JPRS ID: 9597 USSR REPORT POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS
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JPRS L/9597
11 March 1981
USSR Report
POLIT1CAl AND SOCIOLOGICAI AFFAIRS
(FOUO 6/81)
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JPRS L/9597
11 March 1981
USSR REPORT
POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS
(FOUO 6/81)
CONTENTS
INTERNATIONAL
Azerbaijani Scholar on Impact of Paniranism on Iranian Azerbaijan
(Editorial Report) 1
NATIONAL
Central Asian Republics in Period of Developed Socialism
(A.N. Mikhaylov; RESPUBLIKI SRIDNEY AZiI V PERIOD RAZVITOGO
SOTSIALIALIZMA, 1980) 3
Western Research on Nationalities Issue Attacked
(Mykola Solomatin; VSESVIT, Jan 81) 7
REGIONAL
Naticnality Folicy in Central Asia Defended
. (KRIZIS ANTIMARKSISTSKIKH KONSEPTSIY SOTSIALIZMA NA
SOVREMENNOM ETAPE SOVREVNOVANIYA DVUKH SISTEM. SEKTSIYA
II. KRITIKA BURZHUAZNIKH, REFORMISTSKIKH I REVIZIONISTKIKH
TRAKTOVOK SOTSIAL'NO-IICONOMTCHESKIKH PROBLEM RAZVITOGO
SOTSIALIZMA, 1979) 17
- a - [IIZ - USSR - 35 FOUO]
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INTERNATSONAL
a AZERBAIJANI SCIiOLAR ON IMPACT OF PANIRANISM ON IRANIAN AZERBAIJAN
_ [Editorial Report] Baku PROTIV BURZHUAZI3YKH FAL'SIFIKATOROV ISTORII I KUL'TURY
AZERBAYDZHANA in Azeri 1980, pp 205-211 discusses in an article by M. M. Aliyev
the questions of the Azerbaijani people and their origin as it appears in the
pages of some Iranian press organs.
"Claims submitted by Iranian bourgeois ideologists about the origin of Azerbai3an
and the Azerbaijani people generally serve the nationalistic-chauvinistic policy
of the ruling class...Iran, which is a multi-national country with regard to the
composition of the population, has been unable to find a solution to the national
question and the policy of assimilation which the ruling class have been carrying
out for many years under the veil of the 'One nation' theory has been turned
against minority peoples."
There are two basic trends among the Iranian ideologists: the "most reactionary
' ruling nationalists" gather around AYANDA magazine which has a.dvocated moving the
Azerbaijanis to Khuzistan and compelling the entire population of Iran to speak
- in Farei; the second trend, represeni:ed by H. Taghyzada and his group," has -
claimed it would gradually eliminate the languages of the non-Farsi peoples, espe-
cially zhe Azerbaijanis, through education "
- Some Iranian writers maintain that the Azerbaijanis are an ancient people speak-
- ing such Iranian dialects as Pahlavi, Dari and Azeri, and "note that the language
of the contemporary Azerbaijanis was created after the Tatar invasions."
- The most d'sturbing aspect of the problem to Iranian writers is "not the past
history and culture of the Azerbaijanis, but their national liberation movement."
- The journalist Rzazada Shafag wrote that "the reason that Iranian Azerbaijan was
invaded by outsiders wae the Turk language. After inventing a history and a
_ literature for Azerbaijan, they created a new nation. With this, they wanted
_ Azerbaijan to separate from Iran" in 1946. "At this time, the reactionary front
was spreading the theory of the Aryan race, a pure race with pure blood," and
rallied around the concept of "national unity." "In re`.erence to the ruling
- circles wishing to falsify the "ethnogenesis" of the Azerbaijani and other peo-
ples of Iran...the organ of the democratic intellectuals of Iran PEYKE SOLH
wrote: "There is neither a pure race nor a pure language. Only the fascists
have invented a myth about a pure race....""
"In the 1950s Iranian bourgeois ideologists distorted the national liberation
movement occurring in the country and slandered the...Azerbaijanis actively
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participating in the movement." In those same years the newspaper BABAK=��"Put `
fortfi the slogan 'Free our language, the language of 5 million Azerbaijanis!"'
under the influence of the poem "Dilima dayma" by Peoples Poet Su1Pyman Rustam.
"At the end of the 1950s and beginning of the 1960s the economic and politica].
crisis taking place in Iran strengthened the nationa.'~ist mentality of the ruling
circles." In the 1970s the concept of "one nation" was again widely dissemi-
nated, and some writer.s 11put forth the idea of farsifying the Azerbaijanis...by
force." Aliyev observedthat "...a solution to the national question in contem-
porary Iran on a democratic foundation is seen as the most importansnonly
of the future national liberation of the Iranian peoples," and "a people can
be said to be free when they attain national independence. They have to be able
to read and write in the mother tongue. Language is the key to history and cLl-
ture."
LIn
"As shown in the last program of the Iran Peoples Party, after a national and
democratic republic is created in modern Iran, its most important duty is that ~
'the right of all peoples living in Iran to define its own fate completely must -
be expedited, and the right of national minorities living in Iran to make use of
all national, social and cultural rights must be recognized.'"
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NATIONAL
F_
CENTRAL ASIAN REPUBLICS IN FERIOD OF DEVELOPED SOCIALISM
Mascow RESPUBLIKI SREDNEY AZII V PERIOD RAZVITOGO SO'I'SIALIALIZMA in Russian
1980
(signed to press 1 Feb 80) pp 1, 3-5
~Table of contents and forexord from book by A. N. Mikhaylov, et al, eds, I
zdatel'-
_ stvo "Mysl 8,500 copies, 288 pagesJ
Excerpts7 Table of Contents
page
' Foreword
. . . . . . .
3
Chapter 1
Building a Developed Socialist Society in the Central Asian Republics .
6
- 1.1. Prerequisites for building developed socialism . . .
, 1.2. The General and the particular in building eocialism in the
� Central Asian Republics . . . . �
15
- Chapter 2
The Communist Parties of the Central Asian Republics as Militant
Detachments of the CPSU . . , .0
28
2.1. Advanc& detachments of the republics' working people . .
2.2. Personnel staffs--the key linka of Party leadership . .
39
2.3. Ideological guarantees for carrying out economic and
political tasks . . . . . .
50
2.4. Improving Party leadership by deyelopment of the econoany and culture
59
Chapter 3
Increasing the Role Played by the Organs of State Pbxer and Administration
during the Period of Developed Socialism . . . .
72
3.1. Higher organs of state power . . .
74
3.2. Higher and central organs of state administration . .
3�3� Local organs of state power and administration . , ,
,
107
Chapter 4
Scientific and Technical Frogress in the Development of Industry in the
_ Central Asian Republics . . . . . .
119
4.1. Industry of the Central Asian republics as a component pax�t of the
integrated national economic complex of the USSR . .
4.2. Most important traits and characteristics of industrial development .
132
4.3. Principal trends of developnent, in the industry of Central Asia
during the lOth Five-Yeas Plan and for the long-range future .
141
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Page
Chapter 5 148
Developaient of Agriculture in the Central Asian Republics �
$.1. Intensification of agriculture 9 ' ~ 152
5.2. Intensification of the sectors of crop-raising agriculture . i67
5�3� Develogment of the livestock-raising sectars . Chapter 6 1~
Increasing the Well-aeing of the Central Asian Peoples � �
- 6.1. Increasing the well-being of the working people confonns to the
principles of a sociaiist society . 9 � '
6.2. Principal trends in raising the living standards of the population . 185
Chapter 7
Development of National Relatfons during the Poriod of Mrsture Socialism . 205
= 7.1. Peoples of Central Asid in the fraternal family of Soviet socialist
nations . � ' ' ~
7.2. Drawing nations and nationality groups closer together. The role of 218
the Russian language in international communication . . �
Chapter 8
Develogment of the Spiritwal Culture of the Central Asian Peoples during z36
th.e Period of Mature Socialism . � � ' '
- 8.1. Integration of the national and the international in the spiritual
life of the Soviet peoples . � � ' '
- 8.2. The flourishing, drawing close togetherg arul mutual enrichment 246
of socialist national cultures � � � '
Chapter 9 . 263
Central Asian Republics in the Internatior.al Arena . �
9.1. Soviet Central Asian republics as subjects xith equal rights
under internationa.l law . � � ' '
_ 9.2. Forms of participation by Central Asian republics 4n international 268
.
relations � � ' '
Conclusion . . � � � ' ' 283
Foreword
The Great October Socialist Revolution as the outstanding historical event in the
lives of the peoples of the I,a.nd of the Soviets also marked a radical turning-
point in the destinies of the peoples of Central Asia. Having carried out a so-
cialist revolution, the workers of Central Asia, with the fraternal help ol, the
Russian proletaariat, abolishad the exploitative system so that they c,:+?ld, by-
passing capitalisn, mak3 the transition from feudalism directly to socialism.
The formation of the Central Asian republics and their voluntary merger with
other fraternal Union republics into the multi-nationa.]. Soviet soci.alist state--
the USSR.--immeasurably multiplied the strength and the opportunities of the work-
ing people of the Central Asian republics in building a new society.
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The policy of the CPSU in the area of national relationsponsists of the universal
_ strengthening of the Soviet Federation--the USSR--, the multi-faceted development
of each Union republic, and the draxing closer together of our country's nations
and nationality groups. Under the leadership of the Communist Party the peoples
of the Soviet Union have caxried out profound socioeconomic changes, defended the
_ gains made by socialism, and built a developed socialist society.
I?uring the last few years a number of xorks have appeared which are devoted to the
_ pmblems of developed socia.lism and which elucidate in a multi-faceted way the so-
cio-philosophical and general sociological aspects of amature socialist society.
However, our literature still contains no special studies xhich reveal the cha-
= racteristics of building a developed socialisnn in the Soviet Union republics, in
particLtlar, in the Central Asian republias.
- The present collective work constitutes the continuation of the monograph entitled
"Istoriches:kiy opyt stroitel stva sotsiallzma v respublikakh Sredney Azii" ZHis-
torical En-yerience of Building Socialism in the Central Asian Republics,7, as pub-
lished "by the "Mysl Publishing House in 1968. An attempt has been made here at
a comprehensive swaming up of the experience of economic and social developnent
- of the Central Asian fepublics during the period of developed socialisra.
The peoples of Central Asia, like the other peoples of the US5R, are living today
in accordance with the laws of a developed sr_cialist society and axe successfully
building communism. Moreover, they are demonstrating to the entire world that any
' people, at no matter what low level of historical development its socialist revo-
lution occurrs, has the opportunity, with the fraternal aid and cooperation of
other peoples Kho l~ave entered upon the path of socialism, of overcoming within
very brief periods of time all types of social backwardness and during the life-
time of a single generation to attain the heights of modern social progress. It
is fully understandable that an analysis of this historical, phenomenon is of enor-
mous scientific and practical interest both for those who themselves have accomp-
lished this unexampled ascent and for 1',-hose for whom such an ascent still lies
ahea.d.
This work examines the principal traits of the developed socialist society in -the
Central Asian republics along with the characteristics of its emergence; it eluci-
dates the activities of the Communist Parties of Uzbekistan, Kirgizia, Tajikistan,
and TurIanenia in providing guidance with regaxd to ecor.omic and cultural construc-
tion, as well as a communist ed.ucation of the working people. Specific materials
axe utilized to reveal the purposeful aGtivities of the CPSU and the Communist
Parties of the Central Asian republics in the universal raising of the people's
_ well-being.
Considerable attention is paid, in the book to the problems of the state building
- of the Central Asian republics; there is a summing up and a disclosure of the mul-
ti-faceted activities of the higher and local organs of state power and adminis-
tration. -
This monograph demonstrates the role played by scientific and technical progress
in industrial and agricultural production. Also studied axe the trends f.or fur-
ther economic developnent of the economy of thP Central Asian republics as a com-
ponent part of the integrated na-tional economic complex of the USSR.
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A great deal of space in the work is occupied by the problems of developing na-
tional relations and a national culture under the conditions of mature socialism,
when substantial shifts take place in the relations between nations, and the pro-
ce8s of their draxing closer together is intensified, based on a further flotu'ish-
ing in all spheres of life--economic, sociopolitical, and cultural. It reveals
the dialectic of the development of national relations in the Central Asian re-
publics under present-day conditions.
Considered here in detail is the question of the international legal subjectivity
of the Soviet Central Asian republics; their economic and cultural ties xith fo-
reign sta,tes are analyzed. This book also exposes the vierrs of the apologists
for the bourgeoisie--the present-day anti-communists--, who distort the Leninist
nationality policy of the Communist Party on the questions of the economic, so-
cial, cultural, and political developnent of the Central Asian republics; this
assumes particular importance in the light of the requirements of the decree of
the CPSU Central Committee, "On Further Improving Ideological and Political-Edu-
cationa.l Work. "
Taking part in the xriting of this monograph was the following group of authors
from the Tashkent Higher Party Schools Academician of the Uzbek SSR Academy of
Scienczs, Doctor of History, Professor K. Ye. Zhitov, and Candidate in Philoso-
phy, Dotsent [Assistant ProfeasorJ F. P. Kim--Chapter 1; Doctor of History, Pro-
fessor A. G. Abdunabiyev--Chapter 2; Doctor of Jurisprudence, Professor A. N.
Mikhaylov--Chapters 3 and 9; Candida.te in Economics, Dotsent D. N. Yun--Chapter
4; Doctor of Economics, Professor B. M. Minbayev--Chapter 5; Candj.date in Eco-
nomics, Dotsent L. G. Fanteleyeva--Chapter 6; Candidate in History, Dotsent I. I.
Isami.ddinov--Chapter 7; Candidate in P'hilosophy, Dotsent K. B. Burano v- -Chapter 8.
COPYRIGHTs Izdatel'stvo "Mysl 1980
2384
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NATIONAL
WESTERN RESEARCIi ON NATIONALITIES ISSUE ATTACKED
Kiev VSESVIT in Ukrainian Jan 81 pp 222-229
[Article by Mykola Solomatin: "Anticommunism in Nationalist Garb"]
[Text] Time and time again they gather--professors and lecturers, doctors of
philosophy and political science and along with them also their yes-men from
among the bourgeois-nationalist emigres to discuss for the nth time the so-
called "nationality problem" in the Soviet Union. They name the meetings
seriously symposia or conferences, and publiah whole volumes of reports and
speeches full of belligerent anti-Sovietism and falaification. Such symposia
and conferences take place in the United States, Canada, West Germany and other
capitalist countries.
One of such "united symposiums" 3 years ago was financed by the Center for
Strategic and International Research at Georgetown University and the Institute
for Research in Chinese-Soviet Relations at the Washington University. On the
eve of the 60th anniversary of the Great October material from this sympoaium
appeared under the title "Nationalities and Nationalism in the USSR: Soviet
Dilemma."
The symposium goal was clear--to work out a"rational and effective strategy
toward Kremlin." The participants hesitated at first: should they open an all-
out attack on Soviet Union nationality politics or, for the time being, "confine
themselves to the role of interested observers." But symposium membership alone
testified to the fact that they did not intend to observe passively. The tone
was set by the well known Werztern "expert on the nationality problem in the
USSR" Harvard University professor R. Pipes. As an extreme anticommunist and
enemy of Soviet power, he insisted here also on "a rise of nationalism" in our
country and the country's "instability." His theses were so odious that they
were unacceptable even to some symposium participants. Prof H. Hennekh from
Radcliffe wondered how a government which survived civil and world wars could be
called unstable. In the meantime, Pipes continued to stress the "inevitable
breakup of the Soviet Union" because of the "insolubility" of the nationality
p rob lem.
R. Pipes found himself in a rather peculiar situation. Even he could not deny
the economic and spiritual growth of the Soviet republics. One of his adherents,
professor at Carlton University in Canada, T. Rakovs'ka-Harmstone, was forced to
admit that "most of the Soviet nationalities have their own infrastructure, their
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own culture, personnel, economic basis." Another follower, D. Sayms, also denied
the "oppression" of nations in the Soviet Union, even more, he noted that it is
natural for the Soviet citizen to be a patriot both of hi.s own republic and of
the whole country. Pipes himself was forced to acknowledge unenthusiastically
the growth in economic and cultural levels of ethnic groups in the Soviet Union.
How were the Washington symposium participants able to agree to such contradic-
tions? A new turn in anticommunis t literature may be seen here. How much paper
~ was used up in writing about "Russ ification," "assimilation," even "colonization,"
how much talk there was in regard to the so-called "destruction" of original
cultures and customs! Yet it is apparent that national cultures do exist in the
Ukraine, in Belorussia, Caucasus, Pre-Baltic area and Central Asia, as well as
highly qualified cadres and a deve loped economy. On the contrary, now anti-
counnunists see a"threat to Russi ans" on the p art of other nationalities tying
in their attempts to break up the Soviet :.'nion especially to upheavals in the
"national borderlands."
At this symposium and in many pub lications there were numerous comments on the
demographic processes in our count ry. The paper NEW YORK TIMES, for example,
printed an article by the Ukraini an bourgeois nationalist R. Shporlyuk, who
estimated that in the year 2000 Russians will be a minority in the USSR, will
comprise only 44.3 percent of the country's population, and this supposedly
conceals far-reaching political results.
The same topic was also covered by the WASHINGTON POST and the magazines
FORTUNE and U.S. NEWS AND WORLD REPORT. V. Zorza expresses hopes for "a growth
of nationalism in the Soviet Unior.." American sovietologists R. Knight and
G. Wallace talk about "the striking difference between Russians and non-Russians "
and comment on the population increase in Gentral Asia and the Transcaucasus as
"one of the most difficult problems for the USSR during the life of the coming
generations."
Replying to questions by the pap e r LE MONDE as to whether such demographic
changes can cause specific structural changes, Comrade L. I. Brezhnev noted in
particular: "As to the population increase in these or other republics of our
country, we are not disturbed by this phenomenon. On the contrary, it makes us
happy because it reflects first of all a strong increase in the economic level
of our republics, including a lar ge increase in population prosperity in the
former borderlands of Czarist Russia, the huge progress which they achieved on
the road of socialist changes. Zn the final analysis, all this strengthens the
single raft which we call the new historical community--the Soviet nation."
It is noteworthy that only in 1972, when our country celebrated the SOth anni-
versary of the USSR, anticommuni s ts discussed nationality problems in the
Soviet Union at almost 10 symposi a in the United States and Western European
countries. A new outburst of activity was observed toward the end of 1978--
when *_he third "World Cnngress of Free Ukrainians (SKW)" was convened in New
York. Attempting to hinder the detente process special services of some
imperialist countries released in to the proscenium fierce enemies of the ~
Ukrainian nation, guilty of seri ous crimes against humanity. At the congress
there was also a lot of talk about the "insolubility" of the nationality problei.i
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in the Soviet Union, about the "captive" nations and nationalities, and calls
were heard for the breaking up of the USSR. However, this action by anti-
Soviets also met with failure. Returning to their homes after the toasts and
banquets nationalists again began squabbling with each other, each defending
his own version of the future "independent Ukraine."
Trying to withstand our ideology, imperialist reaction .resorts to various falsi-
fications in the Marxist-Leninist theory of the nationality issue, CPSU nationality
politics, principles of proletarian socialist internationalism and is counting on
bourgeois nationalism--politics, ideology, psychology and outlook of the capital-
ist class called on to defend the foundations of bourgeois society, to obstruct
the road of social progress. V. I. Lenin foresaw an increased activation of
nationalist tendencies on the part of our class opponents in the course of the
invincible revolutionary renewal of the world.
The greater the success of world socialism and the national-liberation movement
against social and national oppression, for peace in the world--the more active
and perfidious are the attempts by the reaction to break up the united anti-
imperialist front, setting off international interests against national and in
this way spreading hostility among the nations. It has become especially
- fashionable for anticommunists and anti-Soviets to mask their true goals with
the words "defense of national interests," "preservation of national identity,"
"national models of Marxism and socialism," "national sovereignty" the realiza-
tion of whi_ch is supposedly impossible in conditions of a multi-national state. _
Typical characteristics of present-day anti-Soviets, including Ukrainian bour-
geois nationalists, are attempts to dress in scholarly robes and resort to so-
called "objective studies" and "prognoses for the future." Even more, nationalists
are almost willing to give up the word nationalism. Thus, for example, the
Chicago paper UKRAYINS'KE ZHYTTYA [Ukrainian Life] feels that modern nationalism
has nothing in common with the bankrupt slogans "hatred of the enemy," "nation
above everything," and "authoritarian system." "Would it not be better for us,"
writes the paper, "to stop using this confusing and controversial word
'nationalism' which gives us nothing." Quite obviously we are dealing here only
with an attempt to be rid of a very odious term, preserving intact the criminal
character of the Ukrainian bourgeois nationalist activity.
Some authors use even more modern concepts--"pluralismr" "pluralist Marxism,"
"pluralist society," "pluralist ideology," etce The single international Marxism-
- Leninism doctrine is opposed by "plurality (principally according to nationality)
of its variations" under the general definition of "national communism." In this
_ case also by utilizing the terminology and individual positions and conclusions
of scholarly comnunism, its revolutionary nature and international character are
thus crossed out.
- "Realistic encouragement of pluralism, that is nationalism and separatism,"
declare contemporary Soviet experts "may be our better reply to the Soviet call
- on the ideological f.ront." Only the word pluralism is new here. At one time
Marx provided a deadly rebuff to any efforts "to spread out the teachings of
scholarly communism throughout national quarters."
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The span of "interests" of contemporary sovietologists is reflected in the doc-
toral dissertations heing prepared at the leading institutions of higher learning
_ in capitalist countries. In 1976 G. Dossik, a New York University professor,
put out an original reference work: "Doctoral Research About Russia and the
Soviet Union, 1960-1975." There are 3,150 disser~ations listed prepared in the
- United States, Canada and England, on the average 210 dissertations per year.
_ The author provides statistical data in the introduction. There were more
dissertations written in 15 years than in the previous six decades. There has
been at least one dissertation written about Russia or the 5oviet Union in almost
= each higher educational institution in the United States. Yet, more than a third
- come from six universities : Columbia, Harvard, Indiana, New York, washington and
California. Most dissertation writers research problems in history, politics,
international relations and economics of the last GO years.
Almost the same is true in Canada. If prior to 1960, 10 dissertations were
written on these topics, then in the following decade and a half there were 75.
In England 200 dissertations were written in this period.
- Along with the general principles of Soviet internal and external politics, CPSU
history, basic stages of socialist and commmunism building, the nationality issue
occupies a special place. Dossik counted more than 50 dissertations on Soviet
Union repubiics (of those 15 were about Ukraine) with various presentations of
prerevolutionary bourgeois-nationalist parties and groups, antipopular activity
of the Tsentral'na Rada, falsified data on events which led to the establishment
of Soviet power in the Ukraine, the history of socialist and couununism building
in our republic, its activity in the United Nations and other international
organizations.
= Ukrainian nationalists, the most irreconcilable adversaries of everything Soviet,
- are navigating the channel of bourgeois "sovietology." Rather transparent
thoughts are expresced on the pages of the already mentioned paper UKRAYINS'KE
ZHYTTYA by A. Bilyns'kyy, a"moderate" nationalist, who at times, in the heat of
polemi.cs, sharply criticizes emigres with Bandera's nationalist ciews. He tries
*_o figure out what "sovietology" is. Mentioning philosophy, dermatology,
_ astrology through association Bilyns'kyy remarks ironically: "The addition
'ology' means that we are concerned with a specific science."
He attemgts to differentiate sovietology and "sovietology"--the first supposedly
aiming toward scholarly goals, the secon3 in quotes has a strictly propaganda
character "to turn the Soviet system into the devil." We cannot agree to this
classification, of course. The goal of both is the same--anti-Soviet.
As the periodical AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW admitted at one time, one of the
tasks of Western sovietologists lies in "refuting Soviet statements that Leninist
-iationality politics created something new in history--a multinational society
in which hostility is absent." Fulfilling this task bourgeois historians and
political scientists are making all kinds of attempts to deny the friendship of
Soviet brotherly nations, and the achievements cf socialist nations. One of the
directors of Columbia University, E. Allvort considers himself an expert in the
problems of Central Asia. In 1973 the book "Nationality Issues in Soviet Central
Asia" was written under his editorship, based on materials from two seminars
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which took place in New York before. Allvort indicated that although the CPSU
_ declared "political equality between Russians and other nationalities in the
USSR" this was supposedly "an abatract and formal equality." In reality, "economic
and political discrimination" is applied against non-Russian nations.
- The most odious of Allvort's statements must sometimes be denied even by bourgeois
authors. Even T. Rakovs'ka-Harms tone who deliberately distorts nationality rela-
tions in Soviet Tajikistan was forced to acknowledge: "A comparatively brief
- period of Soviet power brought consi(lerable changes to Tajikistan--from feudal
stagnation to modernized statehood. Tajikistan personifies the dynamics of Soviet
political and economic transformations." Another American sovietologist M. Hindus
speaks similarly about a different Central Asian republic: "Uzbekistan," he
writes, "is an example of a poorly developed Asian country whose ir.dustry, science
and technology was raised by Moscow to a contemporary level within a short time...
Tourists from Asian, African and other poorly developed countries having spent
time in Tashkent, can only compare the poverty of their own country with the
achievements of Uzbekistan in health care, living standard, education, tectinology,
industry, science... This provides the Kremlin development formula with global
- meaning."
Statistics are the best rebuttal for Allvort. In the SO years of USSR existence
industrial production output increased in Kazakhstan by 558 times, in Tajikistan
500 times, in Armenia 483 times, in Kirghiziya 381 times. The rapid economic
development in the once backward outlying areas contributed to ttie facC that the
gap in levels of economic potential between them and traditionally deve.loped
regions amounts now only to 1.7:1.
However, this type ot levellin g should not be accepted in a simplified manner as
is done by the bourgeois and bourgeois-nationalist authors: that supposedly all
republics should have the same economic potential otherwise there will be dis-
crimination. Our country had to liquidate a critical backwardness of national
borderlands of former Russia. This task was fulfilled successfully by the party,
even the concept "national borderlands" was left in the past forever. Distribu-
tion of production forces and capital investment politics are determined primarily
by the interests of a rapid economic progress for the whole country. Our country
is not the sum total of separate parts, but a single national-economic complex,
where each rep ublic plays a special role in the process of general union
specialization and cooperation.
As to Ukraine, the accent is placed primarily upon legal and language aspects.
It is most inconvenient for Ukrainian bourgeois nationalists to discuss the
republic's economy, figures speak for themselves, therefore they select a non-
material b ranch which does not lend itself easily to calculation. The national-
ist periodical UKRAINIAN REVIEW, for example, was recently forced to admit:
"Compared to 1917 contemporary Ukraine is a highly developed country with huge
natural and industrial resources, with expert staff in all branches... It is a
country with complete literacy." There is a lot of testimony like this.
The story is different when there is talk about the place of the UkrSSR in the
Soviet Union, and also the sovereignty of individual republics. For example,
the bourgeois nationalist K. Savchuk attempts to compare the union and
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republican constitutions. According to his logic, Ukraine, which is a member of
the United Nations and therefore subject to international law and a sovereign
state, is in fact a state "with a very rESCricted sovereignty and independence."
Savchuk sees this as a judicial paradox although everything falls into place
when appropriate articles of the USSR and UkrSSR constitutions are objecti.vely
analyzed. Article 76 of the USSR Constitution states: The union republic is
a sovereign Soviet socialist state, which united with other Soviet republics in
the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Outside the limits noted in article 73
of the USSR Constitution, the union republic fulfills state authority inde-
. pendently on its own territory. The wnion republic has its own constitution
which corresponds to the USSR Constitution and takes into account the republic's
specifics." All of this is also confirmed by the UkrSSR Constitution, especially
article 63 in which it is stated: "The Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic is a
sovereign Soviet socialist state. Further articles reveal the contents of this
sovereignty including various spheres of econamic, pol:Ltical and state-judicial
order. Article 74 notes: "The Ukrainian SSR has the right to enter into rela-
tions with foreign countries, to conclude agreements with them and exchange
diplomatic and consular representatives, take part in the activities of inter-
national organizations."
Bourgeois nationalists, the irreconcilable enemies of the brotherhood of Russian
and Ukrainian nations, oppose the Russian language as the language of inter-
national association in the multinational Soviet state. What do they propose in
exchange? Nothing. There is no need for either a multinational state or inter-
national association, or the Russian language. This position is absolutely
absurd. Nationalists should be directed at least to their anticomnunist
colleagues especially those who are concerned with "problems of Soviet nationali-
ties" at Columbia University. In 1976 the first of a three volume edizion of
"Changes in Population anci Nationality Composition in Russia and USSR" was pub-
lished here. Its authors write: "We do not consider the predominance of the
Russian language a negative occurrence; one language as a means of communication
in a multinational state is an effective and natural occurrence. At the same
time the Soviet power promotes the intensive development of non-Russian languages."
Commentaries are unnecessary.
"The insolubility of the nationality problem" in the USSR is, ir. fact, imperial-
ist propaganda and belligerent Zionist circles are the first to see it also in
the so-called "Jewish problem." The American Jewish Congress, the Zionist
Organization of America, American Zionist Federation and other groups, utilizing
the Zionist lobby in American Congress and also their numerous means of mass
communication, are attempting to hinder the progress of detente, the settlement
of business and mutually convenient cooperation between socialist and capital.ist
countries, directing external United States politics into an anti-Soviet channel.
With this the often repeated thesis about " the oppressed" Soviet Jews, the
"discriminatien" and "forced assimilation" is set in motion. P. Hollander, an
American professor sees the reason for the Soviet Union's negative approach to
Israel's expansionist politics in "Russian and Ukrainiar antisemitism." According
to this "logic" the United Nations General Assembly should also be accused of
antisemitism since it recognized Zionism as a form of racism and racial dis-
crimination.
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Zionist U. Kori sets forth his concept. In his opinion Soviet Jews are a part
of "the spiritually rich and culturally fruitful Jewi;;h community in Western
Europe." Deliberately keeping silent about the role of working Jews in the
revolutionary transformations in the Soviet country, he would like to presenC
them as a foreign, even more, hostile to socialist order national group. This
revealed the traditiotial Zionist method--to declare all Jews Zionist and since
Zionism is hostile to socialism, all Jews must be enemies of socialism. At the
17th Comnunist Party of Israel Cungress it was stressed that in exposing Zionism
the "Jewish national mask" must be torn away from it, its true face must be
shown--that of a tool of imperialist reacrion in a struggle against social
progress and peace in ti:e world.
The "Reference Book of Basic Soviet Nationalities" falsifies the situation of
Jews in the USSR. The author of one of the chapters, Zionist L. Katz, con-
trasting Jews with various of our fellow countrymen, became lost in obvious
contradictions. He speaks of "official and unofficial discrimination" which
supposedly shows in "restricting admission to institutions of higher learning,"
but at the same time names Jews as "the most educated and professionally prepared
ethnic group in the USSR." He must finally admit, however, that many Jews fully
believe in Soviet ideology and have achieved "a good career and professional
satisfaction."
Rebuffing such Zionist "grievers," the chairman of the Nationality Soviet of the
USSR Supreme Soviet V. P. Ruben stressed: "They do not want to hear that in our
country books by Jewish authors both in Yiddish and translated into languages of
other USSR nations are published widely, that works by the classic Jewish
literature writer Sholem Aleichem are printed in millions; that a monthly
literary-artistic periodical is published entitled SOVF.TISH HEYMLAND printing
novels, stories and poems by more than 100 Jewish writers; that Jewish dramatic
and musical ensembles appear regularly singing Jewish folk songs; that every
_ year almost a half million people attend shows and concerts in the Jewish
language."
The "great love" ideology and. politics of Maoism are also filled with bourgeois
nationalism masked by socialist phraseology. From these positions the Beijing
press stages mass propaganda against the Soviet Union, the countries of socialist
friendship, against Leninist friendship of nations, attempting to drive in a
wedge, pitting the Soviets one against another. The yellow-blue press, in turn,
is full of reprints of information from the XINHUA agency, the magazine BEIJING
REVIEW in which nationality relations in the USSR are presented in a completely
disfigured state.
In their external political doctrines under the appearance of the latest achieve-
ments of theoretical thought Maoists and their followers defend the so-called
"revolutions of the colored" in Asia, Africa, and Latin America. Such nationalist
"revolutions" are directed against the national-liberation movement, its union
~ with the socialist system and with the international proletariat. This is a
direct revision of the Marxist-Leninist doctrine on the nationality issue. At
one time, speaking of the attitude of the working class in the West to the
national-liberation movement in the East, V. I. Lenin inquired whether this did
not signify that the materialistic West was rottir_g and the light shines only
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from the mystic, religious Eastl He replied that on the contrary the East had
finally stepped on the road of the West, and new hundreds and hundreds of
millions of people from now on will take part in the struggle for ideals
deVeloped by the West.
In discussing national relations lnside China itself leftist statements are
circulated about the nation as "a revitalized community," about an outside
nationality "planetary consolidati.on" of workers, etc. Maoists speak out against
the right of nations to self-determination since that slogan supposedly breaks up
the proletariat and unites it with the bourgeo3.s. Tkiese are not mere words. In
the actual national making of China the idea of "great love" chauvinism is con-
sistently put into life. The 1954 CNR (Chinese National Republic) Constitution
in fact declared a unitary state denying the right of minorities to self-
determination, to the establishment of their own states. The constitution denies
the decisions of a number of CPC Congresses, the second (1922) and fourth (1928)
for example, and also the CPC Statute approved in 1945 in which it is stated that
the party is fighting for the establishment of the Chinese National Federative
Republic. Thus a departure from Marxist-Leninist principles of national state
formation may be observed even in internal politics. Inner Mongolia, Xintiang-
Uygur and Ningxia (Hui) autonomous regions established during the first years of
the CNR were later changed to so-called "border rayons" with forced assimilation
and national-cultural genocide.
Some American political scientists and propagandists, analyzing Mao's ideology
and politics in the 1970'sy predicted further drawing together between Beijing
and the imperialist states. T'he editor of NATIONAL CATHQLIC REGISTER D. Lyons
noted, for example: "The next Beijing government will probably sever ties with
communism and unite with the United States." The traitorous politics of the
Beijing clique allied with the most reactionary circles of imperialism were most
clearly evident in the aggressive war against socialist Vietnam. This aggression
was severely condemned by the world community and revealed the falsehood of the
hegemonious idle talk about "colored revolution," Beijing's "support" of national-
liberation movements.
- Ukrainian bourgeois nationalists are striving to establish contacts both with
Ma.oists and Zionists on a comnon anti-Soviet platform, and also with reactionary
emigres from other Soviet republics and socialist countries. The newspa*%er
- SVOBODA wrote openly about efforts to play with "the Chinese card": "May it be
with the devil, but against Moscow. (21 November 1978) Through cruel internal
dissension nationalists expose each other in their readiness to sell and resell
Ukraine. The paper UKRAYINS'KE ZHYTTYA writes as follows about Bandera's
followers: "Once they were in the service of the Polish defensive, later
cooperated with Hitler's invaders in various abwehrs and vinets (sic) and
finally found new patrons in the "free wo,Vld" and with their aid became "presi-
dents," senators, secretaries, leaders and managers of various offices, etc."
(1 October 1978)
Today an open stake is placed on Beijing. After Mao's death the CNR representa�-
tive visited the headquarters of the ill-fated Anti-Communist Bloc of Nations
(ABN) and had a talk with its "president" Stets'ko. As reported by the papers
an agreement was reached about the activation of the struggle against socialist
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coun�~.ries and detente. Nationalist press approved the anti-Soviet direction of
Deng Xiaoping's visit to the United States in 1979 as well as China's aggres-
sion in Vietnam.
y Ukrainian bourgeois nationalists have long ago entered into a union with Zionism;
they support Israel's aggression against the Arab nations, Sadat's traitorous
politics, endlessly repeating the fabrications about "discrimination" of Jews in
the Soviet Union. When the United Nations General Assembly condemned Zionism,
- nationalists through the lips of the former servant of Hitler's fascism
- Z. Pelens'kyy stated: "Actually Zionism is no more than a form of state
creating nationalism. Zionism is no better and no worse than whatever form of
Ukrainian state creating nationalism." (KHRYSTIYANS`KYY HOLOS, 25 January 1976)
At th e beginnin g of 1978 the reactionary press wrote abo ut the establishment of
the so-called Society for the Study of Problems of Ukrainian Judaism [sic--Public
. Committee for Jewish-Ukrainian Cooperation], whose membership consists of
Ukrainian bourgeois nationalists and Zionists, especially I. Kleyner who left
USSR for Israel, but soon found himself in the Ukrainian section of Radio Liberty,
He is often printed in nationalist newspapers, has published several books dis-
figuring national relations in the Soviet country.
Leadership circles in Israel pay no garticuiar attention to this al].iance
realizing how weak and useless the Ukrainian reactionary emigres are. But the
=w nationalists are trying to overcome this inertia through their well-wisher.
Addressing himself to Zionists, I. Kleyner wrote in one Israeli paper: "Even a
_ hint of sympathy and understanding on our part, even a nod with the head--a nod
which will cost us nothing." This article was rep rinted in the periodical
SUCHASNIST' (No 1, 1978).
This pointed out once more the miserable state of Ukrainian bourgeois nationalism
which never did maintain its own image, serving the international reaction dili-
gently. It enters into contact with reactionary emigre circles from Eastern
European countries and together with them acts against revolutionary changes,
the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance, the complex program of socialist
integration. They see "Russification" in all this, a destruction of "national
identity." Also in the same issue [SUCHASNIST'] the Ukrainian bourgeois
nationalist M. Prokop carries on about the "sovietization" of Eastern Europe
distorting the well-known 25th CPSU Congress statement on the regularity of
gradual friendship of socialist countries. Ukrainian bourgeois nationalists pay particular attention to the Polish emigres,
however, as SUCHASNIST' noted regretfully "there is no real friendship and
cooperation between Ukrainians and Poles, or perhaps more accurately, it exis ts
in minimal proportions." As to relations between the Polish National Republic
and the Soviet Ukraine they are, even according to nationalists, unusually close
and fruitful. This is the basic reason for the activation of reactionary
emigres to create a single "Polish-Ukrainian anti-Soviet front." In their joint
appearances, Ukrainian and Polish nationalists call on each other to forget the
bloody pages of history. "We are ashamed," writes a Polish emigre under the pen
name L'vivyanyn, "for the terrible pacifications ("strangling"--M.S.) of Ukrainian
villages, the imprisonment of Ukrainian patriots, destruction of churches, the
hindering of Ukrainian cultural development, for the fact that the Ukrainian
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University which should have become a forge of our friendship had to exist
underground or abroad. We are ashamed and are anxious to be forgiven as we too
forgive our wounds which the Ukrainians inflicted upon us through Hitler's
inBtigation." (SUCHASNIST', 1976, No 1)
The activation of bourgeois nationaliam in recent years may be explained first
of all as an attempt by the imperialist reaction to counteract detente which is
gaining more support in the world. The natural desire of nations to liva in
friendship, the objective internationalization process of all social life are
opposed by national estrangement and hostility, revisionist concepts of "stakes
in own strength" and the inevitability of world wars. Anticommunism appearing
today under the guise of Zionism, Maoism, Ukrainian bourgeois nationalism and
- other ideological forms of the grand and petty bourgeoisie, is directing its
efforts against the international character of Marxist-Leninist doctrine, the
developed socialist society, and the Soviet experience in the nationality prob-
lem. But anticommunism is doomed. The future is for internationalism--the most
humane principle which unites all nations and peoples of the world.
COPYRIGHT: "Vsesvit", 1981
9443
CSO: 8055/ 0550
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RDGIONAL
NATIONALITY POLICY IN CENTRAL ASIA DEFENDED
Kiev KRIZIS ANTIMARKSISTSKIKH KONSEPI'SIY SOTSIALIZMA NA SOVREMENNOM ETAPE SOVREV-
NOYANIYA DWIQH SISTEM. SEKTSIYA IZ. KRITIKA BURZHUAZNIKH, REFORMISTSKIKH I RE-
VIZIONISTKIKH TRAKTOVOK SOTSIAL'NO-EKONOMICHESKIKH PROBLEM RAZVITOGO SOTSIALIZMA
in Russian 1979 signed to press 7 Dec 79 pp 245-251
Excerpt from book containing summaries of reports and addresses at an all-union
scientific conference on 18-20 Dec 79: published under auspices of the Institute
of Economics of the Ukrainian SSR Academy of Sciences, 500 copierV
ftextJ The ba.sic component of anti-communism is anti-sovietism--an aggregate of
ideological positions and actions directed at discrediting the theoretical founda-
tions of the Soviet state and the practice of building socialism and communism in
our country.
One of the links of anti-communism and anti-sovietiam has become the falsification
of socialist construction in the republics of the Soviet Ea,st. Bourgeois"special-
ists" on the republics of the Soviet East have developed their oxn anti-communist
treatment of the socioeconomic development of the republics of Central Asia and
Kazakhstan. It should be noted that xe are speaking now not about the uncoordi-
nated utterances of individua.l authors but about a system of views and concepts
which axe based upon an anti-scientific met,hodology, denying the dependence of
socioeconomic development on the nature of the mode of production.
Studies distortingthe experience of socialist construction in the republics of the
Soviet East are being conducted with increasing scope. And their geography is be-
ing broad.ened.
Books containing attacks on the nationality policy of tha CPSU and the Soviet go-
vernment in Central Asia a.nd Kazakhstan began to appeax in the West soon after the
victory of the Great October Revolution. The first two appeaxed in 1925. Their
author was the Frenchman Joseph Castenier j?J, xho ha.d been an a.etive participant
in the Tashkent counter-revolutionary underground in 1918. Within three years a
book was published in Paxis entitled "The Soviets in Central Asia," by Mustafa Cha-
kayev, the former head of government of the so-called, "Kokand Autonomy," who had
fled from the people's wrath in 1918. Since those tiiaes the ideologists of anti-
communism, fugitive traitors, bourgeois nationa.lists, political renega.des, betra-
yers of the Notherland, and various "Sovietologists" have written about a hundxed
such books.
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The anti-communists have falsified the experience of socialist construction in
the national republics of the Soviet East and the nationality policy of the CPSU
in the following ways:
--idealization of the Fre-Revolutionary past of the peoples of Central Asia;
--rejection of the objective prerequisites and the necessity of socialist deve-
lopment in the republics of Central Asia and Ka.zakhstan.
Despite logic: and the historical facts (the ideologists of anti-communism even
now assert that the reuolutiona,ry transfozmation of pre-capitalist relations into
socialist ones is even impossible from the vlewpoint of Marxist theory: so to
speak in accordance with the Marxist position on the sequential system of forma-
tionZ a feudal culture must pa,ss thro-aea a period of capitalism before a socialist
revolution is undertaken, while a cla.n culture must pass through feudali sm (see,
for ex,ample, A. Park, "Bolshevism in '!urkestan." 1917--1927). Not stopping at
direct falsification of Maxxism, the bouz.�geois theoreticians declaxe that by the
time of the October Revolution there existed no 'fila,rxist doctrine" of the economic
and social progress of previously ba.ckward countries. And the victory of social-
isan in the Central Asian republics supposedly does not proceed from "historical
principles."
" The revolutionary transformation which economically embodies the principles of
the transition to socialism, such as the nationalization of the basic means of
production, industrialization, and the cooperation of small-scale produc ers is
regarded, by the bourgeois ideologists through the prism of the concept of "Soviet
colonialism." The formula of "Soviet colonialism" has become a leitmotif in the
present-day slander directed against the nationality policy of the CPSU and the
Soviet government. It has become a solid part of the arsenal of anti-communism.
Moreover, vain attempts have been made to set up a parallel between the solution of
the nationality problem in our country and colonialism as such. This found re-
flection even in the above-mentioned series of books. Serving as exampl es are
K. Sta1's book, "British and Soviet Colonial Systeras," W. Kolarz's "Russia and Its
Colonies," "Communism and Colonialism," and many others.
- These wcrks distort the Maxxi.st-Leninist theory of the nationality question, as
. well as the principle of proletaxian internationalism; they emasculate i ts social
and class contents, and they openly preach petit-bourgeois nationalism.
- The newest modification of the distortion by the bourgeois ideologists of the right
to self-determination as applied to the peoples of Central Asia is the propaganda
of a split by the republics of Central Asia from the Soviet Union under the slogan
of "the unification of the Muslim peoples." They link the economic and social pro-
gress o.f the Central Asian peoples not with the nature of the productive relations,
economic structure, nor the advantages of socialism, but with the "universal law of
economic growth," the changes in any society which probably "occur under the in-
fluence of industrialization and universal education."
* SREDNEAZIATSKUYE OBOZRENIYE, 1963, No 3, p 114.
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It was not so long ago that the bourgeois ideologists were entirely denying the
economic achievements of Soviet Central Asia. With rega.rd to the present-day stage
of this society's development the fornis and methods of bourgeois criticism have
been cha,qged. Some 15 or 20 years ago criticism of $ocioeconomic progress in the
Central Asian republics was conducted exclusively by the methods of crude falsifi-
cation and slander. Now the ideologists of anti-communism have been compelled to
acknowledgs the economic and cultural developaent of the Central Asian republics.
At the present time, when the ideologists of anti-communism have been compelled to
acknoNled.ge that the economic anci cultural developaent, as well as the standard
of living, of the Central Asian republics is "much higher than it is in the other
, Muslim countries not in Soviet Asia, except for one or two of them," the denial
of economic progress has been replaced by a"scholarly" appraisal of its causes,
methods, nature, and results. Proceeding from the "independence" of economic pro-
gress from the social structure, the bourgeois ideologists assert the inevitability
of these achievements by virtue of universal technical progress.
The sharpness of bourgeois criticism at the present time is aimed not at the econo-
mic results of the development of the Central Asian republics but at the methods
and ways of achieving them.
At the present time the republics of the Soviet East comprise one of the most impor-
tant links in the integrated and well-planned organizational national-economic
complex of the Land of the Soviets.
' This creates the most favorable conditions for the development of each nation and
national group, for evening out the levels of development of the various peoples
in the sphere of the economy, in utilizing the achievements of science, culture,
etc.
The internationallzation of the economy of the peoples of the Soviet Union is an
inextricable paxt, a component element in the internationalization of the economy
on a worldwide scale. It should be noted that the categories "internationalization
of the economy," the "internationalization of social life," the communality of
economic life, and "economic integration" are not identical.
The common element in the inteinationalization of the economy of the Soviet peoples
consists of the fact that the socialist economy in our country came into being as
an integrated economy of all the republics and all the peoples in the USSR, based
on a communal ownership of property, on a single type of production relations,
and a planned development, directed by the CPSU in accortlance with recognized,
objective economic laws, in the interests of the toiling masses.
The affizmation of socialism in a multinational country, no matter what was the
point of departure of the level of economic development of this or that nation,
presupposes the rise of international relations of production.
Under the conditions of the Soviet Union the development of the process of inter-
nationalizing and integrating the economy has its own characteristics. However,
as V. I. Lenin noted, they may affect only the most important thing. And the
most important thing consists in the fact that the road to socialism and the
- socialist structure itself is characterized by a number of fundamental principles
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which axe inherent to a socialist society in any country.
But these fundamental principles of Maxxism-Leninism have been distorted by right-
wing and "left-wing" opportunists.
Right-wing revisionists deny the general and exaggerate the particular, including
what is nationally unique, and thereby they justify the "national models" of so-
in
- cialism. This was done by the revisionists in Czechoslovakia, R. Garaudy
France, E. Fischer in Austria. Under the guise of defending the national chaxac-
teristics they proposed a particulas model of socialism for each country. This
"democratic," "human" socialism ignores the Soviet experience of building in a mul-
tinational country, it provides for the introduction of private entrepreneurial ac-
tivity into the economy, and it denies the leading role of the CPSU and the class
approach in solving the nationality problem, etc.
If previously the anti-soviet propagandists had utterly denied -the possibility of
the progxessive development of the Central Asian peoples under socialism, now they
have been compelled to acknowledge, albeit with stipulations, their great achieve-
ments, And in an official UN report, compiled by experts in this organization, the
achievements of the Central Asian peoples in the field of education and health care
axe recognized as "astounding."
In their economic and cultural development the Central Asian republics have left
far behind the countries of the non-Soviet East, which at the time of the Great
October Socialist Revolution's victory were at an incomparably higher level of de-
velopment.
If with regard to the level of its its economic development Central Asia was no dif-
ferent from the neighboring countries of the foreign East or was even behind some
of them, at the present time the situa.tion has changed radically. For example,
even by 1965 the republics of Central Asia and Ka.zakhstan, with a population of 30
million, were producing three times as much electric power as Indonesia, Iran, Pa.-
kistan, and T.irkey, taken together, with their combined population of 260 million
At the present time the Central Asian republics are producing almost 20 times as
much electric power as was produced throughout all of Russian in 1913 and more
than triple the amount outlined for the entire country by the time the GOELRO plan
had been carried out.
At the present time the industry of the Soviet Eastern republics includes 200 sec-
tors, represented by thousands of enterprises. With respect to their equipment,
each of them is at the level of present-day technical progress. High levels of de -
velopment have been reached by the mining industry, non-ferrous metallurgy, the
gas and petrochemical complex, machine building and instrument manufacture, elec-
tric-power engineering, the building-materials industry, the light and food in-
dustries.
The republics of the Soviet East paxticipate in strengthening the foreign economic
ties of the USSR. They export their industrial output to more than 100 of the
world's f.oreign countries. In 1976 the per capita production of electric power
amounted to the followings in the Uzbek SSR--2,459 kw-hrs, Kirgiz SSR--1,410, Ta-
jik--1,480, TurIanen--2,000; while in India the figure was 156 kw-hrs, Pakistan--
94., Afghanistan--26 (1975), Indonesia--24, Bangladesh--21g Iran--394 (1975),
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T~urkey--449, China--63 (1959). Now Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Iran, Pakistan, Indo-
nesia, and Turkey, with a combined population of about 380 million, produce 42.6
billion kw-hrs, while the republics of the Soviet East, with a population of
38,656,000, produce 85.9 billion krr-hrs, or twice as much as in all the above-
mentioned countries combined.
Such is the truth about the solution of the nationality question in Central Asia.
The experience of the Leninist solution of the nationality problem in the repub-
lics of the Soviet East, the rapid progress of the productive forces and the re-
lations of production are being attentively studied in countries which are strug-
gling for their own liberation a.nd which have entered upon the path of socialist
orientation.
The indisputable successes of economic and cultural construction in the republics
of Central Asia have shown the peoples of Asia, Africa, and Latin America who have
won their national independence the supremacy and advantages of a socialist
economy.
COPYRIGHT: INSTITUT EKONOM IlCI AN UkS5R, 1979
2384-
CSO: 1800
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