JPRS ID: 9886 USSR REPORT HUMAN RESOURCES

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• Sequence Number: 67
• Content Type: REPORTS

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JPRS L/9886
31 July 1981
- USSR Re ort
p
HUMAN RESOURCES
(FOUO 4/81)
, Fg~~ FOREIGN BROADCAST lNFORMATIOI~ SERVICE
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- xoTE
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JPRS L/9886
31 July 1981
USSR REPORT
HUMAN RESOURCES
(FOUO 4/81)
CONTENTS
LABOR
New Approach to Greater Efficiency in Textile Industry Reviewed
(Ye. Afanas'yevskiy; VOPROSY EKONOMIKI, Apr 81) 1
Solutions to Labor Turnover Problem Suggested
(A. Kotlyar, M. Talalay; VOPROSY EKONOMIKI, May 81) 10
Socialist Competition Specialists Meet in ~omel'
(A. Glushetskiy, 7. Lashchinskiy; VOPROSY EKONOMIKI, Piay 81) 23
DEMOGRAPHY
Kazakhs Approach 7 Million in 1979 Census, Growth Slows
(Maqash Tatimov; BILIM ZHANE ENGBEK, Mar 81) 25
- a - [III - USSR - 38c FOUO]
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LABOR
NEW APPROACH TO GREATER EFFICIENCY IN TEXTILE INDUSTRY REVIEWED
Moscow VOPROSY EKONOMIKI in Russian No 4, Apr 81 pp 88-96
- [Article by Ye. Afanas'yevskiy: "The Territorial Organization of Production (From
the Example of the Textile Industry)"]
[Text] Regulating the level and improving the forms of industrial concentration
serve as one of the major reserves for increasing pro~'uction efficiency. Among the
most urgent practical scientific questions of this problem are a quantitative analy-
sis of the level of production concentration for the purpose of clarifying its
rational limit and determi.ning the type and size .~f the enterprises and increasing
the level of territorial concentration and specialization to achieve a closer cor-
relation between_the forms of the social organization of production and the new
socioeconomic, demographic and urban development conditions.
The elaboration of the designated problems is determined by the need to improve
long-range territorial planning and management. This should be carried out in close
~ connection to the elaboration of general plans for the development and placement of
the nation's productive forces over the long run.
1
At present economic literature has not sufficiently taken up the specific relation-
ship between the efficient use of the fixed productive capital, for example, in the
textile industry and the process of production concentration.
The results of development in the textile industry in recent years show that the
sector has achieved and even exceeded the economically necessary limit of concentra-
tion and this, under present-day conditions, has checked the further intensification
of fixed capital utilization.
The "Basic Directions in the Economic and Social Development of the USSR for 1981-
1985 and for the Period Up to 1990" as one of the major tasks in the llth Five-Year
Plan have posed the question of increasing capital investment effectiveness, short-
ening the construction ti.me o~ projects, accelerating the reaching of designed capac-
ity, improving quality and lo~wering construction cost. Up to the 1960's, due to
the availability of manpower for production in light industry, conditions existed
- for building large ent.erprises. Determining the most efficient size of enterprises
and the rational levei of proportional expenditures on construction requires a new
approach to solving the given question. With production concentration in the form
of a combine, its level should meet primarily the ~aL~an3s of t~echnical integration
and integrated combines considering the raw material ~:apabilities.
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This makes it possible to realize the advantages found in the intraproduction condi-
tions and at the same time strengthens the dependence of enterprise fixed capital
utilization upon socioeconomic factors. Thus the insufficient svailability of labor
resources inevitably leads to a decline in th.e operating indicators of an enter-
prise. The solution to this problem requires major additional capital investments.
The level of fixed capital utilization from the standpoint af the sectorial features
should decline in operating this capital and cause additional expenditures on creat-
ing an artificial equilibrium between the forms of organization and the real repro-
duction possibilities. In de termining the efficient capacity and form of organizing
fixed capital utilization in terms of the individual economic regions, an important
role is played by a comparativ e statistical an~lysis of the operating results of the
existing enterprises of diff e rent sizes.
In studying the operating results of the cotton industry, 167 weaving enterprises
of the sector were divided into seven groups according to the number of operating
looms (see the Table on the f ollowing page) with the exception of the small mills
which had under 100 looms and the enterprises which were in the stage of develop-
ment. The elaboration and analysis of the major technical and economic indicators
= for fixed capital utilization in terms of the enterprise groups with a varying num-
ber of looms affirm the close dependence of its level upon a change in enterprise
size. With an increase in the size of the enterprises, the productivity of labor
and equipment and the other indicators rise. However the efficient use of manpower
and fixed capital in the cotton industry has increased insignificantly (by 20-30
percent in the upper group of enterprises in comparison with the lower) in compari-
son with the other sectors, and in particular with the oil industry, thermal power
plants, the food industry and others where with a rise in the level of concentra-
tion these indicators increase more rapidly. Thus, in the cotton industry the level -
of fixed capital utilization depending upon the increase in production concentra-
tion is relatively slight.
It is essential to point out that there is also a tendency for a rise in the effi-
cient use of equipment and labor but only up �~o a certain size of an enterprise.
Subsequently, as capacity increases, the: efficiency level sharply declines for all
tlle technical and economic indicators. The highest indicators in physical terms
(the output of textiles per loom per year, the productivity of a worker and a loom
in weft-meters, the number of hours of equipment operation and so forth) are inher-
ent *_o the groups of enterprises with from 500 to 2,000 looms.
From the data of the table it can be seen that the output of cotton coarse textiles
per loom per year increases f or all the enterprise groups; however,the ratio of the
levels of annual output changes among them in favor of the enterprises characterized
_ by a lower level of p~~oduction concentration: in 1970, the highest indicators were
in Groups IV-VI (l,SOll-:,,000 looms), in 1975 in Groups II-V (500-2,500 looms) and in
1978 in Groups II-IV (500-2,~.,~ looms). Textile output at the largest enterprises
. of Groups IV-VII increased noticeably more slowly (74-89 percent of the indicators
- of Group II). In a.ccord with this, the enterprises of Groups II-IV which possessed
30.9 percent of the *otal number of looms in 1978 produced 34.9 percent of the cot-
ton textiles. At the same time, the enterprises of Group VII which had 44.7 percent
of the total number of looms manufactured only 39.8 percent of the total quantity of
textiles.
2
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Due to the low average annual output of a loom at just the enterprises of Group VII
(115,000 looms), ttie relative losses, in comparison with the average ~;nnual output
of a loom at enterprises of Group II, exceeded 1 billion m3 of cotton cloth. As a
whole for all the groups, in comparison with the output level of the enterprises of
Group II, these losses were 1.5 billion m3 of cloth a year. The basic reason for
the significant deviations in the level of product output per loom per year a~ the
large enterprises is in the lack of manpower for fully manning the shifts. This i~
explained by the disparity of capacity at the enterprises of the designated ~roups
to the possibility of recruiting manpower under present-day conditions.
- In 1975-1978, the tendency continued to develop of further reducing the number of
equipment operating hours at the groups of the largest enterprises of the textile
i~idustry (with the exception of Group V). As a whole the equipment of the largest
enterprises (Group VII) operated an average of 600-800 hours a year (or 12-15 per-
cent) less in comparison with the sma.ller ones. At the enterprises of Groups I-III,

-J the number of opera.ting hours rose or was stable.
At rne large textile enterprises IlOt only were all the basic technical and economic -
operating indicators lower, but, as a rule, the level of personnel turnover was sig-
nificantly higher (?_0 and more percent). For manning such an enterprise with man-
power, each year 1,400-2,000 persons had to be hired and with the shortage of labor
reserves this was virtually impossible. Due to this equipment stoppages here ex-
ceeded the norm by 2-3-fo~d. Operators at large combines (Tashkent, Bukhara,
Fergana and others) arrived by bus from surraunding rayons which are an average up
to 75 km distant. The volumes of freight shipments also increased. Moreover, the
questions of specialization and cooperation become more complicated. The designated
negative phenomena have grown particularly strong in recent years under the condi-
tions of the developing unfavorable demographic situation.
- The use level of production capacity depends not only upon the size of the enter-
- prises but also upon the differences in the mobile manpower resources in the various
- economic regions. For this reason for increasing the efficient use of fixed capital
in the textile industry, each zone of the USSR (the Europeau, 3iberia and the Far
East and Central Asia) should have a corresponding level of production concentration
and a form of organization.
For Central Asia, it is essential to envisage a minimum version of the enterprise ~
size as t.his would help to increase among the workers the proportional amount of the
indigenous population and reduce personnel turnover. In the labor-short regions of
Kazakhstan, Siberia and the Far East, it is advisable to buil.d first of all auto-
mated mills which are small in terms the number of production personnel as well
_ as enterprises with assembly-line production. The low technical and economic indi-
= cato::s of the combine enterprises with over 3,000 looms and the longer times of
*_heir construction and reaching of designed capacity affirm that at present, when
_ the possibilities of attracting a labor force have significantly declined, the ap-
proacli to determining rational capacity and the form of organizing production at a
textile enterprise should be fundamentally changed.
In the middle of ttie 19o0's, the SOPS [Council for the Study of the Productive
Forces] under the USSR Gosplan formulated the scientific task of creating a new form
- of the territorial organization of production. On the basis of centralized
~
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management it would include a"range" of different sized enterprises. In 1968-1971,
the task of elaborating the plans for su~h enterprises was successfully carried out.
Later this f~rm received the name of a"cluster" or production association. Their
, creation has reflected fundamental qualitative changes in the material and social
conditions of production as there has been not a full supply of labor resources buC
rather a growing shortage and territorial slispersion; there has been a change in the
nature of personal, social and production consumption; demands have increased on the
quality and aesthetic indicators of the product and implements of production.
The modern types and sizes of enterprises requi~re the appearance of new "techniques"
for managing and organizing production. These mest be introduced into production
even if they are expensive. However, in the practices of sectorial planning for a
number of years there has been an underasses~ment of the importance of the new forms
of organizing production as well as of the difficulties of a scientific and
organizational-planning nature, The insufficient elaboration of complicated scien-
tific oroblems related to production concentration has impeded the correct orienta-
tion.of the planning bodies on solving urgent problems. In particular, at present
ths press has poorly covered the fun~amental d~fferences residing in the nature of
the sectorial and territorial forms of the social organization of production. The
- main difference between them is that sectorial specialization, concentration, combin-
ation and cooperation meet the needs of considering primarily the technical, Produc-
~ tion and other intrasectorial features of production, while territorial specializa-
tion meets the socioeconomic, historical, natural and other extraproduction condi-
tions.
The methodological principles for setting up the territorial forms of the social or-
ganization of production are complet~~y different than the sectorial ones as they
envisage p~imarily a thorough consideration of the specific features of the terri-
tory. For this reason neither the interregional division of labor (territorial
= specialization) nor spatial concentration (the concentration of the productive
forces in the chosen region) can be planned or implemented according t~ the m~del of
sectorial specialization and concentration. In precisely the same manner the de-
velopment levels uf two different forms of the social organization of production
should not be compared. Otherwise this can lead to an incorrect conclusion concern-
ing the deconcentration of production and the refusal to build new types of enter-
prises. In the event of replacing one type of enterprise with another, the same
form of concentration is developed although in a different form. The refusal to
build a textile or other combine in favor of a production association means not a
changeover to deconcentration but rather the transformation of one form of produc-
tion organization (sectorial concentration) into another (territorial, incompar-
able and consequently incouunensurable with the first). A combine can only be com-
pared with another combine or an association with an association.
The replacing, where possible out of production considerations, a combine by a pro-
duction association of specialized enterprises is based not on the deconcentration
of production but rather on its specialization. This must solve the same task of
production intensification but under altered socioeconomic conditions which have
determined the ineff iciency of large-scale production. The sectorial or point form
of concentration in being based on a unity of the productioh site is replaced by a
new form of territorial concentration which can be called conglomeration based upon
the centralization of production. The distinct, leading stage of production which
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~ in accord with the requirements of the production methods, the design of purpose
of the product should be superior to the other specialized production stages, con-
� tinues to expand according to the former principle of point concentration, wtiile the
capacity of the subordinate production lines is increased by the setting up of af-
filiate mills located on a new territory. At present, without creating narrowly
specialized enterprises combined with their centralized management, it is impossible
to increase the suppl}~ of manpower for the national economy and put the significant
labor resources into serving the socialist society without major additional outlays.
In the light and other labor-intensive industrial sectors, the production associa-
~ions, as a progressive form of territorial concentration, possess unlimited oppor-
tunities for further development. At the same time the growth opportunities of
sectorial concentration by the consolidation, for example, of textile or machine
building combines over the near run are virtually exhausted due to the absence of
objective socioeconomic prerequisites.
Reconstruction and modernization of existing capacity and new construction have
given rise to types of enterprises, the production associations, which are the same
in purpose but differ in terms of the initial nature. The purpose oP setting up the
production associations on the basis of existing enterprises was with the aid of
production centralization to specialize individual installations (subdivisions) by
the regrouping of equipment and by carrying out other measures. Such a path has led
to the strengthening of sectorial production concentration. But the construction of
a new enterprise in the form of a production association envisages a transition from
_ the old "point" or dispersed principle of placement to the new conglomerat~on aimed
at developing the territorial concentration for the economic use of all thc~ advan-
tages of the territory. Such a production association does not serve as a new form
of production concentration but rather represents a new form of placement on the
basis of utilizing the advantages of the spatial concPntration of capacity.
One of the important features for the entry of our society into the stage of de-
veloped socialism is the shift in the nature of consumption. This notion must be
considered in locating the light industry enterprises. It necessitates a reevalua--
ti.on of the importance of certain specific elements of the production process for a
sector. The starting point for suc:h a reassessment should be the idea that under
the new conditions the demand for the greater aesthetic value of light industry
products has sharply increased. In the Accountability Report of the CPSU Central
Com�nittee to the 26th Party Congress, L. I. Brezhnev pointed out: "The focus on
savings and on the more complete and rational utilization of what the nation pos-
sesses requires a new approach to many management questions. In particular, this
_ means that we must improve and strengthen the 'upper stories' of the corresponding
sectors: the so-called fourth conversion in metallurgy, finishing work in con-
struction and concluding production in light industry. They largely determine the
quality and at times the quantity of product."
Ttlis shows the necessity of improving the system for training designers, since at
present their creative work is seriously impeded; numerous garment, foatwear and
textile mills are not always provided with these specialists. Hence the importance
of an organizational principle for the maximum possible centralization in using
higher skilled creative labor.
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With such a positing of the question, one understands the definite dependence of
product quality upon the development level of several closely interrelated factors
in the territorial organization of production: the degree of centralized use of
= the labor of designers, the completeness of territorial (article and stage) special-
ization and the changeover of the enterprises from a complete production cycle (of
the combine type) to complexes which are associations of enterprises with the sepa-
rating of the stages of finishing, layout and cutting into independent types of pro-
_ duction. At present, the nation has alI the objective prerequisites to make a be-
ginning to the new form of placement for the conglomeration-type light industry and
this will be used as the basis in forecasting.
Due to the already achieved ubiquitous placement of the sector and to the rather
high level of its development in all the Union republics and economic regions, there
is an ever-smasller need to create light industry enterprises "from scratch." The
number of recently created or already existing centers is so great that from them,
in considering the surrounding population points, it would be possible to select
those where it is possible not only to expand capacity but also carry out new con-
struction.
The principle of conglomeration placement Qn the basis of already existing capacity
is applicable to a majority of the light industry sectors and primarily to these
where there is the highest dispersion of production capacity, that is, garment, foot-
wear and knitwear. The changeover to conglomeration placement is euvisaged in the
section on light industry of the General Plan for the Development and Placement of
the USSR Productive Forces for the Period Up to 1990. It envisages the construction
of not cotton and silk combines but rather clusters of stage- and product-specialized
enterprises. In being affiliates of the associations, such enterprises can ration-
ally utilize the manpower not only of the small- and medium-sized towns, but also
the rural population points where a significant portion of the mobile labor reserves
is concentrated. They will also make it possible to use the latent labor reserves,
that is, the free time of certain categories of the population (the workers in sea-
sonal sectors of industry and agriculture, women employed in housework and so forth).
Over the long run, the dimensional series of light industry enterprises comprising a
production association should be supplemented by larger enterprises. The telling
necessity for preparing a solution to the question of reducing the standard sizes of
enterprises is dictated by the need to promptly consider not only the socioeconomic
conditions but also directly the factors of an intraproduction nature, the develop-
ment trends of equipment and production methods, the introduction of fully automated
processes and increased efficiency equipment and the use of many new types of raw
materials which possess specific properties.
In 1970, on the basis of introducing assembly lines, full automation of textile
production got underway. In 1980, on the basis of the broad use of microcomputers
which can be built into any mechanism, this has encompassed the knitwear, garment
and leather footwear production, where ~he surviving discreteness and complexity of
the production process until recer~t years have served as a serious impediment for
full automation.
All of this has led to a reduction in the number of production operations and stages,
it has reduced the need for live labor in spinning, finishing, carpet weaving and
other mills; it has shortened the length of the production cycle and thereby has
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made it possible to reduce enterprise size. Automation based on electronically
controlled equipment, as foreign experience has shown, is effective even at small
enterprises.
The introduction of chemistry into light industry has also contributed to reducing
thA degree of production concentration. In particular, the use of various synthetic
dyes, chemicals, glues, preparations and chemical fibers which possess great uni-
formity and purity has made fundamental changes in the production methods, it has
reduced the duration of the production cycle and the number of production operations
_ and ultimately has leu to a reduction in enterprise size.
The need to replace products and to more frequently and rapidly replace equipment,
a5 well as the reduction in the average service life caused by
scientific and technical progress have necessitated a further decline in enterprise
size. While in previous design studies there was an opportunity to reduce the ca-
pacity of the cotton cloth enterprises to 90,000-120,000 spindles and 1,500-2,000
].ooms in one independent building, subsequently obviously the need will arise to
buil3 enterprises with 40,000-60,000 spindles and 500-600 looms. The practices of
, the socialist and developed capitalist countries as well as economic research indi-
cate that such enterprises where the number of employees could be reduced to 250-300
persons will make it possible to organize management clearly, to recruit personnel
comparatively easily, to place the equipment rationally and when necessary to quickly
modernize the mill and provide narrow production specialization.
The envisaged dividing of the spinning and weaving mills and the creati~n instead of
uf specialized automated mill for spindleless spinning of cotton, wool and
chemical fibers and automated enterprises for ladder-type and shuttleless weaving
with electronic monitoring and control systems make it possible, in reducing the
size of the most labor-intensive types of production in terms of the number of em-
ployees, to place them in large groups, sometimes up to several-score enterprises in
towns and rural localities around an already existing light industry center. Such a
dispersion of labor-intensive groduction (this is caused by the patterns in the
placement of the labor resources), in strengthening its concentration, will be ac-
companied by a significant rise in the level of concentration in the most crucial
and least labor-intensive finishing stage of production by creating units of auto-
mated shops for dyeing, finishing, inspecting, storing and packing the materials and
articles with a capacity up to a billion meters of cloth a year. At large finishing
mills better conditions will be created for hiring highly skilled artist specialists
and for increasing the aesthetic quality of the product.
The large textile combines and mill, which exist in various regions of the nation
comprise a rather diversified production network. In choosing the points for the
locating of new finishing capacity, it is essential to consider the presence of this
network and to develop the existing spatial structure of the sector and to raise the
concentration of finishing capacity at the already created centers for the purposes
of achieving higher centralization in the use_of the creative labor of the designers
and the workers of other specialties.
A complex of interrelared systems where basic and auxiliary production have been
centralized and product specialization is combined with production and territorial,
will represent the basic type of placement also for other light industry sectors.
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All of this will make it possible to avoid furthe~ territorial dispersion of capac-
ity and to make fuller use of acquired experience. At the same time such a terri-
_ torial organization of production will provide an opportunity to better provide the
aff iliate enterprises specialized in the labor-intensive stages of production with
permanent personnel, to accelerate the time of construction and completion of capaC-
ity and to reduce operating expenses.
During the Tenth Five-Year Plan, the recommended types of enterprises virtually were
not built in light industry. At the same time, in certain republics, due to the
acute need for such a form of production, they began organizing small affiliates of
enterprises and existing associations in the small towns and rayon centers where
there were free labor resources. For example, in Armenia several-score such affil-
- iates and sections were set up. They have reached capacity three or four tiunes
faster than large combines and make it possible to significantly reduce proportion-
al capital investments per unit of capacity by lowering expenditures on the develop-
ment of the construction sites (small affiliates can be located in the populated
zone of towns and settlements, close to housing development) and for building utili-
ties in relation to the comparatively small consumption of heat, electric power and
water.
All of this has increased the economic efficiency of social production and capital
investments and has made it possi.ble in a short period of time t~ inerease the out-
put of consumer goods. Thus, over the years of the current five-year plan, the vol-
ume of product output for the Armenian Ministry of Light Industry has risen by almost
50 percent in comparison with 17 percent as a whole for the USSR Ministry of Light
Industry. From the example of operating such affiliates one can see many but not all
all the advantages of the new territorial organization ~f production. At the same
time, along with the positive aspects, one must not forget certai.n negative conse-
quences of such construction. It is essential that it be subordinate to the unified
~ scientific placement principles envisaged for the new forms of the social organiza-
tion of production in the General Plan for the Development and Placement of the
Soviet Productive Forces for the Period Up to 1990. The providing of the affiliates
with permanent personnel, the reduction in operating expenses and the rise in prod-
uct quality at them can be achieved only on a basis of linking their production and
organizational tasks with existing combines and associations. The aff iliates should
not be turned into something akin to local induatry enterprises the territorial or-
ganization of which is not subordinated to a unified system. The refusal to build
textile and other light industry combines and the transition to building small spe-
cialized enterprises and affiliates which are part of production associations will
help to successfully carry out the task posed in the Basic Directions for the llth
Five-Year Plan: "To develop consiuner goods production at a more rapid pace."
COPYRIGHT: Izdatel'stvo "Pravda", "Voprosy ekonomiki", 1981
10272
CSO: 1828/105
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~
LABOR
SOLUTIONS TO LABCR TURNOVER PROBLEM SUGGEST'3D ~
Moscow VOPROSY EKONOMIKI in Russian No 5, May 81 pp 33-44
[Article by A. Kotlyar ar~d M. Talalay: "Waya of Reducing Labor Turnover"]
[Text] The heightened efficiency of national production is the major object3.ve of
' party economic policy in the current stage of communist construction. In his
report at the 26th CPSU Congress, L. I. Brezhnev remarked: "In the 1980's the
careful and economical use of labor resources will be particularly important.
This is a complex matter, requiring the reaolution of many economic, technical,
- social and indoctrinational problems." The ob~ective of the economical, more ef-
- ficient use of labor resources is also underacored in the "Basic Guidelines for
- the Economic and Social Development of the USSR During 1981-1985 and During the
Period up to 1990."
The strain in the manpower balance is due to many factors, primarily shortcomings
in capital investment practices. In several cases, we have indulged excessively
in new capital construction inatead of modernizing existing enterprises, which
would make it possible to manufacture more products without increasing the number
of employees. In the plan for 1979, for example, modernization acc~unted for less
than one-fifth of all capital investmenta in production facilities. What is more,
the increase in quantity of incomplete capital construction leads to the dissipa-
_ tion of labor resources and their less effective employment. Sometimes the loca-
tion of new economic facilities is determined without any consideration for
staffing possibilities.
The shortage of labor resources is also connected with defects in the ~ystem by
- which workers are freed and in the organization of manpower redistribution. Eco-
nomic agencies lack the necessary interest in reducing the number of personnel.
Enterprises maintain a manpower reserve for work that is unconnected with their
immediate specialty. The fact that wage scales, the size of incentive funds,
bonuses and so forth often depend on the number of workers does not promote staff
reduction either. Considerable losses in working time, peraonnel turnover, short-
comings in the organization of labor and output norms and a high percentage of
- manual labor also lead to the inefficient use of labor resources. In ancillary
production units in industry, for example, only the labor of 29 percent of the
workers has been mechanized; in metallurgy ~ore than half of all heavy and labor-
intensive operations are performed by hand.
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Whereaa the demographic situation in the late 1960's and early 1970's relieved
the strain in the manpower balance (because the large segment of the population
born in the first postwar years reached working age), in the 1980'a the situation
changed, with the number of peraona reaching working age decreaaing in connection
with the drop in the birth rate in the 1960's and 1970'a. The rate of population
growth in employable age groups decreased from 18 percent in the 1970'a to 3.8
percent in the 1980'a.3
Under the conditions of the planned aocialiat economy, difficulties in the provi-
sion of the national economy with manpower can be aurmounted. "We muat not rely
- on the possibility of attracting new manpower," L. I. Brezhnev aaid at the 25th
CPSU Congress, "but only on the augmentation of labor productivity. Comprehensive
mechanization and automation and the dramatic reduction of manual labor will be
an essential condition for economic growth." Therefore, the present objective is
the maximum use of national economic, gectorial, regional and intraorganizational
labor reserves. The sta~~ilization of production collectives, the reduction of
labor turnover ar.d the re~.inforcement of labor disciplines are important elements
of this matter.
_ The stability of the personnel staff is a necessary condition for the accumulation
of production experience, the improvement of abilities and skills, the development
of labor activity and the superior organization of socialist competition, without
which the efficient use of modern means of production and the augmentation of
labor productivity will be impossible. The permanence of personnel is promoted
- not only by good production results, but also by the social development of col-
lectives and the creation of a favorable psychological climate within them.
Personnel stability becomes particularly important when production scales grow,
economic relations become more complex and technological progress accelerates.
This is why economic administrations, enterprise managers, public organizationa
. and soviets of people's deputies must pay more attention to the reinforcement of
labor discipline, the improvement of working conditions and the organization of
production efficiency and the proper work rhythm. Measures to reduce labor turn-
over are playing an increasingly important role. According to estimatea, more
than 20 million people, or aroun3 one-fifth of all the workera and employees
employed in the national economy (excluding kolkhoz members), tranafer from one
enterprise or organization to another. Transfers account for approximately two-
thirds of total personnel circulation.4 The CPSU Central Committee, the USSR
Supreme Soviet Presidium, the USSR Council of Ministers and the AUCCTU published
a decree "On the Further Reinforcement of Labor Discipline and the Reduction of
Personnel Turnover in the National Economy" (1979).
Even the initial results of the actiona taken in accordance with this decree
testify to their effectiveneas. Personnel turnover in RSFSR industry, for example,
was one-eighth lower in the first half of 1980 than in the first half of 1979.
What is more, the rate of personnel turnover in industry decreased even more
perceptibly during this period in some citiea: by a factor of 2.1 in Rostov-on-
Don, 1.5 in Ufa, 1.4 in Kazan' and so forth.
But this is not enough. We must remember than when the manpower tsalance is
strained, when the capital-labor ratio rises and when the cost of training and
retraining akilled personnel increaaes, the negative national economic consequences
of personnel turnover are more noticeable. In his apeech at the 16th Trade-Union
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Congresa, L. I. Brezhnev stres~ed: "Could we really com~are the losses resulting
from poor work by a ditch digger equipped with a shovel and wheelbarrow with the
losses that are brought about when a walking excavator atanda idle?"
The greatest economic losses brought about by personnel turnover are thoae con-
iiected with the worker's nonparticipation in the labor process while he is seeking
a new job. A survey indicated that a change of jobs takes an average of 25-30
days. On the national economic scale, this leada to losaea of aeveral hundred
thousand hypotheticdl average annual workers and a production deficit measured in
billions of rubles. Beaides thia, the retraining of workera who change their
profession when they move from one job to another requirea additional expenditurea.
Approximately two-fifths of the workers who resigned from enterprises changed
professions. The decreased output of workers prior to their resignation and 5
during the initial period of their employment in a new job also leads to losses.
~ Estimates have indicated that annual losses in RSFSR industry just from transfers
by ~�~ung workers under the age of 30 exceed 3 billion rubles.
In addition, personnel turnover inflicts considerable moral injuries on the socie-
ty because it lowers the level of labor discipline, thereby complicating the
planning of social processes and disrupting existing relationships within the
collective.
While we are discussing the consequences of personnel turnover, we cannot forget
the personal damages suffered by the worker who resigns. These primarily consist
of his lost income during his search for a new job. He often loses his annual
bonus and his place on the housing list. Long intervals between jobs (over a
month) or more than one move to another enterprise within a year leads to a break
in the worker's service record, and this affects his financial security with
respect to social insurance. But the main consideration is that the expectations
connected with a job transfer are far from always ~ustified. A study conducted
in Orel by the Central Scientific Research Laboratory of Labor Resources (TsNILTR)
indicated, for example, that only one-third of the workers who changed their
place of employment were completely satisfied with the transfer. Therefore, the
reduction of labor transfers is in the personal interest of the workers as well
as in the national economic interest.
By its economic nature, personnel turnover is a form of manpower redistribution
distinguished by the disorganized (unregulated by plan) transfer of workers from
one place of employment to another. Resignation from a job is the result of the
unsatisfactory, in the view of citizens, observance of their requirements in
regard to a place of employment (production, housing, consumer service and other
factors). To some degree, turnover reflects progressive changes in productive
forces and is effected by the law of labor modification. This is true, for ex-
ample, of transfers connected with the desire to combine a professional specialty
with an educational specialty, the mastery of a more promising profession, the
acquisition of higher qualifications, the move to a job which is consistent with
the worker's specialty, abilities, inclinations and state of health, and so forth.
The positive value of these transfers can be reinforced with the aid of their
planned organization. City placement bureaus could be of great assistance to
persons who wish to change their place of employment. Experience in this has been
accumulated in the Belorussian SSR. If the worker's reasons for resigning are
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- sufficiently sound (for example, due to a change of residence), his case is ac-
- cepted. The bureau informs the citizen of appropriate ~ob vacancies and signs
a candidate for the job he has left. This helps to reduce interruptions in the
_ labor process and aids in the selection of a place of employment that is most
consistent with the inclinations and needs of the worker. Naturally, when an
employed citizen comes to the bureau, his reasons for wishing to change his place
of employment are carefully reviewed, and if they are not sufficiently valid the
bureau strives to convince the citizen to change his mind. The bureau's data on
actual conditions at other enterprises in the city are used for this purpose.
As a result, over 10 percent of the citizens who come to the bureau decide not to
seek new jobs.
It must be said that transfers for valid reasons account for only a small share of
total personnel turnover. This indicates that turnover in general is a negative
phenomenon which injures the society as a whole and the individual enterprise and
worker.
When we determine the place occupied by turnover in the system of manpower redis-
tribution, we should note that the recruitment of workers by enterprises is
largely based on this. In some oblasts of the RSFSR, 60-87 percent of the person-
nel recruited by enterprises were people who had resigned from other organizations.
The factors lying at the basis of personnel turnover can be divided into objective
factors, stemming from various external aspects of manpower reproduction (for
example, the system of personnel training, the organization of labor and wages,
- housing and consumer service conditions and so forth), and personal factors, stem-
ming from such characteristics of the worker as his age, sex, education, service
record and so forth. The interaction of objective and personal factors forms the
worker`s attitude toward his job and his determination to stay or leave. There-
fore, the reasons for persunnel turnover consist of specific combinations of
factors. By influencing these factors, we can eliminate or reduce the effects of
causes of personnel turnover.
The final goal of the struggle against turnover is the guaranteed stability of
production collectives. The stability of labor collectives, apart from the reduc-
tion of turnover, depends on the reorganization of other types of manpower circula-
tion: the reduction of resignations for educational reasons (by improving
conditions for part-time study) and the return of the military reserve to previous
places of employment.
The production collective is a communlty with multifaceted internal relationships,
including relationships of a production and non-production nature. Relationships
of a production nature are formed directly in the labor process and depend on
working conditions, the distribution of workers, their vocational goals, vocational
training and qualifications, and their degree of participation in efficiency
augmentation work and in socialist competition. Relationships of a non-production
nature grow broader as housing and consumer service needs are satisfied (by the
place of employment), during the process of worker participation in amateur activi-
ties and recreational sports, and so forth.
An analysis of personnel turnover can reveal the reasons for the disruption of the
worker's relationship with the production collective, and the study of stability
can indicate the most effective ways of forming relationships. In this process,
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the relationships encountered in the study of personnel turnover and stability
will differ. The circle of interests (serving as prerequisites for the ~ormation
of relationships) revealed through reasons for resignation in the study of the
causes of personnel turnover is much more meager than the actual range of workers'
interests. Reasons for resignation generally reflect primarily the most signifi-
cant production and non-production interests: professional qualification possi-
bilities and demands in regard to working conditions, wages, the provision of
housing and preschool establishments and so forth. The worker can be connected
to the enterprise by a much broader circle of interests, however, and these may
seem secondary on the surface but they are actually extremely important--for ex-
ample, personal attachments with comrades at work, the presence of a tennis court
for tennis players and so forth. This must be taken into account in the work of
forming comprehensive and strong relationships between workers and the labor col-
lective, which also envisages the resolution of problems connected with the pro-
duction stability of personnel.
The correlation between personnel stability and turnover predetermines the dis-
tinctive features of the study of each facet of this single problem. In our
opinion, it is expedient to draw a distinction between the study of causes of
turnover in specific cases--that is, the disclosure of critical points in rela-
tionships which are disrupted more often than others--and the study of ways of
forming and maintaining various relationships between workers and the production
collective.
Many years of research by economists and sociologists have paved the way for the
study of theoretical and methodological questions connected with the socioeconomic
essence of personnel turnover.6 This established a theoretical basis for studies
of an applied nature. Now we must concentrate on the elaboration of ineasures to
reduce personnel turnover and stabilize production collectives with a view to the
distinctive features of specific branches, regions, enterprises and so forth.
Recommendations regarding the reduction of personnel turnover must take three
aspects into account: demographic, sectorial and regional. The demographic
aspects of turnover presupposes an analysis of sex and age patterns. The most
urgent problem here is turnover by working youth, which exceeds the rate of turn-
over by workers over 30. Studies conducted by the TsNILTR at more than 180 indus-
trial and construction enterprises established the following basic reasons for the
high rate of turnover among working youth: unsatisfactory conditions for the
combination of work and education, dissatisfaction with one's profession, work
that is inconsistent with one's specialty, inadequate housing and so forth.
The combination of all these csuses also reflects the peculiarities of youth as a
manpower category. We know, for example, how important education is in the young
person's system of values. Around 30 percent of all young workers combine work
with education. The shift work system, however, makes it difficult for them to
attend night classes in WZ's and tekhnikums and training courses, and this often
motivates them to resign from an enterprise. The successful combination of work
and education is promoted by a shift system of classes in academic institutions.
This is how classes are organized for part-time students in two Volgograd insti-
tutes, for example--the polytechnical institute and the institute of the national
economy. The students of these WZ's, as well as the students of academic
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institutes that are now being established as part of large enterprises, can at-
tend classes in the morning or evening, depending on the shift tliey work in pro-
duction. This eliminates one of the widespread causes of resignations. For
example, there have been virtually no resignations among part-time students at
the Neva Machine-Building Plant imeni V. I. Lenin. The academic process in this
plant's educational institution has been organized in such a way that years of
part-time study (with classes taught in two shifts) alternate with years of day-
time classes.
Inadequate vocational guidance work with youth leads to a situation in which many
young people choose a career under the influence of passing circumstances and
later resign from enterprises because they are dissatisfied with their profession.
According to TsNILTR studies, the proportion accounted for by persons who chose
their profession with the aid of intelligent vocational guidance (on the recom-
mendation of the secondary school or ~ob placement commission, familiarity with
the enterprise and so forth) was only 23 percent in industry and 28 percent in
construction. This is the reason why 75 percent of the young workers who resign
from enterprises change their professions.
A statewide vocational guidance sys*_em must be established in our nation, envisag-
ing vocational guidance work in secondary schools and at enterprises and the
organization of an interdepartmental vocational guidance service. On the lowest
levels of this system, this work should consist of vocational training and counsel-
ing in schools and the organization of vocational counseling centers at enter-
prises to offer specific placement recommendations and subsequently oversee the
- professional adaptation of youth.
The interdepartmental service should be responsible for the coordination of voca-
tional guidance measures in schools and in the production sphere, the distribution
of information about current and long-range manpower requirements and the provision
of special vocational counseling in particularly complicated cases. There are
many examples of the successful functioning of each of these links. The graduates
of schools in Leningrad and Minsk received a vocational recommendation compiled
by pedagogues and a physician in addition to their secondary school diploma. The
rate of turnover has dropped noticeably among new young workers at Moscow's Clock
Plant No 2, where a vocational guidance and placement office assists in the selec-
tion of jobs for new workers. Interdepartmental vocational guidance offices in
Vilnyus and Kaunas have worked successfully with upperclassmen, teachers and
parents. The time has come to turn this work into a statewide vocational guidance
system and to conduct it everywhere.
Personal inconveniences often motivate young workers to resign from enterprises.
The need for worker~' dormitories has still not been fully satisfied. There is
a pronounced shortage of dormitories of the boardinghouse type, which could be
used as temporary housing for young families. Estimates indicate that at least
70 percent of all workers' dormitories should be of this type, but the present
proportion is only one-third or one-fourth of this figure. Enterprises prefer to
build the conventional type of dormitory because it accommodates more people.
- However, after they start a family, young people often resign from enterprises
in the hope of finding better housing. The statement in the decree "On the Further
Reinforcement of Labor Discipline and the Reduction of Personnel Turnover in the
National Economy," regarding the fact that "new dormitories should be primarily of
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the boardinghouse type, with accommodations for young families," is of great sig-
nificance under these conditions. The experience of construction organizations
in Kiev, where the construction of such dormitories has noticeably reduced person-
nel turnover, proves that this is a promising practice.
One of the factors which keeps young workers on the job is professional advance-
ment. One out of every seven of the young workers interviewed in our survey,
however, said that there were no p~ssibilities for professional advancement at
his enterprise. Tl:is lowers the level of ~ob satisfaction.

~ The abovementioned decree makes spECial mention of the need to pay more attention
to young workers, particularly those who have ,just started work, and assist in
the growth of their professional mastery and their involvement in collective
matters. It envisages the introduction of a system of professional advancement
at enterprises, based on experience accumulated at the Volga Motor Vehicle Plant
imeni 50-Letiya SSSR [VAZ]. The principle of equal opportunities and order of
advancement is in effect here, signifying that workers are informed in advance of
the requirements of a specific job or rank (education, skills and so forth), and
an order of advancement is established if there are several contenders for the
- vacancy. Job vacancies at the VAZ which require superior skills are filled prima-
rily by the personnel of this plant.
The experience of leading enterprises has proved that the rate of personn.el turn-
over dropped noticeably when attention is given to questions of the labor, educa-
tion and personnel circumstances of young workers. Conversely, wherever the
necessary work is not conducted with young personnel, they do not stay on the job.
Suffice it to say that the rate of turnover among young workers at the enterprises
surveyed by the TsNILTR ranged from 3 percent to 114 percent. What is more, the
_ rate of turnover often differed as much as 10-20 points at neighboring enterprises
of the same branch.
Personnel turnover has certain distinctive features in other demographic groups as
well. For example, men in the production sphere have a higher rate of turnover.
Their resignations are generally connected with dissatisfaction with wages, the
organization of labor and housing conditions. Women resign because of dissatisfac-
tion with labor conditions and schedules and inadequate preschool establishments.
It is obvious that measures to reduce turnover will only be effective if the sex
and age structure of personnel at specific enterprises and organizations is taken
fully into account. For example, the rate of personnel turnover at the Darnitskiy
Silk Combine (Kiev) is almost half as high as the national average for enterprises
of light industry. This was achieved by means of a group of ineasures aimed at
improving the labor and personal conditions of women, who make up three-fourths of
the enterprise staff. The three-shift work scheduled at the combine has been
drawn up in such a way that each woman works only two night shifts a month. The
demand for preschool establishments, Pioneer camps and dormitories has been com-
pletely satisfied. The combine has a health clinic and a summer vacation camp.
Many of the problems connected with personnel turnover are revealed when its
sectorial aspects are analyzed. For example, when the `TsNILTR analyzed the reasons
that workers resigned from enterprises of the RSFSR Ministry of the Food Industry,
it learned that two-thirds of the resignations were motivated by dissatisfaction
with the technical conditions of production, 16 percent by dissatisfaction with
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hou;~ing and consumer service conditions, and 16 percent by personal reasons.
_ The entP~�prises of this branch had the highest rate o~ personnel turnover in
RSFSR industry. The principal reason is the low level of inechanization. The
nurnber of personnel performing their work with the aid of machines and mechanisms
and the number overseeing the operation of automatic units was 1.3 times lower
than the average for RSFSR industry in 1975. At the same time, the number of
personnel performing their work by hand with the aid of machines and mechanisms
was 2.3 times as high as the average in republic industry, and `he numbe.r of
those performing their work by hand without any machines was 1.2 times as high.
- The incorporation of new technology at the bakery combine in Maykop serves as an
example of the way in which the rate of personnel turnover is affected by the
comprehensive mechanization of production. Between 1975 and 1978 the enterprise
installed 195 new pieces of equipment, which led to a rise of 35 percent in labor
productivity and made it possible to institute a two-shift work schedule, with
all personnel having the same days off, and considerably reduce the amount of
manual labor. As a result, the rate of turnover at the enterprise fell to one-
fifth of its previous level.
The measures envisaged in the decree "On the Further Reinforcement of Labor Dis-
cipline and the Reduction of Personnel Turnover in the National Economy" to
improve material and technical supplies and the power-labor ratio, to reduce the
need for manual labor and to improve working conditions with the extensive use of
internal resources, in line with experience accumulated in Moscow, Leningrad and
cities in the Latvian SSR and Zaporozhskaya, Kuybyshevskaya and Chelyabinskaya
Oblasts, are a significant prerequisite for the reduction of personnel turnover.
Workers who resign from enterprises of this branch often state their dissatisfac-
tion with the organization of labor norms and wages. The average percentage of
technically substantiated output norms in the food industry is not high--83
percent--and in some subbranches it is even below 70 percent. There is a clear
tendency, however, toward a lower rate of personnel turnover when the percentage
of technically substantiated norms rises. It is also interesting that the average
wage of similar food industry enterprises in a number of cities differs signifi-
cantly: In Astrakhan', for example, the wage ranges from 110 rubles at Bakery
Plant No 1 to 162 rubles at Bakery Combine No 2, and so forth. These unjustified
differences in the wages of workers with the same skills arouse job dissatisfac-
tion and, consequently, increase personnel turnover. This is why the improvement
of the organization of wages and labor norm~, the broad-scale inclusion of labor
collectives and public organizations in the settlement of these matters and the
consistent moves toward collective forms of labor organization and wages are be-
coming particularly important.
The relatively meager supply of communal housing for branch workers and the long
waiting period for residences also have something to do with the rate of turnover.
The decree of the CPSU Central Committee, USSR Supreme Soviet Presidium, USSR
Council of Ministers and AUCCTU, which envisages the creation of housing and
construction cooperatives by associations, enterprises and organizations, provides
significant opportunities to eliminate this cause of personnel turnover. The
heads of these cooperatives will be authorized, with the approval of the Trade-
Union Committee and witH consideration for the recommendations of labor collec-
tives, to use incentive funds for financial assistance and the partial repayment
of bank loans for cooperative and individual construction by workers who have
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been at the speci:ic enterprise for at least 5 years, ar~d for newly-weds who have
been at the enterprise at least 2 years. This practice !~as already been conducted
at enterprises in Rubtsovsk (Altayskiy Kray) and plants in Yerm' (Kamkabel', the
electrical equipment plant and others), where personnel turnover has decreased
- noticeably.
Therefore, the analysis of personnel turnover from the sectorial standpoint testi-
fies that significant steps can be taken by the appropriate ministers to reduce
personnel turnover a* enterprises under their jurisdiction. These will primarily
be connected with general technical policy and the improvement of labor norms,
wages and production and personal conditions.
When we examine personnel turnover from the regional standpoint, we see consider-
able differentiation in the rate of personnel turnover at enterprises in vartous
parts of the nation. In the northwestern, central and Volga-Vyatka economic
regions, for example, the rate of personnel turnover in industry is only two-thirds
to one-half the rate in the West Siber~ian, Far Eastern and East Siberian regions.
The more severe natural and climatic conditions of East Siberia in comparison to
the western regions of the nation and the present relatively low level of public
services complicate the formation of stable production collectives in this region.
Under the conditions of this zone's intensive economic constructifln, the manpower
shortage is felt quite keenly, and this also heightens the intensity of personnel
turnover to some degree. In his report at the 26th CPSU Congress, L. I. Brezhnev
remarked: "When a person moves away from, let us say, Siberia, it is usually not
because the climate is unsuitable or his salary is too small, but because it is
more difficult to acquire housing or enroll a child in kindergarten there and
there are not enough cultural centers. This is why we plan to speed up the con-
struction of residential buildings and the entire sociocultural complex even more
in the next 5 years and improve the system for supplying the population of these
regions with consumer goods."
- Personnel turnover is a particuJ.arly acute problem in the cities. It is within
the city boundaries that most labor transfers take place, and migrants account
for no more than 20 percent of annual placement figures.
In most cases, the personnel turnover problem is investigated on the level of
individual enterprises. The measures worked out as a result of this are often of
a strictly intraorganizational character and cannot always aid in solving the
problem on the national economic level. What is more, enterprises located in the
- same cities have considerably different working and personal conditions, causing
personnel to leave one enterprise and go to another and distabilizing the labor
force on the municipal scale. The resolution of the personnel turnover problem,
however, requires effort on the part of municipal agencies as well as individual
enterprises. Lacal soviets, whose functions include the organization and regula-
tion of manpower distribution and redistribution within the city, have an important
role to play in the correct management of the processes.
The study of manpower transfer processes conducted by TsNILTR in Orel indicated
that 48,000 people (approximately one-fourth of all those employed in social pro-
duction in the city) apply fo_~ work at enterprises and organizations each year.
More than half of them (61 percent~ transfer from one enterprise to another,
ma~nly for reasons having to do with labor turnover. In view of the fact that
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labor transfers take workers out of the direct process of labor, the time spent
on them must be subtracted from the society's full amount of work time. The
figure to be subtracted rises as the number of transfers increases, all other
conditions being equal. Naturally, the minimization of the total number of labor
transfers will first require the reduction of unjustified transfers which are not
truly in the interest of enterprise personnel or the society as a whole.
When the justifiability of labor transfers in a city is being appraised, it must
be borne in mind that the transfers which are socially expedient are those con-
nected with the involvement in social production of persons from the educational
sphere, housewives, subsidiary farmers and persons discharged from the armed
services. The majority of all other labor transfers can be classified as person-
nel turnover. What is more, only 30-SO percent of these transfers (depending on
personnel age groups) are justifiable in the sense that they are truly in the
interest of the worker and satisfy his needs. Obviously, this kind of labor
transfer can be called expedient from the standpoint of the society's interests
as well. The research findings indicated that more than 40 percent of the labor
' transfers in Orel in 1976, for example, were not in the interest of the municipal
economy or the workers themselves. The elimination of these unjustifiable labor
transfers would be equivalent to the involvement of approximately 2,200 more
people in the Orel economy. This would not only correct the present personnel
shortage in the city but would also fill 4G0 new jobs. The reduction of surplus
manpower circulation within the city will require the institution of a complex of
measures by economic agencies and by local party and soviet organizations. This
would help to nullify the exclusively departmental approach of some enterprises
to the matter and would guarantee the institution of citywide measures.
When solutions to the personnel turnover problem are being planned on the municipal
scale, it is important to determine the main personnel flow patterns between
plants. Depending on the goals of the study, the direction of the labor flow can
be determined on various planes and scales (for examplE, if the sectorial ap-
proach is raken, the flow patterns from the sphere of physical production to the
non-production sphere, from industry to consumer services and from enterprise to
enterprise will be measured).
A study of labor flow patterns between plants in the city indicates, firstly,
enterprises with balanced reciprocal labor flows; secondly, those with no compen-
sating reciprocal transfers (those which primarily acquire or lose personnel);
and, finally, enterprises with no personnel exchange at all. As a result, it is
possible to learn which enterprises are contributing to the chronic manpower
deficit. As a rule, they are the en~terprises with the highest rate of tur.nover.
It must be said that most of the heads of,personnel departments (in Orel, for
, example, more than half of them) know little about the traffic patterns of resigned
workers and, consequently, about the reasons for these transfers.
Comparisons of production, social, cultural and personal conditions at various
enterprises can be used in the planning of sound measures to stabilize production
collectives and to reorganize personnel exchange patterns. The compleX of
measures planned within a city must also envisage the regulation of labor transfers
by workers of various age groups. In Orel a cit:ywide plan of ineasures to heigthen
the stability of young workers was compiled to reduce turnover in the most mobile
age group--the under-30 group. It envisages the coordination and considerable
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augmentation o� tY~e work at enterprises and organizations in the city to improve
the conditions of the labor, education, home life and recreation of young workers
and to equalize these conditions (on the level of the best enterprises).
The scales of a city offer considerable opportunities to coordinate the work of
enterprise personnel offices for the purpose of conducting a common personnel
policy, partly to weed out "rolling stones" and to prevent the enticement of the
personnel of other organizations. It would also be helpful to hold regular con-
ferences and seminar~ in the city (instructive seminars and meetings for the
exchange of work experience) for the workers of personnel departments, including
public agencies. In the organization of this work, it would help to create
"boards of personnel department chiefs" (like "boards of directors") in cities.
It is only on the citywide scale that such matters as the organization of good
transportation services for workers can be resolved. In particular, neighboring
enterprises could start work at different times and transport schedules could be
coordinated with their hours of operation.
The greatest difficulties in solving the housing problem are encountered by small
enterprises and organizations which do not have the resources for independent
residential construction. The city could be of decisive help in this matter,
namely by creating a centralized residential construction fund, made up of contri-
butions from individual enterprises and administered by the ispolkhom of the city
sov~et. This has been done in several cities in our country. With this system,
all of the housing is built for a single client (the city soviet) and is dis-
tributed proportionately on the basis of enterprise contributions.
The further development of. the network of public job placement bureaus and the
improvement of their work, envisaged in the previously mentioned decree, are also
being accomplished primarily on the municipal scale. Plans have been made to
give fuller consideration to the experience of cities in which citizens are
informed of enterprise manpower requirements and are placed in jobs with the aid
of local labor agencies. It is ohvious that :,rganized job placement services are
preferable to independent job-seeking. Almost all of the large cities in the
RSFSR have public job placement bureaus. In 1979 alone, l.l million people in
the Russian Federation found jubs with the aid of these bureaus. Further improve-
ment is needed, however, in placement services. For example, city soviets of
people's deputies could require the managers of all enterprises and organizations
in the city to report all job vacancies to these bureaus on a monthly basis. A
procedure, according to which all information about job vacancies would be
- printed in newspagers, broadcast over the radio and posted on the bulletin boards
of municipal information services and bureaus only with the consent and authoriza-
tion of the job placement service, must also be established in cities.
The mass-scale organization of the struggle for the effective reduction of person-
nel turnover, which is essential at the present time, should rest on a scientifi-
cally substantiated procedural foundation. Some experience has already been
accumulated in this work, and this will help in determining the basic conditions
that must be met by methods for the study of personnel turnover at enterprises
and organizations. Above all, it will be important to focus on a specific object,
with consideration for its distinctive features. This object could be a specific
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manpower group with its own peculiar circulation patterns (for example, working
youth) or a type of economic organization (for example, cement plants). Methods
of accumulating information, such as the study of the working and personal con-
ditions of personnel (based on direct observations with the aid of information
in statistical reports, daily accounts and personnel files) must be combined with �
surveys of enterprise workers and persons who submit resignations (to determine
the motives for resignations and the motives and scales of potential turnover)
and the recommendation of ways of reducing personnel turnover with regard to the
specific object. Finally, when the studies involve branches, regions, cities and
so forth, recormnendations on the disclosure and summarization of progressive
experience in the work of personnel st~bilization will be of great importance.
Examples of this could be the TsNILTR recommendations on the study of the causes
of turnover among working youth in industry and construction, recommendations on
the study and organization of the stabilization of graduates of general educa-
tional schools at industrial enterprises and the procedure of studying the reasons
~ for citizens' resignations with the aid of information from municipal public place-
ment bureaus.
All of these recommended procedures have been put to practical use. For example,
the use of the procedure for studying the causes of resignation with the aid of
placement bureau data made it possible to survey 559 enterprises of the food
industry in the Russian Federation in ~ust S months. The study resulted in a
complex of ineasures to reduce personnel turnover in the branch. The existing pro-
cedural recommendations are inadequate as yet, however. There are no standard
recommended procedures for the comprehensive study of this problem on the level
of the city, branch or individual enterprise with consideration for its production
features. As a result, studies conducted at enterprises (or in branches) do not
have a common procedural basis, their content and methods (including the question-
naire) differ significantly, their data analysis and processing methods are not
the same and there is no single system for the classification of factors contribut-
ing to turnover. All of this makes it difficult to compare their results and
formulate general conclusions and recommendations. The development of procedures,
envisaging the combination of general procedural principles with an emphasis on
sectorial or regional peculiarities, is completelS~ possible. This will necessitate
the coordination of the efforts of scientific establishments of an interdepart-
mental nature--for example, the Institute of the Economics and Organization of
. Industrial Production of the USSR Academy of Sciences' Siberian Department, the
Scientific Research Institute of Labor and TsNILTR--with the efforts of sectorial
economic institutes. On this basis, it would be quite possible to quickly provide
each branch of the national economy and industry with standard procedures for the
study and organization of ineasures to reduce personnel turnover.
The improvement of inethods for the study of personnel turnover must be accompanied
by a more efficient system of statistical records. At present, these records are
kept only in industry, construction and transportation, and only for rank-and-file
workers. What is more, all reasons for leaving an enterprise are covered up by
the official formula of resignation "for personal reasons." Time-consuming and
costly (and not always competent) studies are organized in each specific cas? to
obtain the necessary information. The systematic acquisition of information and
the guarantee of procedural uniformity, however, will necessitate the inclusion
of data on the scales (including individual data on youth) and motives of person-
nel turnover in all branches of the national economy and industry in state sta-
tistical records.
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The comprehensive implementation of all these suggestions could aid in the "sta-
bilization of personnel and reduction of labor turnover," envisaged in the Basic
Guidelines for the Economic and Social Development of the USSR During 198i-1985
and During the Period up to 1990."
FOOTNOTES
1. VOPROSY EKONOMIKA, No 6, 1980, p 35.
2. SOTSIALISTICHESKIY TRUD, No 3, 1980, p 73.
3. "Trudovyye resursy SSSR" [Labor Resources in the USSR], Izdatel'stvo Ekonomika,
1979, p 12.
4. "Trudovyye resursy SSSR, p 237; "Dvizheniye rabochikh kadrov v promyshlennosti"
[Manpower Circulation Patterns in Industry], Izdatel'stvo Statistika, 1973,
pp 15-16.
S. For example, studies conducted by the Scientific Research Institute of Labor
indicate that workers fulfill output norms by an average of 70-75 percent in
their first month at a new place of employment, 90 percent in their second
month and 95-97 percent in their third (see "Nekotoryye problemy teorii
statistiki i statisticheskikh issledovaniy" [Some Aspects of the Statistical
Theory and Research], pt II, Moscow, 1971, p 25).
- 6. See, for example, Ye. G. Antosenkov and Z. V. Kupriyanova, "Tendentsii v
tekucheskti rabochikh kadrov" [Labor Turnover Trends], Novosibirsk, 1977;
"Dvizheniye rabochikh kadrov v promyshlennosti"; V. A. Pavlenkov, "Dvizheniye
raboctiey sily v usloviyakh razvitogo sotsializma (Voprosy teorii i
metodologii)" [Labor Circulation Patterns in the Developed Socialist Society
(Aspects of Theory and Methodology)], Izdatel`stvo MGU, 1976; and others.
COPYRIGHT: Izdatel'stvo "Pravda", "Voprosy ekonomiki", 1981
8588
CSO: 1828/111
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LABOR
SOCIALIST COMPETITION SPECIALISTS MEET IN GOMEL'
Moscow VOPROSY EKONOMIKI in Russian No S, May 81 pp 153-154
[Article by A. Glushetskiy and I. Lashchinskiy: "Participation by Labor Collectives
in Production Control"]
[Text] In 1980 a section on "Socialist Competition and the Further Development of
Participation by Labor Collectives in Production Management" was set up as part of
the Scientific Council of the USSR Academy of Sciences and the AUCCTU on Problems
in Socialist Competition.
The development of the socioeconomic activity of working people is one of the most
important ways of improving the mechanism of economic management. But there are
many unsolved problems in the theory and practice of this development. There is no
system for classifying forms of socioeconomic activity, the relationships between
~ various forms of activity and the process of management and its various levels have
not been established, there are no precise guidelines for interrelations between
public, "amateur" organizations and the managing bodies of enterprises, and so
forth.
The new section is supposed to determine major guidelines and plan and coordinate
scientific work in this field. The investigation of theoretical aspects must be
combined with the summarization of the actual experience accumulated in la~~r
collectives and the drafting of recommended procedures for the more efficie?:t
involvement of workers in production management. The work methods of permanent
production conferences, workers meetings, scientific and technical societies,
societies of inventors and efficiency experts and mass artistic associations for
workers are to be analyzed for this purpose. The heightened effectiveness of col-
lective bargaining, the activities of factory and plant local committees and par-
ticipation by workers in the management of socialist competition, counter-planning
and the social development of labor collectives will be matters of constant concern.
Plans also call for the study of the various forms taken by contacts between labor
collectives of related ~nterprises and associations, particularly the examination
of initiatives regarding the more careful observance of cooperative delivery
agreements, a move from complaints to mutual assistance, and so forth.
At the end of December 1980 the section held its first out-of-town meeting in
Gomel'. The topic of discussion was "Socialist Competition and Other Active Forms
of Participation by the Working Public in Production Management (as Exemplified by
~
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the Gomsel'mash Production Association)." The successful work of Gomsel'mash (the
association fulfilled the production volume assignment of the lOth Five-Year Plan
a year and a half ahead of schedule) was largely a result of the proper organization
of socialist competition and the ex~ensive development of various forms of worker
involvement in production management.
Production association workers and administrators, representatives of central,
republic and local trade-union councils and scientific personnel spoke at the
section meeting.
Reports were presented by General Director N. Afanas'yev of the association and
Chairman S. Boretskiy of the trade-union committee, They discussed the association's
experience in the organization of socialist competition and the development of
other forms of worker participation in producti.on management. More than half of the
association's personnel work in all of its public managing bodies (around 60 percent
of them are workers, 32 percent are engineering and technical personnel and 8 percent
are employees). The work of permanent production conferences, which consider ways
of heightening production efficiency and attaining the collective's main social
objectives, is particularly noteworthy. Another extremely important form of par-
ticipation by workers in management is socialist competition. Virtually the entire
collective takes part in organizing the competition and in analyzing and summing
up its results.
Several problems in the development of various forms of worker participation in
management were discussed in the reports and speeches. Their resolution is often
complicated by insufficient scientific research. Speakers pointed out instances
of parallelism and duplication in the work of the public organizations and func-
tional departments and offices of the association, which lead to the "erosion" of.
responsibility. The organization and management of competition within a production
association have not been analyzed sufficiently. A flood of various initiatives
and recommendations complicates the work of organizing competition. Speakers
_ stressed that the effectiveness of competition will be heightened and the partici-
pation of workers in production management will be expanded only in the presence of
- constant contact between science and production. They expressed the hope that the
activities of the new section of the Scientific Council will aid in the quickest
possible resolution of an important national economic problem--the continued devel-
opment of participation by labor collectives in production management.
- COPYRIGHT: Izdatel'stvo "Pravda", "Voprosy ekonomiki", 1981
8588
CSO: 1828/116
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DEMOGRAPHY
KAZAKHS APPROACH 7 MILLION IN 1979 CENSUS, GROWTH SLOWS
Alma-Ata BILIM ZHANE ENGBEK in Kazakh No 4, Mar 81 pp 28-30
(Article by demographer Maqash Tatimov, senior research worker at the Philosophy
and Law Institute of the KaSSR Academy of Sciences: "Kazakh Population
Distribution and Growth"]
[Text] /The party central committee has worked out a useful
demographic policy in accordance with tha instructions of the XXV
party congress and is devoting special attention to carrying it
out and to the difficult issue of a future population balance./
[in boldface]
From Comrade L. I. Brezhnev's report to the XXVI Congress of the
CPSU.
The results of the 1979 All-Union Census will form the foundation of this
demographic program. During the next few years the systematized, summary figures
from the large amount of raw census data will be published as individual volumes.
This rich and carefully processed census data will have very great significance
for research.
The first census returns have just been issued by the Politizdat Press as
individual brochures and volumes. The bulk of the data, however, is being
published in the journal VESTNIK STATISTIKI, the organ of the USSR Central
Statistical Office, from issue five for 1980.
These official census returns show that all the peoples of the Soviet Union, among
them the Kazakhs, are enjoying total proaperity. We will let the figures speak
for themselves.
The rapid growth of the Kazakhs can be seen from just the most recent Sovie~
censuses alone. In 1939 there were 3,101,000 Kazakhs, in 1959 3,622,000, in 1970
5,299,000 and in 1979 6,556,000. Our people have grown more than 2.1 times in 40
years in spite of heavy losses during the horrible Second World War. The growth,
however, has not been uniform if looked at in terms of 10 year periods. Thus
growth was practically non-existent during the difficult 1940s, reached 20 percent
during the SOs, radically increased to 40 percent during the 60s and fell off to
27 percent in the lOs. During the 1980s the growth rate will fall somewhat, to
about 23-25 percent, and will begin to decline drastically during the next
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decades. The Kazakhs will remain, however, like other neighboring peoples of
Central Asia, among the ranks of rapidly increasing populations. According to the
results of the 1979 All-Union Census Kazakhs number 6,556,442. Of the total, 80.7
percent lived in the KaSSR and 19.3 percent in other union republics. Table one
shows the number of Kazakhs by republic. One large group of Kazakhs (736,700)
lives in contiguous Central Asian areas but some 530,400 live in the RSFSR and in
other republics (see Table 1).
The numbers of small groupings of Kazakhs in republics, oblasts and regions rather
distant from the KaSSR grew considerably in the 1979 census as compared to the
1970 census. Most were comprised of students studying outside the republic,
persons in military service, tourists and workers on assignment. On the other
hand, the large numbers of Kazakhs settled in rayon contiguous to the KaSSR tended
to be drawn back into the KaSSR. The major stimulus for this was the opening of
new educational institutions, construction projects, industries and mines. This
process is likely to continue in the future. The creation of new oblasts and
rayon within the republic and the growth of many new cities and the expansion of
new sovkhoz will guarantee that this is the case.
Table 1. Numbers of Kazakhs by Republic
Republic Number Percent
KaSSR 5,289,394 80.7
JzSSR 620,136 9.5
_ RSFSR 518,060 7.0
TuSSR 79,539 1.2
KiSSR 27,442 0.4
TaSSR 9,606 0.1
UkSSR 9,171 0.1
BSSR 1,355 0.02
AzSSR 1,010 0.02
GSSR 820 0.01
LiSSR 567 0.01
MSSR 533 0.01
LaSSR 447 0.01
ESSR 226 0.003
ArSSR 199 0.003
Soviet Union 6,556,442 100.000
[as published]
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Table 2. Numbers of Kazakha by KaSSR Administrative Unit, Rates of GrowCh and
Kazakhs as a Percentage of Total Administrative Unit Population
Numbers in Growth Rate Percent of Total
Administrative Unit Thousands 1970-1979 Population
Chimkentskaya Oblast 797.8 31.3 51.0
~ .
Kzyl-Ordinskaya Oblast 42~.0 24.4 75.6
Dzhambulskaya Oblast 410.4 26.8 44.1
Semipalatinskaya Oblast 371.2 19.4 48.0
Aktyubinskaya Aqtobe Oblast 328.4 25.5 52.1
- Alma-Atinskaya Oblast 319.6 22.1 37.6
Taldy-Kurganskaya Oblast 305.3 21.2 46.1
Uralskaya Oblast 301.1 19.3 51.5
Guryevskaya Oblast 281.5 26.1* 76.1
Eastern Kazakhistan Oblast 223.3 14.0 25.4
Pavlodarskaya Oblast 216.1 23.5 26.8
Dzhezkazganskaya Oblast 184.3 27.0* 41.0
Karagandinskaya Oblast 181.5 27.0* 14.5
Tselinogradskaya Oblast 167.8 19.0 20.7
Kokchetavskaya Oblast 161.8 21.1 26.3
Kustanayskaya Oblast 156.2 13.5 16.6
Alma-Ata City 147.9 67.7 16.4
Mangyshlakskaya Oblast 111.9 26.1* 44.3
Turgayskal�a Oblast 99.5 38.4 36.8
Northern Kazakhstan Oblast 99.3 14.8 16.7
KaSSR 5,289.3 24.5 36.0
* Gur'iv, Mangyshlakskaya, Karaganda and Dzhezkazganskaya oblasts were created
during the intercensal period. Growth rates are given here for comparative
purposes.
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The Kazakhs are unevenly diskributed in the KaSSR. They are concentrated in the
southern oblasts in particular. Thus Chimkentskaya oblast is conspicuous for the
number of Kazakhs living there. The numbers of indigenous people in the eastern
and western oblasts of the KaSSR are also large. Numbers of Kazakhs are, however,
much smaller in northern and central oblasts. Numbers of indigenous people are
very small in the newly created oblasts of Turgay, Mangshlak and Dzhezkazgan while
numbers of migrants residing there continue to grow. The growth rates of the last
two oblasts, for example, exceeded 30 percent taken alone, during the 9 year
period [as published]. Regional differences in Kazakh natural growth rates are
noticeable compared to previous years. This is, above all, a reflection of
limitations of family sizes. The rate of population growth in Chimkentskaya
oblast was 2.3 times greater than in Kustanayskaya oblast. The increased rate of
growth of the Kazakh population in the capital of Alma-Ata is a clear reflection
of a growing concentration of Kazakh young people in the large cities.
Table 3. Numbers of Kazakhs in Union Republics and Growth Rates
Numbers in Growth Rate
Administrative Unit Thousands 1970-1979
I. UzSSR 620.1 30.2
1. Karakalpakskaya ASSR 243.9 31.1
2. Tashkentskaya Oblast 208.0 26.6
3. Bukharskaya Oblast 70.2 36.6
4. Dzhizakskaya Oblast 35.5 38.01
5. Syrdarinskaya Oblast 17.7 38.01
6. Khorezmskaya Oblast 11.2 25.6
II. RSFSR 518.1 8.4
1. Astrakhanskaya Oblast 107.0 10.6
2. Orenburgskaya Oblast 98.6 5.2
3. Saratovskaya Oblast 63.2 10.4
4. Omskaya Oblast 61.2 16.1
5. Volgogradskaya Oblast 34.9 10.7
6. Kurganskaya Oblast 14.0 11.4
7. Altayskiy Kray 10.8 -13.82
8. Tavli-Altay Aut. Oblast 8.7 20.5
9. Kalmykskaya ASSR 6.1 -13.72
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III. Turkmen SSR 79.5 16.0
1. Krasnovodskaya Oblast 26.5 34.11
2. Tashauzskaya Oblast 25�2 5�~
3. Maryyskaya Oblast 15.3 ~�1
4. Chardznouakaya Oblast 6.2 8�8
5. Ashkhabadskaya Oblast 4.4 34�21
IV. Kirghiz SSR 27.4 24.0
1. Frunze Oblast 20.0 32.0
2. Issyk-Rul'skaya Oblast 5.3 22�5
V. TaSSR 9.6 15.7
VI. UkSSR ~�2 -5�22
All Union Republics 1,267.1 19.1
1. Growth rates of Syr-Darinskaya, Dzhizakskaya, Ashkhabadskaya and
Krasnovodskaya Oblasts, which were created during the intercensal period are given
for comparison.
2. Negative growth rates are indicated by
What do the census data on numbers of Kazakhs settled on the territories of union
republics and growth rates mean? They mean that there are Kazakhs in all of the
~re:s bordering Kazakharan and, as we have seen. there are three rather large
concentrations of Kazakh settlement outside the KaSSR, namely the Tashke?it area
with 300,000 (my calculations), the lower estuary of the Amu-darya with 280,000
and the area around the mouth of the Edil with more than 220,000. Ka~akhs also
_ live in the oblasts of Orenburg and Omsk, which border the KaSSR on the north, and
in the oblasta of Bukhara and Dzhizak, which border the republic on the south.
Some administrative unita have not been included in our tables since information
on them has not yet been made available separately in publiahed 1979 census
returns. Numbers of Kazakhs enumerated in them 10 years ago, in the 1970 census,
may be taken as minimuma: Chelyabinskaya Oblast, 27,600, Novosibirskaya Oblast,
12,200, Kuibyshevskaya Oblast, 10,400, Sverdlovskaya Oblast, 4,200, the City of
Moscow, 4,200, Moacow Oblast, 4,000, Primor kray, 2,200, Khabarov region, 1,700,
Chitinskaya Oblast, 1,600. All belong to the RSFSR. Likewise there were 15,200
Kazakhs in Tashkent city, 6.100 in Samarkandskaya Oblast, 4,700 in Frunze city,
. . 2,200 in Surkhandarinskaya Oblast and 1,300 in Leninbadakaya Oblast in Central
As ia.
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Table 4. Numbera and Growth Rates, 1970-1979, of Kazakha by Region
Numbera Aa Percent Growth Natural
In Of Total Rate Increase Differ-
Region Thousands Populstion 1970-1979 1970-1979 ence
I. Southern Kazakhatan 2,409.0 44.0 29.0 25.0 +4.0
II. Western Kazakhstan 1,023.4 56.0 23.7 22.0 +1.7
III. Eastern Kazakhstan 810.6 33.0 18.7 21.6 -3.7
IV. Central Asia 736.7 28.1 32.0 -3.9
V. Northern Kazakhstan 595.1 20.0 17.3 20.0 -2.7
VI. RSFSR 530.3 8.0 16.0 -8.0
VII. Central Kazakhstan 465.3 24.0 29.3 23.0 +6.3
[as published]
Growth rates for Kazakhs in union republics vary. This is first of all a
reflection c~f large natural increase rates and their stability and secondly of
- ~leclining rates of natural increase and increasing out-migration. Thus numbers of
Kazakhs decreased in the Altay region, for example, and in the Kalmykskaya ASSR
and the UkSSR and increased in the oblasts of Dzhizak, Bukhara and Krasnovodsk and
in the Karakalpakskaya ASSR.
Oblasts in the last two tables are arranged into seven geographical areas. The
total is largest for southern Kazakhstan, the percentage of total population
constituted by the Kazakhs is highest for western Kazakhstan, the observed or
actual rate of growth is highest for central Kazakhstan and the rate of increase
is highest in Central Asia. The rate of natural increase is two times higher
there, for example, than the rate of natural increase for Kazakhs in. the RSFSR.
Three of the seven regions are receiving migrants but out migrants are more
numerous than in-migrants in four. There is Kazakh migration from all areas to
southern Kazakhstan but migration to weatern Kazakhstan is from the RSFSR and
Central Asia and to central Kazakhstan from western, northern and southern oblasts.
Numbers of Kazakhs in the Soviet Union will reach 7,000,000 by September, 1981.
However, if Kazakhs living in foreign countries are added in the number of Kazakhs
reaches 8,000,000. Of these nearly 1,000,000 live in the Chinese People's
Republic, more than 90,000 in the Mongolian People's Republic, 40,000 in
Afghanistan and 25,000 in Turkey and in other western and eastern countries.
Numbers of Kazakhs will reach 8,400,000 in the 1989 All-Union Census and
10,000,000 by the year 2000.
COPYRIGHT: "Bilim zhane engbek," 1981
END
CSO: 1810/603
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