JPRS ID: 9640 USSR REPORT POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: JPRS
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP82-00850R000300100003-4
• Release Decision: RIF
• Original Classification: U
• Document Page Count: 37
• Document Creation Date: November 1, 2016
• Sequence Number: 3
• Content Type: REPORTS

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02148: CIA-RDP82-44850R000300104403-4
FOR OFFICIAL USE UNLY
- JPRS L/9640 ~
2 April 1981
- USSR Re ort -
_ p .
POLITICAL AND SOClOLOGICAL AFFAIRS -
C~OUO 9/81)
- FBIS FOREIGN BROADCAST INFORMATION SERVICE
r-
- FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/08: CIA-RDP82-00850R000300100003-4

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02148: CIA-RDP82-44850R000300104403-4
NOTE
~ JPkS publications contain information primarily from foreign
newspapers, periodicals and books, but also from news agency
trans~issions and broadcasts. Materials from foreign-language
sources are translated; those from English-language sources
are transcribed or reprinted, with the original phrasing and
other characteri5tics retained.
Headlines, editorial reports, and material enclosed in brackets
are supplied by JPRS. Processing indicators such as [Text]
or (Excerpt] in the first line of each item, or following the -
last line of a brief, indicate how the original information was
- processed. Where no processing indicator is given, the infor-
mation was summarized or extracted.
Unfamiliar names rendered phonetically or transliterated are
enclosed in parentheses. Words or names preceded by a ques-
_ tion mark and enclosed in parentheses were not clear in the
original but have been supplied as appropriate in context.
Other unattributed parenthetical notes within the body of an
item originate with the source. Times within items are as
given by source.
The conCents ot this publication in no way represent the poli-
cies, views or a' titudes of the U.S. G~rJernment.
COPYRIGHT LAWS AND REGULATIONS GOVERNING OWi~tERSHIP OF
- MATERIALS REPRODUCED HEREIN REQUIRE THAT DISSEMINATION
OF THIS PUBLICATION BE RESTRICTED FOR OFFICIAL USE 0~1LY.
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/08: CIA-RDP82-00850R000300100003-4

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02148: CIA-RDP82-44850R000300104403-4
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
JPRS L/9640 -
- 2 April 1981
USSR REPORT
POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS ~
(FOUO 9/81)
CONTENTS -
INTERNATIONAL
World Socialism, Problems of Deve loping Co~m tries
(V. B. Lukov; MIROVOY SOTSIALIZM I PROBLEMY P.AZVIVAYUSH-
CEiIKHSYA STRAN, 1979~...0...0...........oo~ .................a... 1
'Democratic' Development of South Yemen Described
- (Aleksandr Sergeyevich Gus~kov; VOPROSY ISTORII, Jan 81)........ 10
NA i IONAL
_ Social Opinion Councils in All Republic Party Committees Advocated
(V. D. Poberezhnyv; SOVETSKOYE GOSUDARSTVO I PRAVO, No 2,
1981) .................~...~........a........................~... 24
- a - [III - USSR - 35 FOUO] -
FOR OFF'[CIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/08: CIA-RDP82-00850R000300100003-4

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02148: CIA-RDP82-44850R000300104403-4
FOR OFFICIAI. I~SE ONLY
IlvTER~ :4TION~{L
Z~IORLD SOCIALISM, PROBLEMS OF DEVELOPING COUNTRIES
~~?oscoti~ MIROVOY SOTSIALI'Li~I I FROBLEMY RA'LVNAYUSHCHIiC.~iSYA STRAfI in Russian 197q
(signed to gress 22 Oct 79) pp 1-2~ 15?-189 (including appropriate footnotes),
199-200
- ~
~Annotation~ table of contents, and chapter 3, part 2 by V, c. Lukov of book
"lJorld 5ocia1lsm ar?d the Problems of the Developing Countries", edited by Pro-
fessor V. L. ~hchetinin~ doctor of sconomics, Izd3tei'stvo "f~lezhdunaxodnyye
otnosheniya"~ 12~000 copies. 2fl0 ~agesJ
~~;xcerpts~ This book examines the topical problems of the influence of
_ socialism on the process of the emergence and develoFxnent of _
liberatea states, along with the assertion of new principles
of their relations in the international arena. It demonstrates
- hoiJ the joint actions of the socialist and developing countri.es
are guaranteeir_g the affirmation in international relations of .
the principles of a community of equal rights~ whose foundation -
was laiii by the Great October Socialist Revolution.
- Contents Page
~World Socialism--The ~lost Important 5ource of ~uccess for the Economic and
- Social Progress of the Developing Countries~ ~in boldface~ . . 3
Chapter 1. ~The Socialist ~~ommunity and Young States: A Joint Struggle to
Itestructure Interri~~tional Relations~ ~in boldfaceJ . . . 26
1. Ra:ic t~�ends iri the joint struggle to ra.dically restructure
internatlona7. relations . . . . . 26
2. 1he devc~lopment o.f. economic arid sciPntific-technical cooperation -
bet~aeen the socialist and developing countries--a model of equi-
table international relation~ . . . . 46
~.hapter 2. ~The lievcloping Countries:'I'he Restructurin~ of International
Relat.'. ons ,~nd the Development of I~iutuai Cooperation~ ~in boldface~ � 75 -
1. I'olitical cooperat�ion of the dev~loping countries and i;he
formation of a new system of international relations . � 75
2. The concept of a new international economic system and the
struggle to realize it . . . . . 90
3. i.conomic cooperation of the deve:loping countries as a factor
, in the restructuring of interna�~ional relations . . 118
1 -
~'OR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/08: CIA-RDP82-00850R000300100003-4

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02148: CIA-RDP82-44850R000300104403-4
FOR OFFI('I:~1, l~tiM: ONI.Y
Chapter 3. ~Impe.rialism and the Developing Countries: Crisis and Forced
Maneuvering~ ~in toldfaceJ . . . . . 141 -
- 1. The system oi' relations between imperialism and the developing
countrie:~ and its crisis in the late 19~'~ and early 19']0's . 141
2. The restructuririg of imperialism's neocolonial strategy in the
present-day pizase . . . . � lS7
Conclusion . . . . . . . 183
rootnotes . . . . . . . 190
i2. The restructuring of imperialism's neocolonial strategy in the
_ present-day phase~ ~in boldfaceJ
It would be no exaggeration to state that the basic trends of evolution of imperi-
alisn's neocolonial strategy durin~ the 197o's were connected primaxily with adjust-
ment:; in the tieocoloiiial course of American imperialism.
' '1'tie basic ~rec?ds i~~ Lt~e evolution of the li.~. neocolonial strategy durinb the 1970's
- h~a~ a noticeable intensification of the tendency toward the so-called. "regional"
approach to the developing countries. !he intensification of this tendency was
one of the manifestations of the broader revision of U.a. foreign policy which
~~Tas undertal:en by ~he ruling circles of the United States during the late 1960's
- and early 1970's under the conditions of the further relative reduction of the
- capitalist system's possibilities (and primarily those of' American imperialisn) to
influence the course of wor'ld develogment. and this was manifested wi-th particulax
clarity in the defeat of the United States in the Indochina war.
_ 9 specific manifestation of the existence of the "regional" tendency in U.S. nee-
colonial policy during the 1950's and 19~'s r~as the distribution of U.S. "aid" in
various geographical directions. Along with the members of the military-poli.tical .
blocs and puppet regimes~ the principal recipients of American "aid," and primaxily
economic aid~ included the very large developing countries wh{ch have played an
important role in tt,e indian sub-continent~ in the Arab East, in La,tin America, -
and in Southeast A;;ia.
_ A u~~i~~ue kind oi' ol:;Lortion of perspective has occurred: because of tamporary �
_ ~iifficulLie;s on thu path of cooperation with other anti-imperialist forces, as rrell -
as Froblems of a local nature~ certain leaders of young states have lost sight of
the main opponent--i.m~~erialistn--; they have for~otten the fact that the only con- ~
sistei~t ally in ttie stru;gle for genuine national independence is the socialist -
community. ~n indifferent attitude toward fuicure problems confronting society,
combined with a striving to solve local problems by any means~ to strengthen their
- own ~ositions vis-a-vis the neighboring states, and to reinforce "national feelings"
has led to a situation ~rhereby the actions of certain leaders of the developing
countries objectively correspond to the interests of neocolonialism~ which under
covPr of these factexs is waging a was against th2 national liberation movement
- (Zaire's active aid to the pro-imperialist factions during the course of the civil
_ ~~7ar in Angola, the military actions of the ARL CArab Republic of Egypt~ against
.Libya, the ~udan's support of ~eparatist cnovements in Ethiopia~ the struggle of the
right-Fring Christiar~ factions in Lebanon to expel the Palestinians from the cnuntry;.
2
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/08: CIA-RDP82-00850R000300100003-4

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02148: CIA-RDP82-44850R000300104403-4
FOR ON'F'1('IAL l~tiE UNLY
'1'he exisi,ence of ti~i~ tendency is connected with temp~rary difficulties of the
anti-imperialist s~ruggle in certain coul7tries; the deve~!optnent of the national
liberation movem ent and the experience which is being accumulated should lPad to
weakenin~ of thi~ tendency.
- lJith ecor_omic groc~ th there occurs a certain enlargement of the material and �inan-
cial base of the forei~n-policy activity of conservative regimes in a number of the
devel.opin~ countrie::.
= Uurir~~; the 1970's ttie mo:t notable iricrease in material resources of conservative
regime;, occurred in the oil-producic~g countries, primarily in monaxchist Iran and
:.~audi Arabia. The sharp increase in oil prices led to the rapid growth of currency
. revenues rar these countries. The revenues of Saudi Arabia alone in 1976 amounted
to approximately 3K ~illion doll~xs, and its currency reserves increased from 0.7
_ billf.on dollars in 1~70 to 27.~3 billion dollars at the beginning of 197~.52 -
~uric~g the post-~~ar period both Iran and Saudi Arabia~ because of an entire range
of economic, strate;ic, and political circumstances, were allotted a significant
role in the ~;eneral neocolonial strategy of imperialism.
Saudi ~rabia and Iran have at their disposal the laxgest reserves in the capita.list
- world of an extremely important strategic raw material--oil (5audi Arabia's share
: in the known petroleum reserves of the capitalist world amounted to 27.4 percent in
197ti, while those of lran amounted to 12.1 percen~t). Both countries occupy impor-
~ tant military-strate~ic positions in the Indian Ocean and the Persian Gulf. Over
the course of many decades both Saudi Arabia and Iran, prior to the fall of the
shah's regime, maintained close ties with the imperialist powers (with isritain~
and durin~ the post-war period--with the United States). In 1955 Iran became one
of the leading Asian paxticipants in the CENTO bloc which was created by the ruling
circles of the United atates and Britain to combat the national liberation movement
in the iVear and hIiddle East; Saudi Arabia has traditionally occupied the right
flank iri the political life of the Arab L:ast.
- 1'he increase 3n the material anc linancial potentials of botn monarchies during the
= 1970's made both these countries in the eyes of the American strategists of the

_ "re~ional a~,proach" extremely attractive candidates for the role of leaders of the -
- ~:eax i;astern region.
_ 'I'he ~z�inci~,~,l task of the neocolonialists with regard to Saudi Arabia and lran
_ during the last decade became more and more the creation within them of conduc~.rs
of neocolonial policy ~rhich would be active and well-disposed for important oppor-
tunities and which ~JOUld _Fully identify their own interests with the interests of
the imperialist powers and which tirould from an external point of view have equal
= economic rights with them, while in fact the relations would be subordinate to the
so-called "interdependence." In accerdance with this task, certain changes were
~ ma,de in the nature of the ties between Saudi Arabia~ Iran~ and the imperiali~t
Loi�rers .
. 'i'he principal elements of this course taken by the imperialist powers in the sphere
cf ec~nomic relation: were as fo Lows:
3
, -
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/08: CIA-RDP82-00850R000300100003-4

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02148: CIA-RDP82-44850R000300104403-4
FOR OFFI('IA1. USF: ONLY
--the creation of the appearance of reducing the presence of [�Jestern companies in
the economies of these countr~es, for which purpose a widesgread practice was
adopted of creatine~ mixed enterprises and Qven the nationalization of foreign prop-
erty, but with mandatory compensation and, i~~hat kas especially important, rrith the
maintenance of the ~~rivileged posii;icn of the IJestern monopolies in these countries.
A charactc:ristic exam ple ~ras constituted by the relations betr~een the American oil
monopolies and the shah's~;~overnment of Iran. ~n exchange for an agreem~nt to hand
over control of.~oil extraction to the government of iran~ Washington through the
American oil monopoli es secured a lor~g-term pledge by Iran to supply oil to the
United. States in case the other i~iear Lastern countries attempted (as was the case
iil 1973~ to use oil deliveries as a means of influencing the ~.i;~ited States of
~nerica;
--tha activ~ att.ractiori of the capital of the oil-producing cc~untries~ primarily
- Saudi Arabia and Ira~i~ into the economy of the industrially-developed capitalist
_ states to create "relations of interdependence," but in fact--to inte~rate the
elite of the right-~: in~ regimes of the Near and Piiddle East into the socioeconomic
structure oi' imperialism with the ri~hts of shareholders. The recirculation by
- ~audi :~rabia a.nd Iran of currency revenues from the sale of oil into the economy of
the United 3tates alone led to a situation whereby, for example;, Saudi Arabia
invested tens o billions of dollaxs in securities of the American govexranent and
private firn?s;5~
--a considerable expansion of exports to 5audi Arabia and the shah's Iran~ including
large-scale complexes, desi~ned for the 1Qng-range future. Thus~ out of the 142
billion doll~,rs alloca.ted by Riyadh to carry out their program of economic develop-
ment for the period 1975--1980~ almost 50 percent ha.d to consist of purchases of
equipment in the United States. Riyadh concluded contracts with American firms to
deliver cpmplete sets of equipment with a total value of approximately 20 billion
dollars . 5`~'
_ Ilndoubtedly, certair: of the above-mentioned characteristics of the policy of neo-
colonialism axe inherent 1,o the present-day relations between the imperialist
G~owers a,nd other oil-prulucin~; countries of the Arab world. However~ the sharp
intensification of the trade and ecor.omic ties of the imperialist states precisely
with ~audi Arabia and pri~r to t979 ~+ith Iran were of a cleaxly-expressed class
_ nal,ure~ serviri~; the above-indicated "super-task" of the neocolonial strate~y in
tt~i~ re~ion of the uorld. A proof of this was such an aspect of trade (and essen-
tially ~litical~ relations betrreen the imperialist states, and primarily the Unl.ted
31;ates, anci ~audi Arabia and the shah's Iran as the arms trade, which reached dimen-
- sions and structures unique for the developing countries.
The strate~ists of neocolonialism placed particular hopes during the 19'70's i.n the
Near F;a.stern region on the monarchist regime in Iran.
Iii striving to enlist the support of the imperialist powers, the shah did not stint
on promises, advert.ising his regime as a reliable performer of the plans of the
neocol~~nialists in the re~ion of the Irear Ea.st.
~':1 the.ir pa.xt~ the neocoloni~.lists undertook actions for the purpose of speeding up
, tt~e capitalist. modernization of the economy which was being undertaken by the
- ;4.
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
i
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/08: CIA-RDP82-00850R000300100003-4

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02148: CIA-RDP82-44850R000300104403-4
- FOR OFFICIAL I~SE ONI.Y
rulin~r circles of Tr~.n, a~ ~~ell as to convert the lranian Azmy into a porrerful ma-
chine for surpressing the national liberation movement in the Neax ~ast. Particu-
lar attention 4ras devoted to the plans for modernizing the shah's asmy.
The definite economic growth and the equipping of the numerous (more than 400~000-
man) Iranian Aimy :,ith the latest types of weapons created during the 1970's ~unong
tt~e ruling circles of Iran a.nci their sponsors abroad a conviction in the firmness
of the positions of the pro-imperialist regime in the country and inspired them with
the tiope that with tne increase of Iran's economic and military potential~ it would
- play a more ard mor~ important role in implementing the plans of the neocolonialists.
- Iran's importance for the imperialist po~aers during the 197o's was not e~austed by
its "regional" fur.ctions, f1s the leading supplier of oil to the countries of West-
ern ~urope~ Japan, and Israel, Iran playe~ a role in OFEC which was important for
the 4Jest. The representatives of Iran, acting en bloc r:ith ~audi Arabia~ opposed
the demands of a number of oil-producing countries to raise the prices on oil to
compensate for the consequences of inflation.
The forced capitali:~tic "modernization" of Iran's economy~ which led to the rapid
and violent destruction of traditional socioeconomic struct~.~res~ the ambitious fo-
reigz~-pol:icy~ pla,ns of the ruling circles~ which pushed them toward the arms race,
- the harsh repressions to which the monarchy's political opponents were subjected,
--these and a numbe~ of other factors led to the accumulation in Iranian society af
a powerful revolutio~~ary anti-imperialist potential.
Tran's ne~r governm~?Clt. r13S decisively abandoned the role 1;o which the country had
'uound itse]f in the past--the role of a"regional power," imperialism's advance out-
post in the Near and i~:iddle East.
The United States and other imperialist powers have actively facilitated the growth
of Saudi Arabia's military potential. During the years 1975--1976 the United States
concluded contract:a for the sale o� arms to Riyadh to the total amount of more than
seven billion dollars. The ~overnment of Saudi ~rabia had planned to complete by
1982 with the aid of the United States the construction of military facilities with
a total cost of 16 billion dollars. Britain pledged to supply Saudi Arabia from
1975 through 1978 ~~ith arms worth s.5 billion dollass. France has also expanded
its m~litary deliveries to Riyadh.o2 In 1977 alone Saudi Arabia planned to expend
10.7 billion dollar:~ on im~~or~s of military equipment from the [inited ~tates,
I~'rtnce, H.rltain, anci the :~'liG. 3
'1't:e pollcv of neocr lonlr~.li:_m ~ dirc~cted at encoura,~ing the formati.or~ of ne~r "center~
of ~i�" iri the rr;r;ic~n of the Persian Gulf, along with some obvious failures, has
alro t~rou;;ht Sn ^ome ,'ruit~. 'Phere has been a notable activation of Saudi Arabia's
for.eig;n policy; it has ~ttem~~ted to act as a unique kind of leader ~f the conserva-
= tive f'orce~. in the '+raU .~,ast.
'rhe activil.y of Saucii Arabia's foreign policy has developed in several directions
at once.
~~_t the present time it is persistently attempting to create a system of regional
rnilitary-~~ui~tical alliances around itself. This striving manifested itself~ in
particu].ar, at the conference of the Iersian Gulf countries ~ahich was held in 197b
5
F'OR OFFIC[AL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/08: CIA-RDP82-00850R000300100003-4

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02148: CIA-RDP82-44850R000300104403-4
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
~ in Muscat; it was here that Saudi Arabia unleasned a great deal of activity in an
attempt to incline a number of conference participants to create in the Gulf re-
gion an association for the "struggle against communism~ to guarantee the security
_ and freedom of navigation." These attempts ended in failure~ but efforts in the
same direction axe continuing. At the same time Riyadh is attempting to create a
milita,ry-political bloc in the Red Sea region.
~ A second line of Saudi Arabia'~ foreign policy is covert~ subversive activity
a~;ainst progressive regimes and political parties in Arab countries as well as
the countrie~ of Tropical Africa, an opposition to the develop~ent of friendly ties
between these countries and the socialist community, primax~.ly with the Soviet
Union, the encoura.~ement and strengthening of the shifts to the right wr.ich have
been observed in recent years in certain Arab states. �
:~lso well known is the active support ~rhich Saud~. Arabia has rendered, together with ~
other right-wing regimes, to the r~ritrean sepasatists who have come out against the
central government of Cthiopia.
Saudi Arabia actively interfered in the civil war in Lebanon on the side of the con-
_ servative forces, rendering financial aid ~o them. This interference~ in the esti-
mate of the Western press, "was an extremely important factor and led o the weaken-
ing of the left-wing forces of Lebanon and their Palestinian allies."6~ Riyad.h
played an important role in pushing the Egyptian leadership to activate a policy of
- "liberalization," threatening the gains made by the Egyptian Revolution and causing
dissatisfaction among more and more of the masses in the ANE.
Uver a len~thy period of time i~gypt's creditors from the industrially developed ca-
pitalist countries, accusing Sadat's government of "indecisiveness" and "inconsis-
tency" in carrying out the "liberalization" of the economy, have demanded that he
abolish the subsidy for producing foodstuffs and a number of items of prime neces-
sity. Cairo, however, obvi~usly understanding what political consequences such a
measizre cotild lead to, have refused to do this. The decisive role in imparting a
"more consistent nat~are" to the policy of "liberalization" has been played by ~audi
rlrabia. Ri.yadh (to~;ether vritti the ~overrunent of Kuwait) is Lgypt's foremost cre-
_ ditor. lluring the pez�iod 1973--1975 the ~;gyptian government received approximately
one billion dollars a yeax. In mid-1976 upon theinitiative of ~audi Arabia, in or-
der to "discipline" the Egyptian government, a ceiling was placed on aid to Lgypt:
it was decided to ~rant the A;~is two billion dollars over the course of the ensuing
five years (accordin6 to the statemeiits by Lgyptian representatives, Lgypt during
_ this period needed a minimum of 12 billion dollars). At the same time ~audi Arabia
hindered the grantin~ to the ARr; by a number of Western ba,nks of a comme~cial loan
which had already teen agreed uvon in the amount of 250 million dollars. 7 These
"disciplinary" measure~ exerted the reciuired influence on the :;adat government: in
January 19?i the "wa:;teful" sut~sidizin~; of foodstuff production Has abolished, and
this immed].atoly bmu~;l1t aLout a flare-up of popular indignation ~.rhich flotired over
into widc~s~~read demonstr.ati.ons of the rnasse ~ throu~;liout LE;ypt.
{'aking advanta~;e nf' the split-up of the single front of Arab states opposed to the
Israeli ag~ressor, "audi ~rabia has actively intervened in the attempts to settle
the tleax Eastern conflict.
'?'hese and othex ~_~rei~-n-policy actions by Saudi Arabia have shown that in recent
yeaxs it has becomc: more and more of a"regional center" of neocolonialism.
b
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/08: CIA-RDP82-00850R000300100003-4

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02148: CIA-RDP82-44850R000300104403-4
FOR OF'FICIAL USE ONLY
The lea.dership circle: of the imperialist states and. the theoreticians of neoco-
lonialism in their plans to recoristruct a system of relations with the developin~
countries have alloted a significant role to the great-power, anti-Soviet course
of the present-da;; Beijin~; leadership.
The theoretical groundwork for the actions of the PR~ in the developing countries ~
is~ a~ before, the I~laoist theory of the "three worlds," representing a modernized
variant o.f the conce~t of "intzxm ediate zones," as set forth by Mao 'Ledon~ shortly
e~'_fic form of the manifestation of public consciousness
which is expressed in the value judgments of a certair. community of people on the
_ phenomena and events of the real world which affect its interests, reflect the
attitude toward them, and are characterized by relative prevalence, inter;siveness,
and stability. .,24.
FOR OFFI~'iAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/08: CIA-RDP82-00850R000300100003-4

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02148: CIA-RDP82-44850R000300104403-4
PnR OFFIC'IAI. IItiF; ONI.Y
express that which the people recognize"[1]. The present-day stage of the building
of communism is characterized by an increase in the role and importance of public
opinion, which has been brought about by the high qeneral educational level of our
citizens, the degree to which they are informed in ali sectors of public life, and de-
veloF~ed political conditions and is an important, organic, and effective component
in the political system of a socialist society.
`lfic~ formation of }~ublic opinion in a socialist society is accomplished under the -
' leadershi~ of the ('ommunist Party; proceeding from Marxist-Leninist teaching, the
F.~arty w~rks out a scientific weltanschauung, arms all the Soviet ~>eople with it,
and educates them in the spirit of the highest ideals, communist morality, patriot-
- ism, and proletarian internationalism. A characteristic peculiarity of the forma-
tion of I~ublic opinion hy tl~e Soviet people is the fact that it takes place on the
hasis of a community of fundamental interests of all social strata. Moreover, the
world-outlook of the working class, which most fully expresses the interests of
all the Soviet peo~le, appears as a basic, cementing princ~_ple.
Advanced public oninion is characteristic for a developed socialism with respect to
the majority of the basic questions of socialist reality. At the same time there
_ exist in socialist society definite contradictions, which arise in the course of
its progressive development. A distinguishing trait of these contradictions is -
their nonantagonistic nature, they are resolved in a systematic manner in the in-
terests of. workers and all of society "within the framework of a given system and
for the p uipose of strengthening this system"[7]. The presence of contradictions _
p redetermines a difference of opinions among the various social communities (and
even witliin them) with respect to the nature, methods, and forms for overcoming
them. A differ.ence of opinions also results from the fact that people differ accord- -
ing to t.he level of their development, education, culture, and according to the
strat~, groups, and so on to which they belong.
'Pite growing rolc of E~ublic o~~inion in a developed sociali.st society is reflected in
th~ Constitution of the USSR. For the first tLme in the histozy of the Soviet -
state direct reference is made to the importance of public opinion in its cons ti-
_ t:uti~n. In article IX of the Constitution of the USSR "a continual accounting oP
public opinion" was noted as a most important channel for the further development
of socialist democ.racy. Public opinion reflects v~ews, judgments, and evaluations
witli respect to practically the whole spectrum of questions concerning qovernment =
anci I~ublic life. T}ie continual manisfestation of public opinion and the fact that
it is taken into consideration in the practical work of all state organs make it
possible for them to coordinate their actions with the requirements and interests of
_ workers and effectively react to existing trends in a change of direction with re-
spect to these interests and to the reaction of people to the various phenomena of _
public life. Public opinion is sufficiently competent in overall questions of social
development and sufficiently reflects the interests and requirements of the various
, sociul communities, their moods, and the degree of satisfaction with the results
being accomplished by organs for the state administration of ineasures. Therefore,
careful analysis, qeneralization, and the fact that it is being constantly taken
into account re~~resent t.Yie necessury conditions for adopting optimal decisions and
for inc.reasinq the effectiveness of the work of administrative organs. 'The fact
that public c~pinioii is continually being taken into consideration makes it possible
to providc~ For it:: aqreement with the plans, decisions, and actions of state organs
I~, p 15] .
, .2 j. .
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/08: CIA-RDP82-00850R000300100003-4

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02148: CIA-RDP82-44850R000300104403-4
I~OR OFNl('IA1. litiF: ONI.I -
It should be noted tllat th~ accounting for and ir~lementation of public opinion
in the actions of administrative organs are not equivalent concepts. The taking -
in~o account is an extensive and miltiplan phenomenon, which is an embodiment ~
of the manifestation, analvsis, and generalization of public opinion. A mani-
fested opinion orients administrative organs in their work; the information being
ob tained gives an idea of the effectiveness of the decisions already adopted and
~ of those being made and of tile degree of their conformity with the evaluations and
ex~ectations expressed in ~~ublic opinion. 'I'he implementation of public opinion in
the practical work of administrative organs is accomplished in the process of ~pera- ~
tional actions and prospective decisions. In the absence of an opportunity to
carzy out these or other directives expressing public opinion in a given stage,
= their impl.er~entation is provided for in the prospective socio-economic development -
- plans of appropriate regions. And in this and othex cases the extensive informa- _
ti on of citizens about the level of the implementation of public opinion is neces-
sary, which makes it possible to deepen their trust in the organs of pawer and ad-
ministration and to form a~~oliti.cal standard for workers and a civic attitude.
In practice th e taking into accowit and implementation of public opinion are found
to be in a dialectical interdependence and represent an indissoluble process.
Inasmuch as public o~inion represents a specific form of the manifestation of a
public consciousness and is connected with the definite actions of people, the
presence of elements of a public role are characteristic to it. Will is an inte- -
gral quality of consciousness, it comes forth as a component element of the group,
collective consciousness, which manifests itself in the combined actions of people
an d in special ways of reacting to social phenomena [9]. However, the moment of
will in public opinion is far from always being present to the same degree. These
or other forms relating to the association and organization of Feople serve as a
prerequisite for the formation of the will. Under certain conditions the forma-
tion of the will is conceivable only within the framework of unified stable organi-
zations. V. I. Lenin ~nphasized that "it is impossible to determine the will of a
broad stratum, if it is not organized into a single organization" [2] . Probably,
it is possible to talk about will as an element of public opinion in a dependence
on its character, stage, condition, and level. There are a number of questions
on which j Udgment~ maki.ng up public opinion do not achieve such a stage of maturity
and iini ty t~~at thc~y r.~uld determine th~ volitional direction of thi~, or~inion
W}lll~' tliey could ac~luir~r an imnerative nature having an effect on the indi vidual
or the administrative orc~an. On the other hand, the volitional content of public
opinion is determin~d by the form of the social community in which it is formed.
Proceeding from Lenin's tenets, it can be said that the opinion of those communi- _
ties which are more organized and united will have the most volitional direction.
Such a property can be attributed to the opinion of party and other public organi-
zations and labor collectives and also to public opinion on the most important
_ questions of state and public life its repository being a qualitatively new
community of people the Soviet people.
While having a real effect on the development and improvement of the various insti-
- tutions in the sys tem of a socialist democracy and consequently also on the devel-
opment of the whole political system, public opinion itself comes forth as an
- important institution of a socialist democracy [8, pp 12-14]. The term "institution
of a socialist democracy" as appli.ed to public opinion must be examined with a
2G.
FOR OFI~'IC1AI, USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/08: CIA-RDP82-00850R000300100003-4

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02148: CIA-RDP82-44850R000300104403-4
HOR nFH7('IAI. UtiF' ONI,1'
certain amount of conditionality2, inasmuch as public opinion as an institution
per se is not formed organizationally in the strict sense of the term. As a
~ social institution it functions in all spheres of stace and public life in the
area of politics, economics, culture, labor interrelations, and so on and has a
real effect on their development and on the interrelations of people from various
social communities.
Under modern-day conditions there is taking place a purposeful institutional evolu-
~ion of public opinion, it is finding ever greater embodiment in the mechanism of
the implementation of state power. Such legal acts as the Law on Elections to the
USSR Supreme Soviet (1978), Law on the USSR Council of Ministers (197E), Statute on
Permanent Commissions of the Council of the Union and of the Council of Nationali-
ties of the USSR Supreme Soviet (1979), Regulation of the USSR Supreme Soviet - ~
(1979), Law an People's Control in the CISSR (1980), and so on have to a certain
degree given concrete expression to the constitutional status of public opinion.
This process, without a doubt, will be expanded and intensified in proportion to
the furttier improvement of Soviet legislation.
The level of the rights and freedoms enjoyed by citizens is a determining factor -
for the effective f.unctioning of public opinion and for the fulfillment of its -
- social purpose to th.e fullest degree. The Cons~itution of the USSR guarantees the
whole range of the social-economic, political, and personal rights and freedoms of
Soviet citizens. Political rights occupy an especially important place within the
system of the constitutional rights and freedoms that promote the active formation
and expression of public opinion and its effect on the governing of the state and
- society. This is the right of Soviet citizens to participate in the management oi
state and public affairs and in t;;e discussion and adoption of laws and decisions
of national and local importance (Article 48 of the USSR Constitution); the right
to elect and be elected (Article 96). During election ca,-npaigns public opinion has
an active influence on the process of the formation of representative organs. It
- is formed in the course of ineetings of electors as a result of the political- -
educational and ideological work conducted by party organs and social organiza-
tions. The decision to nominate this or that individual as a candidate for deputy -
is mac~e on the basis of the opinion formed about him, and on election day public
opinian is exp ressed in the concrete will of the electors, who decide to be or not
to be for a certain candidate as deputy of a respective soviet.
The rights of citizens to introduce proposals to state organs and public organiza-
tions for'improving their work (Arti_cle 49 of the USSR Constitution) is of principal '
- importance for the continual taking into account of workers' opinions. A proposal
or reproof of a sinRle citizen introduced by him to a state or public organ ex-
~resses above all his personal opinion. But inasmuch as peop le are in constant
co~itact within the Framework of this or that social community, then to a certain
- 2. The possibility of examining certain most important phenomena of reality, in-
cluding those which have no organizational form, as an institution of democracy -
is substanti.ated in the literature. "The means of mass information and propaganda
can serve as an exacnple," notes I. P. I1'yinskiy. "Thus the press does not consti- -
~ tute a single organized institution. None the less, it is a real existing socio-
political institution, an ideological weapon of power, and component of the poli-
tical system of society" [10].
�27 ~ -
FOR OFFICIAL USE ON1.Y
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/08: CIA-RDP82-00850R000300100003-4

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02148: CIA-RDP82-44850R000300104403-4
~
N'OR OI~FI('IA1. Il~f~: ONl,l'
degree they also express public opinion. Moreover, it is also necessary to take
- into consideration such an essential peculiarity as those traits characteristic of
the :~ovi~t l~eople: a feetinc~ of collectivism and of being master of one's own enter- ~
!~rise and country, concern for the common good and the interests of society. A
tliorough accounting and analysis of the proposals coming from various citizens and
various collectives and rayons undoubtedly give an idea, although not always suffi-
ciently complete and accurate, of the nature and i-he direction of public opinion
with respect to this or that problem. The constitutional statute on the obligation
of officials to examine the proposals and statements of workers within a certain
period of time, to answer them, and to adopt the necessazy measures for their im-
plementation acts as a guarantee of the effectiveness of public opinion as ex-
pressed in the proposals and reproofs of citizens. The requirement of the Consti-
tution of the USSR concerning the continual taking into account of public opinion
~ is supported by this.
The right of citizens to criticize deficiencies in the work of state and public
organs plays an imF>ortant role in the mechanism of taking public opinion into
account. One of the characteristic traits of a socialist democracy is expressed in
the right of citizens to criticize deficiencies and omissions. "Our democracy in -
action is the right of each citizen, each collective, and each republic to parti-
cipate in the resolution of questions concerning public life, to struggle against
- daviations from the norms and principles of a socialist society, to criticize
� deficiencies, and to actively participate in their elimination" [5]. The party -
gives constant attention to the purposeful development of criticism for eradicating
b ureaucratic red tape, parochial attitudes, and all that which hinders the advance-
ment of society. 'I'he attitude tc~ward criticism on the part of directors of state
and public organs is important and frequently even decisive for improving the re- -
sults of criticism and consequently the effectiveness of the influence of public
opinion as expressed in critical observations. However, in daily practice there
are still frequent iristances of silence with respect to deficiencies and attempts
to ~voici ju:,t criticism, and instances of outright suppression or persecution be-
cause o.f criticism are even encountered. L. I. Brezhnev emphasized that "suppres-
sion of criticism... is a violation of the standards of communist morality and of
the Constitution of the USSR. This is an evil which should not go unpunished" [6,
p 474~. The instruction of the Cons titution of the USSR concerning the prohibition `
of persecution for criticism and responsibility for it (Article 49) speaks for
itself.
The political f.reedoms of Soviet citizens actively promote the fr.ee formation and
expression of public opinion. ~lmong them: the freedom of speech, press, associa-
tion, meetings, marches in the street, and demonstrations (Article 50). They are
- quara~teed by mak.ing public buildings, streets, and squares available to workers
and tli~ir orqanizations, by the extensive dissemination of information, and by
~~t~F~ortiinitics to makc u~ce of the press, radio, and television. Assemblies, meet-
ing~, and ~L-tier mez:~ur.~:; are a f>owerful factor in the expression of public opinion
= on thc t,urninq is~,uc~, of life in our country.
'Clic efEccti.veness of tlie inEluence of public opinion on the process of state admins-
tration and consequently on the growth of its role and importance within the system
of a socialist democracy is determined by a riumber of factors. The level of the
- development of democratic institutions is airong the most important. The higher
this level, the healthier the moral climate of society, the more trust citizens
28
FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/08: CIA-RDP82-00850R000300100003-4

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02148: CIA-RDP82-44850R000300104403-4
1~OR OF'1~1( 1.~1. lltif( ()NI.Y
_ will have in the institution of state power, the more freely and znore openly people
~vill express their awn judqment on questions of interest to them, and the more
active the role of public opinion. In turn, the significance and the authority of
- public opinion will to a great degree be determined by the level to which people
are informed on questions comprising the subjECt of discussion and by their abiliLy
to analyze the processes taking place from the point of view of class and poli-
� tical interests and consequently to determi.ne their aan position vis-a-vis a probl'em
representinq public interest with an understanding of i~he issue at hand. In other
words, the role of public opinion depends on the level of its competency.
The competency of public opinion presupposes in its subject the presence of a cer-
tain level of knaaledge, information about the subject of its awn discussions, but
is not limited to it. Knaaledge, as is knawry represents a reflection of the prop-
erties and regularities of phenomena and processes existing in objective reality,
moreover ari adequate reflection of reality that is proven by practice. Opinion,
on the whole, is comf~rised of a subjective judgment by people concerning problems
affc~cting their in~crests: and reflects their attitude toward these problems. Vari-
_ categories af ~~eople possess different levels of kna~ledge and experience in
this or that area of human activity, therefore, their opinions and judgments on cer-
- tain problems will to a significant degree differ according to the level of objec-
tivity and authenticity. In life there is a multitude of questions on which com-
Petent as well as incompe~ent opinion is formed. Complete validity can be given
to the assertion of R. A. Safarov that r.ot only "informed and competent puY~lic
opinion has an administrative vaiue. Of no less importance is such a conditon of -
public opinion when it does not express a competent judgment but turns the atten-
tion of administrative organs to this or that prablem while concentrating their
efforts on a given problem and making it the subject o� attention for a government
ministry, ispolkom" [11].
- One of the basic conditions helping to bring about an increase in the level of the
_ competency of public opinion is the extensive and comprehensive, organized inform-
ing of citizens about activit~es of the state, its organs, and about all the most
impor.tant actions in the internal and foreign policies of the party and the govern-
ment3. In order that workers can consciously and actively participate in administra- -
tion and competently aff.ect its processes, they should systematically be informed
_ about tile woric ui oryai~s of state dcuninistration, whicii wili recome possiL~~: when
provisions are made for publicity in their work. The CPSU Central Committee in the
resolution "On further imj,roving ideological, political-educational work" of 26 -
April 1979 set forth the task of "providing for the practical implementation of the
Leninist principle of publicity in the work of party, state, and economic organs
and in public organizat.ions" [13 ] .
It should be emphasized that the principle of publici tv as one of the functional
principles of the political system of socialism [14, p 196] and the continual taking
3. The collective work "Massovaya Informatsiya v Sovetskom Promyshlennom Gorode"
[Mass Information in the Soviet Industrial City] merits attention in the plan to
analyze infonnational relations between administrative organs and the popula-
tion [12].
29
F'OR nFNlC1Al. USF. ONLY
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/08: CIA-RDP82-00850R000300100003-4

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02148: CIA-RDP82-44850R000300104403-4
F'OR OI~N'1('IAI. l tiN: ON1.1'
into account of public opinion as the most important trend in the development of a ~
socialist democracy were adopted side by side in t~e Constitution of the USSR
(Article IX). And this is natural, for they are closely interrelated. The better
the orqanization of publicity, the more effectively public opinion will function and
- the greater its role in the democratic process. The principle of publicity reCeives -
corroboration in Article 94 of the Constitution of the USSR as one of the operative
principles of the organs of state power.
- The soviets of people's deputies, which make up the political basis of the USSR,
give extensive and thorough consideration to public opinion in their work. For ex-
ample, the Sup reme Soviet of the Georgian SSR, in submitting for discussion of the
regular session the question concerning the tasks of the soviets of the republic on
increasing the role of women in the building of communism and improving their work-
ing and living conditions as well as the protection of childhood and motherhood,
tur.ned to the citizens of tt~e republic, labor collectives, organizations, and insti-
tutions to present their proposals and remarks for the p urpose of studying public
opinion [15j. These proposals and observations were discussed under special head-
ings in newspapers, radio, and Lelevision. Their analysis and generalization made
it possible to make a decision taking the many wishes of citizens into considera-
tion. The practice of the preliminary publication of draft decisions is being in-
troduced f.or the better taking into account of workers' opinions. Thus in 1978 the
ispolkom of the Kizlyar Municipal Soviet of Dagestanskaya ASSR published the draft
of a decision on the question of ways and measures for further improving municipal
services [16]. The ispolkom of the Gor'kiy Municipal Soviet published the draft of
the plan for the public services of the cit}r of Gor'kiy [17] .
The instructions of electors, introduced by them at preelection meetings represent
one of the spontaneous and essential forms of expressing public opinion. These in-
structionG are com~iled on the basis of the public opinion that has taken shape in
a certain region or social group. The opinion making up the basis of the instruc-
tion is formed precisely during the process of interaction between electors and in
a comparison of their opinions and judgments on socially important questions. Pub-
lic opinion as expressed in the instructions of electors reflects the level of
satisfact~on or anxiety among the people with respect to the work of the soviets and
_ atte~ts to the grcnaing demands of citizens for the more rational utilization of
materi.al resource~ in order to resolve the questi.ons disturbing the puY~lic. 7.'he
lev~~l of tfie comPet~itcy, authority, and effectiveness of F:ublic opinion and the
dec~ree of the socio-I~olitical activeness of the soviet people are graphically mani-
fest~d in these instructions.
Public organizations play a large role in the formation and expression of public
opinion. In developing the political culture of the people and combining personal
and public interests, public organizations are conducive to increasing the social
activeness of soviet citizens and promote the free expression of their own judg-
m~nts on questions concerning life and the work of the organizations themselves as
well as state organs. They possess considerable opportunities for continually
studying the moods and requirements of those whose specific interests they repre-
sent. In accordanc~: with their statutory tasks public organizations form advanced
public opinion and in accumulating tne formed opinion of their members express it on
the most important problem of the domestic and foreign policies of the party and
the state. One of the ct~ief traits of the function of public organizations is that
30
FOR UP'F1C'IAL USE ONI,Y
APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02/08: CIA-RDP82-00850R000300100003-4

APPROVED FOR RELEASE: 2007/02148: CIA-RDP82-44850R000300104403-4
- f~OR OF'FI('l,U. l~~H: nN1.Y
= the~~ come forth "as a constant channel of two-way communication between the party
and the people and their various strata" [14, p 188] . The f.ormation of public opin-
ion and its expression serve as a component of this communication. The right of
legislative initiative on the part of public organizations through their all-Union
organs (Article 113 of the Constitution of the USSR) is an important form of ex-
pression and a simultaneous guarantee that the opinions of the members of tliese
organizations will be taken into consideration.
The organs of people's cbntrol represent one of the subjects for expressing public -
of~inion, wk:ich actively F~rcmotes its continual taking into account. They control
the accomplishment of state plans and tasks, ti~age a struggle against violations,
bad management, and waste, and promote the i~~rovement of the work of the state
a~paratus (Articlt 92 oF ttie Con~titution of the USSF). The activities of people's
controllers bring forth an extensive response in all the strata of our society.
~'ublic opinion, which is actively affecting the eradication of deficiencies, is
aris.i.ng around the , ucstion~; being raised by tf~em with resi~ect to disclosures of
negative phenomena, violati~ns o.f state discipline, bureaucratic red tape, a care-
less attitude towarc? one's ~vork, and so on.
Letters from workers, ti~hich contain proposals, judgments, and observations on vari- _
otLS ~.;uestions of social and state life, are an importa?it form of expressing public
= opinion. The statute of the USSR Constitution on examining citizens' complaints,
the decisions of the party and the state on the necessitv of i~roving work rela-
ted to wor?cers' letters, and the legislative legalization of the obligation of
officials to attentively and effectively react to them are an important guarantee
that the opinions of people expre~sed in letters will be taken into consideration.
The organs of mass information constitute one of the basic channels of forming and
expressing public opinion. The press, radio, and television can accumulate and
assimilate the opinions of many millions of people.
'I7~e practice of s~cialist and communist construction has worked out a^ertain mech-
- anism for takinq the nul,lic ~E~inion of the Soviet people into account in tYie acti-
vitics of aclminist_rutive orc~ans. Tt~e system of constitutional standards for a
developed socialism creztes lastinq legal foundation for an effective considera-
tion of public opinic~n. 7~e ~~arty has adopted the task of comprehensively improv-
_ ing t'~e work of st