~1ES and THE WASHIIVGTGN POST everything that is
published by Jewish authors, but it never occurs to the [editors of the
newspaper] to review a book by an Arab Iiterary writer or novelist,
including those who made peace with Israel and recognized "the genius" of
Jews, like al-Hakim, Najib Mahfuz and al-Husayn F~wzi.
We hope readers will forgive us for talking at length about an inter-
national newspaper like THE HERAI.D TRIBUNE~ Our purpose in doing so is to
let them realize the effect of the daily "Zionist dosage" that is carried
by this U.S. newspaper which has close ties with U.S. agencies. This
"Zionist dosage" has an effect on the western, average, politic.ized reader
and on the circles where political decisions in the world are made. These
circles cannot manage without reading the newspaper.
Publishing an international newspaper in English is not an extremely diffi-
cult task for Arabs if they have courage, good intentions and pure national
objectives. Arabs have the money; they have the educated minds that can
_ absorb the self-evident principles anc! the foundations of western intel-
Iect, psychology and culture; tr~:.y also have the journalistic staff that
- can contribute to such a project or take part in it. The Arabs are predis-
posed to seek thQ help of distinguished foreign press elements that are
sympathetic with Arab questions or at least conscious of them and not
prejudiced ag,ainst them.
The second means of information that is not less important than publishing
an international newspaper is that of establishing an international news
- agency that also follows the proper methods of journalistic work and com-
petition with other agencies for news and business.
Official and unofficial Arab correspondents hav~ not yet realized the not
� readily obvious importance and significance of this international inEor-
mation agency. International news agency networks with their correspon-
dents, their special assignment reporters, their stations, their offices,
their receivers and their transmitters are tantamount to arteries thro�gh
which news flows every minute and every instant to newspapers, radio and
television stations, financial and commercial centers and rulers' and
senior officials' offices.
A ccuntry th:~t has an international or at ?east a regional news agency
can with intelligence mold world or regional public opinion in accordance
wirh its wishes, its interests, its predisg~sitions and its interests.
The British REUTER Agency has monopolized the formation and molding of
world public opinion for scores of years. The British are truly the masters
ot formulating nEwspaper news. They've had competition for a few decades
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~
from Americans who established The Associated $ress.fAP~, the~biggest and
fastest agency in the world, and from its arch competitor, the United
Press. They also had competition from the French who established the French
Press Agercy on the ruins of the well-known Havas Agency.
In order for the Arab reader to appreciate the importance of a news agency,
suffice it to say that until the mid fifties the British used to monopolize
the means of communication and news exchange in the Arab world through the
Arab News Agency. Cairo knew no more than what London would allow it to
know about ~*hat was hap~ening in Baghdad; nor did Damascus know more than
what London would allow it to know about what was happening in Amman c~r
Beirut. Through its international agency, REUTER and its regional agen~.y,
the Arab News Agency, the British capitai continued to determine the amount
of news that one capital would receive from its neighboring capital. This
news was formulated and molded with unmatched British skill in accordance
with the supreme interests of the empire on whom the sun never set.
Then Jamal 'Abd-al-Nasir came along, and he realized with his sharp sense
for information the importance of connecting the nerve [endings] of the
Arab nation. So he establi~shed the Middle East News Agency. T:~day, however,
25 years af ter its establishment the agency has become more like the well-
- known Wikalat al-Balah in the Egyptian junk market. It has been bogged down
by Egypt's astonishing red tape, by the discrimination that exists between
its Egyptian employees and its Arab correspondents and by the weak Egyptian
awareness of the Arab world's problems. Then came the Camp David disaster,
which along with the erosion of Egypt's (in~luence] in politics and infor-
mation stripped the agency of even its semi-regional Arab feature and made
it retire inside its principal office, preoccupied with [the task of]
fabricating news and inventir.g information that is damaging to the Arab
nation and advantageous to al-Sadat and to Begin.
� Arab public opinion may be surprised, distressed and hurt if it finds out
that 80 pe rcen[ of what is published, broadcast and received by newspapers,
radio stations, television stations, banks and officials' offices in the
Arab world about the Great Homeland is based on what is relayed by the four
principal western news agencies between the Arab capitals.
- We offer this bare informational fact to Arab public opinion. Every reader
can verify that by simply following the sources of the news daily. These
are indicated in the newspapers on the first line of every Arab news story
that is printed.
Yes, this is what is happening after 30 or 40 y~ars of. independence with
20 official Arab news agencies in existence. Despite their exorbitant
expenses most of these agencies have not been able to get out of the
~ clutches of the official, local, regional and government red tape and
acquire a regional or pan-Arab scope--and we are not saying a wo.rld scope--
so as to offer their news materials to their clients and subscribers in an
accurate press formulation and provide full, reasonable and trusted
coverage that is neither biased nor fragmented.
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It is our right to wonder after all this: have we lost hope that the Arabs
would have a regi4nal or an international news agency?
' The answer is no. Arab manpower is available. With much or little ~trainin,g
in the art of f.ormulating news and the methods of receiving, compiling
and classifying news according to their importance, these human resources
can become the "professional" nucleus for a real news network on a pan-
Arab, re~ional level. Foreign human resources specializing in the arts and
in journalism are also available.
There remains the sincere desire to r:.se above the narrow, local, po~itical
and personal interest. We do not exaggerate were he to say tha~t any wealthy
Arab country can exercise tremendous influence on the course of Arab and
perhaps internatioi~al politics if it can establish and financ~e an inter-
national or a regional news agency that would have administrative indepen-
dence, a trusted journalistic and news personality and a networ~ of corres-
pondents and offices scattered in Arab and internatronal capitals.
If the countries are incapable of providing this independence to a news
agency, private Arab caoital, whose hobby these days is ~.o amwse itself
by publishing newspapers and magazines that lose money, can ~inance a pro-
ject to establish a regional or a world-wide Arab news agency that would
have the ~reatest measure of independence possible as well as professional
and political credibility. In addition to its national service to Arabs,
such a project would be commercially profitable 2 or 3 years after it is
established.
The third information project that would help present Arab questions to
, world public opinion would b~ a strong radio station that can broadcast
around tt~e clock in Eng?.ish or in more than one modern language. ~
It would be all right heLe to copy ond to imitate the broadcasting experi-
ments and experiences which advanced countries have had before us, such as
adopting the sound and high standards of broadcasting and journalistic
_ professionalism of the world-wide program of the British Broadcasting Cor-
poration. The BBC has been able to combine in a praiseworthy manner
indirect informational guidance with the art of presenting and analyzing
news.
The importance and vitality of this project are affirmed by the struggle
_ that is taking place on the air. waves between the East and the West for
control of what th~ masses of world public opinion hear, feel and believe.
With its worlc~wide progra.m w1-=ch it broadcasts in English, Radio Moscow has
largely been ab:e to ma~ch the BBC's broadcasts. It has largely and
cleverly managed to rid itself of the sternness and rigidity of a bureau-
cratic socialist administration. With astonishing flexibility it has dealt
_ with milliuns of listeners in the woeld, attempting to reach their c~nvic-
tions after having reached their hearts and their minds.
What Moscow did any country or group of wealthy Arab countries can do.
It can also be done by private Arab capital with the indirect participa-
tion of one ar more Arab states. The opportunity is there for a strong
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Arab hroadcast in English to attract a broad sector of world public
' opinion. It would benefit from the continuing and anticipated reduction in
the services of the BBC's worldwide program.
What is curious here is that after the decline of their colonialist emp~.rP,
the British became more objective in understanding the questions of nations
and they began to reduce their wireless communi.cations with their audiences
at a time when they most needed to have their voice heard in the wr~rld.
The fact that the BBC has been pulling ~ack continuously is the truest
~ expression of the fact that the spark of intelligence which British politi-
cal leaders had in the past is wan~ng. It is the most serious evidence of
the present leadership's inability to understand the importance of a huge
medi.a facility which, like the British crown, has become one of Britain's
distinctivPly historical features.
'The success of a worldwide Arab broadcast is not to be achieved by pro-
viding it with strong devices. The success o� such a broadcast requires
ra[her a conviction that it is the right of the body of persons that over-
sees the broadcast to present its new~ and international and Arab analyses
with full independence. Such a broadcast is to deal with Arab questions
� without restrictions, without favoring any regime and with full protection
against [all] pre~sures.
These are the broad outlines of three practical information projects that
may help change thF distorted or obscure features of the Arab's image and
causes as thase are seen in general by westerners.
The importance of the change lies in the fact that the increased understan-
ding and sympathy of western public opinion for Arab questions constitute
two factors that would apply pressure on political leaders and on those who
make political decisions. Thus, political leaders and decision makers would
_ assume more moderate positions that are closer to Arabs' positions,
especially in tr~e Arabs' crucial struggle with Israel and Zionism.
If improving the Arab image in western minds is desirable in the next
stage, there is no doubt that we too have to change. Every step that we
take on the road to development and modernization; every step we take
towards developing our regime~, expanding their popular bases and ridding
them of the appe~rance of a police state; every measure to achieve social
justice and to narrow the gap between the haves and the have nots; every
alleviation o� tl-ie direct and naive prvpaganda that abounds in exaggera-
tion, verbo:;ity, praise, commendation and personal adulation--all these
measures--will help win world public opinion over. These measures would
make us appear more mature, more aware, more stable and more balanced in
_ the eyes of those we are addressing.
World public opinion in our age has become a moral force whose influence
in winning political, diplomatic and military battles cannot be discounted.
Any openness toward warld public opinion, every approximation of the pre-
dominant and pri.ncipal poLitical trends in it, and every step away from
_ its suspect, secret and extremist movements--rightist or leftist--make
our struggle more legitimate on the international scene.
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_ These international information p�rojects which we discussed in this review
would best be implemented by private Arab capital with the moral support
and ence~iragement of political regimes and even with their indirect
material participation. The fact that these projects would stay away from
the official aspect would make it easy for them to set themselves up in
the countries from where they will launch their project. It would give them
more freedom in addressing public opinion and make them more acceptable to
the political and popular movements in the capitals and countries where
they will work.
A discussion about Arab information addressing world public opinion remains
lacking if it is confined to Arab initiative carried out through these
_ projects to approach the people's centers of action in the world. This
discussion also requires talk about the initiatives of the foreign a nd
worldwide media to come close to us. In other words, it requires a dis-
cussion about official Arab dealings with the press and with foreign and
world news agencies. Such a discussion would be more stimulating and more
exciting and would deal with the semi-confidential aspects of our official
mentality and understanding of the function of foreign and world inf or-
mation. This discussion would also deal with the methodology of the foreign
media in dealing with the Arab world, and it would deal with the method,
work and performance of foreign reporters on temporary assignments or cor-
respondents in Arab capitals.
In the preliminaries to this discussion we said that a history of mutual
, misunderstanding has existed between us and the world media, especially the
western media. This made us accuse the media of total and aosolute bias on
the side of our adversaries and enemies.
Why is this so? Is this a true accusation? If it is, to what extent is
it true? How can this relationship between us and the foreign media be
cleared and re-established on clearer and firmer foundations?
This is the subject of the next installment in the discussion about "the
international character of the Arab media." Until next week, God willing.
[No 236, 21-27 Aug 81 pp 18-21]
[Text] Is the western press biased? The answer to
- that question is yes and no; we must accept the rela-
tionship between the media and intelligence.
Begin speaks with correspondents every day, but Arab
capitals leave them alone without monthly or even annual
press conferences. ~
Radio Monte Carlo does not represent the true face of
France; it promotes self-indulgence among the new Arab
generation.
In the first installment of "The International Character of the Arab Media"
we proposed three practical projects for approaching world public opinion.
We said that an international newspaper, a worldwide or regional news
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agency and a modern languag~ program that would be broadcast around the
clock frum a powerful transmitter wuuld help win the emotion~ and prevail
upon popular sectors that arP active and exercise influence in their
socie~ties' decision making ~rocess, and especially in the advanced
societies.
But this would not be sufficient if we do not know how to deal with the
attempts that are being made by the world media, especially the western
media, to approach us. There has beer. a history of mutual misunderstanding
between us and the western media. This made us accuse the western media of
total and absolute bias on the side of our adversaries and our enemies and
against our causes.
This accusation req~sires review and correction because a generalization
. such as that which is not supported by considerations and full information
makes us captive to our judgments. Accordingly, these judgments do in time
restrict the actions we take to address world public opinion through the
powe.rful means of the western media. Unfortunately, these means are still
the onlyo unes through which world public opinion can be reached.
Part of the review and correction process requires us to criticize our-
selves, and especially the official view of how we are to deal with the
western media.
We have accepted the self-evident notion that thE function of the media
is merely that of official propaganda. This belief stems from the fact that
the Arab media is almost fully controlled [by the authorities] and has been
- turned into a mere mouthpiece for direct propaganda.
Thus when a senior official deigns to agree to an interview.with a foreign
correspondent--and this is rare--media aid~s and advisers try to make the
correspondent commit himself to printing the official's full responses.
- In fact, they sometimes interfer~ and determine the questions in advance.
They eith~r do not knoa or are igftoring the fact that the text of an inter-
view in any respectable newspaper in the world is subject to editing.
During that process redundant details that do not affect the principal
- statements, opinions and components of the interview are deleted. Further-
_ more, self-respecting magazines handle official interviews as side elements
that compl.ement the basic report which is compiled by the reporter wh~ is
- on assignm.ent, or by the press delegation in the country in question. In
true reportage, whose purpose is to serve the reader and win his confi-
dence, what a government official says in the course of a classical inter-
view where a question is raiseu and a creative, long-winded response is
given is no longer of any importance. Official statements may not [convey]
the whole truth. [Usually] three fourths of that truth ~ie in what the.
correspondc~nt is able to put together from his inquiries and investigation.
This is the true reportage which every self-respecting journalist aspires
to and whic:h every newspaper or magazine that is primarily interested in
the confidence of public opinion wants.
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If we allowed the process of self-criticism to continue and to t4uch upon
10 details, we will be faced with a set of impressions and observations about
our dealings with the western media. The most important of these may be
[the following]:
_ In most cases there is an insistence on speaking in abstract, general,
stylized and long-winded terms to which we are accustomed in our local and
Arab press. The western reader finds this impossible to understand regard-
less of his awareness and his knowledge. Sometimes the eloquence and the
ambiguity of the s~.atements make the task of translating the interview into
_ the easy and acceptable language of the press impossible.
There is a belief, which is beginning to gain supp~rt and acceptance in
some of our official sectors, that it is possible to use two languages and
- two jargons in addressing public opinion. One of them would be used for
foreign consumption; it would define positions and points of view on
specific crucial questions. The other language, which would utilize
emotion, passion, abstraction, generalization and obfuscation would be used
far local consumption. .
This attempt "to outsmart" the public has negative effects. The modern
communications revolution has abolished the barriers that used to exist
between the public opinion sectors in the world. It is now easy to re-broad-
cast a news brief of any interview dzrected for public consumption and to
_ make it available to local consumption sometimes even before the i.nterview
_ is published in the foreign newspapers and magazines.
As a result of the contradictions between the specific positions we offer
foreign public opinion and the ambiguous ones with which we appear in front
of local public opinion a tremendous amount of distortion is produced. This
"clever" distortion causes considerable damage to our national questions
and makes us appear to ourselves and to foreign officials and correspon-
dents who are concerned with these questions to be not serious and not
truthful.
We take another step in the pzocess of self-criticism, and we say that
so far we have not utilized official spokesmen iaho are capable of talking
to journalists and correspondents. The resident correspondent or the
reporter who is on special assignment works hard to find an official agency
that would give him answers to the daily questions he has or that would
help him pursue a subject that came up unexpectedly. In this case he finds
no one in front of him but the authorized minister, who in most cases can-
not be reached in person or by telephone. If the correspondent finds a
minister, that minister dodges the interview or avoids making a comment
or giving an explanation either becaus~ he is in awe of the responsibility
or out of consideration for local sensitivities.
Israel has realized this and has selected two official or semi-of_ficial
civilian and military spokesmen. They respond to all the questions of cor-
r~spondents and provide all the explanations [that are called for].
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Thus we find that the quantity of news, infarmation and daily investigative
reports coming out of Israel almost equals or exceeds everything Chat comes
out of all the Arab capitals together. Then we go or. wo lament and blame
the foreign press.because it adopts Israel's point of view and everything
that comes out of Israel.
We take another step in the process o� review and self-criticism.
An event takes place in an Arab capital or in an Arab country: a demon-
stration, a strike or a clash with security forces in which people are
wounded and killed. But all media officials ignore the event: no reference
is made to it; no commentary is heard about it; and no explanation [is
provided to the public]. It were as though demonstrations, strikes and
even armed clashes or verbally expressed opposing opinions did not occur
or should not occur in our Arab world. [If they did], they diminished the
worth, the reputation and the popularity of those in power.
But distorted or exag~;erated information about these events soon filters--
perhaps through the private means of resident correspondents or reporters
who are on assignment. This information is circulated by the biased and e.he ~
non-biased foreign press. When it is laid out on the pages of newspapers,
our delayed official explanations are no longer useful and beneficial even
if they were true. This is because at first the event captures the reader's
attention and consciousness and is imprinted on his mind and in his heart
in the biased or exaggerated manner in which news of it was received. Any
details or explanations that come after that recede and are lost with the
reader's gradual declining interest in the event.
There is another example of the negative effects of delaying official infor-
mation. A local or broad Israeli military operation is carried out against
a certain sector on the confrontation line. Few seconds after that opera-
tion is completed, correspondents begin sending the Israeli version of
the incident to their principal c~nters of the world news agencies. These
agencies immediately transmit the news to the newspapers, radio stations,
television stations and official offices throughout the world which sub-
scribe to their services.
The Arab bulletin about the oper~~�.~on, however, is ~elayed for many hours
, and may not even be issued or reledsed to the loGal media. Then we lie
back easily as though the world would [eventually] hear of the event simply
because it was broadcast on our radio or television station. In this case
the correspondent is farced to relay the news late. When his main office
begins to broadcast the news again, valuable hours would have been lost,
newspapers would have published the Israeli version and radio stations and
television stations would have broadcast the news all over the world. And
then we go on to lamEnt the fact that the foreign media listen and give
their attention to what Israel boradcasts and publishes.
It would be all right to expatiate a little here on the subject of dealing
with world news agencies and resident correspondents for newspapers, radio
stations and television stations.
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~
- We do not appreciate the value of these foreign information embassies that
travel or reside in o~sr midst at no material costs to us. it is not an
exaggeration to say that the correspondent of any world agency or newspaper
is much more important and beneficial than the ambassador of that country
whose nationality he carries. It is extremely important to win his affec-
tions and to get him to believe [aur point of view]. It is enough, for
_ example, to open for him a few official doors so we can talk with him or
provide him with some information and news. A mutual'relationship is estab-
_ lished with him through daily interaction, and that relationship can
~evelop into a~rofound understanding of what we want and do not want pub-
lished.
It is astonishing that senior Arab officials do not think of holding
regular weekly, rnonthly or at least annual press conferences in their capi-
- tals during which they would talk to residing correspondents or reporters
who are on assignment. At the same [irne Begin is allowed to talk with cor-
respondents every day on the way to or from his office.
In fact, some Arab capitals do not allow foreign correspondents to estab-
lish residence in the first place. In most of these countries, if foreign
correspondents are allowed to enter and live in the country, their life and
their work are made unbearable. They are shunned, ignored, subjected to
stern censorship, treated with disdain and contempt, and the process by
- which they sen~ their news articles to their main offices is hampered.
It is ironical that some Arab capitals complain of the fact that senior
official visitors wish to hold press conferences in those capitals when
_ they visit. These capitals forget the importance of having their names
repeated in the newspapers and broadcasts of the world. They are not aware
of the importance of becoming sources of news and information. This would
yield beneficial media effects to [he Arab 'regimes and would spotlight the
political role of these capitals.
So far we do not know how to take advantage of news agency offices and
correspondents in our capitals in the war of reporting and political
initiatives and maneuvers. 'There is not one Arab capital that has mastered
the art of launching "trial balloons" or "taking the pulse" [of a situa-
tion] by suggesting to correspondents news or information that is not
official in character. At the same time we are overwhelmed daily by scores
of "trial balloons" that are sent to us on the air waves from Washington,
London, Moscow, Paris and Israel through the news agencies and the western
press. Through these "trial balloons" we are subjected to views, pressures
and maneuvers. In fact, we get lost; we disagree; we split with each other;
we become fragmented; we fight over explaining and analyzing these trial
balloons; and we assume conflicting positions on them. [In the mean time]
they would have performed the political and tactical objective that was
intended by launching them and trying them out.
The only thing we know so far is to make the correspondent stick to the
r_ext of the interview, the statement or the bulletin that we issue. If
he makes a mistake in transmitting, translating or interpreting a
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statement, we punish him with imprisonment or expulsion [from the country]
or we deny him [the right] to practice his profession.
z None of us sees the U.S. fleets when they sail in our waters or assemble
opposite our shores. Official U.S. agencies, however, provide the world
news agencies wicn news and pictures of these movements. They exercise
considerable r.raft in directing and arousing [public opinion] in order
to achieve the required strategic or tactical goal, be that: "to scare,"
terrorize or support, etc.
- With all the legiti:nate and illegitimate means [at its disposal] Israel has
' succeeded in winning over a large number of residen*_ correspondents or
ieporters on assignment. Israelis have opened officials' doors to them, and
they've tempted them with money and sexual favors. We, however, do not stop
with the restr.ictions we place on them. We chase them sometimes in the
streets of Beirut and we gun them down with our bullets. The reader may
appreciate after that the effect of these thoughtless bloody acts on
official and popular Arab reputation.
We continue the process of self-criticism and we talk about the costly
supplements or paid advertisements [that are designed] to improve Arab
reputation. These are published by the major newspapers of the world about
some Arab countries.
- This foreign media action is futile. On the one hand, it falls under the
category of direct propaganda which Arab public opinion rejects and does
_ not accept. On the other hand, it is a waste of money on promotional adver-
tisements that create an effect opposite that which is required. The news-
paper, its editors, writers and corresgondents are not necessarily sym-
pattietic with the country that is placing the advertisement as one thinks
or imagines.
In the course of criticizing ourselves [we have indicated] a few important
and principal aspects of our practice in dealing with the world's media and
particularly with the western media. If we have engaged in this much criti-
cism without making officials impatient with us, we will have achieved
a major benefit in revealing what is painful or astonishing in these
dealings in the hope that we can review and correct [our actions].
To be fair we have to talk about how the western media deals with us with
the same mear,ure of objectivity.
The first thing that can be said and stated in gener�al terms about the
western media's view of us is that it is biased against us. If we wish to
dilute this description, we can say that the western media views us with a
lack of concern that sometimes approaches gloating or ridicule. One can
read between the lines of their written, audible or visual statements sup-
pressed or visible varieties of resentment and hatred of everything that is
Arab or Islamic.
There is no room here for expanding the analysis of the reasons for this.
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Suffice it to say that this negative view of Arabs and Muslims is part of
a media view that has been passed down since the Third World was colonized
when the Third World was seen as "a backward world with incurable ailments
- nnd chronic problems, a world whose non-white people had an indiff~rent
- nature."
Although ownership of most of [he western press has shifted from colonia-
list lords ard arist:ocratic families, who look down in disdain through
their monocles on tr,~e Third World, to multi-national monopolies and corpora-
tions, [the l~~tter] did replace the old colonialism in plundering the
wealth of the Third Warld and dividing its consumer markets. Notwith-
- standing the e~3itori,al staff's independence from the directives of the
board of direcr_ors on which the owners and directors of these monopolies
- and corporatioi-;s sit� traces of the interests that control a newspaper are
clearly evident o~g it.s pages and in its commentaries.
Perhaps the way the question of energy has been handled in the western
press provides evidence and testimony to the western press's bias for
capitalist monopolies against Arab interests. ThE~ way this subject has been
handled shows Chat thea Arabs are envied because God did bless them with
this resource an~3 did not bless the other c~untries of the former colonia-
lists whc are "more de~.serving of this wealth" because they are more know-
lec~geable and mor.e advanced.
Although the western media's bias for Israel has somewhat receded and
declined in the last f~~w years, the character of the discussion about Arab
causes is still largel~y negative. One still senses that a correspondent
shows a lack of roncern when he records his impressior~s and observations
[of Arabs]. He tocuses on everything that is negative in society and on
everything that would suggest to the reader a pessimistic outlcok on the
possibility that the Arabs would overcome their problems.
Let us take one aspect of the way the Lebanese question was handled. The
Arab Front with its three leaders, Bashir, his father, Pierre al-Jumayyil
and their ally Camille Sham'un, became the center of interest with western
newspapers, correspondents ar,d news agencies si.mply because the Front's
leaders were rejecting [the notion of] an Arab Lebanon and were dealing pub-
licly or secretly with Israel. At the same time [interest in] Raymond Iddih
and Sulayman Franjiyyah vanished or almost vanished simply because the
first was neutral and the second refused to deal urith Israel.
Thus in the view of the western press Arab societies are baclcward, emo-
- tional societies with torn loyalties and affiliations. They have no
_ �~~tional or ethnic ties that bring them together; they are rather con-
troll~d by farnily, tribal and sectarian disputes and prejudices.
Let us acknowledge in return that the western press does discuss internal
Israeli problems and that it sometimes expatiates upon the conflicts of
Israeli society at length. However, its discussion always remains that of
the sympathizer and the compassionate, affectionate critic who hides [the
difficulties], looks for excuses and justifications and is optimistic about
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the possibility of overcoming the difficulties. This is because Israel
_ is "wester~z civilization's" spoiled eiaughter and the "only oasis of democ-
racy in a world that abounds in military dictatorships and medieval
regimes."
This does not lead us at all to generalize that the western press is
Zionist or that it is totally subject to Zionist influence. This accusation
blows the situation out of proportion. There are now on Fleet Street in
- London and on the Champs Elysees and Opera Street [in Paris] where the best
western newspapers are published a large number o{ editors, commentatcrs
and writers who sympathize and agree with Arab questions after having uis-
covered the falsehood of Israeli and Zionist propaganda.
Despite all r_his, however, Jewish and Zionist hands are not far from the
centers where directions are set and decisions made in newspapers and news
agencies. Jews and Zionists work cleverly to maintain the negative image of
the Arab in western minds and to exonerate Israel from all forms of pre-
. judice, barbarism and brutality practiced by Begin against the Ar.abs. They
try [to continue] showing [Israel] as the innocent lamb that fell in the
clutches of the old wolf, Begin. It were as though they were not the ones
who brought Begin to power.
Even though the European press did change its biased conduct against the
Arabs i.n recent years, Arab correspondents of principal western agencies
have more than daily evidence that their agencies are biased. How much news
is transmitted in a fair manner but is then broadcast in an abbreviated,
distorted or biased form?
And here too the hidden facts about the actions and the biases of news-
papers, news agencies and radio stations of the world against the Arab
nation must be revealed. For scores of years these media have been choosing
their local correspondents in the Arab capitals from groups that mostly
belong to racial, sectarian or religious minorities in the Arab societies.
They have done that to assure themselves of these correspondents' bias
against the aspirations of the nation in which they live. Fortunately, this
group ot j~urnalists is beginning to shrink and to become extinct with time.
41hat is more important and more sPrious than all this is the fact that
all local correspondents for the principal western news agencies in the
capitals of the Arab east are tied to the regional office or foreign corres-
pondeilt who lives in Beirut in one way or another--through administration,
information and directions. U:~less it is absolutely necessary, they are 110t
allowed to send their news directly to the principal centers in Europe.
Thus the news these reporters send, even if it were unbiased, undergoes
a preliminary review in the agency's regional office in Beirut. This review
is carried out by the foreign correspondent who lives in Beirut and who is
iniluenced by the separatist environments which oppose everything that is
Arab, or it is carried aut by local editors who belong originally to these
environments or minorities. Because of [their affiliations] they reject
Arabism and do nut entertain an ounce of solicitude for Arab causes.
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- The final refining, sifting and slanting process takes place after that
at the principal European center which returns the news formulated in accor-
- dance with the interests of the state or the organization that owns the
agency.
Media bias against the Arabs and th~z Third World is not confined to the
process of picking up, formulating and slanting news. It is also manifested
in the selection process of foreign press members who are chosen as resi-
dent correspondents or sent on temporary assignments.
The Soviet news Agency TASS has cut short the process of western hypocrisy.
It treats its correspondents like diplomats and gives most of them diplo-
mat~.c passports. It cansiders them an inseparable part of its official,
- diplomatic and intelligence missions operating in the Arab world.
Giestern counti-i.es, however, do not give their corespondents diplomatic
p~ssports, but their intelliger