JPRS ID: 9801 SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA REPORT

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: JPRS
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP82-00850R000400020040-1
• Release Decision: RIF
• Original Classification: U
• Document Page Count: 52
• Document Creation Date: November 1, 2016
• Sequence Number: 40
• Content Type: REPORTS

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JPRS L/9801
19 June 1981
Sub-Saharan Africa Re ort
p
FOUO No. ~26
FBIS FOREIGN BROADCAST INFORMATION SERVICE
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JPRS L/9801
19 June 1981
SUB-SANARAN AFRICA REPORT
FOUO No. 726
CONTENTS
INTCR-AFRICAN AFFAIRS
Fate of Qiad, Libya ' Closely Linked' Under Present Circumstances
(Ginette Cot; AFRIQUE-ASIE, 27 Apr 81) 1
United States Allegedly Needs Sc,uthern African Minerals
(NEW AFRICAN, May 81) 7
African Lab or Develops Clout
(Henry Freedman; NEW AF~tICAN, May 81) . . o . . . . . 10
Af.rica Studies New Transportation Links
(NEW AFRICAN, May 81) 14
M]COLA
Diificulties, Prospects of Energy Sector
(MARCHES TROPICAUX ET MEDITERRANEENS, 22 May 81) 16
Briefs
Butane Gas Production 17
llrought Af fe cts Co rn Harves t 17
Aircr.aft Purchase 17
CAMLRUON
New Developments in Oil Situatic~n Reviewed
(MARC~IES TROPICAUX ET MEDITERRANEENS, 1 May 81) 18
C}:NTRAL AERICAN REYUBLIC
Opposition Said To Fear the Worst Fmm Dacko
(AFRIQLTE-ASIE, 27 Apr-10 May 81) 20
- a- ~III - NE & A- 120 FOUO]
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COMORO ISLANDS
Briefs
~ Famine Reported 22
GUIlVEA-BI5SAU
Briefs
Former Dissidents Appointed 23
IVORY COAST
Briefs
Official: Oil No Panacea 24
Judicial Appointments 24
Circumspection Over Oil Deposits 24
R,~ad Cons truction Loan 25
MADAGASCAR
Briefs
Students Seek Visas 26
MOZAMB IQtT~
B rie fs
Tea Pro3uction 27
F.tsh Imports 27
Runway Expansion 27
NAMIB IA
Edifiorial Says United States Africa Policy To Be Tested
(MARCEi~S TRUPICAU% ET MEDITERRANEENS, 1 May 81) 28
SENEGA.L
Opposition Responds Positively to Diouf Measures
(Antonia Blis; AFRIQUE-ASIE, 27 Apr-]A May 81) 31
SEY CHE LLES
Reaction to Mitterrand Victory Iieported
- (AFRIQUE-ASIE, 25 May 81) .....................o............... 34
Election Results Assessed, by Devi Tolwal
Reaction to Mitterrand Vi.ctory, by Solofo Rasoarahona
Key to the New Society Described
(Devi Tolwal; AFRIQUE-AS]:E, 25 May 81)......o 38
Briefs
Protest vs Ramgoolam 43
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SOMALIA �
Briefs
wr~ Food Aid 44
EEC Emergency Aid 44
ZAIRE
Soldiers Reported in Border Racket
(MaCthews Ndovi; NEW AFRICAN, May 81) 45
B rie fs
Devaluation R~ors 47
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INTER-AFRICAN AFFAIRS
~ATE OF CHAD, LIBYA 'CLOSELY LINKED' UNDER PRESENT CIRCUMSTANCES
Paris AFRIQU~-ASIE in French 27 Apr 81 pp 22-24
[Article by Ginette Cot: "GUNT Is Gaining Ground but Situation Remains Perilous"]
� [Text] The arguments advanced by Paris' allies to foster continued tension over
the Chadian situation and rekindZe war in that country ravaged by a succession of
crises and armed conflicts, have collapsed one after another with every passing
week. And now at a time when thP Elysee Palace--where France's African policy is
determined--is paralyzed by preparations for the presidential election, everything
seems to be happening as if, on the eve of the OAU su~it, there is a veritable
race against time between the GUNT [Transitional Government of National Unity],
which is ga ining ground, and its enemies, namely those who are prepared to do
anything to reverse the situation created by the rout of Hissein Habre's forces at
Ndjamena on 15 December 1980, and return Chad to the bosom of the former mother
country whose dangerous game is becoming more and more obvious.
To the great displeasure of its detractors, while Chad's Transitional Government of
- National Unity, headed by Goukouni Weddey~, has been making points--despite an
unfavorable conjimcture--on the diplomatic level outside the country, it has also
been demonstrating its capability to control and stabilize the situation inside the'
country, despite its crippling handicaps and meager resources. Those persons who
shouted "fi.re" some 4 months ago after the release of a communique on 6 January
in Tripoli, now find they went to all that trouble for nothing. Although the
communique in question did refer to a"mass union" between the Libyan and Chadian
peoples through their h:i.^tory and struggles, it nevertheless also highlighted
Tripoli's desire to help Nd~amena rebuild its national structures and defend its
independence. Yet there were critics some who had scurrilously misinterpreted that
communique for the sake of a disreputable cause. And those persons who are today
talking about a"turnabout" are dishonest because they had,in general totally ignored
the first official statement issued by the GUNT which, as early as 15 January, had
made things quite clear. The fact remains--and this is the i:mportant point--that
after the multiple clarifications issued 3n both capitals, the pretext of an alleged
merger plan can no longer be used convincingly to denounce the GUNT or accuse Tripoli
of p~.anning to "swallow up" Chad. Moreover, the recent statements by Acyl Ahmat,
~:till depicted as an unwavering supporter of Tripoli, have seemingly helped to
�czlm the latest public unrest fomented around this false issue. When questioned
on 27 March about this matter, the Chaclian foreign minister explained thar a
democratically elected goveinment will have to succeed the provisional government
as soon as there is the necessary combi.nation of conditions and resources conducive to
holding elections. It is only afterwards, he added, rhat the question of a merger
with Libya. could possibly be submitted to the Chadian people in a referendum.
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Quieting Assurances
Tripoli has also been busily issuing ~uieting :~ssurances. For example, during
a-visit to Ndjamena for the purpose of arranging a Libyan financial and economi.~
assistance program for the GUNT, Major Abdesselam Jalloud not only xeaffirmed the
Jamahiriya's de.finite co~nitment to support the Chadian people economically and -
politically, but also stated: "We are making no demands on any.African state.
We do not claim to be protectors. We have no disputes with any African state,
for we desire only peace, security, and stab.ility.... The L3bya~ military presence
in Chad was in response to the request of the legal government pursuant to the
decisions of the Lagos conference.... ~he Libyan forces will be withdrawn whenever
the legitimate G'hadian Go~ernment so requests."
Also fruitless were the explicit and repeated appeals made to Colonel Kamougue,
_ the GUNT's vice president, in an effort to persuade him to lead southern Chad
recklessly into rebellion and secessl.on. And as if all dangers could be removed
through a sort of Coueism, opinion-makers have continuec~ to spread alarmist reports
about the dangerous increase in tension within Nd~amena's governmental coalition.
Yet, here again, it is a well-known fact that all speculation on thls particular
sub~ect was dramatically quelled by the lengthy tour of the country the president
of the GUNT began on 10 March. The southern provinces were his priarity objective,
ahead of the eastern region, on this nationwi.de tour, the first made by a Chadian
chief of state in 3 years. The pQ~pulation of the tive southern prefectures did,
in fact, give President Goukouni We3deye an enthusiastic reception. Colonel Kamougue
, organized this trip and was responsible for all its security arrangements,
During a week of ineetings and talks, the GUNT leader, accompanied by an imposing
delegation, was ab:le to exchange views on all problems facing thc country with the
leaders and people of this "useful", "anismistic", and "Christian" south.
This tour strikingly demonstrated the Chadian people's longing for national unity
and peace, and also the authority and following which President Coukouni Weddeye
and his government have gained. ~This latter development is a new factor which
augurs well for Che futute, when one recalls the prevailing atmosphere of
deliquescence, internal dissension, and ~espair following tYee constitution of the
GUNT in November 1979, and likewise iiumediately before Ndjamena's second civiX
war in March 19 80.
The president's proposals and assurances g.iven during this visit evoked a largely
favorable and sympathetic response among the people of the country's southern
region. These proposals and assurances deaLt with sueh matters as the necessarily
secular character of the state, future organization of free elections, esgential
reestablishment of government authority in those regions still administered by the
var.ious GUNT factions, payment of salaries, starting at the end of March, to all
officials forc~d to flee to the south, absence of a plan for an organic merger with
Tripoli, and the prospective withdrawal of Libyan forces as .soon as Chad's security
is firn;;~ established and the national army reconstituted.
Restore Conf.idence
Upon completion of the president's tour, the GUNT adopted measures designed to
restore confidence and help dispel the resentment created by the successive wars
that have torn the country asunder. One such measure is the decisian to repatriate
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t.o t.i~eir soiithern native pravinces some 150 former prisoners of war from the former
lI1AC~1;?~~ f;overnmental national army--defeated during the tighting in 1978-1979-�-and
kept up t.o now in the Abeche region where they were assigned to various tasks.
L:istl.y, the Rovernment is busily taking concrete action to implement the vital plan
Eor demilL[ari~atinn of tlte capital. In fact, it was p~rsuant to this plan thar
?00 I.it~y~n sol~~t.~~rs; wer~ relieved of their control dutics at the Nd~amena airport
~>n 'L6 M1ir_h and returned to Libya. By this measure, both the Libyan an~ Chadian
p~rties demonstrated at the same time their determination to make their actions and
pr.omises agree, in other words, to proceed progressively with Tripoli's military
disengagement from Chad as threats to the restored but still shaky peace, and
cc>nsequently to the country's independence and territorial integrity, are gradually
rc~moved .
Yet it goes without saying that one of the most formidable and most vital tasks
C~icin~; the CLtNT is to get the country's administrative, economic, and financial
m.~r_hi.nery back in operation. These services were totally dismantled during the most
r~rtnt- figt~ring. Moreover, this national reconstruction program, without which the
nur.malizltioci process now underway would remain wlnerable, cannot be successfully
i.mpl~mented witliout external assistance. Yet it must be acknowledged that, thus far,
onty Libya, already militarily and politically e~gaged alongside Chad, has responded
t~~ r.he GUNT's appeal by fur.nishing aid in varioug fields. Whan Major Jallqud
visited Ndjan.zna on 12-14 February--a visit that concluded with the publication of
communique affirming that the Chadian people needed to become "complete master
o+: its destiny through Ghadian national unity"--he discussed a large-scale national
reconstru~tion program. This program notably calls for the resumption of projects
in such fields of activity as banking, agricultural and industrial development,
transportation, and communications. Also discussed were l.oflg-term contracts for
the p~.~rc:hase of Chad's cotton crop, ioans to farmers amounting to 50-100 million
d~~llars, and investment projects which could create 4,000 to 5,000 jobs in Ndjamena.
For che country's more immediate needs, Tripoli has promised to grant financial aid
with which to pay government civilian employees as well as the soldiers of the
future integrated national army, and also to help reopen the Chadian Central Bank.
Futhermore. a Unired Nations mission arrived in Ndjamena in March to study the
possibi?ities of support from that international organization. But after the UN
Experts tiad completed their survey, it was emphasized that none of the measures
c~onsidered coul.d be put into effect for the moment and that everything would depend
on "f~ow the doniestic situation developed." . This condition is indicative of the
ruafinitude of the pr.essures to which Chad could continue to be subjected, even if
~~nl_y inciirectly through the "freeze" on any initiative of solidarity.
l~or. th-~t matte~', France persists in turning a deaf ear to the GUNT's repeated appeals.
A4 the ~;ame time tllat France is doing its utmost to rekindle the civil war, it is
:~lso obviously eounting on the possibl.e ineffectiveness or inadequacy of Libyan
cooperat~ion and on Chad`s economic and financial "strangulation" to achieve its
f;oals oL "restabil_izing" the country. The GUNT has made vain requests for the
reopening of the French Embassy in thE: Chadian capital. In addition, authorities
in Ndjamena ha~~e repeatedly affirmed--President Goukouni Weddeye reiterated it
unce again dur:Ing his southern tour--t:.heir desire not to bind Chad's relations to
one excl.usive partner, but, on the contrary, to develop sincer~ cooperation with
all countries, including France.
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"Realistic" Current of Opinion
In French business circles, however, there are some who wonder whether it would not
be ultimately more profitable, and even in the former mother country's own intsrest,
to contribute~to Chad's reconstruction effort rather than openly leave this task
to the others and fan the embers so as to rekindle war in that count.ry where, after
so much suffering and destrucCion, the people now yearn solely for peace and national
unity. This same "real.ietic" cufrent of opinion--whose views may possibly receive
a sympathetic response depending on the outcome of the French presidential election--
questions whether continuing to follow a revanchist course of action by encouraging
the "Habrists" [Habre's followers] and perpetuating the blackmail-like threat of
possible "anti-Libyan military intervention" is not the best way of driving Chad
completely into the enemy camp, in other words, tilting it into "the Soviet orbit,"
according to the popular simplistic Manichean schema which permits dodging any
reference to the real reasons for the troubles plaguing Chad.
- In any case, the evolution of French policy toward the Chadian situation will not
be able to ignore the consensus that will emerge on this subject within the OAU.
Tt is a known fact that even when the hysterical campaign launched in January over
publication of the Tripoli communique on the alleged "merger" had reached its
tiighest pitch, Giscardian France had not succeeded in obtaining full acceptance of
its vi.ews at the Lome conference, despite the fact that it had been 3nstrumental
in organizing the conference and that Elysee Palace emissaries liad maneuvered its
deliberations. Admittedly some "vicious" resolutions--which very quickly proved
to be unrealizable--unfavorable to the GUNT a;Zd Tripoli had been adopted during
this hastily convened summit conference from which the Chadians themsel.ves were
absent. And it was this aspect of the resolutions that had been.highlighted.
But every effort was made--and for obvious reasons--to keep practically secret the
fact Chat although the Lome conference did ask "the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya and
other powers having troops and military advisers stationed on Chadian territory to
withdraw them iwcnediately," it.likewise demanded at the same time that "all OAU
members, especially those countries bordering on Chad, deny extra-African powers
and Chadian dissidents any use of their territories as sanctuaries or basea from
which to launch armed attacks against the Republic of Chad."
It is clearly apparent that the anxieties which prompted the l.atter demand are
currently taking greater and greater precedence~ove~ Libya's alleged "hegemonistic
threats. This growing recognition..of how dangerous French ai.ms in Africa a;.e to
" the continent's independence, future, and security is what undoubtedly explains
why the diehards of revanchism had their hopes dashed at recent major inter-African
conferences. In fact, the.17-19 February Conference of Saharan States in Algiers
produced no startling statements hostile to the GUNT, nor did the OAU ministerial
meeting held a few days later. It wi11 also be recalled that Liberia's attempt
to bring the Chadian issue before the United Nations failed miserably. Though zhe
confusion fostcred around the Chadian problem has far from dissipated, and although
analyses of and approaches to the problem do differ--as confirmed by the prudent
way the issue is dealt with in joint reactions--it is clear that the French stance
on the subject is lasing ground.
Habre's Appeals
Nevertheless, there can be no illusions about the steadily mounting perils facing
Libya and Chad. Under the present circumstances, the fate of both countries appears
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to be closely linked. Nor is it by chance that, some 2 months prior to the OAU
s�uunit scheduled to meet in Kampala this July--at ~ohich Cairo has served notice it
wlll bring up the Chadian-Libyan question--Hissein Habre~has renewed his appeals
for yet another "war of liberation" in Chad and has once again become the subject
of flashy publicity. The ab~ectives of "France's man" are easily di.scernible:
block the current normalization effort in Chad, foment troubles s~rious enough to
sow discord, once again, at the Kampala su~it and have the "Habrists" recognized
as a real factor to b3 considered during the debates on thp Chadian situation.
Kolbous, a sma~1 village near the Chadian border in the Sudan's moun~ainous Darfur
region, appear:~ to have a role similar to the one which the Cameroonian village
of Kousseri played during Ndjamena's second civil war. Hissein Habre, with the
powerful assistance of Egypt--the bridgehead for the combat force now being
� organized--,has established his headquarters in Kolbous which is reported to have
sheltered some 5,000 to 10,000 Chadian refugees since December 1980. Tendentious
reporters go there to "query " their sources of "infom~ation" on the situation in
Chad and prepare their sensational "scoops." And it is from Kolbous that the former
"rebel" of the Tibesti region--who.already had himself called "president" during
the latest Ndjamena war for which t~e bears a heavy responsibility--directs
subversive attacks agains[ the GUNT forces. It is doubtful that the Sudan, whose
situation is more than v+slnerable, can, without running the risk of new internal
upheavals, long tolerate the presence of this bothersome "rebellion" and get itself
too involved in joining that Western anti-GUNT and anti-Libyan front now being
organized. But Sadat's Egypt, of which Khartoum ie the vassal, has the strong
backing of Washington..and Paris, and shows that it is prepared to go a11-aut in a
venture that wc~uld enable it to try to ki11 two birds with one stone: reserve
the situation in Chad, a country guilty of wanting to control its own destiny outside
the protection of French.imperialism; and overthrow the Qadhdhafi regime whose
decisive contrib.ution to the outcome of the most recent Chadian crisis has offered
new prospects �or the s,truggles of the African people.
Lastly, the hundreds of soldiers assigned to operation "Barracuda" and stationed
near Chad's southern border do not have solely the mission of preserving Giscardian
France's status quo in the Central African Republic. It eertainly looks as if Chad
is one of their primary objectives. Maps of that country predominate on the walls
of the "Barracuda" command post on the base at Bouar--some 190 kilometers from
Nd~amPna--where all possible "data" on a military operation against Chad have been
studied. In thf.s connection, a reportage on the Bouar base in the Central African
Republic published last February in a Fre~ch newspaper is highly revealing.
Following a discussion with "Barracuda" officers, the reporter wrote: "To put it
plainly, if they receive the order to attack, and prov~ded they are reinforced by
a few additional paratroop companies--Bouar is a 5-hour trip by plane from
Solenzara, the 2d REP's [Foreign (Legion) Paratroop Regiment] Corsican airport--,
French military officers in Bangui estimate it would take them from 3 to 5 days to
defeat the 5,000 Libyans occupying Chad. Everything has been studied, plannEd,
anci estimated, even the number of casualties, which would be heavy, 300 French
t roops ki.l.led . "
False Cleavages
Undcr these conditions, we can see onl.y too clearly the importance of the stakes
involved, not ~nly for the Chadian and Libyan peoples, but all peoples of the
~ontinent, in the race against time between the GUNT and its allies on the one
side and the warmongers on the other.
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The 1_atter are prepared to put Eifrica to fire and the sword in order. to perpetuate
' i.mperialism's ru.le over this part of the world, a type of rule which primarily
means pillage.
- Eqt?ally only too obvious are the tremendous dangers, mortal dangers for the
continent, which can be created by an analysis of the Chadian situation wideZy
~~ropagaL'c~~ by the Western media, an anal~sis which~, to further the objectices of a
strategy of reconquest, tends to reduce the tensions generated by that sS~rategy to
~ an East-West struggle for geopolitical influence.
As Algeria's President Chadli Bendjedid emphasized, in substance, throughout his
long African tour, falling into this trap would mean driving the continent into
bankruptcy, because the continent's particular problems would slip from its control
and be defined without its knowledge or participation, in short the continent would
~ no longer be master of its desriny. In a speech at Dar es Salaam, the Algerian
president said: "In this context--a context which implies that Africa should
obstinately refuse any military alliances with extra-African powers--nonalignment
- is apparently much more than a choice or pol~tical stance which, by dint of being
formulated without consequer.ce, would amount to no.more than a~pretext. Nonalignment
is our sole mesns of salvation, Africa`s sole means of salvation if it wants to
mai.ntain its true identity, its sovereignty, and its integrity. ~In other words,
it is high time, in this period of conflict and tension for Atrica, to regain our
self-control, close ranks, and transcend false cleavages."
~ Thcre is no doubt that the Chad.ian prob'lem lies within the scape of this overall
struggle by Africa for full control of its destiny. Likewise, ~he search for a
so]_ution with which to Ghwart the threats of a new w~r and new schemes of reconquest
must be conducted wittiin~the scope o� that same struggle.
COPYRIGHT: 1981 Afrique-Asie
8041
CSO: 4400/1221
~
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I~OR nFF(CIAI, IfSE ONI..Y
INTER-AFRICAN AFFAIRS
UNITED STATES AI~LEGEDLY NEEDS SOUTHERN AFRICAN MINERALS
T,ondon NEW AFRICAN in English May 81 pp 43-44
[Text]
~~P KENYA
ZAIRE ~
pcd~ w Ne~robf
RWANDOR
Euwmbire
. BI:RUNDI TANZANIA
Kinshaea Cer ee Seleam
ANGQLA
BIA
�
�
Seliebury
NAMIBIA . ~ ! , ~
~ , IA
Windhoek .
Pretorla
O
t~abene
, ~
_ _ Gulf of Minerals
SOME CALL it the Gulf of Minerals, a Together, the countriee of this region
vaat area stretching from the Republic of produce most of the world's gold,
South Africa north to Zaire. This area diamonds, platinum, chrome, manganeae
comprises some eight raillion square and a significant share of ita uranium,
kilometres. more than 70 million people, coal, nickel, copper, cobalt and numerous
and what ie probably the world's single other metals and minerals esaential for
largest concentr3tion of invaluable min- induetrial production in the developed
eral wealth. world.
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In fact, so easential ure South African Wh~le to'~.xy South Africa and Zim-
minerals to induatrially develaped babvV~ produce about 40 per cex~t of the
economies that somcs analysta say that wcrld's chrome, they hold 95 per cent of
the i~,evit;able race for. poesessioa oF it~ reeeives.
strh: egi~ minerals there might becoma aR ~ecai~se of these signfificant figures,
critical to developed nations ars oil traders ure expecting intensified compet-
" suppliea have been in recent yeara. itian, particularly betwedn the US and
American observere view this proapect the Soviet Union, to atockpi'_~ large
with increaeing alarra. One raineral amounts of these strategic minerals as
indu~trialiat describes Southera Africa iasurance in time of war or potitical
as "probably the most crii;ical piece of upheavels. This competition ahould push
ground as far aa non-fuel minerale are up prices, lagging becauee of the world
conceraed." receeaion - e development that should
_ bolster the morale of hard-presaed
"j,~~~ ~@y~~ developing atatea in the region.
Others have gone further. United In March, Japan bought almoet 15,000
Statea Secretary of State Alexarider Haig tone of aluminium for atockpiling. A
has spoken of "the era of the resource s~~ p]$n by West Germany has
war" as having started in anticipation of collapsed, while France hae offered
increasinq competition with the 3oviet 10-year bond~ for strategic mineral
Union for hegemony over sources of vital purchaaea.
minerals.
And American Congreasman Jim San- But others see new danRere for the
- tini, chainman of the House Mining sovereignty of the nations of the region.
S~Zb-Committee, has said the US has The US National Strategy Information
become "dangerously dependent on Centre, a Right-wing private organisa-
Southern African sourcea for critical tion, produceaBulletinFi�m theResource
minerals", with~ the Washington ~tar War which claims that the Soviet Union
echoing that "American industry can be ia working to implement a cut-off of
brought to a standstill by the lack of strategic minerals from Southern Africa
materials such ae those we get from to the US "for which there are no
Zaire, Zimbabwe and 5outh Africa:' adequate aubatitutea and no other ade-
Indeed, Southern African minerala are quate sourcea of supply". Though this
indispeneable to modera industriea. S~?n- allegation has not been confirmed, it is
tini nated that "without chromium or clearly pointed at the more radical statee
- cobalt we cannot build an automobile, a in the region, notably Angala, Mozambi-
- computer, a cutting tool or other high que and poseibly Zimbabwe, all of whom
technology equipment. We could not run have tiea with Moacow.
a train or proceAe food under preeent la.wa Obaervers note that thia ineietence on
and we could not build an oi1 refinery or a the crucial importance of Southem Afri-
- power eta+tion." can~ minerals ia being floated to rally
, Manganeee is easential toproduction of Western public support for maintaining
steel, transport and construction equip- the statua quo in South Africa. The new
n,Pnt and heavv machinery: Copper ia a Reagan Adrainietration, which seems
vital component in electro~ucs and com- particularly determined in this regard,
municatians technology. hsa already torpedoed the idea of United
- Chromium ia particularly vital. It is an Nations sanctions against the South
irreplaceable ingrEdient in stainlesa Afri~can economy on the grounda they
steel and high-temperature reaistant would produce "counter-productive"
alloy$. It ia used in oil exploration and interference in South Africa's internal
production, in the production of auto- affairs.
mobiles, sircraft, jet engines, tanka,
~hemical equipment and nuclear reac-
tors. .Y31~~Y@S~S ~Ot@C~@d
A Weet German Foreign Office study
in 1978 cautioned that "a one-third fall in Significantly, it would be Western
the supply of chrome to Weat Germany interesta operating inSouth A&ica which
could within a few weelce cut a quarter of ~ would also be hurt by euch measures.
German industrial production and cost Theee intereste are therefore protected
the country seven~-millian joba:' by the Weetern anti-sanctiona poeition.
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Over half of the foreign investment in of proft in theee holdinge is eome three
South Africa's $11-billion-a-year miner- timea that of US mining inveetment in
ala industry is Britieh, while another 20 the rest of A&ica, largely because the
per cent is American. West Germany, black work-force in 3outh Africa receives
France and Japan remain important such low wagee.
investors. Several recent events aeem to iadicate
' Britieh and American intereete control that a new phase is coming in the
almoethalfofthesharesofSouthAfrica's struggle for Southern Africa. For
_ largest mining finance house, Angla inetance, heightened aggreseivenesa on
American, and participate in the exploi- the part of South Africa as aeen in its
_ tation ofblack workers in the gold mines. ecuttling of the Geneva conference on
The giant US firm Newmount Mining Namibia, raids into Angola and Mozam-
obtains almoet 30 per cent of ita income bique and the reported aighting of a
from its South African holdiags, which "nuclear flaeh" off the South African
include mines producing copper, ver- coast~ � �
miculite, iron and coal. The reported rate
COPYRIGHT: 1981 IC Magazines Limited
CSO: 4420/1103
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INTER-AFRICAN AFFAIRS
AFRICAN LA.BOR D~VELOPS CLOUT
London NEW a,FAICAN in English May 81 pp 46-47
[Article by Henry Freedman]
[Text]
IT SEEMS an age since the first genera- and modem socialiem would be the
tion of AfricAn "socialista", men like creation not of peasante but of a new
- Julius Nyerere and Tom Mboya, held out clasa, the wage-earning proletariat,
the prnmise of a return, after indepen- apawned by.modern capitaliem.
dence, to the supposed claealess equality In Africa, the colonial powers intro-
of Africa's pre-colonial.past. duced new capitalist relations of produc- �
"We, in Africa, have no more need of tion on a hitherto unknown acale. Wage
being 'converted' to aocialism than we labour was generated for the new mines,
have of being `taught' democracy", said settler farms and, later, factories, by a
Nyerere in his famoue ujarriaa speech host of ineaeures. Taaes were itinposed,
almoat 19 yaars ago. "Both are rooted in nat only to pay for the colonial administ-
our past, in the tztiditional aociety which rations and their armies, but to force
produced us:' Africans to leave their villages and work
- Few today would give much credence to for a wage. In aome countries, such as the
this romantic vision of the past, a kind of old Rhodesia; the settlers' expropriation
Garden of Eden ideal which ignored the of much of the best farmland forced
existence of slavery and other more destitute Africans to sell their labour, in
subtle forms of ~class relations in most others, draconian forced-labour Iaws
pre-colonial African eocietiea. permitted the conecription of African
Certainly no such idyllic sceiety has labour by colonial governments and
been re-created anywhere in Africa aince ~mp~i~, .
the departure of the colonial powera, not Of course, the degree of penetration of
even in the countries ruled by African modern capitalism wae and remaine
"socialists". uneven; and pre-capitalist relatione of
praduction remain wideepreaa in coun-
~ triea where most of the farmland wae not
seized by white settlers. But, during the
Had they been alrve in the eariy 1960e, 20th century; a sizeable African pro-
Marx and Engela would doubtlese have letariat hae arisen in many parta of the
taken to pen and paper to contest their~ continent. .
asaertions in the same way that they Thie. social evolution has advanced
- debunked the romantic notiona of 19th flartheNt in the heavily-industrialieed
century Rueeian socialiste who turned for apartheid etate of South Africa and in the
inspiration to the communal traditions of Mediterranean countries of North Africa.
the Russian village. ~ In South Africa, a maiority of the
There could be no retum to "primitive 21-million Africans live in the urban
communism", the~~ argued then. The areas and the white commercial farming
_ clock of hietory could not be turned back, areas and moet of the 10-million who
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inhabit the deprived homelanda aleo Factionaliem and union aplits have
depend on the wages of relatives working eometimee been chronic.
in the minee, farme and factories of There have been splits within indus-
"white" South Africa. triea slong craft lines and between low
~ In Egypt there are now 9.4-million and high paid grades of employeea, and
employeea, of whom 1.4 million work in even along ethnic or religious lines. In
manufacturing induBtries. Thie sector Nigeria, vertical ethnic links between
alone employs 329,000 workers in narrowly ethnic-based unions and man-
Tunisia, 144,700 in ZimUabwe and agement have sometimes baned the
138,400 in Kenya. In Zambia, there are broad mobilisation of workere, even in a
56,000 copper miners among the 360,000 single induetrial enterprise, along
regietered employees in the country, and . un~ed cross-ethnic lines.
by 1990 the World Bank predicta that The divieione have often been fanned
more than 50 per cent of Zambians will be by the rivalries of ambitious union
_ living in the urban areas. ' leaders who see their union activitiea as
It was once argued, by Frantz Fanon prwiding a apringboard to political
among others, that African workers, or at careere or, in the moet corrupt Qf cases,
least those with a secure job, could not the opportunity to receive pay-offs and
become a revolutionary force becauae, it favoure from employers.
was said, they rnnstituted a privileged One well-known Kenyan trade union
"labour aristocrncy", with i~terests that official has been nicknamed "Gin and
pitted them againet the rural peaeants, Tonic" becauae of his hobnobbing with
the urban unetaployed and semi- the world of off'icialdom and manage-
employed, and migrant and caeual work- ment.
e~ ~ By far the biggeat problem facing
- The theory was encouraged by the Africaa trade unions has been 8tate
prominent role of i peaeanta in such interference. .
prolonged revolutionary ware ae those in "$ince independence, the trade union
China, Vietnam, Algeria and, later, the movement in Africa has had a rough
Portugueee coloniea. e~cietence," Wogu Ananaba, a Nigerian
But, in fact, in many African countries trade unionist, has noted. "Laws and
workers and trade unioae played a policies which violate international
promi~zent part in the struggle againat labour etandards abound in moet African
the c~lonial powers before independence statea. Bona hde trade union organiea-
and, since then, have often been in tia~e have ceaeed to exiet in many
conflict with the new governing elitea. countriee, and have been replaced by
The first i~nportant African trade outfita creatsd or sponeored by govern-
unions were fou.aded in the 1'94~Os, except menta, politiciane or military leadere.
in South Africa, where the first black Trade unionista have beea arreated�
uniona had been formed two decades and jailed without trial; some have been
earlier. It was in 1940 that the first trade detained for months or yeare, and eome
union wae registered in Nigeria; and, by lzave been ehot in oold bload:'
1942, there were 63 registered unions 'Phe mar'e snbtle of post-colonial gov-
there, with a claimed memberahip of ernmenta have ueed the carrot, aswell aa
21,000. the atick, buying off trade union leadere
Their potential power wae demons- with offere of jobs in the State,administ-
trated when, in 1946, they organised a ration or handeome aslaries as the headA .
general atrike that lasted 44 days in of government-sponeored and controlled
Lagoe and 52 in the rest of the country. In unione. .
Ghana, the railway workers staged a But, whatever the methods employed,
successful strike in 1940 and there was a the objectives are much the same. One
general strike in 1950. In January 1945, haa often been to retain the conf'idence of
there was a general strike in pursuit of Westera investors.
wage demanda in Uganda. This year, on January 4, for example,
~ President Dacko of the Central African
, Et~11t~C ~II~B Republic cited the need to retain investor
confidence when he told leadere of the
Lack of funde and poor leadership, Union GEn~rnle des Trauailleurs Cen-
however, often weakened African uniona, trnfricains (UGTC: General Union of
both before and after independence. Central African Workera) that he had
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decided to suepend the right to etrike for "conducting aubveraive activities'.'
the whole of 1981. � ~ becauee they campaigned for a ealary
The fact ihat in many e~frican coun- review. In Benin, tha "Manciet" military
tries the State is the major employer hae goverament'e police ehot dead several
tended aleo to make governments react trade unioniste when unioae etaged
aharply to sesertivs trade unioniem: etrikes in June 1976 todemand'Preaident
Wage diaputes threatem to affect gov- Kerekou's reeignation. ARer the distur-
ernment epending. pIans directly and bancee, the gwernment~set up a loyaliet
often maeaively. ' union federation, the Unior~ Nadionale
~ ~ des Syndioata. de Dahonsey (UNSD):
~h~ C~~d National Union of Trade Unione of
Dahomey).
- Howevar, political coneiderations are In Malawi, several trade unioniets
often paramount in government werekilledorforcedtogointoexilewhen
attitudes. Againat a backdrop of acute Preeident Banda clamp~d down on the
_ economic dif~icultiea, ethnic rivalries and radical fsction of the Malawi Congress
other challenges, moet African gavern- Party; led by Henry Chipembere and
ments aad military juntae do not feel Kanyama Chiume, in 1964. A year later
sufficiently contident of popular aupport the MCP adopted a reeolution at a party
to risk allowing free tra~de unioniem. In congreae which led to the compuleory
moet countries, trade uaion righte~ have affiliation of the unione to the MCP,
been curbed alang with other democratic which acquired the power to ve~to all
freedoms: Unione, like the Preae, have union appointmente.
been caught in the drift towarda An eloquent example of the policy of a
.authoritarian rule. self-proclaimed.Afi�ican aocialiet regime
In curtailing union rights, African to trade unionism ie givea by Tanzania's
governmenta have msde uee of and labour record since independence. There,
extended the restrictive legislation after an army mutiny over pay in 1964
enacted by their~colonial predeceeeore. In the government adopted a.law, knowa aa
the Ivory Coast, the militantpan-A&ican the National Union of Tanganyika
Union G~nkrale dss Trar~ailleura d'Afri- Workere (Eetabliehment) Act, the reault
qrce Noin (UGTAN: General Union of of which a new government-spoasored
Workere of Black Africa) wae cruehed in federation was formed.
1969, on the eve of independence, its NUTA for ahort, it was affiliated �
leader, Yao Ngo, being . deported 'to directly to the ntling Tangaayika Afri-
Guinea and 12 other of its leaders being ~ National Union (TANtn and Aesigi~ed
arrested. The Government a~t up a the taek of promoting government and
tightly controlled official union federa- TANU policiea to union membera. All its
tion in ita place, the Union G~n~r~al~ des principal offiaals, including the preei-
Travailleurs de lic Cate d'luoii+e (General- dent and hia deputy, were to be appointed
Union of Workers of the Ivory Coast). .by Preeident Nyerere. He decided to
- Similar movea were taken eleewhere. appoint Minister of Labour Michael
In Niger, for example, the goverriment ~aliza NUTA's firet general secret-
banned all meetings of UGTAN in March .
1960 and then diseolved the federation ary'
the following August on, the grounds that some 200 trade unionista had previ-
it constituted a"potential danger to ously been arrested at the time of the
army mutiny and some of them remained
public order." In Togo, the miIitary detained without trial unti11966.
regime of Genergl Gnasaingbe Eyadema ~e performance of the Ethiopian
dieeolved the old unions and set up a new Derg, which hea proclai.med ite attach-
ConfQd~rationNationaledeaTrauailleurs ment to the doctrinea of Manciam-
du Togo (CiVTT) National ~onfederation ~niniem, ia equally illustrative of the
of Workers of Togo) ae an induetrial arm feare of even the most radical-appearing
'of the army-created Raeaemblement du ~v~mente when faced by
Peuple Togolais (RPT: Tongolese Peo- ~~itaat trade unions.
ple's Rally) in 1973. ~
In some ce.ses, trade unionists have ~0~~~
been bn~tally represaed. In Guinea, for
example, the leaders of the teachers' The Ethiopian Confederation of
union were ja.iled in 1961 for tercna Labour Uttions (CELLn, which had been
ranging from three to ten years for ~t up in Apri11963 and grew rapidly in
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membership in the dying days of the disputes in that country in 1979, involv-
Haile Selaesie dictatorehip, was dissol- ing 173,309 workers and the loee of
ved in May 1975, after the detention of 1,309,361 work-days.
moet of ita leadera in September 1974, as ~~r relations in Zambia reached an
a result of ite calls on the Derg to ~precedented atate of tu~ulence in
satiefy workers' demanda and hand over January thie year, when, etsikea by
power to civiliana. The military junta eet miners, teachers and bank workers poeed
up a government-controlled organieation one of the most aerious challengea to
in ita place, the All~thiopia Trade p~~~t Kenneth Kaunda since inde-
Union. pendence in 1964.
Howevsr, deapite this rather general- .Despite the repression militant workers
ised picture of repreeaion, workere have iace in meny parts of Africa, the signe are
not been cowed in many countries. In that labour will be moving increasingly to
Nigeria, for example, there were 800,000 the fore&~ont of the continent's politice in
unionised workers by 1976 and, accord- the decade to come~
ing to the International Labour Organ-
isation (ILO), there were 132 induetrial
COPYRIGHT: 1981 IC Ma.gazines Limited
cso: 442o/llos
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INTER-AFRICAN AFFAIRS
AFRICA STUDIES NEW TRANSPORTATION LINKS
London NEW AFRICAN in English May 81 p 38
[Text]
IT IS almoet inconceivable that after two ional projects to be undertaken to
decadea of independence, most neigh- improve them. ~
bouring African countries still aeem Implementation of the projecta ie con-
- isolated frorn one another because of the aidered too gargan~uan a taek to be
exasperating abaence of direct communi- undertaken by theee countries on their
cations. Afriar, becauee of ita underde- own, so attempta to aeek potential donors .
velopment, is the least phyeically inte- are underway. Before the en~d of April,
grated continent. . the appt+~ved projeeta will have been
Not only has poor tranaport hindered submitted for consideration to the Euro-
development, it has atrangled food relief pean Economic Community (EEC) in
to hard-hit regions since exiating net- Brussels.
works cannot haadle maesive conaign- Priority targeta to be improved on
ments. Now statee in eastern and central etrengthening the corridor include the
Africa are mapping out plans to overcome Dar es Selaam port, the Dar ea 3alaam-
these chronic tsansport limitations. Kigoma railway line falso referred to as
With this realieation in mind, Minis- thecentralline)andthetraneportaystem
ters of Tranaport and Communicationa on Lake Tanganyilca, which serves Tan-
from Zaire, Burundi, Rwanda and Tan- zania, Zaire and Burundi. The lake
zania held a two-day consultative meet- syetem envieaRed wilY upgrade the porta
ing at Arueha in February to ra.tionaliae and a ferry will-be inetalled as well as
the viewa of their respective countriea on other terminal facilitiea.
important pointa relating to regional It wae propoaed that three new rail-
transport and communications facilities. roads should be built. One would branch
The miniaters deliberated mainly on off the central line and paes through
surface transport faalities and infra- Burundi and Rwanda. Another aew track
structure, and eetablished priority pro- ia to start in weatern. Rwanda and run
jects for the development of a central through the capitai city Kigali, then on to
transportation corridor to the Indian Lake Victoria. The Tanga line is to be
Ocean. extended from Arusha through Tan-
'~1@ bO~~L@C~C zania's famous Serengeti National Park
to Musoma port on Lake; Victoria.
The planned corridor embraces me~jor Another project ia the construction of the
inter-etate routes, either esieting or sevea-highway network covering mainly
propoeed, from the eastern flank of Zaire Burundi and Rwanda and the weatern-
through Burundi, Rwanda and a part of moat region of Tanzania.
southem Uganda to the aea ports of Dar Beaides the semi-enclaved and
es Salaam and Tanga ia Tanzania. mineral-rich Zaire, which greatly reliea
In reviewing the existing transporta- on the central corridor to export her
ti~n syatem, the meeting ident~ed major copper ingots, the primary agricultural
bottlenecks and agreed on spec~c reg- and cattle-raising arese of Rwanda,
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Burundi and north-weatern Tanzania capacity of about"'~00,000 tonnee. The
will all benefit from theee unde~rtakinge. capacity, reeerved for the Zaire export
With improved transportA ~ion routes, trat'~c at Tanzania'e Kigoma port, rangea
Burundi intende to atart exploitation of between 80,000 and 100,000 tonnes a
ita mineral depoeits in Bulongwe Valley, year. However, due to cargo handling
while Rwanda would be able to tap one of difficulties, Zaire now only utilisee a
its vital natural resources - ita vast third of the capacity at Kigoma. Trans-
hydro-electric potential. port on Lake Tanganyika ia still inade-
Streseing the importance of a central quate.
corridor,BurundiNqinisterforTraneport, In varying degreea the four countries,
Posts and Telecommunicatione, .Remy including Uganda, depend on the cen~;ral
Nkengurutse, said it wes vital for hia railway line built 76 years ago. The
country's economic aurvival. re-laying of its track is already underway
The Zairean Stat~ Commiseioner for but will not be completed for some time.
the Department of Communicatione and The line's rolling atock is in fair ehape but
Transport, Citizen Muahobekwa its utilisation ie hampered by lack of
Kalimba wa Katama, expreaeed. his adequate maintainanoe facilities and
government's , conviction that while turn-around points for wagons.
_ negotiatione on the envisaged inter-state Despite being the moet viable sea
communicationa projects went ahead, entrance to the four countriee, traffic
efforta should be made to improve exiet- departure at Dar ea Salaam hae been
ing facilitiea. generally poor due to heavy congestion.
The port is uaed in part as a atorage
Ca1~0 ~ta~ centre, detracting from ita usefulneas as a
At present, Zaire's Kalemie port on transport terminal�
Lake Tanganyika hae a cargo handling
,
ZAIRE
. . ~
,a,,,, ~ '`~'~w"HO" ~
.
eu,R�~~'"n Nw,.
. ~~I~tl~lll/~r~ uWo
p~y~g~ � ~ T~bOn
1~~// KY~eM �
~ Abrd~
TANZANIA
The projected transportation corridor
COPYRIGHT: 1981 IC Magazines L3mited
CSO: 4420/11~3
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ANGOLA
DIFrICULTIES, PROSPECTS OF ENERGY SECTOR
Paris MARCHES TROPICAUX ET MEDITERRANEENS in French 22 May 81 p 1437
[Excerpts] The production of a number of Angolan industrial enterprises has been
aFfected by the insufficient energy supply. Various measures are being considered
to confront this situation: increase installed capacity and improve the distribu-
tion network. Minister Pedro Van Dunem (Loy) recently stated to the press that
the authorities are thi.nking of connecting the northern and central networks and
later install a line that will allow a connection between tfie central and southern
systems.
It should be kept in mind that Angola's production of electricity is based on
large but localized units, and it is necessary to transport power to the consumers.
The establishment of various enterprises wi11 take place this year and the neces-
sary technical assistance contracts will also be signed in order to implement this
vast program. ~
The electrification of rural zones is particularly important for Angola since agri-
culture is the foundation of Angola's development. No adequate provisions were
made in this field during the colonial period and there are few rural areas where
people enjoy the benefits of electricity. The various sized generators installed
in villages and towns are, for the most part, in a state of disrepair, and some
were totally destroyed during the war. It is estimated that no more than one-
fourth of installed equipment is presently in operation.
Authorities are studying a project to install a factory for the repair and mainte-
nance oC generators, transformers and other equipment. They also intend to in-
stall "microplants" which will produce low-cost energy and require minimum main-
tenance by lesser-qualified personnel than that employed in larger plants.
COPYRIGHT: Rene Moreux et Cie Paris 1981.
CSO: 440U/1290
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ANCOLA
BRIEFS
BUTANE GAS PRODUCTION--A total of 150,000 bottles of butane gas will be made avail-
able on the Angolan market as of the second semester of this year. This was an-
nounced by Carlos Pinto Nogueira, director of domestic marketing for SONANGOL [Na-
tional Angolan Fuel Company], who stated that this will boost the country's supply.
It is estimated that 23,000 tons will be distributed in 1981, compared to 19,000
in 1980. The company intends to install a new system to fill the bottles. Present
monthly production amounts to 1,080 tons and will rise to 13,000 in 1981. The
difference between production and distribution (10,000 tons) of gas wi11 be made
up through imports. [Text] [Paris MARCIiES TROPICAUX ET MEDTTERRANEENS in French
22 May 81 p 1437] [COPYRIGHT: Rene Moreux et Cie Paris 1981.]
D~ROUGHT AFrECTS CORN HARVEST--The commission responsible for realization of
the ~~national corn harvest campaign" in Angola expects an output of 17,l~li0
tons in tr.e eight provinces of Uige, North Cuanza, Malan~e, South Cuanza,
Huamoo, Bie, Moxico, and South Lunda, where the total area planted is
12,7lt0 hectares. The provinces of Huila end Benguela, traditionally highly
productive, have had their output endangered by drought. Their harvests are
trerefore not included in the above-mentioned tonnage; they are estimated
at 7,500 tons for Huila and 6,OOU for Benguela, on the basis of the areas
planted. At the beginnin of the last decade, Angolan corn production
- exceeded 150,000 tons. /~Text 7/-MAR,CHFS TROPI~AUX ET MEDITF~tRANEENS in
F~ench 8 May 81 p 13197 TCOPYRIGHT: Rene Moreux et Cie Paris 1981 7 1211~9
AIRCit~tFT PURCHASE--The Boeing Company, in Seattle, announces the sale of
three Boeing 737 medium ran e passenger aircraft to TAAG /~Air Transporta-
tiori of Angola 7/-Text 7/~M1~tCHES TROPICAUX ET MEDITF~HRAI3EENS in French
8 Nlay 9~ p 131~ rCOPYRIGHT: Rene Moreux et Cie Paris 1981 7 1211~9
Cso: l~oo/~t92
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CAMEROON
NE[d DEVELOPMENTS IN OIL SITUATION REVIEWED
Paris MARCHES TROPICAUX ET MEDITERRANEENS in French 1 May 81 p 1253
(Text] Oil and gas discoveries in Cameroon recently announced by the French com-
panies Total and Elf confirm this country's new status as a member of the exclu-
sive club of black African oil powers, alongside Nigeria, Gabon, Congo, and Angola.
- Ui]. production, which only started in November 1977, should exceed 4 million tons
- in 1981, compared to 2.8 in 1980 and 1.7 in 1979. In addition, Cameroon can count
on its natural gas reserves, which acc~ording to experts with the companies are
going to be at least 200 billion cubic meters, though assessments are sti11 in
progress.
Suddenly faced with this wealth, the authorities of this country of 8 million
inhabitants, and first of all Preside~nt Ahmadou Ahidjo, appear determined. to
keep cool heads. "While it may be an asset, oil is still a factor of inflation
and above all of disorganization," a high-ranking Yaoundi official said recently.
"The oil mirage has already taken its toll in other African countries, especially
in the collapse of agricultural production and the massive exodus of rural popu-
lations to the cities."
Elf-Aquitaine is presently producing all Cameroonian oil through its subsidiary
Elf-Serepca, in a majority (51-49 percent) partnership with Pecten, a subsidiary
of Shell Oil U.S. The French group, which has been in the country since 1951, has
:7lready invested Fr 3.4 billion (Fr CFA 170 billion) and sees the trend accelerat-
lIlg, with Fr 1.2 billion (Fr CFA 60 billion) anticipated for the current year alnne.
The United States is the biggest purchaser of Cameroonian oil. France itself
bought only 300,000 tons in 1980. Cameroon's ambitions in the oil domain are not
meager: Presi.dent Ahidjo himself recently told a group of French journalists that
production could reach 7 to 8 million tons per year, or twice the current level.
l'or the moment, since 1 January 1980 Cameroon's National Hydrocarbons Corporation
has been holding a 60 percent share in Elf's crude production operations. But the
Yaounde government intends to move still further toward taking control of its re-
sources by creating a national company to exploit them. Cameroon has not as yet
applied for membership in OPEC, an organization two of whose members are its
neighbors, Nigeria and Gabon.
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In terms of its energy policy, Cameroon is also studying the possibili*ies of ex-
ploiting its natural gas wealth. In July 1980, a company--Private Research.Com-
pan;� f.or ttee Exploitation of Cameroonian Natural Gas (~EGAZCAM)--was created with
cqual participation by Cameroon's National Hydrocarbons Corporation;, Elf, Pecten,
Total, and Mobil. A decision should be made toward the end of 1982 on possible
_ cunstrucCion of a liquefaction plant.
Cameroon should soon begin operating a refinery in the Victoria region in the west.
Its initial capac.ity is to be 2 million tons per year, and it represents an invest-
ment of Fr 1.4 billion (Fr CFA 70 billion). The stock of this refinery located at .
Cap-Limboh is primarily (two-thirds) held by the Cameroonian state, with other
participants being Shell, Elf and Total (8 percent each) and Mobil (10 percent).
COPYRIGHT: Rene Moreux et Cie Paris 1981.
~ 9516
CSO: 4400/1197
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CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC
OPPOSITION SAID TO FEAR THE WOFcST FROM DACKO
Paris AFRIQUE-ASIE in French 27 Apr-10 May 81 p 57
[Article--passages enclosed in slantlines printed in italics]
[Text] While the opposition tries to coordinate its activity in light of the up-
coming legislative elections, in which it expects to deal a decisive blow to the
government that emerged from "Operation Bar~acuda" and from the sham balloting of
15 March,--David Dacko, "the Elysee's man," whose election to the presidency was
the subject of a challenge based on innumerable irregularities (use of threats and
pressure, theft of ballot boxes, utilization of the French army of occupation as a
means o.E intimidation, etc.) is doing his job in double quick time.
On 4 April, he presented his new government, a government at his command, composed
basically of opportunistic technocrats whose prime minister, Simon Narcisse
Bozanga, former ambassador of the "Bokassa empire" in Libreville (from 1978 to
1979) is one of his most zealous servitors (as he proved, acr_ording to the rumors
floating around, during the presidential election campaign). Finally, on 7 and 8
April was convened in great haste the first special congress of the Central African
Democratic Union (UDC), which was established in:,record time in early 1980 in the
mo.ld oE Bokassa's old single party, MESAN [Movement for the Social Development of
Black AfricaJ. The basic purpose of its meeting: to try to efface the profound
malaise created by the mystifying operation of 15 March, and to establish the
authority of a"president whose legitimacy is doubted now more than ever." Under
- these conditions, the opposition that emerged from the electoral process fears the
worst. This is why Ange Patasse, president of MLPC (Central African People's
Liberation Movement), has accused David Dacko of having designed, /"with the
Elysee's agree~nent,"/ a plan to liquidate Central African political leaders.
A~~ording to the same source, mercenar.ies have supposedly been recruited to this
enc,, and even been set up on the head of state's own farmland. And, though the
- stare of siege has been lifted, the opposition is also denouncing the harrassment
and arbitrary arrests to which it is subject.
One of the basic goals of the Provisianal Political Council (CPP) created on 2 April
by the four opposition candidates (AbF:l Gouraba of the FPO [ibangi People's
1'atriotic FrontJ -Labor Party, Henri t�Taidou of the PRP [People's Revolution Party?],
Ange Patasse of the MLPC, and Francois Pehoua, which has just created his own move-
ment, the Inde~endent Thought Group, is to struggle step by step to try to preserve
the /"democratic gains that came from the struggle of the Central African people."/
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The CPP, which ~efines itself as a/"common organ of discussion, deliberation, and
decision, within which each party wi11 maintain its own independ~nce,"/ proposes to
/"con~ribute to safeguarding peace, unity, and national independence, to defend the
democratic principles spelled out in the constitution, and to be vi~ilant with res-
pect to individual and community freedom."/
It should be noted, finally, that whereas Ange Patasse asserts his opposition to
the occupation of his country by /"any foreign force,"/ Francois Pehoua for his
part considers that the mission of the Bangui "barr.acudas" is /"finished,"/ and that
their continuation in the capital could accomplish nothing but to keep alive among
Bangui citizens the /"feeling of being besieged."/
Thus Giscard's policy in Central Africa goes from bad to worse, and the trap is
closing further every_day on the continent's "restabilizers."
COPYRIGHT: 1981 Afrique-Asie
. 9516
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COMORQ TSLANDS
BRZEFS
FAMINE REPORTED--Various Comoran sources report the continued existence of a
Lamine which has been raging for several weeks in the region of Nyumakele, on the
Island of Ndzuani. The very precarious living conditions of the populat3on in that
region--poor peasants, tradesmen, and farm workers--were severely aggravated as a
result of the rainfall and the w3.nds that devastated the harvests. But the out-
break of such a disaster as well as its seriousness are especially due to the
acute state of economic and social crisis into which the entire country has been
plunged, including interruption in sh~.pments of imported daily necessit3es (r~ce,
sugar, flower, etc.), skyrocketing prices, black~market, inflation, etc. Parallel
to this, the months withouC wage payments are dragging on ~nterminably. No social
segment has been spared. The workers, Iike the peasants, are most hard-hit by the
crisis. Their demands run into an absolutist and repressive goverrnnent run by
the merc.enaries of the "azrocious" Bob Denard. The Moroni government has been
trying very hard to correct the effects of the crisis while conCinu3ng to draw on
public assets and international aid. [Text] [Paris AFRIQUE-ASTE in French 11 May
_ 81 p 19] 5058
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GUINEA-BISSAi1
BRIEFS
FURMER DISSIDrNTS APPOINTED--Viriato Pan and Ma.rcelino Delgado, opponents of
former President Luis Cabral who was overthrown on 14 November 1980, were appoint-
_ ed respectively attorney general and director general of the Ministry of Trade and
I'isheries by the council of ministers of Guinea-Bissau on 21 Ma.y. Viriato Pan had
been living in exile in Portugal until the coup d'etat, while Marcelino Delgado
had been jailed in Bissau and was only released after the change of regime. More-
over, the council of ministers appointed Augusto Pereira da Graca ambassador to
Moscow. [Text] [Paris MARCHES TROPICAUX ET MEDITERRAI~TEENS in French 22 May 81
p 1476] [COPYRIGHT: Rene Moreux et Cie Paris 1981.]
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IVORY COAST
BRIEFS
UFF~CIAL: CIL NO ~ANACEA--Henri Konan Bedie, president of the Ivorian Na=
ti~nal Assembly, opened the first ordinary session of the bth legislatiire
on 1 May. E;leven bills have already been submitted to the Ivorian National
Assembly. They can be ~rouped under three headings, namely: economic
activity, 3ustice, and international cooperation. In his opening speech,
N'r Konan Bedie pointed out that ~'on its own, oil cannot be our life preserv-
er. Only ii' our new oil economy is smoothly integrated into our national
econorr~y can it contribute to speeding up our development and will it benefit
t:ze national community as a whole.~~ ~Text 7/-Paris MARCHES TROPICAUX ET
M~,DI~T~R.HANF.r"~NS in French 1 Niay 81 299 7T-co~,zaxT: Rene Moreux et Cie
Paris 19877 12149
JUDICIAL APFOIi~TN~ENT5--The attorney general and the former president of the
Aoid~an appeals~court were installed on 28 April in their new positions as
counselors of the Ivory Coast Supreme Court. On thi.s occaeion, Alphonse
Boni, the institution's president, recalled the role of the supreme court,
which consists on one hand of ae~su~ing tl4at laws are obeyed, and on the
other that civil liberties are respected. /-Teat 7/-Paria MARCHES TROPI'CAU]C
ET MEDITERRANEENS in French 1 May 81 p 129~ /-COPYRIGHT: Rene Moreux et
Cie Paris .1981 7 1211~9 +
- CIrtCi1MSPECTION OVF~ OIL DEtOSITS--"We do not known how great are the quanti-
ties of oil lying off the Ivory Coast, stated to the press the president of
Phillips Petroleum Company, two of Whose~wells in ivorian xaters have struck
oi3. The company gresident, William C. Douce, warned against unofficial
estimates not generated by Phillips Petroleum, and according to which the
deposits discovered could contain up~�to 500 million barrels. The company
is in charge of operations for an international conaortium of which it
holds 57.5 percent of the shares which has undertaken oil prospecting
o�f the Ivorian coast over a 1.5 million hectare area. Last year an explor-
atory well in this area struck oil. Output Prom it during testing was from
3,400 to 5,Q00 barrels a day. More recently a second well proved productive
with a smaller output: 800 to 1,l~00 barrels a day. /-Text 7,[ Paris
MAFtCHFS TROFICAUX ET N~EDITr,RR.ANEENS in French 1 May 81 p 12997 /"~ppygIG~;
Rene Moreux et Cie Paris 19d1 % 1211~9
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- ROAD CONSTRUCTION LUAN--A contract for a$33 million loan to the Ivorian
state by an international banking group was signed in London on 30 Aprii.
The loan ia intended for construction of a new three-lane highway, 70 km
long, from Dimboicra to Bongouanou and Kotibi. The new road is expected to
further the Ivory Coaet~a economic devel.opmant by linking important farming
zones to the railhead at Di~nbokra. Tt will aleo serve the important textile
complex near Dimbokra. The construction contract has already been awarded
to the British group, George Wimpey. The loan, repayable in 12 yeara, was
arranged by the Bank of Paris and the Netherlands, in collaboration with
several Belgian, British, and Japatiese banks. `'Text 7/- paris MA,RCHES
TROPICAUX ET MEDITER.RANEENS in French 8 May 81 p 1300 T/-COPYRIGHT: Rene
Moreux et Cie Paris 1981 7 1211~9
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MADAGASCAR
BRTEFS
STUDENTS SEEK VISAS--~sh by Malagasy students on French Embassy at Antananar3vo.
Since the University of Madagascar is sti11 on str3ke (and has been~so since
November), many young people are trying to get entry and (short) v~.s3tor v3sas for
France in order to be able to register in the universities there. (Text] [Paris
JEUNE AFRIQUE in French 27 May 81 p 51] 5058
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M~?7AMttiiilUP:
BRIEFS
TEA PRODUCTION--Mozambique produced 19,672 tons of tea on an area of 15,942 hec-
tares in 1980, while exports amounted to 18,000 tons. Mozambique is ranked 13th
for production and lOth for exports of tea on a world scale. This production has
developed satisfactorily: it amounted to 13,163 tons in 1975-1976, 14,169 tons
in 1976-1977, 16,875 ~~ns in 1977-1978, 18,069 in 1978-1979 and 19,672 tons in
1979-1980. The country has 22 tea-processing factories. [Excerpt] [Paris
MARCHES TROPICAUX ET MEDITERRANEENS in French 22 May 81 p 1437] [COPYRIGHT:
Rene Moreux et Cie Paris 1981.]
FISH IMPORTS--Mozambique imported la:~t year nearly 29,000 tons of fish. This is
due to the fact that despite excelle~zt fishing grounds, Mozambique uses most of
irs fleet for shrimp fishing, a product which has a high export priority. Only
the activities of the mixed MOSOPESCA company (jointly owned by Mozambique and
the Soviet Union) supply the domestic market. [Text] [Paris MARCHES TROPICAUX
ET MEDITERRANEENS in French 22 May 81 p 1437] [COPYRIGHT: Rene Moreux et Cie
Paris 1981.]
RUDTWAY EXPANSION--The runway of the Maputo Mavalane Airport will be expanded to
3,600 meters to allow direct flights from Mozambique to Europe. [Text] [Paris
MARCHES TROPICAUX ET MEDITERRANEENS in French 22 May 81 p I437] [COPYRIGHT:
Reue Moreux et Cie Paris 1981.]
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NAMIBTA
EllIPORIAL SAYS UNITED STATES AFRICA POLICY TO BE TESTED
Paris MARCHES TROPICAUX ET MEDITERRANEENS 3n French 1 May 81 p 1223
[Text] The problem of Namib~a which is today Tiefore the Un3.ted Nat~ons S'ecux~ty
Council illustrates the importance of the role whicIi tfie new Am~r7tcan adm~,n~stxa-
tion intends to assign to Africa and tlie uncextainties regaxd3ng ~ts ppl~cy to~ra7cd
tiiat continent.
In the past the United States never played a"historical role" ~n Afr3,ca s~nce ~tt
did not participate in its colon3.zat3.on, as empfiasized by 1~Ir Che~tex Cxpckex,
assistant secretary of state-des~gnate fox ~1fx3.can Affairs whose appo~nt~tnent
has been challenged by a segment of tfie Un~ted States Senate. Th.e Un~ted States
taday nevertheless is at the very core.of the d~scussians on Nam~Fi~a ~tnd ~,s about
to find itself as one of the princ~.pa1 accused be3ng cfiarged by the Afx~can
governments while more than 100 days after President Reagztn~s ~naugurat~.on ~aex~can
policy toward Africa has not yet been offic~.ally deffned.
Presented to the Foreign Affairs Committee of the United States Senate ~tn Wasi~.ngton
on 27 April, the conclusions of Mr Chestez Crockex at the end of h~,s tx~p to
Africa were to supply the United States government w3,th the element$ ~;t needs for
its situation estimate. Throughout his Afx~.can tr~tp, wF~se reS`ults we7ce ~ntex--
preted in widely differing ways, the ass3atant secretary of ~tate emphas~zed~.tfie
fact that his mission essentially was of cour~e to expxess W$sF~.fington'~rlrxews:~ut
above all to consult the African leaders, natur~lly f~rat of a11 tfio~e .a~Iio ~7Ce
friends of the United States. Tn all faixness he asked h~,s cnnversat~an paxtnexg
not to prejudge what the policy of the Un~.ted States mig&t be on the bas~s of more
or less exact assumptions or interpretations but rather on the bas3s.of govermaent
action and official government declarat~.ons.
Among the indications of positive interest toward ,Afx~.ca already expxe~Sed liy
American authorities we indisputably Yeave the mass3.ve aid prrnn~.sed tay tfie Un~ted
States at Geneva for the ,African xefu~ees (.$285 tnilla~on 3.n 1981-1982~ in othex
words, more than half of the total a3c1 volume p7camised whtcfi cpmes~ to $56Q ~n~11~vn~
and the very large contr3.butions recently given to Z3~nbabwe (.$225 ~n~11~on fox
the next 3 years) during tiie Zimcord Canfexence at Sa13sFiuxy.
On the other hand, President Reagan hamself~-and rIx Chestex Cxockex.xecalled that
forcefully--roundly condemned the policy of aparthe3d.
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How come the African states now express increasing worry regard~.ng what they think
shauld be American policy and especially toward Soutih Africa, a worry off3c3ally
trati;;mitted by UN Secretary-GenerAl Rurt Waldheim to Mrs J~ane Kirkpatrtck, the
prmanent United Srates representative to the United Nationa?
l.ike the entire international community, they find that Pres3dent Reagan, in ac-
cordance with the desire expressed by the majority of the voters who put him in
office, decided to have America resume its first-ranking role 3n international
relations and to assert the determination of the United States to oppose Soviet
expansionism. The consequences af that pol3cy are evident for Africa. This is a
~ reversal of thF line pursued b~ the adm3nistration o� Pres3.dent Carter, as 3.mple-
mented particularly by .Andrew Young,Donald Mc Henry, and Richard Moose. They
believed that relations between the Un~ted States and $ny Afr3can country should
be defined according to specific cons3derat3ons, that is to say, the reciprocal
interests of both parties, not cons3der3ng ~he pol3tical options of the government
involved. That was a pol3cy founded generally on the same princ3ples as those of
the European governments in the general context of North-South relat3ons. Presi-
dent Reagan now is viewing relations between his country and Africa with3n the
context of East-West competition, i� not confrcmtat3on. This is why the real
- or presumed loyalty of each of the Afr3can states to the Western "bloc" and their
ability--including in military terms--to support the efforts of the United States
in its desire to contain Soviet designs upon Africa are resuming tfie3r full 3m-
portance.
Awkwardness or untimely statements by high-ranking personalities helped increase
the distrust of the Africans. That ~ncludes the trip to the United States by high-
ranking South Afz3.can o~ficers rahose xeal 3dent~,ty ~'a.s unkno~tn to thei~c Amex~can
conversat~on partners; the statement by Secretary o~ State Alexandex Iia3g, xe-
commending that: American concern for the ~ttnpiementation of fiuman rights~ be rele-
gated to a secondary position. Tliat also 3ncludes the demand of the Un3ted Statea
government--rejected by the House of Representatives on 27 Apr3.l--to repeal the
Clark Amendment, barring a1i aid to oppo5ition movements against the government of
Angola and the in~rltation extended to Mr Jona~ Sawinbi, UNITA (Nati:onal Un3on for
the Total Independence of Angola] leader, to come to the United States.
The motion to lift the Clark amendment had been introduced as a"question of
principle" and not as a polit3cal dec3sion. This may in effect be an ac~ which
_ Washington wanted to hold 3.n order possiT~ly to play it to its oam benef3t during
- negotiations with Angola, without seriously th3nk3.ng of using 3t. But the
psychological impact of such a po~s~bil3ty of intervention in the 3nternal affa~.rs
of a sovereign state was devastating.
American diploniacy however is perfectly capable of subtlety and adaptation. Tn
view of the de~ermination of the Afr3can leade~s to con~3der Secur3.ty Counc~l
Resolut~~n No 435 to be the basis of any settlement of the Na~m;tbi~n proble~m, Mr
Ctiester Crocker declared at Pretor~.a that this resolution--contrary to the posi-
tion adopted by the South African government--could not ~e considered as befing out.
At the end of his meeting with representat~.ves of the five members of the contact
group in London, he sa3d that his country, far fram denying tfie ach3evements of the
past, that is fio say, the UN plan and the procedure worked out by tfie five-Western
_ countries, hoped that they would serve as basis for any settlement of Namibian
independence. The debate in the Security Council opened against this background.
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In spi.te of their efforts, neither the United States, nor the other Western
countries were able to get the African group to drop its demand for economic
sanctions aga3nst South Africa.
The Afra.cans are now convinced that it would suffice for the United States to
bring its full weight to bear on the South African government--especially by
voting for economic sanctions--in order to make it bend. But it i~ not at all
certain that, even in this eventuality--rejected by the Westerners since it seems
to them to harm the pursuit of negotiations and since their effect3veneas seems
doubtful--Preturia might soften its position. It rema3ns nevertheless for the
United States to convince the Afr3cans as to the reality of its desire to obtain
So�th Africa' agreement to a solution which, accurding to the statement made by
Ptrs JanelCirkpatrick,would lead to an "autfientically independent, internationally
- recognized, stable and democratic" Namibia. Tf not, the debate will be brought to
the United Nations General Assembly.
In the meantime, the Western fore3gn ministers will meet in Rome in May. They will
not fail to emphasize to General Haig that they also have 3nterests to defend in
Africa and that the absence of a clear United States policy toward Africa could
persuade them to seek a d3fferent pol3.cy on their part, as the Europeans have done
recently on the subject of the Middle East.
On that score, the attitude of the Uni.ted States on Che problem of Nam~bia will be
a test of futu�re American policy purs~a.ed by President Reagan both for the Europeans
and Por the Africans.
~'OI'YRIGHT: Rene Moreux et Cie Paxis 1981
5U5ti
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SENECAL
OPPOSITION RESPONDS POSITIVELY TO DIOUF MEASURES
Paris AFRIQUE-.ASIE in French 27 Apr-10 May 81
[Article by Antonia Blis--passages enclosed in slantlines printed in italics]
[Excerpts] The new path, thanks to the struggle of demo-
cratic forces, seems to be taking a positive course. How-
ever, many bat~les still remain to be won. '
The transfer of power came just at this con~uncture of standstill and ominous
tension--which was not an insignificant factor in Leopold S. Senghor's decision
to retire.
At first glance, events were not unfolding under the best possible auspices. Was
it not true that Abdou Diouf had in effect been promoted to supreme magistrate on
the basis of a constitutional provision (Artickle 35) adopted in 1976 automatically
making the prime minister the designated successor of Senghor, a move strongly
denounced by the opposition as a flagrant violation of proclaimed democratic
rights? To make matters worse, could the new president escape all responsibility
with respect to the situation he inherited, when for the last 10 years he had
participated as prime minister in conducting the affairs of the country?
However, even in his inauguration speech on 1 January 1981, Abdou Diouf--who had
generally been considered the archetypal "chief steward" of the nation, was rapidly
to assert himself and set the tone: /"T will guarantee the continuation of
President Seghor's actions, and I will guide change while preserving what has been
acquired,"/ he said. /"From this day, I am unveiling the cha].lenges of the 80's...
The democratic opening will be consolidated and reinforced. But republican order
will reign thanks to a firm, just and rigorous authority in a strong and respected
state.
States General and Education
On 9 February t:he new president received the leaders of the three legal opposition
parties. The president--who by now ha.d let it be known that he intended to serve
out his full term to its conclusion in 1983--promised that the upcoming legislative
and presidential elections wo~tld be /"just and equitable, in order to reflect the
real will of the people."/ And he indicated that he himself and his government were
djsposed to /"listen constantly to the oppoeition."/ Was change going to get the
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better oF continuity? A whole series of concrete indications showed in any case ,
that things were "tiltj.ng" in a positive direction. So at that point, in the
opposition camp, where several weeks previously, on the eve of Senghor's departure, ;
possibilities and modalities of uniting to take the offensive were being studied~
the atmosphere was more one of watchful expectation. ~
~ At the end of January, a major Pvent marked the taking of an important initiative, ~
especially with regard to the tensions of the previous year. This was the
convocation--announced during the inauguration speech--of the States General for a
free aiid open debate with no restrictions on participation for the 2,000 invitees,
including the representatives of SUDES [Sole Democratic Trade Union of Senegalese ~
Teachers]. Taking up several basic demands of the most radical part of the opposi-
tion, including those of SUDES, the States General concluded their meeting by .
asserti.ng a determination to make Senegalese schooling more /"popular and demo- ;
cratic"/ by adapting it to /"national realities."/ Among other things they de-
manded the upgrading of national languages in teaching and in off icial life, a
gradual reduction of foreign technical assistance, leading to ite completei.
elimination within the next 5 years in secondary school and within 10 years at the
university. The States General also recommended /"the decolonization of the uni-
versity and of scientific research,"/ the gradual disappearance of private schooling, ;
a systematization of religious education in primary school, elimination of the audio-
visual method of teaching French which has been used for the last 10 years. On
the sidelines of the debates, a motion was adopted which called for lifting the
sanctions that had been levied against SUDES' militants and urged the latter to ~
delay the strike it had planned for February. ,
However, it was in early April, on the 21st anniversary of the country's independ- ,
c_nce, that the new course was to Ue affirmed isi a spectactular way. As had been ~
expected since 1 January, the council of ministers adopted two proposals, one
bearing on revlsion of the constitution, the other on the law governing political
parties, aimed at creatin~ an unlimited multiparty system. So now all political
currents could exist legally /"without obligation to pledge allegiance, neces-
sarily, to any ideology defined in advanced by the legislative power,"/ as had been
the case since 1976. This freedom wa~ restricted in only two wa.ys. The first,
which expresses the concern for maint~ining national cohesiveness, stipulates that
the parties /"r_annot be identified with a race, an ethnic group, a sex, a religion,
a sect, a langua.ge, or a region."/ The second, which might ultimately prove to be
a"safety valve" should one be needed for the regime, obl.iges the parties to promise
/"to respect the constitution, the principles of national sovereignty, and
democracy."J
In order to complete this new framework, and to efface the after-effects of the
paSC, an amnesty was decided, which would apply both to political and so-called
"press" offenses. While this measure may extend to certain crimes of the co~non
law (punis~~able by no more than one year actual imprisonment or 2 years with sus-
pension of sentence), it does not in any case apply to individuals guilty of mal-
feasance with public funds or corruptioa--the government being eager to show /"the
importance it attaches to the struggle against these transgressions which do ~
serious damage to the national economS~."/
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While it is still too soon to take an exa.ct measure of the impact of the changes
under way--which seem also to extend to foreign policy, where a still-timid
opening can be perceived--it is clear in any case that President Abdou Diouf is
determined to win his gamble, a gamble which looks very much like it has two ob-
~ectives: to reinforce the regime, while attempting to arouse the spirit and
cohesiveness that would make possible the efforts and sacrifices necessary for the
r.ecovery of the economy and the nation's finances.
Intensify the Struggle
This is in fact why the party in power itself is also not immune from Che fresh
breezes blowing over the country. In preparing for the campaign battle, which he
is certaigly expecting to win in 1983, Abdou Diouf has announced the renovation
of the Socialist Party. With this aim in mind, he stated his determination to
assure /"unity, discipline, but above all democracy"/ in the ranks of his party, as
_ well as /"the primacy of the general interest over special interests and factions."/
And, to put an end to the practices of the past, the choice of officials must hence-
forth be submitted to /"the vote of the delegates at the party base."/ The utili-
zation of the weapon of criticism and self-criticism /"to identify our mistakes and
rectify them"/ will also be encouraged. This renovation evidently constitutes the
second indispensable facet of the definitive democratic opening. Abdou Diouf
acknowledged this himself_; he believes that the PS must be renewed if the party
wants to be able to cope with its competition after the establishment of unlimited
pluralism.
For the opposir_ion, the new course, tt~ough it is seen in a very positive light,
nevertheless at the same time looks (~;.nd justly so) like a victory won by the
struggle of the democratic forces. Con~menting on the new law on political parties,
Mamadou Dia, head of the socialist sel.f-management group, emphasized in this con-
nection that /"this is a very positive step, which could have been predicted as
inevitab?_e by even the most rudimentary considerations of political oppprtunism."/
This decision /"breaks courageously on a fundamental point with the heritage of
the former president. Without minimizing the merits of its author, we should hail
this act as a brilliant victo.ry for the democratic forces...These latter should see
in il: an incentive to intensify the struggle, for there remain fundamental problems,
and many battles yet to be won..."/
CUPI'RIGHT: 1981 AFrique-Asie
9516
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S"EYCHELLES
RT:ACrTON TO MTTTERFtADTD VTCTORY REPORTED
Election Results Assessed
Paris AFRTQUE-ASIE 3n French 25 ~'Iay 81 pp 19-20
[Art3.cle by Devi Tolwal: "The Rose and the Orch3.d"]
[Text] Here is the verdict expressing the vote of the French counnunity in the
Seychelles,~made up essentially of d3plomat3c personnel or coo~eration ~pecialists
and their families: 52 registered voters, 16 for Mitterrand, 25 for G~scard, and
four blank ballots.
The results of this vote--above the national average of French votes abroad 3.n
favor of Mitterrand--are already grounds for astonishment, certain indications,and
encouragement.
Astonishment, when we look at the selective filter, tainted by political ostrac~sm,
characterizing the choice made by the var3ous departments of the Frencfi M3nistry. of
Cooperation, by?"~ p ersonnel force called up to "meet reserve obl3gations," a co-
operative and docile personnel force, whose favorite flower ~s not the rose, and
r least of all the one in full bloom.
Morosiry for Some
The encouraging indication, next, makes us think that lassitude, 3n conte~mplation
of a sad 7-year term, had the effect of a broad rally against a man and a policy,
in support of a new man and a new policy. In tfie ligfit of the human faBric woven
ir~ the Seychelles, tfiat is the predominant impreasion.
"We can breathe again now," says the sole representative of the PS [~oc3a13st
- Party] in the Seychelles, a rare bird, like "the widow" of Prasl3n, witTi consider-
able relief, whom one can only find on tfie seeond island of the Seychelles Archi-
pel.ago, "I had the feeling for ent~.rely too long that Z was vot3.ng for noth3ng.
Today we are relieved," he added, reassured.
At Arpent-Vert, where the Embassy of France has foimd refuge, the degree of assur-
rance is less evident and the rose has made more than one official representative
- morose.
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During his first public appearance since 10 May, the ambassador of France, in sign-
ing two agreements with the Seychelles plann3sig and develogment minister, declared
that there was every reason to think that "relations between France and the Sey-
chelles, springing from the determinat3on of President Giscard d'Estaing and his
adntinistration, will become closer and w311 be continued on fortunately and harmoni~
ously solid foundations."
"I am certain," he :added, "that the ever greater understanding, which thus sprang
from these untiring efforts, which T always passionately supported, wi11 enable us
to give our rel.ations not only the friendly but also profoundly brotherly charac-
ter which President Rene has ,just mentioned in his message wh3ch he sent to the
new president of the Frencfi Republic."
This warm and open message was addressed by the chief of state of the Seychelles
from Tripoli~ where he was on a working and friendship visit, the moment the results
of the president3al election were known.
"We have followed your positions on international policy issues with great inter-
est," it says in the message, "especially ~those concerning cooperat3on relations
between the industrialized countries and the developing countr~.es, as we11 as
regarding those that are fighting for their 3ndependence as well a~ your concern
for peace and greater justice in the world.
"We want to take this happy opportunity to express to you the importance which we
assign to the d.evelopment of fru3tft,i and ~mutually advantageous cooperation between
our two countries, based on mutual respect."
An ~r~dication of things to come can undoubtedly be seen in the departure of four
French tuna boats for metropolitan France right after the second round in the
presidential elect3ons.
Bangui and Kolwezi
The four tuna boats, the "Aldabra," the "Assumption," the "Astove," and the
"Alphonse," hereafter christened the "Noel 1 " "2 " "3 " and "4 " should never
> > > >
have left Brittany and, due to technological 3nadequacies, cauaed the biggest
Failure in French-Seychelles coaperation dur3ng the Giscard3.an 7-year term by de-
laying--with severe effects on the economy of the Seycfielles--tfie undertaking in
which the country and its leaders had placed the higTiest hopes, that is, indus-
trial fishing.
Rod Fishing, for which they were intended and whose merits had been highly touted
by French experts, turned into a disaster wfiereas net fisfiing, discarded by
those same specialists, was experimented w3th later and turned into a success.
People hereabouts know little about the man who will henceforth pres~de over the
destinies of France, except for his politfical concerns which were.expressed in
public in the past, in his capac3ty as a polit3.c3an and as the representative of
one of the families of the French left.
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I'eople pay attention to his statements on new relations with Africa which would no
longer leave any room for the "iiarracudas" of Bangui or those who preceded tfiem
at Kolwezi.
Ttie same degree of attention is being accorded his last declarat3ons on the region
of ttie Indian Ocean, declarations in which he expressed the belief that Mayotte
must again become an integral part of the Comoro Tslands. That also applies to the
interest he has expressed in dealing with Madagascar on the issue of the islands
of Juan Da Nova, Bassa Do Tndia, Glorieuses and Europe, regard3ng wli~.ch the
Grand Island quite justly demands the~r return to the motherland, or tlie fate of
Tromelin 1a Ma.uricienne.
~Iis vision of North-South relations f~nally are also a matter of interest; his
}~rogr.am of aid to the Third World, wh~ch is supposed to replace a cooperative
etfort which in the past constituted a comb~nation of tlie carrot and the st3ck,
with a lesser degree of doubt ~r less resexvations expressed regard~tng 3ts status
~~c an example in the light of the experience which the Seychelles had at the end
ot 1979; as well as the attention which he has devoted to economi~ aid, experience~
in the form of a knife ready to fal1, combined with political blackznail which
traumatized more than just one.
Pei~ple also expect relations based on loyalty and respect, such as they are pos-
sible henceforth.
At the end of the visit to the Seychel.les by Algerian President Chadli Bendjedid,
on 6 April, a representative of the French diplomatic m3ssion assigned at Mahe,
~isked a Seychelles official what the chief of state now expected from Victoria.
"Fr.ancois Mitterrand," the o1d Seychelle diplomat said. His conversation partner
r.emembered only the "provocative" aspect of the answer, while he was 3.nsens3.t3ve
l:o ~he desire and expectations which it expressed.
; The ball, as we say, is now in the Paris court and it is now expecfied with a
t;reat clegree ot confidence that the actions of the new French chief of state will
dovetail with the pusitions adopted by the first secretary of the French Socialist
Party to which people in this part of the Indian Ocean are particularly sensitive.
'i'he new resident of Elysee Palace must now take the full measure of a tremendous
~isset in the form of sympathy and fie must prove or s3mply remind everybody that
tllc~re is another France, concerned with ttie nat3onal interest and the 3nterest of
the developing world, so that the rose wi11 not wilt as time goes on, that it w311
r.emain sound and that it will harmoniously respond to the tropical orchid, inclining
toward a desired and desirable exchange.
Reaction tu Mitterrand Victory .
Paris AFRIQUE-ASIE in rrench 25 May 81 p 19
[Article by Solofo Rasoarahona]
[Text] In a country such as Madagascar, which did not escape the blow struck by
Giscard, rrancois Mitterrand's victory meant total relief. "A ma*~ 13ke Mitterrand,"
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ths Malagasy people mainta~ned, "wi11 not send us men such as ~iob Denard or men who
" are going to make trouble for our economy ~.n order to create a cris:is ~n the coun-
try. In congratulating the new French prea3dent, D3dier Ratsiraka declar.ed that
he was "convinced that the efforts ta be made by Mitterrand wi11 be 3.n line w3th
the aspirations of a11 nations aimed at the launching of a new era of peace and
_ progress."
The new French chief of state is surrounded by a team which is quite familiar with
the people of Madagascar--some of its members went there recently--and 3t 3.s cer-
tain that a recovery of dynamism wi11 ~man3fest 3tself 3n reiat~:ons tietween the
two countries, in the form of a new pol~.cy that wi11 have to undertake tamorrow
those things that have not yet been achieved as of today. The two ch3efs of state
have the same political concerns regarding the problems of the world today,
particularly those of the Ind3an Ocean, and the so~utions proposed for d3.sarmament
by Francois Mitterrand should contribufie to promoting the conferenc~ proposed by
Didier Ratsiraka to be held at Antananar3vo so that the Indian Ocean may really be-
come a zone of peace.
Regarding econumic relations between the two countries, the new prospects of
participation in development, which the Socialist Party had proposed fi.n its pro-
gram, gives the Ma.lagasy leaders much hope dur3ng this period of time in which
they are fighting for the country's economic ~ndependence.
COPYRIGHT: 1981 Afrique-Asie 1981
5058
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SEYCHELLES
KEY TO THE NEW SOCIETY DESCRIBED
Paris AFRIQUE-ASIE in French 25 May 81 pp 39-41
[Article by Devi Tolwal: "The Key to the New Society"]
[Text] At Port-Launay, a thousand young Seychellea volunteers
are attempting an orig3.na1 experiment in village education.
"Do you want to prepare the way to the future? For one year, you have to plant
grain, for 10 years, you have to plant a tree. For 100 years, you have to teach
your people."
This suitably framed maxim is the only decoration in the off3ce of Lucia--the
secretary to ~ Education and Tnformation Minister James Michel--who made us wait
before we were received for an interview by that official of the m~nister3al de-
partment where things are made to move and where educat3on is st~11 the top pr3or~.ty
in the Seychelies.
"We have done so many things in 1980 and we have so tnany projects tfi3.s year that I
ilo no t know where to begin," he told us.
The interview turned out to be rathex short and informa,l; 3.t covered all aspects of
education reform in which the NYS (National Youth Service}'plays an essent~al role.
- 'Chere are close to 1,000 young Seychelles c:ttizens between the ages of 15 and 18
who are attempting a volunteer experiment, something new and oxigfinal, ~.n vi.llage
education, launched by Che National Youtfi Sexvice of Port-Lauuay, 3n the nortfi-
western part of Mahe, the main island of this isiand group; tfi3s exper3ment was
officially inaugurated by President Albert Rene on 1 March; Pres3dent Chad13. was
able to visit it during his tr3.p on 7 Apr31. Tn the streets of V3ctox~,a, on 11
and 12 October 1979, during one of the biggest demonstrations, the demonstrat~.on
of the high school movement, designed to play a trick on the National Youth
Service project, a numher of those youngsters sfiouted "We do not want to go on!"
Even before the debate began and the final decision had been made.
Demonstrat3on
During this Internatianal Year of the Chi1d, the school students who had gathered
at Mont-Fleuri came down Fxanci.s-Rachel Stxeet, c~xcled axound the liig clock on
Central Square, the "S3g Ben" of V~ctox~.a, ~nd then taet in, fxqnt of tP~e B~ast~lle,
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the build3ng o� the Education and Tnformatian Ministry. The rumors had done their
work well. But the cool attitude, smartness, and sense of responsibility of the
government team formed around Pres3dent Rene frustrated the v3olence and havoc
unleashed by provocators who fiad infiltrated the movement.
"Do not harm a single hair of those children," he told law and order officials.
"They are being manipulated and they do not realize it. But we do know."
The manipulation, among other arrests, produced the arrest of a French cooperation
agent by the name of Jacques Chevallereau, the right-hand man of the Mahe police
- chief. The left hand was fishing 3n troutiled waters.
French pressure following such measures--"suspension of French aid, recall of
cooperation agents"--have left their mark on the spirit of certain leaders 3n
Victoria whose stubborness 3s well knoam when it comes to national sove~e3gnty
and dignity. This reaction at that t3me against NYS was, ~fox 3ts init~ators, a
defensive refZex of an elitist teaching system wfi3ch is discriminatory toward a
program of broad democratization, included in the platform of the Progressive Front
of the Seychelles People and slated for 3wplementation.
When the count~ry became independent in 1976, the education system bore the charac-
teristics of social differentiations, of class d3fferent3ations i.n Seychelles <
society, which perpetuated them by re~rpducirig them. Respecting a soc3.a1 ordex
which they had always wanted to be immovable, the ruling soc3al strata, for tfieir
"br.ood," as they put in overseas Frencfi, fiad two tuition-charg3ng in~t3tutions in
buildings of the3r own, Regina Mundi and Seychelles College, respectaBle high
school institutions which--for those who had the means--opened the way to the
universities of London or Par3s, the only ones that were soc3a11y "acceptat~le."
The others, the more numerous ones, the f3nanc3ally strapped, could always try to
get into the junior seconda2y schools before hav3ng the~.r school~.ng ~.nterrupted--
provided it d3.d offer the same opportunity to evexyliody--and jo3n~.ng tfie ranks of
the unemployed. "People used to say that, 3f your parents are poox f3.nancially,
ehat means you are poor in spirit. Tf your p2~rents have mnney, you are rich in
sgirit. But in reaZity this has nothing to do w3th you at a11." Addres~sing the
parents gathered on the first Sunday of March 3n Port-Launay for the offic:tal
inauguration of the v311age, President Rene 3.n just three sentences, 3n averseas
French--in the only country 3.n tP?e overseas French axea wfiexe that langu~ge has
naCional standing--summarized the ideolog3cal content beh3nd,the dtcfiotomy of the
past which characterized the teaching syste~m.
That is the system that has now been challenged in the matter of bas~.c px~nc3:ple
ever since the country's liberation in June 1977. It has taken spec~.f3c shape out
:in the field since then and especially in 1980, the year of the "d~.v~d~.ng 13ne 3.n
the his~ory of the development of educat3on ~n the republ3c," as underscored by
President Rene 3n addressing the People's Assembly. This accord~.~g to a11 evidence
is a political battle of the utmost 3mportance, featur3ng 3nterests and 3deas
rurned upside down, along with a p~ofaund reform.of structures undertaken witli
massive mobilization of add3t3onal fund3ng, tliat is, 17.2 percent of the budget go3.ng
for education in 1980 and 27.2 percent in 1981.
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The Retrograde Church
Lack of understanding and reservations have to a great extent been overcome. There
remains one ma~or liastion, a rather backward and retrograde Church which is more
seneitive to the colorful processions on Corpua Christi Day than the future of a
younger generation for whom the goverrnnent has mob3lized more than one quarter of
the national budget. The place of religious education in the NYS programs is its
new issue here. And the sounding board, L'ECHO DES TLES, 3ts press organ, nevEr-
theless is silent on that issue in a country where the shortage of land stops
many community development projects (nurseries, disgensaries, schools, etc.)
listed in the government program, as we11 as the demands for the procurement of
land coming from the government and addressed to the biggest land owner, the
Church. President Rene even assured the bisfiop of V3ctoria that the annual 3ncome
from that land--which would perm3t h3.m to carry out the projects--would later be
returned to him. Tn va3n. The issue--wh~ch has reached matur3.ty after many at-
tempts--is sti11 under study. The year 1980 was the year of the 3.nstitution of
a primary education reform on the basis of equal access to educat3:on, call~ng for
mandatory schooling of 9 years. The year 1981 is the year of the implementation
_ of that basic principle on the secondary school 1eve1 while consol3dating the
innovations introduced into other aspe~ts of education last year. The biggest
increase in 1980 undoubted3.y is found in kindergartens wh3ch now accommodate 90
percent of the population between the ages of 4 and 5 and which th3s year were
opened to children between the ages of 1~month and 4 years.
The school cafeterias prov3de free lunches for a11 primary and kindergarten pupils,
new eating habits are being taught there and cassava, sweet potatoes, and yams,
produced locally, are 3oining rice, a trad3,t3.ona1 food itena represent3.ng one-sixth
of food imports. The structure was def3.n~.tely put in place in 1980 an3 tfie bas3c
principle of 9 years of mandatory educat3on was implemented; but in 1981, quali-
tative improvements will have priority.
Created last January, the National Pedagogic Institute will be responsible for
implementing an education policy in its pedagog3.c aspects. The year 1981 fiowever
remains the iirst year of the implementat~ton of the secondary school reform and
this 3.s tied in arith the implementat3on of a policy aimed at guarantee3ng a11
yoiingsters equal access to education after 9 years of mandato2y prat-mary educat~on;
it will also be necessary to dr~ft a study program tailored to the country~s social,
economic, and political situat3ons; and ~.t w311 furtfiermore be necessary to raise
the level of education and to change a system which, year after year, allowed a
large nwnber of youngsters w3thout the necessary skills to go out looking for jobs.
T'he NYS is another one of the options offexed starting this~ year and its establish-
ment brought about an increase of 160 percent in the secondary school registration
figures. But the NYS is not just an extens3on of secondary school. The programs,
the funds, the techniques, and the methods of education have iieen campletely re-
vamped. "Tf the NYS high scfiool :t~ Ca turn out students wfio w~11 fie alile, 3n the
future, to handle all of the republtc's econom3.c and pol~tical respons3b31~,ties,
it goes urithout saying that they must learn.certain things and tfiat the way they
learn must be geared toward that taska"emptiasized President Rene wfio, following the
prepar.atoxy phase, kept track of the progress of work at the Port-Launay construc-
ta.on site.
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A new school is &e~ng huilt here, at Port-Launay, along with a new form of social
organization, a new type of interpersonal and community relationships because, in
its basic concept, the NYS is supposed to be the key to the construction of the new
society. "This is more than 3ust an education pro~ect, this is a small society,
a micro-society, which the young people want to bu31d with the organizers and the
teachers. The young boys and girls w311 above all be concer~ed with domes~ic life,
organized on a family basis in units of 15 youths, while the cluster (a Y-shaped
building consisting of three un~ts) is tfie 11nk between the family and soc~ety,
the place where both of them ~meet. Even in architectural terms, the cluster is
designed to cr~ate a community sp3rit," explained Olivier Lebrun who, in his
capacity as UNESCO consultant, helps put the project in place and also acts as ad-
visor.
A Micro-Society
Each boy cluster is connected to a gixl cluster. They are called the brother clus-
ter. and the sister cluster. They enable a11 youngsters to sha~re cammon ac:tivities
in domestic life. The second sphere of thefi.r da31y life ~.s production 3n the
broad sense of the word, such as crop cult3vation and an3mal fiusbandry, as well as
the processing of products in the shops.
"Our objective is, starting as of the end of this year, to guarantee the village's
sel.f-sufficiency regarding vegetables, meat, eggs, although, T am sure, ~n tlie
li~ht of re~ults already ach3eved 3.n such a short t3.me, we will have a surplus which
~ we will be able to sell," noted Olcen V3.dot, the man in charge of product3.on.
Linlcing educat3on with production and da31y life, starting with pract~.ce and moving
o~n toward theoiy and returning to practice--that is the first tliing they do at
Port-Launay. The second movement starts with theory and moves~ toward practice and
comes back to theory since the village has a study center whose main purpose is
~o transfer the knowledge that is included in the body of existing disctplines,
such as chemistxy, physics, languages, or mathematics, in a, lively fashion, 3n the
form of production projects or surveys. The cammon trend at the study center is
primarily geared toward projects starting with the needs of the young people, vf
the village, or o:E the country.
In addition to the number of projects already proposed, there :is the ~.dea of boy-
cotting concentrated fi-uit juices 3mported froln South Africa through wTiolesale trade
as a result of the local product3on of le~mon concentxate and squash. "Th~.s ca11s
for a whole series of analyses, as well as research on the-matter of 3.ntermediate
technology, in the field of biology and chemistry, not to mention the analysis of
apartheid in the area of human sc3ences," one of the teachers told us.
At tlie end of the common grouping, the youngsters, organized in a number of branches
preparii~~; them for a certificate, wi11 select certain new lines of study, in other
~aor.ds, animal kiusbandry or fishing, to get away from the establ3shed academ3c
disciplines, patterned according to the Cambridge system which st311 had the force
of law. The general approach cons3.sts thus in developing a set number of capacities
among the young people. Those 3nclude. scientif~.c, social, poli~ical, and organiza-
tional. capacities.
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"They elect the leadez of the unit, the cluater caordinator, for representation on
the village co~ttee and they will play a decisive role in its operation," com-
mented Noella Antat, the assistant female coordinator.
The organizational team has adopted a nond3rective attitude in line with the desire
expressed by President Rene, constantly urging the young people to display greater
initiative. The team has set up its headquarters at the "Port-Bonheur," a former
restaurant facing out over the bay of Port-I.aunay, one of the most beautiful on
Mahe, now lieing developed. "We are gett~ng aettled," said Flprence Bestong, the
female village coordinator, receiv3ng us prior to the inspect3on. "We are having
the usual grow3ng pa3ns but we are determined to fin3sh the job."
By next year, the student body will have doubled while the architects on their
drawing boards are drafting the blueprints for a new village with 1,000 spaces or
two villages w3th 500 spaces.
Broken Chair
in January 1983, the reform of the secondary schonl syste~m wi11 have been completed
and every young citizen of Seychelles, at tlie end of P-9, tlie end of the primary
schoo.ling cycle, wi11 go on to one of the villages for 2 years.
On the occasion of its first cultural event, staged at the ~eychelles College--
from which the October 1979 movement against the NYS was remote-controlled--the
Cuban Embassy recently presented a motion picture documentary ent~tled "The New
School" in honor of the teacher tiattalions sent by the homeland of Jose Mart~ to
promote education and information.
This college is the symbol of an olisolete edueation system and f~.~amed tbe covex
page of its last information bulletin, SEYCO, 3n lilack, undoubtedly to express
sorrow for an institution doomed to d3sappear.
No matter! A new school is see~tng the li~ht of day in Port-Launay. Tt w~.ll have
its journal wh3ch wi11 no longer reprint column after column of postcards sent
from graduates, as if forever trying to freeze the transmiss�ion of a r~stricted
cultural heritage whose chai.n has now been hroken. It w~.ll xeveal the txaces of
hesitations and hard work in ordex, on tli.e p1d, to Bu~.ld the new, tn3xing the
o~ors of frangipane and c~nnaman witfi the coloxs .of the "takamaka" wiii,ch lia~ ~.ts
roots deep in the soil of Port-Launay.
C~PYRIGHT: Afrique-Asie 1981
5058
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SE�CHELLES
BRIEFS
PROTEST VS RAMGOOLAM--The Seychelles foreign affairs mxnister has released a
protest addressed to fihe minister of fore3gn affa3rs, tourism, and immigration of
Mauritius Island. This note is in response to a statement from Maur3t3an premier
Seewoosagur Ramgoolam regard3ng the Seqchelles and their chief execut3ve. The
protest recalls that the Mauritian premier permitted himself to refer to the
president of the Reputilic of the Seychelles and to certain aspects of Seychelles
community life with a manifest absence of ~nurtesy. Reca113ng the recent mainten-
ance stopover liy the Mauritian prem3er at Mahe and the good-w~11 message wfiich
he had addressed to President Rene, the foreign affairs min3ster asked himself how
one should interpret this ambiguous language on the part of Seewoosagur Ramgoolam.
Touching on the social s3.tuat3on in Mauritius and certain neig~boring countries,
including the Seychelles the Maurit3an premier permitted himself to draw a rather
doubtful and hazardous parallel challenging the ga3ns of the Seychelles government.
Moreover, Sir Seewaosagur came out with suggestions regarding the chief of state
of Seychelles which are, to say the least, unkind, while the Seychelles ch3ef of
state himself has never departed from a responsible attitude, concerned as he is
with maintainirig good ne.ighborly relations in the region on the basis of the
sovereignty of states, re~spect, and noninterference. [Text] [Paris AFRTQUE-ASIE
in French 27 April 81 p_`+6] SOS8
CS0:4400/1253
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SOMALIA
BRIEFS
WFP P'OOD AID--The WFP will ship 7,000 tons of corn to Somalia following the appeal
made by this country to the international community to help alleviate the increas-
ing food deficit caused by the drought. This emergency assistance will cost ap-
proximately 1.8 million dollars. The WFP aid is aimed both at the local popula-
tion and at the refugees in the camps, whose numbers are estimated at over 1 mil-
lion. The latter have already received WFP aid amounting to 9.8 million dollars.
[Excerpt] [Paris MARCHES TROPICAUX ET MEDITERRANEENS in French 22 May 81 p 1433]
[C(IPYRIGHT: Rene Moreux et Cie Paris 1981.]
EEC EMERGENCY AID--The European Commission has de~ided to grant Somalia an extraor-
dinary aid through the Lome Convention following the floods caused by torrential
rains which fell after 3 years of drought. The aid will serve to lease a plane,
_ which left Paris on 10 May with 39 tnns of essential goods (notably food, medi-
cines, blankets), as well as to lease locally a small plane to transport these
goods to the various villages. The r_ost of these operations, which will be car-
ried out through the intermediary of the Doctors Wiehout Frontiers organization,
amounts to 185,000 Ecus [European currency units]. [Text] [Paris MARCHES TROPI-
CAUX ET MEDITERRANEENS in French 22 May 81 p 1433] [COPYRIGHT: Rene Moreux et
Cie Paris 1981.]
CSO: 4400/1289
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ZAIRE
SOLDIERS REPORTED IN BORDER RACKET
London NEW AFRICAN in English May 81 p 41
[Article by Matthews Ndovi]
[Text] Zambians crossing the Zaire border now have to run
the gauntlet. At roadblocks, Zairean soldiers impose illegal
fines on trumped-up charges. But the Zairean Government
seems to condone the racket. Matthews Ndovi explains why.
AS A bus draws up at one of Zaire's many ~'~Lep would atarve
border roadblocks, the pasaengers are
ordered out. ' Thie is an exampte of the daily
An army officer swaggers up to the experience facing travellera entering
pasaengers and strikes a bald-headed Zaire at the Mokambo border with
man with the butt of his rifle. �Why do Zambia. Of courae, illegal fines go
you have no hair on your head?", the etraight into the pockets of the soldiers. �
ot~icer rasps. �A 10 kwacha (US $8) fine But are they to blame? If the soldiers
for being bald - or we lock you up". The did not reaort to victimising helpless
passenger reluctantly hands over the passengera they would starve because,
"fine" to the grinning officer. apart from the "self-help" salaries, they
The next victim is a young man of 22 receive no wages. The racket, therefore,
years whom the ot~'icer finds "guilty" of has not been checked by the Zaire
having a beard. "A 10 kwacha fine oryou Govemment which posta the soldiers for
go in there", says the officer, pointing to a up to aix months at border poata without
nearby building. The young man pays up. pay, making unarmed pa'saengers the
The officer then moves to a man who is unwilling paymaeters:
neither bald nor sporting a beard. �Why The m~jority ofvictimeare ueers ofthe
do you keep all that hair on your head but road from Zambia's Copperbelt to the
shave off your chin?" asks the officer, Northern Province which pasaea through
slapping the man acroas the face. Before Zairean territory. At times, the bus dces
the officer can announce the penalty for not operate the route for weeka for lack of
such an "offence", the man glumly passengers. This means hunger for the
produces the inevitable 10 kwacha. Zairean soldiers.
A similar ~ne is imposed on a young The soldiers then invade nearby Zam-
man wearing a cap and dark glasaes. "Do bian towns in search of food or money, a
you want to look like Mobutu?" asks the plundering operation that has caused
officer angrily. diplomatic diacord between Zambia and
Eventually the bus is allowed to Zaire. Recently, armed men in Zairean
continue its journey, leaving the officer army uniforms snatched a K65,000 pay
about 100 kwacha richer and the passen- role from Mulfulira Municipal Council
gera bewildered. after gunning down a policeman who had
tried to challenge them.
But the soldiers' adventure was short-
lived.
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Body unclaimed
The Zambian mine police intercepted
them at the NSokambo border post. There
was a heavy exchange of fire and the
leader of the gang was shot dead while
the others fled. The leader's body is still
lying unclaimed at Mufulira Ronald Ross
Mine Hospital.
A similar incident occurred later at
Konkola mine township in
Chililabombwe. Zairean soldiers were
constantly reported entering Zambia,
harassing residents and stealin~ food and
money. Zambian police were sent to the
town and a~erce gun battle took place.
Two men wearing Zairean army
uniforms were killed.
On hearing about the incidents, the
Zairean Government demanded an
explanation from Zambia but there was
no o~cial reply. When asked about the
border problem, Preaident Kenneth
Kaunda of Zambia told newsmen that he
would soon meet President Mobutu Sese
Seko to discuss the matter.
Essential commodities are always in
short supply in the border province,
reportedly becauae of smuggling by
Zaireans.
Zambians now blame their own gov-
ernment for being too soft with Zaireans
who, in some towns, run what is com-
monly known as a"state" where they
operate all kinds of illegal businesses
with the full nowledge oF the police and
other government agencies�
COPYRIGHT: 1981 IC Magazines Limited
CSO: 4700/6 .
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ZAIRE
;
~
BRIEFS ~
DEVALUATION RUMORS--Rumors of an approaching devaluation of the zaire have been '
circulating for some time in Zaire and are affecting the actions of economic
agents. It would seem that the IMF has made a new devaluation--to what extent
is not known--a precondition to the provision of credits scheduled for the 1981-
1983 time-frame (MTM of 10 April p 1018). President Mobutu has reportedly refused
to.confirm the devaluation. [Text] [Paris MARCHES TROPICAUX ET MEDITERRANEENS
in French 1 May 81 p 1256] [COPYRIGHT: Rene Moreux et Cie Paris 1981.] 9516
CSO: 4400/1197 END
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