JPRS ID: 9562 USSR REPORT POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS
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JPRS L/9562
23 Febr~ary 1981
USSR Re ort
p
~ POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAiRS
tFOUO 4/81 j
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_ JPRS L/9562
23 'February 19$1
US~R REPORT
POLITICAL ANA $OCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS .
~FOUO- 4%81}
CONTENTS
INTERNATIONAL
Book Analyzes U.S. Foreign Policy, Strategy in 70's
(V. G. Trukhanovskiy; ~iOPBOSY.ISTOR2I, 3ep 80) 1
Book on National Liberation Movement in Renya R~eviewed
(N. F. Ma.tveyeva; VOPROSY ISTORII, Sep 80) 5
Soviet Azerbaijan�~ on Recent Visit to Turkey
(Editorial, Elchin; AZAR~AYJAIJ, No 6, I980)...~................ 10
Fate of Assyrians in Iran, Iraq, Turkey, USSR
(M. Yu. Matveyev; VOPROSY IS~~RII, Sep 80) 14
REGIONAL �
Criticism of Sovie~ Development of Central Asia Ezposed
~ tP. M. Leonenko; Various Sources, 1979) 22
Estonian Farm Investment, Subsidy Policies, Agro-Industrial
Ar~sociations Viewed
(E. Khyayal; VOPROSY ~KUN4MYKI, Nov 80) 26
Results on Conference on Soviet Uighur Studies Reported
(A. M. Reshetov; SOVETSKAYA ETNOGRAFIYA, 1980) 3~
Soviet Scholar on Ethnic Unity of Soviet, Iranian Azer.bai~an
(Editorial, Sh. A. Taghyyev; Various Sources, 1978)............ 43
'Azerbai~ani' Language Versus 'Azeri' Language
(Editorial, S. M. Onullahi; Various Sources, 1978) 45
- a- II - USSR - 35 FOUO]
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INTERNATIONAL
BOOK ANALYZES U.S. FOREIGN POLICY, STxATEGY IN 70'S
Moscow VOPROSY ISTORII in Russian No 9, Sep 80 signzd to press 12 Sep 80 pp 137-140 -
~ [Review by V, G. Trukhanovskiy, member-correspondent, USSR Academy of Sciences, of
the book "Global'naya strategiya SShA v usloviyakh n.auchno-tekl~uiicheskoy revolyutsii"
[The Global Strategy of the USt~ in Terms of the Scientific and Technological Revolu-
tion] edited by G. A. Arbatov, V. V. Zhurkin, V. I. Paviyuchenko; Collective Authorship:
G. A. Arbatov, I. Ye, Artem'yev, L. A. Bagramov, Anat. A. Gromyko, V. V. Zhurkin,
V. I. Zvolinskiy, R. I. Zimenkov, A. K. Kislo~, Ye. G. Kutovoy, V. V. Larionov,
M. A. Mil'shteyn, V. Pavlyuchenk.~, A. B. Parkanskiy, V. F. Pstrovskiy, V. D. Pisarev,
L. S. Semeyko, ~u. G. Strel`tsov, G. A. Trofimenl~o, G. S. Khozin, I. L. Sheydina,
- T. N. Yudina; Izdatel'stvo Mysl', Moscow, 1979, 11,500 copies, 452 pages]
[Text] Soviet progress in American studies has been marked by the appearance in rQCent
years of a large series of scientific studies devote3 to the economic system, ideology,
social problems, class and political struggle within the U;iited States of America, and
above all, to its foreign policy, role and piace in current international relations.
This posifiive trend in our discipline provides an indication of international scholars'
understanding of the fact that throughout~the ent~r.post-war period, and especially .
in the last one-and-a-half to two decades, the importance for worldwide politics _
and for the fate of the earth and mankind of relations between the great socialist
power, the USSR, and the leading world capitalist nation, the USA, has been growing.
The Soviet reader recently received one of the most substantial and thorough studies
un this subject, a monograph devoted to the global strategy of the USA in ~erms of
the scientific and technological revolution. It was written by associates of the
USSR Academy of Sciences' United States of America and Canada Institute in collabora-
tion with a number of authors employed in institutions engaged in putting into practice
Soviet foreign policy. -
- The authori3l collective successfully attempted to examine, on a total basis, how the
~lobal strategy of the USA has been changing in terms of and under the influence of
the scientific and technological revolution. Changes in this area occurring in the
1970's, which were distinguished by dynamism and significant improvements in interna- ~
tional ~ffairs, interested the authors first and foremost. Thus, the period of
international detente for which the Soviet Union, other socialist countries and all
peace-loving forces h3ve fought so unselfishly, and to the sound appeal of which
'rationally-thinking statesmen in the USA responded, was the subject of research.
The great merit of the work lies in the fact that the authors do not simply trace this
or that aggregation of facts and phenomena concerning the global pplicy of the USA
but accompany the analysis with valuable syntheses. This is a characteristic not only
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L Va\ VL L 161+a1L L~�u va~u~
or the first chapter, constituting a theoret~cal introd;~ct~on to the subject of
research, but also of the remainialg chapters, ~n wi~icI~ specific courses of American
global policy are examined. ~
'The authors rightly note that only Marxist-Leninist theory has succeeded in properly
explaining new phenomena resulting from the scientific and technological revolutian
- in the complex picture of the current epocfi. The scientific and technological revolu-
tion is a process born of prolonged accumulation of human I:nowledge in various areas,
which has led to fundamental qualitative improvements. The essence of this revalution
lies precisely in the broad incursion of science and scientific methods into publ~c
production and other spheres of social events, and in tfie creation of a complex
mechanism which provides a new, essentially higher le�vel of organization and mobili-
zation of the primary creative powers of humanity; its intellectu.al potential and
accomplished works. This is also the original source of tfie continuously accelerating
flow of innovations in all fields, which is driven by the contemporary scientific and
technological revolution" (p.8).
This revolution is ever more strongly exerting influence on all spheres of public
a life, and it is changing many established, tradi.tional ideas. The authors illustrate
~ this concept by pointing to the fact that, as a result of the scien'tific and techno- _
logical revolution, notions regarding the power and might of contemporary governments ~
have changed. Their writings assert that the issue here is not limited to processes ~
occurring in science, technoloQy and industry< Another still more important aspect j
of the problem involves characteristics of soc:al and poli~ical conditions in the ;
world in which the scientific and technological revolution is unfolding. Above all,
this concerns the class struggle both in individual countries and on a worldwide
scale, and the historically inevitable conflict between socialism and capitalism.
The scientific and technical revolution, the autbors of the study convincingly show,
is revealing truly unlimited possibilities for the solution of the most acute problems _
facing Y~umanity--overcomtng poverty and hunger, conquering diseases and prolonging
human life, and accelerating progress in under-developed nations. Capitalism, how-
ever, hinders the utilization of the scientific and technological revolution for the
welfare of people. In the first place, the fruits of the scientifir and technological
revolution are directed towards satisfying the profit-making interests of the bourgeoisie
in capitalist countries. In the second place, the most reactionary and aggressiwe -
forces in the bourgeois world are pursuing an international policy of the kind which
is creating a threat to the very existence of mankind, including the ultimate degree
of this threat, thermo-nuclear war.
Fortunately for the earth and the fate of mankind, socialist countries, because of
the class nature of their social strt~cture, are using the achievements of the scientific
- and technological revolution differently. They are directing them towards the dis-
covery of wider means fflr social progress than were ever possible before, and similarly
towards strengthening the cause of peace and national security and preventing thermo-
nuclear war.
- American capitalism is attempting to use the scientific and technological revolution
to solve the social pro~lems whose contradictions are tearing it asunder and threaten-
ing its very existence. However, in the end, as the authors rightly note, this will
merely lead to further undermining the foundations of the obsolete social system and
aggravating the contradictions of this society. Because of its economic and military-
technological capability, the USA has simultaneously determined on using the fruits
- of the scientific and technological revolution in the class goals of its foreign
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policy. The authors justifiably prov~de the following classification of trends in
the utilization of the scientific and technological revolutior_ in the foreign policy
of the USA: first, there is the improvement of military technology with a view towards
creating ~ military machine needed for the realization of American imperialismTs
aggressive intentions; second, there is the use of scientific and technological
capability with a view towards foreign economic expansion; third, there is the
establishment of new forms of dependence and relationships witn other nations, under
wfiich those nations would be bound to American scientific and technological potential;
fou-th, there is the use of scientific and technological~achievements in the very
process of preparing, working out and formulating foreign-policy decisions (pp. 12-13).
The problem stemming from resources of scientific and technological progress which
have b~en channeled into military potential for the subsequent employment of military
r~ight in foreign policy,forms, as it should, one of the main sections in the book.
A primary feature of the scientific and technological revolution in the USA is the =
fact that it first showed ug in those sectors of science, technology and industry _
which were engaged in developing, creating and producing weapons and other military
equipment. Tfie revolution in military technology led to the emergence of a weapons
_ and military equipment system characterized by an abrupt leap in effectiveness which,
in turn, led to a change in military doctrines and ideas and former notions about
war. Tr.e authors distinguish four stages in the scientific and technological revolu-
tion of the USA's military enterprise: first, the creation of the atomic bomb, usher-
ing in the era of nuclear arns; second, the creation of the hydrogen bomb with still
greater destructive pow~r; third, the appearance of inter-continental ballistic missiles
capable of quickly and accurately delivering nuclear charges to distant continents;
fourth, the development of space satellites providing the capability of creating
global systems of reconnaissance, co~mand and navigation,
Theae processes have been accompanied by an accelerated development of other types of
weapons for mass destruction--chemical and bacteriological--and similarly, by substan-
tial qualitative changes in so-called conventional arms systems. The sci.entific and -
technological revolution transformed all types of armed forces--land, air and naval.
' The authors consequently conclude: "The development of a revolution in military
technology, placed in the service of aggressive interests, is one of the factors con-
tributing to an increased likelihood of war and is capable of leading to the annihilation
of mankind" (p. 57). The au~hors convincingly show how, for this reason, the Soviet
~ Union, other socialist countries and virtually all forces struggling for detente and
the preservation of peace consistently and persistently support the conclusion of
international treaties and agreements which, on the basis of equality and without
ir.flicting damage to the security of either side, would avert a further arms race
based on achievements of the scientific and technological revolution. This is the
purpose served by the treaty for the lir~itation of strategic offensive arms signed
in Vienna in June 1979 by L. I. Brezhnev and J. Carter--which, however, through the
~ fault of the American side has not been implemented.
The authors justifiably note, in connection with negotiations on arms limitation,
that "the develapment of the revolution in military technology may be outstripping
the pace of negotiatia:~s for arms`Zimitations and reduction" (p. 57). The opponents
of detente are guilty of this. Taking into account�the historial course of such
negotiations and their practical results., the authers probably have a right to be
more categorical in this instance, and instead of "may be outstripping," could say -
"is outstripping." They do so state in chapter three: "One of the characteristics
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of the scientific and technological revolution in the military consists of the .fact
that its pace quite Qften outstrips the pace of negotiations for the gurpose of
limiting and reducing armaments," and "tfie scientiFic and technological achievements
applied to the military o2ten exert a destabflizing influence on the arms limitation
and reduction process, hinder on-going negotiations and complicate the achievement
of accords" (p. 109). This tendency, unfortunately~, does exist and has recently been
intensifying. The chapter devoted to this problem contains, as do all the others,
a great deal of factual and statistical material supporting the authors' conclusions.
It has been derived from a broad range of American sources from among which the most
reliable and authoritative were selected.
Painstakingly tracing the evolution of the foreign economic strategy of the USA in
- the 1970's, the authors show that this constitutes a process of accomodation by
American imperialism to new conditions created in the course of the scientific and
technological revolution and an aggravation of the over-all crisis in capitalism.
American imperialism seeks to make maximal use of its economic power and its huge
scientiFic and technological potential to stren~then the USA's international position
and uchieve its economic and political goals. The foreign economic strategy of the _
USA reflects the expansionist tendencies of American capital and its striving towards
widening its market, gaining broader access ta world economic resources and using
tlie advantages of international capitalistic division of labor for the sake of
extracting maximum profits. This strategy has as its aim the enhancement of other
capitalist nations' dependence on the USA and the preservation of the inequitable i
economic relationships with imperialists countries' former colonial possessions. i
American foreign economic strategy is clos~ly connected with foreign policy. It
represents its continuation, constituting an economic implement in American imperialism's
arsenal of foreign-policy resources.
A great deal of attention is devoted in the book to the development o� scientific _
and technological bonds between the USA and the USSR in terms of the scientific and
technological revolution. As a result of the furious growth of the scientif.ic and
technological revolution in the second half of tfiis century, an important new trend
has emerged--inter-government collaboration in the field of science and technology.
The objective, natural ri~htness ot the growth of socialized production and the inter-
nationalization of science and technology dictate the need for extending such -
col~~~oration. Scientific and technological ties between governments are an indispen-
sible ~upplement to stable econamic relations responsive to present trends in division
of labc,� on the world market. The authors show that, under current conditions, the
d~velopment of scientific and technological collaboration between the Soviet Union
and the USA, whose share of the worldwide volume of scientific research constitutes
more than two-thirds, takes on special significance (p. 362). The association of
their scientific and technological efforts would perm;.t the accomplishment of tasks
of interest not only to the people of these countries but also to a11 humankind.
For a long time the ruling establishment of the USA rejected a course of normal
development of relations with the Soviet Union. After the Second World War, when the
USA enjoyed a temporary monoply in the unclear field, their ruling establishment counted
on militarily "driving back" the Soviet Union from the positions occupied by it in
Europe and the world, and on "internal transformation"--on the degeneration of the
Soviet social order under the influence of econo~ic and political pressure from outside.
The development of a world alignment of forces, how+~ver, quickly indicated the illusory
nature of these calculations. So, in the 1970's the USA became convinced that they
should not build relations proceeding from American "technological leadership"--using
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it as a lever to exext pressure-~and that these xelat~.ons could only be built on
the basis of princ~ples of ~qual~ty and mutual ac~vantage and of non-interference in
each sideTs domestic affairs. Tiie T470~s demonstraCed in every way the mutual advan- `
tage for the USSR and the USA of scientific and Ceclznological collaboration carried
out on the basis of these principles.
Howe~er, in the USA a perception of new realiti2s in tfie contemporary international
situation is occurring in terms of acute domestic struggle and the collision of
various trends and points of view--from mal~cious anti-communism to a realistic evalu-
ation oF the zaorld situation. Recent years have witnessed the beginning of a return
to power in the USA of those interests w~wse ideologists think that the USA, while
placing its trust ir_ military force, should at the same time rely more and more on
"non-military power factors" in tFie struggle agains~t the USSR and other socialist
countries. The authors write that tliis course has found its expression in the
limitation of scientific, technological and economic collaboration with the USSR as
a means of pressure, accompanied by an expansion of such collaboration with Beijing,
including the objective of stimulating the growtfi of its military and technological
potential which is ~ikewise viewed as a means of pressuring the Soviet Union. "In
this, the objective, as far as it can be determined, consists not so much of inflict--
ing damage on socialist nations by artificially restricting the growth of collabora~ion
as of weakening and, as far as is possible, defeating the processes of detente,"
the book states (p. 48).
Work on the book was completed before the government of the USA made the radical
change in its policy from detente to a new edition of the "cold war," and befare the
tim~ that this change was fully recognized by world public opinion. The value of
the research iinder consideration here lies in the fact that not only does it analyze
_ American foreign policy and strategy over the course of an important decade in world
policy and strategy over the course of an important decade in world politics but it
also leads the reader to an understanding of American policy at its present stage.
The June 1980 Plenum of the CPSU Central Committee stated: "Aggressive imperialist
forces have, however, recently countered these positive processes with a policy
dictated by a reluctance to deal with the tealities of the contemporary world--the
strengthening of socialist positions, the success of the national liberation move-
ment and the growth of freedom-loving, democratic forces as a whole. Imperialism
would like to slow down the objective process of the world's renewal. Leaders of the
NATO military block, first and foremost the USA, have embarked on a course aimed at
destroying the military balance established in the world in order to serve their ends
and inflict damage on the Soviet Union and socialist countries and to undermine inter-
r>ational detente and national security."* A reader having become familiar with the
work being reviewed will be better prepared to understand the changes occurring today
in the global strategy of the USA as well as having obtained a clear, scientific
impression of what this strategy and the foreign policy of the USA was in the 1970's.
COPYRIGHT: Izdatel'styo PRAVDA, "Voprosy Istorii", 1980
*PRAVDA, 24 June 1980
11941
CSO: 1807
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INTERNATIONAL
BOOK ON NATIONAL�~IBERATION MOVEMENT IN KENYA REVIEWED
Moscow VOPROSY ISTORII in Russian No 9, Sep 80 signed to.press 12 Sep 80 pp 146-148
[Review by N. F. Matveyeva of the book "Keniya: vybor puti_. Osnovnye etapy i
problemy osvoboditel'no~o dvizheniya" [Kenya: Choice of Path. Major Stages and
Problems in the Liberation Movement] by L. Vladimirov, Politizdatel'stvo, Moscow,
1979, 17,000 copies, 279 pages]
[Text] At its very beginning, the author of the work reviewed here correctly
underscores the fact that in the history of the liberation move*,nent in Kenya,
"there are many peculiarities whose study and correla~ion have urgent scientific
and ideological-political significance." An appraisal of the specific character of
Kenya's historical development is important to an understanding of the connections
between the principles and characteristics of the national-liberation movement and
of the subsequent development of Afro-Asian countries involved in working out current
- problems of this process. Kenya is a country "whose people were among the forefront
of progressive f.orces in Africa during the period of struggle for independence"
(pp.4-5), and a country where advocates of tadical economic and social transforma-
tions exerted appreciable influence on its domestic political development in the
first years after achieving political sovereignty. In our time, the government of
Kenya takes compromising positions within the scope of national-reformism, as this
country's social development constitutes one of the most striking examples of evolu-
tion along a capitalist path. The apparent contradiction between Kenya's present
stage of dev~lopment and the entire course of its national-liberation mavement can
be explained only by profound study of all stages of the national-liberation struggle
in Kenya, the dynamics of its growth and by inventory of a multitude of internal and
external, objective and sub~ective factors.
In the work, perhaps for the first time, the course of the liberation struggle in
Kenya from its birth up to and including the present period is traced in reference
to Marxist positions. The book's merit is its strong documentary foundation, at the
- basis of which lies a unique wealth of factual material gathered by the author over
the course of several years' stay in Kenya.
A study of the early stages of the anti-colonial struggle in Kenya, characteri.zed by
uncoordinated actions taken by the native population against the seizure by the English ~
of land and against inhuman treatment, which become a formally-organized movement by
the 192~'s and 1930's, has enabled L..V.ladimirov to deepen and widen the interpretation
of fundamental questions involving the development of this country. It convincingly
demonstrates that the "Mau-Mau" uprising (1952-1956) did not crop up spontaneously.
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Having this in mind, the process of its preparation--political, organizational and
military--is analyzed in detail and tfie role of Kenyats first mass national organiza-
tion, the Kenya African Union (KAU), in this preparation and in the uprising itself
is characterized. The treatment of the subject is supplemented by an analysis of the
lessons of this uprising (pp. 84-86) which have general theoretical significance.
Developmental stages in Kenya's anti-colonial movement of tw~ opposing tendencies--
radical and moderate--leading to the formation, on the eve of the declaration of
independence, of the so-called right and left alignment in tfie Kenya African National
Union (KANU), which became the nation's ruling party after its acquisition of politi-
cal sovereignty, are examined in the book. The essence of the ideological divergences
between these alignments (which caused the schism in KAN[J and the departure from it
of the Kenya People's Union--the KPU) is rightly connected here with the conflict
which had unfolded between them over the issue of the nation's future course of
development. Of great importance here is an appraisal of the ideological platform
and activiry of the KPU which, in spite of the brevity of its existence (from 1966
to 1969), not only left a noticeable mark on Kenya's po'litical life but also "was
largely a prototype of avant-garde parties--parties of socialist orientation--which
in t:~e 1970's were established in developing states in Asia and Africa" (p. 198).
Uncovering the reasons which made possible the removal of the KPU from the political.
arena, the author points out, first and foremost, the subversive activity of neo-
colonialist interests which, in their endeavor to keep Kenya in their sphere ~f
influence, supported in every way possible rightist elements in the government and
in KANU. He also points out the weakness of the organizational structure of the
KPU, symbolized by the vagueness of its idaological and political slogans. The
combination of these factors largely conditioned the victory of the ideology of
_ national-reformism which actively supports representatives of the rising national
bourgeoisie in Kenya, a victory which has cleared the way for the growth of capitalist
attitudes in this country under the slogan of "African Socialism" and has facilitated
the activity of foreign monopolies.
At the outset of the analysis of the domestic political development of independen"t
Kenya and the methods employed by the KPI7, L. Vladimirov states a series of proposi-
tions worthy of the most steadfast attentidn, which touch on "fundamental issues of
present-day political life in African states" (p. 199), and supports them with facts
characterizing the political development of a number of other African countries--
Ethiopia, Tanzania and MozaTabique (.p~. 201-209) .
Put in first place here are questions concerning prerequisites for the creation of
"an avant-garde party oriented towards socialism and built on advanced organizational
principles corresponding to this ideology" (p. 200). As the author indicates, the
multi-party system in African states is objectively justified when supporters of
national-reformism are at the head of the ruling party, meanwhile leaving only a party
of socialist orientation to fully defend the interests of the working public. But
where the ruling party "shares an advanced ideology oriented towards socialism" and
simultaneously carries out "profound economic and social changes in the interests of
workers, national concerns do not require the formation of other parties" (p. 201).
Even if revolutionary transformations begin without the presence of an avant-garde
party, its creation is subsequently necessary for their successful consolidation
(ibld . ) .
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rvn ~rrlLiru, u~n uivLx
Basic trends in Kenyats foxei.gn policy are Brought out ~.n the study, and ~ts inseparable
connection with the grouring alignment of pol;ttical forces in the country is emphasized.
The acquisition of independence, t~ie end of Kenya's foreigr? political ~solation, the
support of left-wing forces for tFLe development of mutually-advantageous collaboration
with all-even in socialist states--created favorable prerequisites for sett%ng this
country on a progressive foreign-policy course. However, a major obstacle to this
- was the gradual consolidation in the gc~vern~~nent of Kenya of the positions of the
nati.onal-reformists, who sought to direct all of Kenqa~s foreign ties toward th.e
West.
Examining the broad scope of various aspects of the national-liberation movement in
Kenya, L. Vladimirov comes t~ the conclusion that t~e history of this movement "con--
f~.rms the relevance and applicability of Trlarxism-Leninism and of the extremely
important theoretical generalizations and conclusions contained in documents of the
CPSU and the international communist and workersT movement" (p. 241). The clear-cut
periodization of the Kenyan people's l~beration movement presented in the work (ibid.~
emphasizes tre huge ~mportance for it of major events of international significance
determining the course of the world revolutionary process.
The author's chosen method of analyzing concrete material primarily proposes to
portray by its example general laws governing the nationa"1-liberation movement in
developing countries. Agparently because of this, certain aspects characterizing
_ the conditions of forming and developing the national liberation struggle in Kenya
are insufficiently touched,on in the book, or are mentioned in passing.
The author, it is true, made a qualifj~ing remark in his preface tn the effect that ~
his work does not include exhaustive answers to all "extremely complicated and
pressing problems" (.p. 5) involved in the Kenyan liberation movement. At times,
there is a lack in his book of sufficient "Kenyan specifics," which disturbs the
necessary "balance" of domestic and foreign, objective and subjective factors for a
true understanding of the general and the particular.
Summing up the social and economic policy of the go~ernment of Kenya, L. Vladimirov ~
basically concentrates attention on its negative effects. It would probably have
been better to also mention certain positive facets of economic development in Kenya
under independent conditions (for example, the grow:ing effort of the state to strengthen
its control in economics, and its attempts to utilize foreign invest-ments in the
ir~terests of national development).
The future will show how consistently the Kenyan Government intends to uphold national
interests in attracting foreign capital. Indeed, "the struggle for national develop-
ment" is a slogan of the fundamental party and government document of the Kenyan
leadership, "African Sccialism and its Application to,Planning in Kenya," which at
one time received thP support of the Kenyan people. If, at the first stage of the
country's indepenc~ent development, its population as a whole uncritically accepted
the actions of ~r.s leadership, the government currently, as an aggravation of social
contradictior~s is accelerating the political awakening of the masses, is more and
more running up against the growing dissatisfaction of the people who are deploring
the dominance of foreign capital in the country's economics and protesting the
aggrandizement of a few, the exploitation, unemployment and poverty of millions.
This is especially urgent right now as the Kenyan leadership, heading for an ever
greater subordination of the country's interests to international imperialism, has
proceeded to allow the USA the right of using the country's airbases and ports for
military purposes, which utterly contrad~~cts the vital interests of its people.
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; The usefulness perfox'~ned by the scienti,~ic xeseaxclz done by L. Vladian~x'ov is not -
in doubt, H~Ls book, addressed to a firoad spectrum of speciali.sts on the problems of
developing countries, bears witness to tfie successes of Soviet Afr~can scfiolars.
COPYRIGHT: Izdatel'stvo PRAVDA, "Voprosp Istorii", 1980
11941
CSO: 1807
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INTERNATIONAL
S~OVIET AZERBAIJANI ON RECENT VISIT TO TURKEY
Baku AZARBAYJAN in Azeri No 6, 1980 pp 99-160
[Editorial Summary by Elchin: "Near and Distant Turkey"]
- ~Text] The Turkish Writers Union [Turkiye Yazarlar Sindikasi] invited a Soviet '
writers' delegation to Turkey "in order to further strengthen mutual relations ~
~ between the USSR Writers Union and the Turkish Writers Union, to exchange work
- experience reciprocally, and to exchange ideas on literary, political and social ~
problems with Turkish writers and cultural officials." The Soviet delegation con- i
sisted of the noted Azerbaijani poet Elchin, Muza Pavlova, the translator of the
works of Nazim Hil~et into Russian and Igor Kovalenko, an historical novelist who ~
writes about life .in CQnstzntirlop~~.____~ ~ - - ~ '
A number of general attitudes are expressed at the outset: on terrorism in ;
Turkey "...to understand the tragedy wrought by terrorism in ~rkey today one
must be in the countr,~ in order to feel it, one has to see everything with one's
own eyes"; on SALT-2, Aziz Nesin, chairman of the Turkish Writers Union, is quoted
on the importance of its ratification; on the role of Turkey and Iran in CENTO
(before and after its dissolution), he notes that "an Azerbaijani student (from
Iranian Azerbaijan) said that at first Turkey and Iran shared the same border and
were military allies; now, however, they share the same border and are friends."
Elchin's objective in writing this memoir is "to share ~aith the reader my
thoughts and observations on the socio-political problems I saw at the time of my ;
trip and the way of life and literary proceas in contemporary Turkey." To this
end, the career of the prominent noveliat Yashar Kemal is reviewed, which Yrompts ,
a discussion of Turkish litera,ry history from the Tanzimat period (1839) to the ~
- present. The names of some Turkish socialist writers who became prominent in the
1930's are given, but it is noted that "...in the period after Ataturk, especially
in the 1950's at the time of the Menderes-Bayar dicCatorship, were the hardest and
most difficult years for Turkish literary activity, a number of ;reat Turkish
writers were thrown into prison, a number stayed in involuntary exile, and a
writer like SebahEddin Ali was ' accidentally' shot." Nazim Hikmet's career-in- ,
exile (in th.e USSR) is reviewed; it is obaerved that Hikmet's books are now
widely published and available in Turkey. "Azerbaijan was a second fatherland
for him." Hikmet is quoted as saying: "I am bound to Turkey by my mc~ther tongue.
For me, it is impossible to conceive of anything close to the heart without it."
On the effect of exile on the Turkish writer Elchin says that exile "was turned
into a stimulus playing a catalytic role" which "gives even more energy to the
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writer. Today, however, Turkish writers and journalists have more power to say
and print the truth," although "certainly there are always difficulties." The
ability of the Turkish journalist to resist talking during an interrogation is
almost legendary. He relates a short story by Aziz Nesin "The Congress of _
_ Surgeons to illus trate the point: "At the World Con gress of Surgeons~..prominent
~ American, English, Fre:zch, German and Japanes e surge~ns were represented...(but)
one simple Turkish surgeon won preeminence among them; he had removed someone's
tonsils; certainly this ~s a simple everyday affair; it is logical, however, that
this 'someone' was a Turkish journalistl; what happened?; the Turkish journalist
would not open his mouth and the surgeon had to take them out through his anal
- passage!"
On Turkish literature in general "it is notable that...the fractionalism, conflict
of political ideas and lack of clarity of subject matter among the left wing is
seen in a raw form." "Contemporary Turkish literature, all in all, is a psycho-
logical literature aware of the people and knowing theix lives, desires and
nature; it is not a literature that only describes, it also analyzes." As for
the impact of literature on the people, "I was witness to the respect, feeling,
Z might even say solicitude toward the book in Turkey."
The work done in translating world literature into Turkish is praised, although
the low wages paid to translators ie deplored: "the contemporary Turkish reader -
has the possibility to acquaint himself with...world literature in his native
language." Writers also earn very poorly: "...aside from Yashar Kemal and Aziz
Nesin there are no 'freelance' writers living on royalties, at least none among
the writers whom I met." They all have other jobs.
An extensive review of the process of the "rapprochement of literature to the .
people" in Turkey is given, b eginning from the Tanzimat period. One of the major
steps was "the replacement of the Arabic script by the Latin script." (Elchin
points out that the Azerbaijani polymath Akhundov, together with the writer
Namik Kemal, had proposed Latinization in 1863 to "the Istanbul Acadeury" but "his
alphabet project was never carried out.")
Some Turkish writers , without a feel for the people or the importance of the
national concept, in the name of a"common humanity," have veered toward
"cosmopolitanism" or "nihilism" because they deny "the national esthetic affilia-
tion in its wealth of creativeness." "...It is interesting and significant that
_ sometimes the literary process reveals truth through its own natural thrust, and -
then the literary legacy takes on an objective value"." On the question of the
continuity of literar~~ tradition, he observes that when literature "is taken out
of the socio-political, moral-esthetic context of its own period..." it is a
"mistake." As an example of this type of critical error, the work by L. Alkaeva
and A. Babaev "Turetskaya Literatura" (Moscow 1967) is cited because it is influ-
enced by "vulgar sociolo gy."
On the regressive process in Turkish society after the death of Ataturk until the
fall of the "Menderes-Bayar dictatorship" it is noted that "in 1932 only nine
religious schools remained in Turkey," but " in 1952...(there were) 195 religious
schools in which 11,836 students were studying..."
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Several paragraphs are devoted to the "parnobi2nes" Ipornobusiness] which
flourishes along Istiklal Caddesi. A walk through the Abanos district prompts
reflections on the housing problems of Istanbul: "The housing problem in
Istanbul. ..is a very ma~or problem yet no one wants to move into the buildings
on Abanos Street although the oun~srs are renting apartments at the cheapest
prices; yet not one worker, family or student wants to move in and live here...
Institutions are afraid to move into Chese buildings because the society would
boycott and bankrupt them."
On the lack of agreement between "progressive left-wing" intellectuals, "it is a
pity that journalists representing the progressive forces cannot find a common
language on the road to struggle for the common work--progress and democracy,
national freedom and national independence," whereas "the goal of r~action has ,
been clear, definite and precise...." "I regret, as a Soviet writer who deeply
loves the Turkish people, Turkish history and Turkish civilization that...
factionalism, clique-ism and revisionism have significan tly weakened progressive
Turkish society." '
A number of observations are made on the lives of Azerbaijanis born in Turkey.
Hamid Turan "who is Azerbaijani. ..and the publisher of KHAZAR ['Caspian' ] maga-
zine...was born in Kars, grew up in Erzurum and now lives in Istanbul," prompts ~
a discussion of how Azerbaijanis who were born in Turkey fare. "A number of these !
Azerbaijanis...are from Kars but work in Istanbul." One of them, a worker in the ;
Beykoz shoe factory named Suleyman Azer, says that "my children were born here,
grew up here, were neither in the f atherland nor in Kars in their entire lives,
but they are Azerbaijani to their very blood and marrow of their bones." Elchin
notes that "this is characteristic of all the Azerbaijanis from Kars and
Erzurum, at any rate this is what I have seen and felt." Other Azerbaijanis from
Kars to whom this applies are mentioned: "Oktay Kerimli, a teacher in the middle
school, Faik Selam, a student at Erzurum University, Firidun, a taxi driver,
Abdulla Alovlu, a surgeon at Istanbul Municipal Hospital, Faik Agirli, a worker
in the Bakirkoy margarine factory, and Professor Sakine Yalciner." The absence
of connections between thz "local" Azerbaijanis and the "emigre Azerbaijanis
with their political clubs" is mentioned. _
Azerbai~ani publishing activities were observed closely. Erol Ozaydin publishes
an 8-page monthly newsletter called HAMSHEIiRI ;from the same city] which is "a
cultural, social and current informatir~n newspaper. Its purpose is "to acquaint
the Azerbaijanis from Kars and Erzurum with our literature and culture, to raise
social problems connected with their life and life style, to introduce people from
Kars living in Istanbul to each other, and to create cooperation and unity among
them at weddings, funerals and other social activities." Ozaydin "wants us to
send him material on Azerbaijani literature and fine arts as well as materials -
of an historical and ethnographic character. When talking with him "I thought
about a very simple, yet not so simple truth1: how sacred and powerful is the
feeling for the fatherland and for the people."
Another magazine published for the Azerbaijanis in Turkey is KHAZAR ("Owner, Hamid
Turan; Content Editor, Kamal Gungoren; Manager, Haver Aslan; Technical Secretary,
Cumhur Turan"). It began publishing in Istanbul in April 1979. The first three
issues (April, May, Jur.e) are described in detail. Included are articles and
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poetry by prominent Soviet Azerbaijanis, i.e., Suleyman Rustam and Bakhtiyar
Vahabzada; and Southern Azerbaij anis such as Shehriyar and Sahand, which are
reprinted for the Azerbaijani reader in Turkey. Elchin adds "when I say that
the Azerbaijanis from Kars and E::zurum are interested in Iranian Azerbaijan
and especially Soviet Azerbaijan it is not to say that they want to live our
life; they read our literature when possible, appreciate our successes in every
realm, and ask, ask, ask questions."
"At the time of my journey in every meeting, every seminar, every exchange of
ideas with regard to Turko-Soviet, in essence Turko-Soviet Azerbaijani literary-
cultural and scientific relations, no matter what the discussion or the conflict
of ideas, one thing was clear to everyone--these relations have to be expanded
further..." "In general I would note that promin~nt Azerbaijani Soviet literary
historians and linguists have published scienzific articles in Turkey, among them
the Academicians Hamid Arasly, Mammadagha Shiraliyev and Professor Abbas Zamanov.
I would like to say here that Hamid Arasly is an honorary member of the Turk Dil
Kurumu [Turkish Language Society], and...Shiraliyev and Zamanov have been elected
corresponding memb ers." Also, "in recent years some books of poetry by Nabi
Khazri and Bakhtiyar Vahabzada have been published." It is regretted that there
are not more literary contacts between the two countries than now exist.
COPYRIGHT: "Azerbayjan" 1980
9676
CSO: 1810
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- rvn vrri...an~. VJL' v,.a..~
INTER?~: ATIO~iAL
FATE OF ASSYRIANS IN IRAN, IRAQ, TURKEY, USSR
Nosco~r VOYROSY ISiU~II in ~ussian No 9~ Sep 80 signed. to press 12 5ep 30
PP 1'~-it~8 ,
,~'~rticle by f~i. Yu. riatveyev: "At the Historical I~iap of the iaorld's Peoples:
The Assyrians';l
~TextJ The ~ssyrians, who axe descended from the founders of one of the most an-
cient states, are at the present time considered to be a mino~ people. ~y approxi- ~
mate count during the 1960's their niunber amounted. to 1.5 million persot:~.1 Their ;
densest area of habitation is the territory of iVorthern Iraq, where they number as ~
many as ~50,000 persons.2 In the US5R the 1979 Census set their number at 25~000 ;
persons. The modern Assyrian language, which is spoken by most ~ssyrians, ti:as
formed on the basis of t~ro substrata--the Old Aramaean and the l~ssyro-~abylonian
(ak.kadian) languages. It belongs to the Semitic language group and has many ~
dialects.
The early history of the Kssyrian people dates back to the r'ourth-=!'hird i~;illenia ;
Fs.C., c:hen one of the world's oldest civilizations--the Assyrian--tras created in
Paorthern i~:esopotamia~ in the area between the Tigris and L-'uphrates I~ivers; it sub-
sequently exerted a considerable influence on the life and culture of the peoples
. of the Paear ~ast. During the period of its highest flourishing :~ssyria stretched
from the western borders of present-day Iran to the T:editerranean :;ea, from the
.lraxat r~ountains in the Plorth to Egypt in the South. Dating back to the '
reign of Ashurbanipal (Seventh Century B.C.) is on~ of the most valuable landmarks
- of world culture--a library of cuneiform writings. ~uring that period various ~
sciences ~rere flourishing in ~ssyria: mathematics~ astronomy~ an~. medicine. Handi-
crafts reached a high stage of developnent: metalworking~ construction~ and the raa-
nufacture of military equipment. assyrian architects left remarkable monuments of
architecture and sculpture. Toward the end of the Seventh Century B.C.~ ho�~rever~
the might of Assyria was shaken. Beginning in 626 B.C. under the blows of a Baby-
lonian-itiiedean military coalition the cities and provinc:,~s of the former nssyria
fell one after another: ~.shur, hTineveh, and others. In 605 B.C. .'issyria ceased to ~
exist as a great por:er. "But Nineveh and Assyria did not disappeax from the face of
the earth.... Assyria, retaining its name in the fonn 'Aturia,' was a Persian pro-
vince~ and the city of Nineveh rose again under the Roman emperors in the fo~n of a
military colony."5
The destruction of this power did not lead to the disappearance of its people~
~~rhich under the most difficult conditivns was able to preserve its own language,
customs, and partly its culture. Many yeaxs after the fall of irineveh the remnants
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of its population returned to the ruins of the former capital and continued to
live there, adhering to their ancient traditi~ns.6 No matter in rrhat state for-
mations the terrizory of the fonner assyria was included--~:hether the Iranian
regirie ~ the Arab Caliphate, the ~iongol 'r~ripire ~ the Ottoman ~npire ~ or others--~the
~{ssyrians retained their own unique originality, resistin~ encroachments on their
culture. Beginning in the Fifth Century A.~.~ their struggle against their oppres-
sors assumed the religious foru of Ilestorianism. The essence of this doctrine
consisted in its recognition of the human principle in Cnrist while the Virgin
Mary s�ras viewed not as the P~other of God but as the i~fother of Christ, that is,
the mother of a man ~,ho became God and not of God who became a man. ~ecause of
religious persecutions in Byzantium and especially in Iran, the followers of this
religious trend fled into Central Asia, Transcaucasia, India, and China.7
The influence of the '~ssyri.an-l~estorian culture on the peoples of Central ~sia
and Transcaucasia is testified t;~, in particular, by the ~ssyrian inscriptions on
monumen~s encoiintered in, Sen~i~~ch'.ye,. ~n the,regions,.of F~ishpek (Frunze;; and
ToI~nak,. as r~ell as in the following places in Georgia: Shio i~igvime, ~edazeni~
~ Garedzha, and others.9 The .~ssyrian manuscripts which have come down to us and
which are located in the libraxies of rioscow, Leningrad, and Yerevan, as iJell as.
those of foreign cities,l~ contain important information on the history of the
, peoples of i~us', Central Asia, and Transcaucasia. :lssyrian scholars played a
definite role in the development of scientific thought in the countries of the
, Arab ~ast and medieval ~,urope.11 They translated the ti~orks of Aristotle, Galen,
and Hippocra~es from Gree~ into Arabic, and they served as the conduits oF inany
progressive ideas of their own times.12
I In the 13th--14th centuries during the period of the rion~ol domiriation the :~ssyrian-
Idestorian church lost its influence.l3 At this time the Khulagids began open per-
~ secutions of the P~estorians.l~ Three groups~~of the.latter saved themselves from -
persecutions. One fled ir~to India (to the Ifalabar coast)~ another to Cyprus, and
! a third, the most numerous group, concealed. themselves togeiher ~:ith their patri:-
; arch in places in ?:urdistan which were difficult to reach. ~ last refuge were
the mountains in Khakyri~ in the southeastern part of Turkey. Here the tissyrians,
led by the spiritual and secular leader, iyiar Shimun~ whose title was subsequently
transferred from uncle to nephew, with eno~nous stubbornness i~a,ged a struggle
against the Sultan's authorities from the 17th to the 19th centuries.15
ny 1778 the Roman Cathoiic church had subordinated to its influence a part of the
Assyrians who were livin~ in the valleys of llorthern Iraq, They came to be called
. Assyro-Chaldeans, and their leader acquired the title Fatriarch of Babylon.1E But
most of the Assyrians of Turkey and Iran remained faithful to :destorianism, and
they passed on their former traditions from generation to generation. The Ottoman
~npire~ t~�here the fundamEntal portion of the Assyrians lived, was a feudal country
in khich along tirith Christians--Slavs, Armenians, Greeks, and :?ssyrians--i~~uslim
peoples--Arabs, Kurds~ Alba.nians, and others--a~_so languished under the Sultan's
yoke. The Sultan's government conducted a policy of inciting religious and national
enmity between ther~, and this gave rise to bloody clashes on more than one occasion.
The position of the Assyrians in Iran was no better. ~s a result of this~ the
Assyrians viei�red Russia t~rith its Christian Transcaucasia as a country ~rhich could
brin~ them liberation.17
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rvn vrr~~,ina. u~a vivi.i `
Intentions to adopt Orthodoxy and to.�resettle ~n Georgia and Russia were sta,ted by
the :~ssyrians of Iran and Turkey during the 18th and 19th centuri.~~ on more than
one occasion.18 The earliest such dacument which has come do~rn to us is a letter
by the Assyrian Catholicos Irakliy II daied 1770. Therein 1'~ax Shinun requested the
protection o f the Ceorgiar. tsar. ig The leanings of the !~ssyrians totirard Ftu~sia
found their expression at the time of the nutnerous Russo-iurkish and :?usso-Iranian
F~ars, when the Assyrians rendered as much military aid as possible to the Russian
troops. In 1828, because tney had granted aid to the Russian Army, some :issyria,n
families ~rere granted permission to move from Iran to t~rmenia~ to the villa,ges of
Koylasar, Upper Dvin, Arzni and ~,ittle Sh~.griax. Here they engaged in agriculture,
viticulture, and gardening.~~
By the end of the 19th century there was a total of 5~353 �4ssyrians living in the
f~ussian Empire.21 The basic macJ of them continued to remain in the Ottoman ~npire
� and in Iran. The total number of Ass;~rrian population in Turkey at that time
raached 863,000 pe.rsons.22 They were densely settled in the sanjak of Khakyari,
the cities of llyaxba.kir~ f~iardin, Urfa, and the villages of Juiamerk, Gyavar, ~ierge-
ver, Te.rgever, Tiare, and others. Some 74~,000 were living in Iran in the north-
western part of the country, in the region of Urmia.23
~1s a result of the chauvinistic policy of the Young Turk leaders and the intrigues
of the British imperialists, the assyrians were drawn into World Tilar I and entered
on the side of the Entente.2~ During those yeaxs the Assyrian people was on the
edge of disappearing. In batt.les and as the result of po~roms~ out of 94~0,000 ~ssy-
rians in Turkey and Ira,q about 500,000 persons perished.2 In order to av~id ulti-
mate annihilation, during the winter of 1914~~15 a portion of the Assyrians fron
Turkey fled into Russia~ while another group fled into Tran. Tens of thousands of
re.fugees perished along the ~ray from cold and 'nunger; only 20--25,000 crossed the
Russian b~rder.26
After ;dorld f~1ar T the basic mas~ of the remaining ;issyrians were divided among
Turkey, Iran, and Iraq. Uuring the period from 1910 to 19~?~0 many flssyrians became
scattered throughoui; the Last, iurope, 'riorth and South America. In 1920 the British
colonialists under the pretext of rendering aid to the Assyrian rezugees forcibly
- resettled them fro~ Iran into iraq. By taking advanta.~e of their irnpoverished
status~ the British authorities recruited them into special battalions to guard
military facilities and. to fight against the national liberation movement of the
Axabs and xurds.27 ~ubsequently the British imperialists used the ~lssyrian ques-
tion as one of the pretexts for detaching the petroleum-bearing f~:osul Vilayat from
`!'urkey and annexin~ it to Iraq, over which Great Britain ha.cl a, mandate. Tn 1y26, -
when this vilayat becarie a paxt of Iraq~ the imperialists and their obedient clique
in the Iraqi royal government, fearing that the armed and militant-mindeci :'lssyrians
would achieve independence, began to disperse them in sepaxate groups amon~ the
na-~ive I~~uslims.28 The striving of the Assyrian people to acquire elementary civil
rights was regardad as an uprising, and the "Assyrian i�ienace" began to be liquidated
by means of the physical annihilation of people. Un 7~ugust 1933 a rough justice
V~as meted out to the tissyrian population in the regions of Lokhuk and "Ga~cho: thou-
sands of peaceful inhabitants were shot, and 60 flssyriar. villa.ges i~:ere destroyed
and plund~~red.29
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Throughout the 1930s the Assyria.n question was brozzght up for discussion at the
League of ~vations on more than one occasion. But .~11 attempts to resolve it
ended in failure be~ause of the opposition of th~ 3ritish imperialists and their
faithful Iraqi clique of lVuri Said. The situation of the Assyrians in Iraq
remained extremely difficult right up to the Revolution of 195~� Only a fe~�: of
the~n who ha.d. an education and ar~ area of specia iza.tion (physicians, engineers, and
military officers) iaere more or less well-off.3~ But most of the ~ssyrians were
dra,gging out a mea,~er existence. They were primarily rural inhabitants. They
engaged in agriculture in the provinces of I~:osul~ Suleimaniya, ~,rbil, and Kirkuk;
' they raised grain, tobacco, as well as olive, pista,chio, walnut, peach, and other
trees.31
The position ~f. Iran'~ Ass~rrian~ at this time wa~ hardly any better. ~s much as
' 80� of them wer.e livir~~ in rural localities, in the regions of Urmia and Salmas;
returning here in the early 1920s were many refuge~s who had been forcibly settled
in Iraq by the British authorities. They began to restore their ruined farms,32
and they engaged in their traditional occupations of gardening and livestock
raising. As was also the case in monarchist Iraq, right up to the 1950's the assy-
rians of Iran were deprived of political rights and. the opportunity for full deve-
lopment. They were forbidden to have national schools~ to study their native _
language, and to publish their own literature. ~
As the result of econamic and cultural backwardness, national oppression, and a
lack of political rights, the overwhe7ming majority of Assyrians who are now living
, in the countries of the f~~eign East axe at an extremely low level of socioeconomic
and cultural develog~nent. Only some individua.l merchants, craftsmen, and otY~er ~
members of the non-numerous well-to-do classes have acquired the opportunity to
; pa.rticipate in the active social and economic activity. Thus, at the 20th Session
of the Iranian Niajlis in 1960 a person elected by the Assyrians appeared for the
first time among the delegates.34� It is only in very recent times that the children
o f Assyrians have been granted the opportunity to be enrolled in the state schools
of Iran, Iraq, and 'I'urkey. F~ few representatives of Assyrian youth have studied
and are studying in higher educational institutions and colleges or have received
' an education abroacl. In Iran, Iraq~ and the United 5tates periodical publications
of -the Assyrians have begun coming out in their native langua.ge and in Lnglish:
~ the journals GILGAMES, BET-WAHRAIN~ THE ASSYRIAN STAR, the newspaper ATOUR, and
others. Ho~rever, this has had little effect on any change for the better for
' most working-class Assyrians living in foreign countries.35
Only in the USSR have tissyrians found a true homeland, along ~rith the possibility
of workin~ peacefully and being confident in their future. As long a,~o as the first
feh* yeaxs of the Soviet regime in places densely inhabited by ~ssyrians (the Geor-
gian, Azmenian, Azerbaijani SSP's and the Krasnodax Territory) the government
opened the elementary and secondary schools for their c ilci.ren; here instruction
was conducted in Russian and in their native language.3~ Sta.ffs for these schools
were trained at the :'~rmavir ?'edagogical Technicwn and the Leningrad Institizte' of
Nistory, Philosophy, and Literature.3? In the early 1930's Assyr~an cultural-edu-
cational societies and their sections j~rere opened in Nloscos�r, Leningrad~ Yerevan,
Tbilisi, and other cities.3~ These organizations conducted a great deal oi' poli-
tical educational and general educational work. The Noscow Section published
literature in the nationa.l language: more than ~00 of its titles F;ere publisr.ed
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from 19i9 through 1939 alone. The ~�rorks of V. I. Lenin, as well as works by many
Russian a.nd 5oviet Frriters have been translated into the Assyrian language. The
netirspaper KEKHVA D i~~DYNKA (Sta.r of the East) has played an important role in the
~ development of Assyrian Soviet culture.
During the years when agriculture ~*as being collectivized, in the r~ssyrian villages ,
of Armenia (Arzni, Upper P.vin~ Dimitrovo, Little Shagriar}, Georgia (trukhrani~ Va-
sil' yevka f~zerbai jan ( Khanla,r, Shamkhor; , and in the village of lirmiy~. in the
Krasnodar Territory, assyrian kolkhozes were createS~ and equipped s.Tith up-to-date
technology; highly skilled specialists tirorked here.J9 These farms, k*hich special-
ize in cultivating fruits and veeetables, have now becoms assoeiations bringing in -
_ high incomes. The kolkhoz members live well and are prosperous. A number of in-
habitants of the Assyrian vill.ages of Transcaucasia and the Krasnodar Territory
have new stone houses, many have automobiles~ and their houses have modern appli-
ances: television sets, radios, and telephones. The Assyrian National 5ong and
:~ance Ensembles frorn Arzni and Dvin enjoy great popularity not only in their o~:n
_ republic but beyond its borders. Recognition of their meritorious service~ in the
cause of developing -the natio~~ culture is testified to by the fact that they have �
~ acquired the title "people's.
_ ~
Together ~~rith the other peoples of our multi-national country, the Assyrians ha~~e ~
actively participated in building the new society. Among them are the following: I
Hero of Sacialist Labor and Deputy to the A~nenian SSR Supreme Soviet, Chairma.n of
the Kolkhoz in the Village of Shagriar~ Yu. A. Ovchiyan, shockh�orker of. communist
labor, metallurgist from Rustavi, and delegate to the 24th Congress of the CF'SL' ~ ,
Agasarov, Honored Schoolteacher of the Annenian SSR, T. A. Muradova from the vil-
lage of Dimitrovo, Doctor of Physical-P~lathematical Sciences Ye. I. Givargizov, Doc- �
tor of T~iedical Sciences P%. Yu. T~;elikova~ Laureate of the USSR State Prize and in-
ventor of the "i~airi" Computer, V. S. ~s~hin, Honored Cultural Figure of the Ukrai-
nian SSR, l;. I. Khardayev, and others. There are also well-known athletes among
the .Assyrians: the world's champion in gymnastics~ V. G, Nazarov, So~iet Union
champion in boxin~~ i~~. Na.dyrov, national champion in wrestling and prize-rrinner
at the tJorld's Championship, winner at the Seventh Summer Spartakiade of the Peo-
ples of the USSR~ `J. Avdyshev.42
lluring the years cf the Great Patriotic Wax for their courage and heroism the As-
- syria.ns L. ~h. Davydov and `a'. A. Saxkhoshev were awarded the title Hero of the So-
viet Uriion. 3 Durin~ the rrax three Assyrians became generals: cava7_iers of ;~oviet
and foreign orders and medals~ Andr~y Nikolayevich and Aleksandr Nikolayevich Tam-
razov a,nd Georgiy I1'ich Sarkisov. During the post-war years a large group of
aoviet Assyrian in~elligentsia has taken shape--engir:eers, schoolteachers~ physi-
cians, and scientists. The creation of schools with instruction being given in
the Assyrian language, the publication of literature, the activities of cultural-
educational societies, and the appearance of popular-stage and theatrical ensembles
have turned the tissyrian community in the USSR into a focus for the national cul-
ture rrhich is important for Assyrians not only in the Soviet Union but also abroad.
FOOTNOTES
1. "Iran ~lmanac," 2nd ed.~ Tehran, 19b2, p 7~3�
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2. Ibid.
3. "Naseleniye SSSR. Po danny~ Vsesoyuznoy perepisi naseleniya 1979 g. Natsio-
nal'nyy sostav"~~Fopulation of the USSR. Based on Data of the All-Union Popu-
lation Census of 1979� National CompositionJ~ Moscow, 1980, p 26. -
4. K. Betsol'd, "Assiriya i Vaviloniya" ~Assyria and BabyloniaJ~ St. Pe~ersburg~
1904, p 61.
5. B. Turayev, "Istoriya drevnego Vostoka" ~Hi.story of the Ancient East,J~ Vol 2~
Leningrad~ 1935~ P 83� For more detalia see D. Ch. Sad.a~yev~ "Istoriya drevney
Assirii" ~History of Ancient AssyriaJ~ Moscox, 1979.
6. K. P. Matveyev (Bax-Mattay), "Istrebitel' kolyuchek. Skazki, legendy i prit-
chi sovremennykh assiriytsev" CThe Thorn Destroyers Ta1es, Legends~ and Parab2es
of the Modern Assyrians,~, Moscox~ 1974, p 6. ,
7. M. V. Anastos, "Nestorius Was Orthodox~" DUMBARTON OAKS PAPERS~ No 16~ Washing-
- ton, 1962. -
8. V. V. Bartol'd, "0 khristianstve v Turkestane v domongol'skiy period" ~On
Christianity in Z~,irkestan during the Pre-Mongol Period~~ St. Petersburg~
1893~ P 14.
9. K. Tsereteli,"The Aramaic Language in Georgia~" LITERATURNAYA GRUZIYA, 1976,
No 12~ pp 86-87.
10. "Chronique de Michel le Syrien, Patriarche Jacobite d'Antioche (1166--1199)~~~
Bruxelles, 1963. _
11. H. Luise~ "Mosul and Its Minorities," I,endon~ i925r P?�
12. N. V. Pigulevskaya, "Blizhniy Vostok, Vizantiya~ slavyane" ~The Near Ea.st,
Byzantium~ and The SlavsJ, Leningrad~ 197b~ pp 169-170.
13. S. 5oko1'skiy~ "Istoricheskiy ocherk nestorianizma ot yego poiavleniya v V
- veke do nastoyashchego vre~eni" ~An Historical Sketch of Nestorianism from -
Its Appearance in the Fifth Century to the Present Time~, Odessa~ 1868, p 177.
1~+. V. V. Bartol'd~ "Ocherki istorii Semirech'ya" fAn Qutline History of Semi-
rech'yeJ, Frunze, 1943~ p 63.
15. K. P. Matveyev (Bar-Matta.y) and I. I. Mar-Yukhanna~ "Assiriyskiy vopros vo
vremya pervoy mirovoy voyny" ~The Assyrian Question at the Time of World Wax
IJ~ Moscow~ 1968~ p 16.
16. R. TeYmen, "Otchet o poyezdke v sandzhak Khekkiari~ Vanskogo vilayeta v
1906 g.~" ~?eport on a Trip to the Khekkiari San~ak~ Van Vilayet in 19o6J~
Tiflis, 1910~ p 37�
17. "Akty, sobrannye Kavkazskoyu axkheograficheskoyu komissiyeyu" ~Acts, Collected
by the Caucasian Archeographic�.1 CommissionJ, Vol 2, Tiflis~ 1868~ p 279.
19
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18. A. A. Tsgareli, "Gramoty i drugiye istoricheskiye dokwnenty XVIII stoletiya~
otnosyashchiyesya k Gruzii" ICharters, Deeda~ and Other Histoxical llocuments
of the 18th Century Relating to Geoxgia~, Vol 1, St. Petersburg, 1891, p 165=
TsGIA AzmSSR, f 113~ op 1, d i392, 11 1-2; f 133~ op 1, d 791~ 11 4-5.
19. N. F. ~ubmvin~ Tstoriya voyny i vla~iychestva russkikh na Kavkaze" ~A His-
tory of tha War and Russian Rule in the CaucasusJ, Vol 2~ St. Petersburg~
168~, P 33~
2Q. P. Eyvazov, "Certain Data on the Village of Koylasar and the Aysors," in
"Sbornik wateri~.lov dlya opisaniya n~eatnoatey i plemen Kavkaaa" ~Collect~d
Materialg for a llescription of the Localities and Tribes of the Caucasus,~,
Vol 4~ 5ec 1~ Tiflis~ 1884, pp 28~-286.
21. "Pezvaya perepis' nase?eniya Rossiyskoy imperii 189? g. Obshchiy svod po im-
po~ii rezul'ta.tov razrabotki dannykh vseobshchey perepisi naseleniya, proiz-
vedennoy 28 yanvarya 1897 g.~~ ~~irst Census of the ~bpulation of the Russian
F~rnpire, 1897. Total Compilation for the Eaapire of Results of Computing the
Uata af the General Census of the Fcpulation, Conducted on 28 Janu~xy 1897J~
st. Petersburg, iyo5~ p i7� ,
22. Ye. A. Lalayan, "The Aysors of Van Vilayet~" in "~apiski Kavkazskogo otd.ela
Russkogo geografich~~skogo obshcheatva" ~totes of the Caucasia.n Section of the
Russian Geographical ~~cietyJ, Tif7.is, 1914o Vol 28, Issue 4~ p 4.
23. N. G. Korsun, "Voyennyy ob~or persidskago peredovogo teatra" ~Militaxy Sur-
vey of the Peraian Advanced Theater,J, Tiflis~ 1902~ p 182.
p}y. Dumbis, "The Aysora~" NOVYY VOSTOK, 1923, No 3, pp 69-7~�
25. K. F. Matveyev (Bar-Mattay), "The Assyrians--A People with Equa.l Rights in
the Land of the Soviets NAROi~Y A`LII I AFRTKI, 1972 ~ No 6, p].45 ~
26. V. Skorobogatov, Aysors in the USSR~" PROSVESHCHENIYE NATSIONAL'NOSTEY,
1931, No 1, p 66;"see also L. M. Sargizov~ "Assiriytsy stran Blizhx~ego i
Srednego Vo~toka. Pervaya chetvert' XX veka" ~Assyrians in the Near East
and Middle ~ast. First ~tuarter of the 20th CenturyJ~ Yerevan~ i979�
27. K. P. Matveyev (Bar-Mattay)~ "The AasYrian Question in Iraq in i932-1933r
ARABSKTYE STRANX, Moscow~ 1966, p 243.
28. Ibid, pp 24~3-245 �
29. R. S. Stafford~ "The Tragedy of thQ Aasyriana," London~ 1935, PP 168-170~
182.
30. A. M. Manteahashvili~ "Irak v gody angZiyskogo mandata," ~Iraq, during the _
Years of the British MandateJ~ Moscox, 196'9~ p?35�
31. D. Khayyat~ "Irakskaya dQ~~" ~he Iraqi VillageJ~ M08COW~ 1953~ P 29� -
20
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32. M. N. Ivanova, "Natsional'no-osvoboditel'noye dvizheniye v Irane v 1918-- ~
1922 gg." ~The National Liberation Move~nent in Tran from 1918 to 1922J~
, Moscox. 1961~ pp 36~ 38�
33� '~Assyrians of Today. Their Problea aad Solution~" Chicago~ 1969. p~ 35-3~�
34~ "Iran ALnanac," PP 783-784.
35� For more details see K. P. Matveyev~ "Assiriytsy i assiriyska.ya problema v
novoye i noveysheye vremya" ~Asayrians and the Assyrian Problem in Modern
and the Most Recent TimesJ, MoscaW~ 1979; G. V. Arsanis, "Pblozheniye sov-
remmenogo assiriyskogo yasyka na Bii:zhn~n i Sredneae Vostoke~" in "Problemy
i~ucheniya yaz kovoy situatsii i ya~ykovyy vopros v stranakh Azii i Sever- _
noy Ameriki" ~?roblems of Stuc~yi.ng the l~anguage Situation and the Language ~
Question in the Countries of Asia and North America,J~ Moscox, 19?Or
y pp 153-154.
36. T. A. Muradova~ "An Age-Old Path~" AR'FASH~T~ 14 June 1977 Armenian).
37� ~~A D MADYNKA~ z6 July 1937 Assyrsan).
38. TsGAOR SSSR, f 1318~ op 1~ d 1227~ 11 15-17.
39� TsGAOR ArmSSR, f 112. op 4~ d 35, 11 84~ 85~ 90.
40. "Melodii dremey Assirii~" KOI~IUNIST~ Yerevan~ 1977~ No 48.
41. "Sozdateli matematicheskikh mashin~ La,ureaty Gosudarstvennykh premiy SSSR~"
~Inventors of Mathematical Machines. Laureates of the USSR State PrizesJ,
KOMMUNI5T, Yer_evan, 20 November 1971.
42. "Assault on the Records~" PRAVDA~ 23 July 1979�
43. "Hero of the Soviet Union S. A. Saxkhoshev," KOMMUNIST (Yerevan)~ 13 August
_ 1944, No 160.
4~4. N. Cherka.shin, "Uxmiya--A Village of the Assyrians," KRASNAYA ZVEZDA, -
25 December 19?1.
' COPYRIGHTs Izdatel'stvo "Pravda"~ "Voprosy istorii", 1980
23~
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REGIONAL
CRITICISM OF SOVIET DEVELOPMENT OF CENTRAL ASIA EXPOSED
~iev KRIZIS ANTIMARKSISTKIKH KONTSEPTSII SO'fSIALIZMA NA SOVREI~NNOM
ETAPE SOREVNOVANIYA DViJKH SISTFM. SEK'tSIYA III. PROBLEMY KRITIKI
- ANTIMARKSISTSKIKH TEORIY SOTSTALIZMA V KURSE POLITEKONOMII in Russian 1979 _
sign~d to press 3 Dec 79 pp 105-111
[Report by P. M. Leonenko, candidate of economic sctences, Kiev: "Criti- -
cism of Bourgeois Interpretations of the Socioeconomic Development of the
Republics of the Soviet East" from the book "Krizis Antimarksistskikh
Kontseptsii Sotsializma na ~ovremennom Etape Sorevnovaniya Dvukh Sistem.
Sektsiya III. Problemy Kritiki Antimarksistskikh Teoriy Sotsializma v
Kurse Politekonomii" (The Crisis of the Anti-Marxist Conceptions of
Socialism in the Current Phase of Competition between the ~ao Systems.
Section III. Problems of Criticism of Anti-Marxist Theory in Courses in
Political Economy), ~taining summarie,s of reports and addresses at an all-
' Union scientific council on 18-20 Aecember 1979; published under the aus-
pices of the Institute of Economics of the Academy of Sciences Ukrainian
SSR, 500 copies]
[Text] The socialist transformation in the republics of the Soviet East,
as a key e~ement of Lenin's plan for building socialism, brought about for-
mation of the uoaterial-~echnical base in a historically short period of
time. "That is why the Soviet East, which has been the site of the heroic
virgin lands and space achievements of the entire Soviet people, is properly
called a land where Lenin's ideas have been realized," noted D. A. Kunayev.l
The Soviet experience is an object of close study abroad. This interest is
not only not diminishing, it is growing stronger, chiefly throug h peaceful v
development of vigorous use of our experienca by the developing countries.
Time, the unbiased judge of life, has proven the correctness of Marxist-
Leninist ideas and the advantages of the socialist system. Therefore,
in the current phase the bourgeois "~~itics" do not attack the results of
the socio economic development of the republics of the Soviet Ea st in them-
selves, but rather the theory, methods, and ways of achieving them. How-
ever, modernization of the forms and me~hods of bourgeois criticism of
socioeconomic transformations in the Soviet Central Asian republics cannot
conceal its antisocialist essence and orientation.
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For this reason one of the presaing challenges of Marxist-Leninist political
ecor:omy is to expose the contemporary forms and methods of bourgeois and re-
visionist falsificaCions of the socioeconomic transformation in the national
regions of the Soviet East.
Socialist nationalization, of course, is the basis on which a socialist
� economy orig~nates and grows strong. V. I. Lenin emphasized many times tihat
"there is only one way to put an end to the exploitation of labor by capital,
- and that is to wipe out private ownership of the means of la~or, put all fac-
tories, plants, mines, and other large establishments in the hands of the
~ whole society, and cazry on socialist produc~ion.i2 This is the crucial
condition for the transition by the peoples of backward countries to so-
cialism, bypassing the capitaliat system. "TY?ere can be no dispute," V. I.
_ Lenin said in 1920, "that the proletariat of the leading countries can and
~ must help the other masses of working people and that the development of the ~
backward countries can come from the present stage when the victorious pro-
letariat of the Soviet republics offers its hand to these masses and is able
- to give them support,i3
Ttie experience of development of the peoples of Central Asia and Kazakhstan
graphically demonstrate both the possibility and the n~cessiry of this
transition. But the anti-Soviets, trying to discredit the Soviet experience
in the eyes of the peoples of the developing countries, argue that nationali- -
zation in Central Asia supposedly "did not meet the needs of the local popu-
lation,i4 that the peoples of Central Asia and Razakhstan cannot enjoy the ~
fruits of their own economic development. Thus, J. Metley, an assistant
professor at the University of Michigan, writes in his book "Central Asia. _
= A Century of Russian Rule": "The dev~el~pment of this region (that is,
Central Asia) in many ways resembies the development of India during British
rule. A modern system of transportation was created and industr~alization
was begun. But the peoples of Central Asia, unlike the peoples of sovereign
India, still cannot reap the final fruits of economic development stimu-
lated by the Russian colonial admin;gtr.~~ion: In India, no matter how com- -
plex the problems may be, there is hope for future growth based on the
independent political and economic system and free trade with the entire
world. Central Asian trade is lisnited to the communist bloc and its future
economic development, evidently, will be linked exclusively with Russia.i5
This statement is wrong, because during the prerevolutionary period this
region was unable to rise out of poverty and desolation. Only in Soviet
times did it undergo strong economic and cultural development. It is also
wrong because many dozens of foreign countries, some of them capitalist
countries, are readily buying the output of the Central Asian republics
today. For example, Kazakhstan now delivers industrial output of more than
300 types to more than 80 countries around the world.6 The industrializa-
' tion of the national regions was done in the same way as industrialization
of the entire countrg, on the basis of a combination of Union-wide and
local interests, rational siting of production, and knowledge and consider-
ation of the requirements of the sub~ ective economic laws of socialism.
Concerning India it can be said that it began quite moderate development
after receiving independence, and not without material, technical, and
acientif ic aid from the USSR.
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The bourgeois apologists horr.ibly distort the socialist essence of the
agrarian transformation carried out by Soviet power :in aIl places after
Great October. Thu~, R. Stuart "proved" that thP collective farms are
necessary only to exercise political control and take surplus from the kolkhoz
numbers, and collectivization aerves as a"means of regulating the level of
consumption in the countryside."~ The writings of bourgeois authors such as
M. Levin and V. Connoly depict this process as compulsory and imposed by
force,e But the agrarian transformations eliminated the social basis of
exploitation and rad a beneficial impact on the material situation of the
peasants. They helped the Kazakh people rid themselves for all time of the
patriarchal system. Suf f ice it to say t'nat be�ore the start of World War I
there were 4,563 Russian and Ukrainian households jn the seven counties
of KusCanay District; 241 had about one desyatina 1.09254 hectares) ,
1,261 hauseholds had 2-4 desyatinas, 1, 588 had 5-1G desyatinas, and 950
- households ha.d more than 10 desyatinas apiece.9 Tlrss, collectivization
- eliminated feudal patriarchal relations and madF� possible the transition of
Central Asian peasants to soc9.alism, bypassing ~capitalism. ~
_ The transition of the peasantry to a settled way of life is an important
- socioeconomic transformation that occurred in Kazakhstan during the years
of Soviet power. In the interpretation of the bourgeois ideologists present-
day summer-pasture animal husbandry is depicted as a form of the tradi- �
tiQnal nomadic economy. 7he en~nies of socialism pursue far-reaching goals. ~
They try to diminish the historical importance of settlement in one place
and represent the current livestock system as a primitive, extensive system.
Thus, American sociologist E. Bacon states that despite the campaign
against nomadism, it continues to exist in a different form. He says that
only the name is changed, that the Russians now call nomadism "summer-
pasture animal husbandry." This kind of sta~ement is wrong mainly on the
theoretical level, because aummer-pasture animal tnisbandry and the nomadic
system cannot be equated as E. Bacon does. The noma3ic system is based on
available feed a11 year long and the livestock are constantly moving from
one pasture to another. The radius of these wanderinffis among the Kazakhs
reached 1,000 kilometers. Summer-pasture animal husbandry using available
f eed is carried on only in season and the radius of grazing is small. Dur-
ing the difficult winter season the livestock are kept in stalls. The
conte~?porary summer-pasture system is also characterized by new forms of
labor organizat ion-- mechanized herding brigades ~ a high level of educa-
tion, the broad background of knowledge of contemporary herdsmen; the fact
that they have permanent homes in the towns with private plots; the great
importance that the state places on the honorable labor of the herdsmen.
7'he theory and practice of buildin~ socialism, both in the USSR as a whole
and in its Union repu~lics, te;stifies to the scientific bankruptcy of the
bourgeois allegatiflns considered above. The successes of Kazakhstan and
_ the othsr tormerly b3ckward regions of the USSR show the bias of the cur-
rent bourgeois myths which say that Marxist-Leninist doctrine is unac-
ceptable tA peoples living under conditions of precapitalist systems.
The socioeconomic development of the regions of the Soviet East is vivid
testimony to the correctness of Lenin` s teaching on the possibi.lity of
a transition by backward countries to socialism, bypassing the capitalist
system. It is graphic proof of the vitality and grest streng*_h c~ the
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Leninist nationality golicy. The republics of the Soviet East were the
testing ground where the strength of the classical Leninist statement that
"with the help of the proletariat of the leading countries backward coun-
tries can shift to a Soviet order and, after certain stages of development
advance toward communism, bypassing the capitalist stage of development,i1~
was checked and confirmed in full.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. Kunayev, D. A., "Izbrannyye kechi i Stat'i" [Selected Speeches and
Articles], rioscow, Politizdat, 1978, p 392.
2. Lenin, V. I.,"Poln. Sobr. Soch." [Complete Works], Vol 2, gp 96-97.
3. Lenin, op. cit Vol 41, p 245.
4. Wheeler, C., "The Modern History of Soviet Central Asia," London, 1964,
p 85; Pipes, R. P., "The Formation of the Soviet Union," '.9~i8, No 7,
PP 177-178.
5. "Central Asia. A Century of Russian Rule," New York-London, 1967,
- p 348.
6. "Ekonomicheskoye Razvitiye Kazakhstana i Kritika Burzhuaznykh
Fal'sifikatorov" [The Ecanomic Development of Kazakhstan and Criticism
of the Bourgeois Falsifiers], Alma-Ata, p 133.
7. Stuart, R., "The Collective Farm in Soviet Agriculture," Lexington,
Massachusetts, 1972, pp 2, 4.
8. "Soviet Studies," 1965, Vol 17, No 3, p 190; Connoly, V., op. cit.,
pp 88-89; Rakoweska-Harmetone, T.,"Russia and Nationalism in Central
Asia."
9. Tursunbayev, A. B., "Pobeda Kolkhoznogo Stroya v Kazakhstane" [The
Victory of the Kolkhoz System in Kazakhstan], Alma-Ata, 1971, p 22.
10. Lenin, op. cit., Vol 41, p 246.
COPYRIGHT: INSTITUTE F.KONOMIKI AN UkSSR, 1979
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~ REGIONAL
~ BSTONIAN FARIfi INVBSTMENT, SUBSIDY POLICIES, AGRO-INDU.STRIAT~ ASSOCIATIONS VIEWED
Moscow VOPROSY ERONOMIRI in Russian No 11, Nov 80 pp 86-93
[Article by E. xhyay8i, candidate of economic Sciences and member of USSR Finance
- Miniatry Collegium, Tallinn: "Problems of Improving Control Over Agriculture"]
[TextJ The task of complex agricultural development based upon mechanization,
the use of chemical proceases, extensive land reclamation, raiaing the skills of
workers and active utilization of acientific achievements was advanced as early as
the March (1965) Plenum of the CC CPSU. These trenda were further developed and
defined more specifically in the decisions handed down during the July (1987 Plenum
of the CC CPSU. Once again, emphasis waa placed upon the fact that the rate of
growth for the country's economic potential, the standard of living for the
pppulation, the obaervance of the principal national economic proportions and also
the status af the branch and state material and financial resources are all
dependent to a conaiderable degree upon the level of agricultural development and
the efficiency of agricultural production. Roughly 70 perc~nt of the material
wealth consumed by the population is in one way or another associated with
agricultural production.
As more economic development takes place, the interrelationships between
a~riculture on the one hand and industry and other branches on the other will
expand and become more intense. Recently, serious attention has been focused on
these interrelationships and also on the problems of interenterprise cooperation
and agro-3.ndustrial integration, as the foundation for the efficient functioning of '
Che country's entire agro-industrial complex. In Che process, special importance '
is being attached to improvi.ng the economic mechanism for controlling agriculture
and the agro-industrial complex on the whole.
Based upon fulfillment of the decisions hand'ed down by the Communist Party, buth
agriculture and the enCire agro-industrial complex are being developed successfully
in the Batonian SSR. In 1975, the gross output of the complex increased by a
factor of 2.5 compared to 1965 and in 1980 it will increase by another 27 percent
and reach 2.52 billion rubles. At the preaent time, there are less than 100,000
individuals or 7.1 percent af the republic's population carrying out work at
highly mechanized and large-acale agricultural enterpri,ses (sovkhozes and kolkhozes). ,
Each year the sovkhozea and kolkhozes produce and sell to the state, for every
agricultural worker, an average of 11 tons of milk, 2.3 tons of ineat, more than
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3,000 eggs, almost 13 tons of grain, 12 tone of potatoes and 0.6 tans of vegetablea.
' The plans for 1980 called for the following products to be produced, per capita, in
the Estonian SSR: 1 ton of grain, 1 ton of potatoea, 1 ton of milk, more than 200
kilograma of ineat and roughly 400 egga. The Tenth Five-Year Plan called for an
increase in the average annual volwne of aSricultural output, compared to the
previous five-year plan, of 17 percent, milk 20.1, livestock and poultry 30.8
and eggs an increase of 20.2 percent. In 1975, the profitability of commodity
production at sovkhozes was 42.6 percent and at kolkhozss 4305 percent. In
1978, the efficiency of agricultural production decreased as a result of poor
weather conditiona. In 1979, the profitability at sovkhozes fell to 21.5 percent
and at kolkhozes to 21 percent.
Growth in logistical resources, without whiCh intense and efficient agricultural
production is impossible, is achieved by means of aystematic increases in
investmenta in the particular aphere. More than 1 billion rubles, or 30 percent
more than during the Eighth Five-Year Plan, were a2located for developing the
logistical base for agriculture during the Ninth Five-Year Plan in the Estonian
SSR and the funds for this purpose will be increased by 10 percent during the Tenth
Five-Year Plan. During 1979 and compared to the previous year, the value of the
fixed production capital increased by 7 percent and the power engineering
capabilities by 7.1 percent.
In carrying out the production program during the Tenth Five-Year Plan, the increase
in logistical resources was less than that for the Ninth Five-Year Plan. Thus,
special attention was devoted to strengthening cost accounting and raising the
responsibility of the farms for the utilixation of the material and financial
resources allocated to a$riculture. Further improvements are taking place in the
use of material resources in agriculture with each passing year and yet we are still
encountering incidents wherein the farma are acquiring technical equipment which is
in short supply, without sufficient juatification, and they are using such equipment
in an inefficient manner. Thus, during 2979, the output for one conventional -
tractor on farms throughout the ;epublic fluctuated from 551 to 1,965 hectarss
(average output for the republic 1,222 hectares). ~
Iinprovements in the intensity and efficiency of agricultural production are greatly
dependent upon measures aimed at improving control over the economies of the
agriculCural enterprises and upon the akilful use of the economic stimuli and
levera cost accounting, profit, prices, bonuses, credit. In the process, apecial
importance ia attached to improving the system of price formation for agricultural
output and for the industrial producta consumed by agriculture and also to the
aervices provided for agriculture.
~ The measures undertaken for the purpose of improving and intensifying control over.
agricultural economics (introduction of monetary wages at kolkhozes commencing in
1960, the converaion of sovkhozes over to complete coat accounting in 1967, the
introduction of new principles for issuing material incentives for agricultural
labor froa~ ~ sLngle source material incentive fund commencing in 1971 and so
forth) promoted an acceleration in the rates of growth for gross and commodity
output and also for labor productivity in agriculture. However, during the past
few years the produ~tion costs for agriculture have risen steadily and this is
adversely affecting the economies of the farms. Periodic increases in the
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procurement prices (the last occurring on 1 January 1979) for individual products,
with no improvements being carried out in price formation on the whole, preclude
the possibility of noxmal conditiona existing on individua.l farms for expanded
reproduction.
Price formation muat be based upon a systematic appraach and promote the
satablishment of interrelationahips and interdependencies between the procurement,
Wholesale and wholesale factory prices for goods and the rates for providing
services for agriculture and it must correctly reflect the degree of participation '
of industry and other branches in raising the efficiency of agriculture and the
APK [agro-industrial complex] on the whole. Under the existing system of price
formation, agriculture is a low profitability branch of material production. Thus,
in 1979 the profitability of agricultural enterprises with regard to production
capital in the republic was 5.6 percent and with regard to production costs 21.5
percent; for 1978, the figures were 5.8 and 22.4 percent respectively. At the same
time, the profitability of enterpriaes of the Trtinistry of the Meat and Dairy
_ Zndustry and Goskomsel'khoztekhnika, with regard to the value of the fixed production
capital, amounted to 40 and 12.8 percent reapectively.
Tha great ma.jorit,y of kolkhozes and sovkhozes (50-65 percent) operate under worse ;
production conditions owing to insu�ficient savings and they utilize their ;
production potential to only a minor degree. At the beginning of 1979, the ~
xepublic's agricultural enterprises had a monetary surplus amounting to 63.7 million ~
rubles and by the beginning of 1980 this surplus had decr~ased to 51.5 million
rubles and was to be found mainly on tha accounta of highly profitable farms. At
the same time, surplus indebtedness in terms of Gosbank credit for production
requirements amounted to 84.6 million rublea (in 1979 47 million rubles) and for
capital investments 159.0 million rubles (in 1979 160 million ~ubles),that ~.s,
the indebtedness to Gosbank caapared to the previous year had increased on the
average by 18 percent and at economically weak farms by a factor of 1.5-3. Thus,
the proportion of credit is gradually increasing in the production turnover of
agricultural enterprises. We are of the opinion that in order to strengthen cost
accounting in capital inveatmants for expanding production, the proportion of
internal �inancing sources must be increased. However, during the Tenth Five-Year
Plan, this proportion of investmenta fell to 74 percent compared to 81 percent
during tha Ninth Five-Year Plan.
Budgetary appropriations for agricu~.ture, for measures carried out by non-
agricultural enterprisea (land reclamation, zoological and veterinary services and
so forth) are increasing at a rapid rate. During the 1965-1977 period, investments
for this purpose incxeased on~�.the vhole throughout the country by a factor of 3.8
(more than 10 percent of the overall total of financial resources used in
agric~:.lture). In the Estonian SSR, budgetary financing for land reclamation work
_ alone amounted to more than 450 million rubles during the 1966-1975 period and
during 4 years of the Tenth Five-Year Plan almost 250 million rubles have already
been expended for this purpose. As a result, the proportion of reclaimed land
from areas processed throughout the republic exceeded 50 percent and this, coupled
with improvaments in the agricultural practicea, is providing comparatively high
yields foz� the agricultural crops (the highest grain crop yield 31 quintals per
hectare was actiie'ved in 1976; in 1979, it amounted to 24.6 quintals per hectare).
However, the landa reclaimed at state expenae are qui~e often utilized incorrectly
i -
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and inefficiently by many farma. Thus, in order to raise the responsibility of the
agricultural enterprises, their participation is required in the financing ~f the
land rec lamation work .
In the interest of creating favorable conditions for agricultural development, the
state uses budgetary funds for covering a portion of the expenses of sovkhozes and
kolkhozea for acquiring industrially produced products. Machines, tractors, metal,
�uel, mineral fertilizers, equipment and other production resources are sold to
the agricultural enterprises at favorable prices. With further expansion and
intensification of agricultural productian, the budgetary expenditures for these
purposes increase and this weakens the effectiveness of cost accounting stimuli
both in agriculture and in industry. We are of the opinion that in the future a -
gradual convezsion must be carried out from direct budgetary financing over to more
camplete self-aupport by the agricultural enterprises, with the appropriate
expenditures being included in [he procurement price.
In addition, the budget participates actively in the formaCion of the final product
of the APR. Large sums in the form of the differerice in prices for milk, meat and
other agricultural products are paid out of the budget to *_he industrial enterprisQs
which process the agricultural products and to the trade organizations. In the case
of conetant retail prices, a subaidy is employed hera for conaumption and not for
production.
In recent yeara, the state budgetary outlays for directly financing the development
of production dt agricultural enterprisea throughout the republic have remained at
the level of 30 million rubles annually. The existing syatem for financing capital ;
investments ia fraught wi.th a number of shortcomings, which preclude the possibility
of making complete use of the stimulating effect of the financing-credit mechanism
for raising the effectiveness of these investments. For example, in organizing the
financing of state agricultural enterprises, clear and economically sound
limitations between the individual sources for financing expanded reproduction
8T.�. lackir.g. ~1115 ~~:L' CE'c?~ iuVCyuuCtll 30L3!'^_�3 ti~9 dei.~c~~~:.c.~C~ ilGi, t'i`~ tj?~.'
financial potential ~f the enterprises, but rather by deciding whether or not the
abjects of the investments are to be financed by means of the budget. For the
conatruction of livestock husbandry complexes, dwellings and cultural-domestic
- installations, the budgetary appropriations are made available for the most� part '
regardless of whether or not the farms have their own resources for the stated
purposes or the amounts of such resources. This lowers the stimulating value of
profit in the development of production, since the obtaining of budgetary funds
is not associated with the internal financial resources of enterprises and is not
dependent upon the results of their economic activity. Under difficult conditions,
budgetary funde can be presented not only to low-pDOfit but also to high-income
farcns .
At the present time, budgetary and credit financing of the planned volumes of
capital investments, in the presence o� a deficit of internal funds for the stated
purposes, is not associated with the actual profitability of the enterprises. This
' leads to a situation wherein the centralized and irreversible budg~stary funds for
capital investments are often allocated to profitable enterprises and credits to
low-profit or unprofitable enterprisea. Measures undertaken to improve the
economies of a$ricultural enterprisea have still not bxought about an equalization
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of the conditions for reproduction among them. In a computation for 100 hectares
of agricultural land, economically strong farms employ capital investments in
considerably greater amounts t~an enterprises having insufficient fixed capital and
included on the list of low-pro�it enterprises. Thus, whereas at the end of 1979
the republic's agricultural enterprises poasessed on the average 21,700 rublea
worth of fixed capital per 100 hectares of cultivated land, the econamicslly strong
farms (poultry and hog raising farms) 60,000 rublea worth, ~nd economically
backward fa~s (mainly livestock raising and vegetable raising farms) from 11,300
to 14,000 rubles worth of fixed capital. At the same time, the differences between
the agricultural enterprises in the level of deveiopment of the logistical base are
not only continuing, but in fact they are gradually becoming greater.
AC the present time, the coefficient of variation in the equipping of the republic's
_ farms with fixed production capital amounta to more than 40 percent, labor
reaourc$s 44, profit per hectare of cultivated land 82 percent and so forth.
In 1979, 10 percent of the aovkhozes operated at a loss or had zero results, 70
percent had pr~fitabilities of less than 25 percent and only 20 percent of the
aoakhozes had profitabilities which exceeded 25 percent. Moreover, during the
Ninth Five-Year Plan the coefficients of variation increased by 8 percent for
equipment availability, 5 percent for the availability of labor resources and 14
percent for profit. At the present time, differences are being observed in the ,
conditions of management for the sovkhozes and kolkhozes. For example, the profit ~
norm per hectare of cultivated land at sovkhozes fluctuates from 13 to 1,045 rubles ~
and at kolkhozes from 43 to 506 rubles.
In arder to prevent greater differentiation in the economic status of enterprises
and in the interest of smoothing aut the conditions far agricultural production, we
are of the opinion that a conversion shauld ideally be made over to the normative
methods for planning capital investments, methods which call for a definite level
of equipment availability with thE: aid of the budget and beyond the 'oudget using
internal resources and bank credit. The noranative indicator should be introduced
into the long-range plans for farm development and the volumes of capital investments
should be distributed among the farma in conformity with it.
At the present time, owing to irregula:.ities in the system of intra-branch re-
diatribution, a considerable portion of the financial resources of high-profit
farms (several tens of millions of rubles) is not being utilized. These funds are
the resources of Gosbank for issuing credit for the national economy.
+ Experience has shown that the more complicated the conditions of raan~gement, the
stronger the effect on thes~ conditions of unfavorable weather factors. However,
in the case of an excessive diapersion of capital investments, their effectiveness
- decreases even at econonically strong f~rms. We are o� the opinion that it is most
advisable to carry out investments at economically backward farms, sinc~: more
unused reserves are available here �or raising production efficiency.
Since the procurement prices are oriented towards average-zonal production
conditions and ensure normal cost accounting stimuli for 20-30 percent of the farms
in the Estonian SSR, then the majority of those kolkhozes and sovkhozes which
operate under objectively worse cos~ditions are employing their production potential
in a weak manner, owing to an insuffi,ciency of internal rasources and stimuli and
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limited budgetary financing. This leads to a slow-down in the rates of development
for the branch and insufficient support for the population in terms of food
products and for industry in raw materials. The procurement prices must ensure
norcnal cost accounting stimuli for a ma,jority of the farms and those economically
strong enterprises which operate under objectively better conditions must, on a
normative basis, contribute a portion of their additional profits to the budget in
the form of payments. A source for covering the production costs of those farms
operating under worse conditions could be the net incane created at all
technological stages in the production and processing of agricultural products (in
1977, the total amount of.' net income from the production and processing of
agricultural products amounted to 61.1 billion rubles, including profit 20.9
billion rubles and turnover tax 40.2 billion rubles).
An important reserve for accelerating the rates of growth for agricultural
efficiency is that of improving the structure of investments in the key branches of
the agro-industrial complex. The development of those branches of industry which
supply agriculture with mechanization equipment should ideally be accelerated,
since agriculture throughout the republic is still not being suppZied adequately
with the machines and mechanisms required for the complex mechanization of all
production processes and this is forcing the enterprises into producing the
required machines and units themselves using primitive methods.
Under the conditions imposed by agro-indus~rial integration, great importance is
attached to achieving a combination of branch and territorial principles for
organizing and controlling the economic syatem. During the 25th CPSU Congress, �
L.I. Brezhnev noted that in addition to complex mechanization, the use of che!nical
processes and land reclaznati~n, the principal tasks associated with agricultural
development include further specializatian and concentration of production based
upon intensified interenterprise cooperation. The harmonious development of the
agro-industrial complex is dependent to a considerable degree upon these tasks
being solved.
Those enterprises created on the basis of specialization, concentration and agro-
industrial integration aze producing high production results. Thus, at an
experimental hog raising combine of the model-demonstration Sovkhoz Technical
School imeni Yu. Gagarin (a completed production cycle and a capability for 5,400
tons of pork annually), where the production processes are fully mechanized, the
direct labor expenditures per quintal of weight increase in the hogs during 1979
amounted to 4.2 man-hours, whereas the average ind~cator for the republic, for the
same peY~iod of time, was greater by a factor of 2.1. Or, for example, the direct
labor expenditures for the production of 1 quintal of milk in 1979 at a completely
mechanized dairy farm (for 1,100 cows) of the Laatre Sovkhoz in Valgaskiy Rayon
amounted to 2.2 man-houra (lesa by a factor of two than the average for kolkhozes
and sovkhozes throughout the republic). The profitability for milk production at
the large "Laatre" farm was 55 percent. Thia exceeded the average profitability
for farms throughout the republic by a factor of more than two. In additio~}, the
development of industrial methods enaures a stable prociuction rhythm.
The extensive developmenC of cooperation is opening up new opportunities for the
concentration of resourcea an~l production and for raising the level of irs
collectivization. In the production associations foxmed on a cooperativa basis,
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the prerequisites are being created for the industrial reorganization of all
agricultural b;;anches and, even more important, it will be possible here to take
into account the urgent requirements of the economic mechanism, to overcome the
limitationa placed upon the isolated cost accounting of kolkhozes and sovkhozea and
to weaken the conflict between the centralization and decentralization of economic
interests.
An administrative rayon is a basic and common production, social and administrative '
complex in which the agricultaral and aervice enterprises and party and soviet
organs of control function in close contact with one another as they solve cammon
tasics: produce the final psoducts with minimal expenditures, ensure balanced
economic and social development for the given territory. The rayon agricultural
administrationa coordinate to a definite degree the work being carried out on their -
territories by agricultural enterprises, but not those enterprises which provide
services for agriculture or process its output. Many isolated agricultural
enterpriaes and especially enterpriaes which provide servicea for agriculture are
- subordinate to other enterprises. The rayon agricultural administrations do not
have their own resources for exerting an economic influence on the reproduction
processes and they bear no economic responsibility for thoir own actions; the "
material interest of their workers in the final results oc their activity is
considerably lesa than that of farm workers. Thus, thei.r potential for exercising i_
acientific and planned coatrol over the production, social and economic processes
ia limited.
The exiating system of cost accounting in the primary echelon of control is
concerned only with the expanded reproduction of individual sovkhozes and kolkhozes
and does not call for the maintenance of proportionality or balance in the _
pxoduction, economic and social growth factors for a rayon or the republic as a _
whole. The development of production forces and technical-social contacts is
stimulated more completely and purpoaefully only if the efforts and resources of
~ individual farms are combined through the use of cost accounting for territorial-
branch formations. In the RAPO's [rayon agro-industrial association] created ~.n
the Vil'yandinskiy and Pyarnuskfy rayons of 8stonia, these funrtions are being
carried out successfully by centralized funds, which simultaneously serve as
economic levers for i.nfluencing reproduction and social development. The
differentiation in the contributions baing made by the farms to the centralized
funds, based upon taking into account the conditions of management, signifies to a ~
definite degree a leveling off of these conditions. The centralization of financial
resources for carrying out produ~tion specialization and concentration and for
improving the cultural-domestic conditions of associaCion workers is also impartant
from the standpoint of drawing the two forms of ownership closer Logether.
Experience in the oneration of the Vil'yandinskiy Rayon agro-industrial association
reveals *hat this form of control over agriculture is effective. It promotes
agricultural development at an accelerated tempo, it ensures production
concentration and specialization and modernization of the logistical base and it
- promotes Che rapid introduction of modern sc{entific achievements and leading _
experience and further development of the territorial and branch principle of
control. Under the conditions found in our republi.c, a st~te-coonerative, agro-
industrial production association ensures a constant intensification of production,
the efficient use of state resources and successful solutions for the problems of
social development i.n the rural areas.
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During the 1976-1979 period, the average annual production of grain in Vil'yandinakiy
Rayon was 14,000 tons, potatoes 21,300 tons, milk 95,100 tons, meat 21,700
tons and eggs 10.5 million. Compared to the average annual production figures
for the NinCh Five-Ysar Plan, the figure for milk was higher by 29 percent and that
for meat higher by 39 percent. There are 11,500 individua.ls engaged in
agricultural production and 95,000 hectares of land are being cultivated. The
indicators for the ef�ectiveness of Vil'yandinskiy Rayon in terms of agriculture
surpass the average indicatora for the republic as a whole. The Pyarnuskiy Rayon
agro-industrial association, organized in 1979, has 81so displayed advantages in the
carrying out of the principal types of agricultural work (sowing, harvesting, feed
procurement and so forth). In 1980 an~i compared to 1979, milk production increased
by more than 10 percent, meat by 10 percent; these figures were higher than the
average rates of growth for Che republic.
Compared to a rayon agricultural administration, a RAPO has great opportunities at
its disposal for utilizing economic levers for developing production in the rayons.
; Four centralized funds provide the material base for this: production development
fund, fund for social-cultural measures and housing consCruction, material
' incentives fund and mutual assiatance fund. All of the kolkhozes and enterFrises
subordinate to an association participate in the creation of the funds and the norms
for contributions to the funds are differentiated based upon objective conditions of
management. The volume of the funds, the basis for their creation and also an
estimate of their use are approved by the associations council. In 1979, the
centralized funds amounted to S percent of the farm profits. In the future, the
, centralization of funds will increase to 10-15 percent of the profits of all farms
, in the rayon. This ensures the financing of all common undertakings. At the same
, time, sufficient funds will remain at the disposal of the farms for developing
; production using their own resources. The plans call for all rayons throughout
: the republic to convert over to this form of economic control.
The territorial-branch principle of agricultural control, based upon cost accounting
' at the rayon level, must be organically caubined with the branch and inter-branch
, principles of control and at the republic level. Thus, we are of the opinion that
! in the future and throughout the republic, in addition to rayon interenterprise
coat accounting associationa, work will also be performed by ministries, canmittees
and associations organized according to the branch principle {for example, '
Goskomael'khoztekhnika, Estpishcheprom, Estkolkhozstroy and so forth).
In the future, as the logistical foundation for improving economic relationships
throughout the republic is created, the formation of a republic agro-induatrial
association will become possible. It could include agricultural type ministries,
industrial branches associated with the production of goods for agriculture, branches
which process agricultural output and procurement, trade-marketing, supply, motor
tranaport and other organizations which provide services for agriculture. The
ministries and departments may fully retain their function as state branch organs of
control and at the same time remain directly subordinate to the organ that controls
the republic agro-industrial association.
In view of the fact that great differences exist in the profitabilities of
individual farms owing to the fact that the results of their activities are
influenced by objective factors the payments into the budget by highly profitable
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sovkhozes and kolkhozes which operate ur.der the best management conditions should
ideally be increased, while farms which aperate under the worst of conditions
have profftabilities lower than the opti~num level, that is, less than 30 percent
of the production coats and 12 percenC of th.e production funds should be
released entirely from having to make payments into the budget.
The existing economic mechanisw engenders unjustified differences between the
sovkhozes and kolkhozes in connection with the sourcea for~establishing the funds
for expanded reproduction, in the distribution of income, in the principles for
establishing production costs and the wa.ge fund, in the forms for making payments
into the budget and in aocial aec~~riCy and insurance for kolkhoa members. These
differencea confront the sovkhozes and kolkhozes with unequal socio-economic
conditions and this limits the opportunities for the planned utilization of materiaZ
and labor resources in agriculture. We are of the ppinion that a gradual conversion
ahould ideally be carried out over to a single economic mechanism for controlling
the kolkhozes and sovkhozes.
J We believe that the system now in use at kolkhozes for making payments into the
budget sbould be standardized and placed in use at sovluhozes. In the interest of
, bringing the profit and net income distribution sy$tem at kolkhozes and aovkhozes
closer together, a system of issuing bonuses to all workers from a single source
material incentives fund should be introduced, with money being added to this
fund depending upon the increase in gross output volume compared to the level
achieved during the preceeding 3 years and upon the total amount of savings realized _
in production expenditures, computed per ruble of gross output.
In order to place the farms and associations under equal conditions with regard to
the logistical support for production programs, the st~te plans should ideally be
developed based upon normati~res, limits, indicators and norms for material and
labor expenditures, as approved by USSR Gosplan. Moreover, one group of indicators
established on a centralized basis defines what the farms and associations must
place at the disposal of the national economy (grain, meat, milk, vegetables and so
forth) and the other group.~-- what the state muet place at the disposal of the farm
or association (credit, volume of fixed capital, raw materials limits and so forth).
The realization of a complex of ineasurea aimed at improving control over
agriculture will ensure improvements in our Soviet economy and it will make it
possible to achieve new successes in communist construction. During thz 25th
party congress, L.I. Brezhnev emphasized that "The Central Committee opposes rash
and hasty reorganiaations of administrative structures or of existing methods of
management. Look before you leap, as the saying goes, and try something out eight
or even ten times before finally putting it to use. But if you have already tried
it out and if you are aware thaC the conatantly developing national economy is
restricted within the framework of the existing economic mechanism, then the latter
must be improved in a decisive manner.
COPYRIGHT: Izdatel'stvo "Pravda "Voprosy Ekonomiki", 1980
7026
CSO: 1800
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REGIONAL
RESULTS ON CONFERENCE ON SOVIET UIGHtTR STUDIES REPORTED
MoscoFr SOVETSKAYA t~TNOGRaFIYA in Russian No 6~ 1980 pp 143-147
~Article by A. M. Reshetov: "Scholarly Eonference on Topical ~'roblems in Soviet
Uighur Studies'J
jTextJ Un 29--31 Nlay 1979 the I'irst Republic-Level Scholarly Uighur Studies Con--
ference F~as held in tt:~ city of Alma-Ata, the capital of the Kazakh SSR. It was
entitled "Topical r~oblems in Soviet Uighur Studies" and ~ras organized by the I're- _
sidium of the Kazakh S5~ Aca.demy of Sciences and the Uighur Studies Section of the
Institute of Linguistics of the Kaza.kh SSR Academy of Sciences. This was the first
time that such an extensive, representative forum had gathered together, uniting
- all the Uighur scholars in our country. Taking part in the work of this conference
were scholaxs from I+Ioscow, Leningrad~ Alma-Ata~ Tashkent, Frunze, ivovosibirsk, and
other cities in our country. 'I~ao plenary sessions were held (they heard five re-
ports), and three sections were in operation; linguistics, literary and artistic
- studies, history and ethnography (67 reports and communications were read).
The conference was opened by the Vice-President of the Kazakh SaR Academy of Scien-
ces, academician of the Kazakh SSR Academy of Sciences B. a. Tulepbayev. First to
speak at the plenary session was N. A. Baskakov (Moscow) with his report, "Princi-
pal I~iilestones in the llevelopment of Uighur 5tudies." Soviet Uighur studies~ he
noted~ have taken shape as a complex discipline, encompassing problems in the study
of,~the language, folklore, literature~ national culture~ history, and ethnography
of the Uighur people. Prior to the Great October Socialist Revolution the efforts
. of many scholaxs ha.d created the foundation of scholarly Uighur studies. A large
role in the develo~anent of Pre-i~evolutionary as well as Soviet Uighur studies r~as
played by corresponding member of the USSR Academy of Sciences E. P9alov--the pi-
oneer in conducting field studies of the Uighur language~ culture, and everyday
life, the author of numerous basic works which remain to the present day of very
; great importance for Uighur studies and for Turkology in general.
The rapporteur distinguished four periods in the development of Uighur studies af-
ter the Great October Revolution: t~ro pre-war--the 1920's and i93o's; and the tt�To
post-war the_1940's--1950's and the 19~'s--197o's. Each period is characterized
by specific achievements in the stud.y of the language~ literature, and history of
the Uighurs. P1. ~1. Baska,kov considers the following tasks to be particularly ur-
gent for Soviet Uighurology: publication of a scholarly normative grammax of the
modern Uighur language; compiling a dialect atlas and an interpretive dictionary;
creation of a general r~ork on the history of Uighur literature; publication of the
' classics of Uighur literature; collecting~ publishing~ and researching al]. genres
~
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rvin vrrtwnaJ v.~.-. v,�.~=
~I of Uighur folklore; the creation of a general and ba.sic history of the Uighur
people, and the study of the problems of the national liberation movement in East-
ern Turkestan.~' -
A joint report by E. V. Nadzhip (Moscow}, A. T. Kaydarnv, and G. S. Sadvakasov
(Alma-~.ta), "Uig~ur Lingu~.stics in t:~e USSR at the Present Sta.ge: Results and Frob-
lems" emphasi~ed that during the Soviet period there has been a precipitous deve-
lopment of Turkological scholaxship in general and Uighur studies in paxticular. _
This report stated that important scholaxly and tactical problems were solved in
connection with the daily needs ~~f the Soviet Uighurs' cultural life: the creation
of a~-rriting system, a determinati.~n of the status of the literary language~ a
study of the living speech and lin~iistic categories and so forth. As topical `
problems of Uighur lingizistics the ~apporteurs assigned. top priority to studies in
~he his~ory, grammatical structure~ phonetics~ dialectology, lexicography, and lexi- ~
cology of the Uighur language.
N. Aliyeva, K. Tokhtamov (Alma-Ata), and U. ~iamatakhunov (Tashken~~ presented a ~
report entitled "The Flourisning of Ziterature and Art of the Soviet Uighurs." It _
noted that under the conditions of the socialist system Soviet liighurs have ac-
quired extensive possibilities to develop their own culture. The opening of ~
schools and the publication of newspapers and journals in their native Ianguage i
created favorable opportunities for the fozmation of Uighur Soviet literature and ~
art. All literaxy genres have developed intensively and hasmoniously, while the ~
professional skills of Uighur literary figures have also increased. Sections of
Uighur literature have now beer~ organized within the writers' unions of Kazakhstan
and Uzbekistan. -
The achievements of Soviet scholars in historical ethnographic reseaxch on the
Uig~urs was the subject of a rer,ort by G. N. Iskhakov (tilma-Ata), S. G. Klyashtor-
nyy, and A.P~. Reshetov (Leningrad). It noted. the great importance of analyzing
Uighur documents as a source for the re-creation of the socioeconomic, political,
and paxtly the cultural life of the Uighurs in ancient times and during the i4iddle
Ages. This report characterized the achievements in working out the problems
of the modern and most recent history of the Uighurs, with paxticular regard to '
their struggle against the policy of forced. assimilation and the feudal yoke of the
Chinese exploiters. F~'urthermore, the rapporteurs indicated. the successes of Soviet '
ethnographers in studying the ethnocultural development of the Uighur people within
the socialist society. In recent years a joint study of the traditional and con-
temporary daily life ~.nd culture has been conducted by the Institute of ~thnography _
of' the USSR Academy o.f Sciences and the Uighur Studies Section of the Institute of
Linguistics of the Kazakh 5SR Aca.demy of Science~. There have been concrete
achievements in the anthropological study of the Uighuxs. '
Approximately 20 reports were delivered in the Lingvistics Section. It began its
work with a report by one of the oldest Soviet Turkologists, Ye. I. Ubryatova (Iv'ovo-
- sibirskj, "Traces of the Uighur Language in the Turkic Languages of Siberia."
Certain problems in the history of the language were also examined in the communi-
cations by 0. Sultan'yayev (Kokchetavj, "On the Tezms for Titles and Ranks, as
~ For more details see: N. A. Baskakov, "Principal ~Iilestones in the Development
of Soviet Uighur Studies," SOV. TYURKOLOGIYA, Baku, i979, No 4, pp 3-9�
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~ EY~countered in the Works of Ch. Valikhanov on Eastern Turkestan," V. MakhpirQv
(Alma-Ata)~ "On Turkic Onomastics, Encountered in the 'Divan lugat-at-turk' of
Makhmud Kashgasskiy," T. T. Talipov (ALna-Ata~, "On the ~uestion of tk~e Tendency -
to Sound the Anlaut in the History of the Uighur J.~a,ngua,ge."
Of undoubted interest for the linguistic study of the languages of the peoples of
_ Kazakhstan a.re the reports by A. Imanbayev and 0. Nakisbekov (Alma-Ata) on the
interaction and mutual influence of the Uighur and Kazakh langua.ges in -'the regions
of contact between the respective peoples on the territory of the republic; Kh. A.
Nas~Crov (Zeninabad) on the place of Tajik-Persian interrelationships in the
- phraseology system of the mod.ern Uighur Zanguage; 0. A. Mizin (Yelabug) on the '
enrichment of the Uighur language under present-day conditions (the appeaxance
of homonyms as a result of linguistic contacts).
The report by I. Trofimov (Osh) dealt with one of the problems connected with
the study of the interaction ~aetw een the Uighur and Russian languages--the pheno-
m enon of palatalization of vowels in Russia.nisms in the modern Uighur language.
~ number of reports were devoted to the grammar of the modern Ui~hur language.
Lively discussions were caused by the reports by A. G. Khamitova (Tashkent),
"Niethods of Expressing Degrees of Comparison in Adjec�~ives in the Iiodern Uighur
Langvage" and that by K. A. Shaxipova (Tashkent), "Affixational Synonyms within
the P7oun System of the Uighur Language."
Pr~blems which have scarcely been stud3ed on the linguistic and ethnographic
levels were examined in the detailed report by I. A. Ismailov (Tashkent), "Study
of the Present-Day Status of the System of Kinship Terms among the Uighurs." The
rapporteur emphasized that the Uighur tenninology makes a precise distinction
between kinship in the proper sense of t,his word.~blood relationshi~ and rela-
tionship by marriage. The overwhelming majority of Uighur kinship terms have a
_ group meaning and encompass a wide circle of persons. The basically classifica-
tional nature of the s3~stem is combined with distinctions made among individua.l
terms, for example, ata, dada--for father, ana~ a~a--for mother, er--for husband,
khatun--for wife~ and so forth. Most of the te~ns distinguish the sex of the _
person being referred to. helatives on the father's side and on the mother's
side are designated by the same te~ns. Nevertheless, the Uighurs lack permanent,
standard terms for certa3n categories of blood relatives and relatives by marriage,
and this poses the question of more profound stuc~y and the re-creation of a deve-
lopmental scheme for the system of blood relationship and relationship by marriage
among the Uighurs.
The communications of R. F. Tarasenko (Moscow) and N. Zaidi (Tashkent) touched.
upon problems connected with the present-day status of the Uighur literaxy lang- .
uage in the Xinjiang-Uighur Autonomous Region of the PRC, and they exposed the
"Great Han" policy o~ the Chinese chauvinists, who axe subjecting the Uighurs to
a forced linguistic assimilation.
The section entitled "Studies in Literature and Art"~heard more than 20 reports.
~ U. Aiamatakhunov's (Tashkent; report, "Certain Probleirs in the Study of Ui~hur
Classical Literature" convincingly demonstrated the topicality of rrork on the
research and popularization of the landmarks of Uighur classical literature. This
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is connected prima.rily with the fact that the Chinese chauvinists in Xinjiang are
conducting a policy rrhich infringes upon the national dignity of tlze Ui~hur people.
The report by S. I~ollaudov (Alma-r~ta; was devoted to the theme o~ patriotism in
the creative work of the 18th-century L'ighur poets. This same theme was developed
in the report by I. Rozybakiyev (Tashkent}, "Reflections of the Liberation Struggle
in the Creative Work of Zunun Kadyr." A. Bakiyev (Tashkent) talked about the nerrly-
discovered Divan by Khirkati, and new information about the 19th-century Uighur
poet Khushkhal Gaxibi was set forth by D. Dzha111ov (Tashkent).
A number of reports examined the problems of thc~ reciprocal ties betrreen Uighur
literature an~1 the literatures of neighboring peoples. Thus, D. Ruziyev (Tashlcent)
devoted his report to the influence of the Ilavoi ~?J tradition o~ the creative rrork
of A. i3lzaxi~ and P. Sabitova (A]sna-Ata~ spoke a~iout the influence of Central tisian
Soviet literatures on Uighur literature. ThF~ report of' ri. Abdra,khmanov (A1ma-Ata,),
"Tradition and Inrovation in Uighur Soviet i'oetry," contained an analysis of the
~ocio-historical prerequisites for the birth and emergence o~ Uigh~xx Soviet poetry;
he elucidated. the predominance of eerta~.n topics and imag.es along with their sub-
sequent development during the Sovie� period. The rapporteur convincingly demon-
stratpd the active influence of the poetry of the country's fraternal peoples,
especially that of the Russian people, on the development of modern Soviet Uighur
poetry. R.i{adyri (Tashkentj~ by using the example of the creative work of the
lea.ding Uighur r.~riters, L. i~utallib, P. Azizi, N. Bosakov, and Z. Sama,di ~ analyzed
the inextricable tie between the national and ~the international in Uighur litera-
ture. ,
- The repox~ by M. Aliyeva (ALna-Ata) examined. the folkloric traditions in Uighur
classical literatiire. ~ro reports were devoted to musical folklore. The report
by A, Khasrimov (Tashkent) spoke about the study of the Uighur 12 mukhammas, while
the report of T. P~. Alibakiyeva (Alma-Ata) dealt with the connection between the
Uighur folk music art and the mukhammas. The pro�essional musical art of the
- Uighurs during the Soviet period was the subject of a report by K. I~'. Kixina
(Alma-Ata); "Modern Times on the Stage of the Uighur Musical-Comedy Theatre" was
- the topic of a communication by A, N. Kadyrov.
The ~roble~a of studying a classical cultural heritage--the ~horld-renowned architec-
tural structures of the I,ing-Uy ("Cave of the Thousand Buddhas")--was the subject
of a report by I. Tukhtiyev (Tashkentj. The cave temples and mor.asteries of East-
ern 'i~.irkestan, Yrhich were created duri;lg the period from the First--Second through
the 5eventh--Eighth centuries, were connected with the Buddh.ism which penetrated
here during the Second--First centuries B.C. from the neighboring western regions.
The i~ing Uy--a haxmonious synthesis of architecture, sculpture, and aainting--con-
st;itutes a valuable source for the study of the culturP and daily life of the an-
cient and medieval peoples of Eastern Turkestan, as well as their ethnic cultural
ties v,ith the nei~hboring peoples.
R. U. :i.a,rimova (Alnia-Hta j talked about the axti~tic form of items made of inetal by
the Uighurs. Serving as material for her repart were the Uighur Collections of
- the Kazakh SSR Museum of Arts.
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I~1ore than 20 reports were listened to at the "History and Ethnography" Section. S.
G. Klyashtornyy (~eningrad} told us about the new discoveries of Ancient Uighur ru-
nic landmarks in Central Asia, rrhile D. D. Vasil' yev (Iroscow ) talked about the cha-
racteristics of the stock of Uighur runic writings in Eastern Turkestan. As D. D.
Vasil'yev demonstra~ed, distinctions can be made among the landmarks of fincient Tur-
kic witing in the manuscript and epigraphic texts from Eastern Turkestan, using va-
rious criteria--folkloric, funetional, and chronological. These landmarYs, wnich,
like a number of others from Mongolia andSouthern Siberia~ are linked with the names
of the members of. Uighur dynasties, have been given in the specialized literature
the designation "lan~maxks oi the Ancient Uighur Period." A systematization of the
_ writing traits and the ensuing analysis of the stock of tirritings has allowed us to
isolate within the region th.ree groups of landmarks, each distinguished from the
others by paleographic chaxacteristics. ~~astery of the historical source of the
� stock of writings of the Ancient Turkic runes will enable us to substantially sup-
plement our information about the internal ethno-linguistic structure of the medi-
- eval Turkic-speaking sta.te fo~nations of Central Asia.
D. I. Tikhonov (Leningrad~ characterized the principal stages of tiighur cultural
development. He :howed convi~cingly that although the ~ing conquest of ~astern
Turkestan in the mid-12th century retaxded, it did not intPrrupt the development of
the uighur culture, which took place in constant contact with the neighboring peo- -
ples. The Great October Socialist c~evolution exerted a vitally creative influenee
~ ~n the subsequen~t development of Uighur culture.
The report by L. F. Potapov (Leningrad) examined ior the first time the problem of
' the olde~t elemen~s in the traditional culture of the modern Turkic-speakin~ ~'~ltay-
Sayan peoples. This rapporteur drew u~on a considerable amount of ethnographic ma-
terial~ written Uighur and Chinese sources from the Ancient Turkic period, linguis-
tic and archeological data, which allowed him to reveal a large stratum of Ancient
Uighur elements, particula~rly in the shamanic beliefs of the Altay-Sayan peoples.
He succeeded not only in establishing parallels but also in demonstrating a com-
plete analogy, for example, between a number of xedding customs~ shama.nic rites~ and
ritual terminolo~y ariong tt~~e Ancier,t U3ghurs and phenomena ~�rhich existed until re-
cent times among the Tuvar.s~ Altays, Shortsi.ans and Khakass. With good ~rounds
the author dates these ancient Uighur elements back to the period of the Uighur
Khanate (9th century), and he demonstrated that they belonged to those groups of
- Ui~hurs wnich were designated as "on uighur" and ='tokuz uighur." It ~~as precisely
these groups of liighurs u:hich constituted a substratum, on the basis af which tr.e
modern-day Turkic-speaking .41~ta.y-Sayan peoples were subsequently formed. ~
reserved `
~ among them to this very day have been such clan and tribal names as "uighur" and
"on uighur." L. I'. :~~otapov's report also represesents considerable interest on the
level of present-da,y studies devoted to the historical, ethnographic, and ethno-
cultural links among the peoples of the USSR and their common cultural heritage.
_ ~'1s the report of I~~. Kutluk~~v (Tashkent~ revealed, the Institute of Eastern Studies
of the Uzbek SSFt has preserved manuscripts and documents in the Uighur and Persian
languages--a valuable source for studying the history of ~'astern Turkestan from the
16th century to the 1860's and its mutual ties with Central tisia. These materials
are helpful, for example, in making more precise certain facts with regard to the
history of the Yarked Khanate, which was formed at the beginning of the 16th cen-
tury and wt~ich lasted almost 170 yeaxs. This khanate facilitated the consolidation
of the Uighur people, the development of its culture~ and the strengthening of its
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pUwe~ %~.nd might. 'i'he manuscripts contain quite a bit of valuable infc>rmation on
the stru~;~;lc~ for power be~;ween the feuda~ factions kno~~:n as tr,e "~lack ~4ountain-
eer." r~r-?d the "White i'lountaineers."
a. I~'. Cux~ovich (t~oscow; presented a report entitled "T'roblems in the fiistory of the
7'eoples of iCinjiang in the Historiography of the ~'RC." He subjected to ~�re11-axgued
criticls~n the present-day "conceptions" of Chinese scholars arho axe attempting to
~~rove that Xinjian~ r:~s always a component part of China. 41ith the aid of such
"constructs" Chinese Maoist propaganda is tryin~ to provide gxounds for the "cor-
rectne�" of tho invasion by the ~ing L~npire at the beginnin~ of the 1~gth century
into the northrrestern regions of Centxal Asia, to glay down the conquest nature of
the pollcy of the Chinese feudal lords, to conceal their bad deeds or. tt~e lands of
the Uighurs~ KaZakhb~ and other non-Chinese peoples, in particulax~ the aln?ost com-
plete phyaical destruction of the Oi�rats. Based on the example of certain worIcs by
conterap~rar,y Chinese authors ( Lu 'Lhen-yu, Gu Yun, Ma Yong ~ and other:~ ) the rappor-
teur sh~wed how �or the benefit of the great-power-chauvinist couxse of` the Beijing
leaders facts axe being ju~gled and 'disto~ted~ and what could conceivaoly oe disad-
vantageous to China is being hushed upi certain posi~ions of present-day Chinese
~cholar:; coiitradict their previous utterances ~ etc . Some historians in ~the .PRC
have crud.ely fal.sified the migration problem, linked with the transfer by Ftussia to
(:hina of the Ili Territory in 1~381, after k~hich a considerable portion of its popu-
- latlon, primarily Uighurs, fled from their t4anchurian-Chinese persecutors out of
Xin~i~.n~ into Kazakhstan and Central Asia.
The report by T.. I. Yusupov (Alnia-Ata;, "The ~ing Conquest of i;astern Turkestan and
Tts Cons~quencea" demonstrated the forced nature of the annexation of Altysha.r by
China in 1?59. This rapporteur distinguished the following factors which ~~~ere of _
help wi th rdgaxd. to the rapid and easy conquest of Lastern 1'urkesta.n by ~;ing China:
the �eudal :fractianation and extreme axacerbation of the intexnal political strug-
gle bQt~reet~ tYle "White Niountaineer" and ".Black riour.taineer" khodjas (~~rhich led to
the country's exhausi;ion and de facto spllt-up into tjao irreconcilable carn~s;, tihe
stren~thening of China's position in Khakha and Dzhungaxia after the defeat of the
ant~.-~ing uprlsing of '~rinco Tsengun'zhab lihotogoyakiy and the suppr~~sion af the
~.:lbexa.tlon rebellion of the Oirats headed up by Amux~s~xia (1756--1757; , a~ ~~ell a,s
a favor~,ble international situation~ etc. -
.1, Kad,yrY~ayev (A7ma-Ata) rea.~. a communicatlon, "On the (;ultural :~ole of the Ui~hurs
in the ~uan [~.Yaplre. 12th--l~~th Centuries (�ccording to Chinese Sources)." Uuring
the Yuan period the Ulghurs~ who became part of the privileged "semu" ("sezhan
class~ playecl~ in the rapporteur's words~ a significant role in various sectors of
thE coun~try'a 7.ife. In essence~ they, along with the i+iongols, became a part of the
_ po'ly-ethnic ruling class. The Mongols did not have sufficient experience to go-
vern such an enormous empire, and, since they did not entirely trust the Cr~inese
~ rer~onnel sta�fs in th~mmeelves, they drew the Uighurs into paxticipatin~ in lead- -
ing the country and its spiritual life. In the last period (1295--~�36'S; of ~he dy-
nasty'~ rule alone the ChinesE sources mention 4~ Uighur scholars and members of _
the Hanlin Academy; of these 26 had the higher academic ciegree of 'i,L nshi. 'fhe Ui-
ghurF tran~lated the S~~oz'ks of Bud.dhist literature into Mongolia.n and Chinese~ they
took part in working out state acts, served as officials at the emperor's court,
and eo forth.
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The report by 0. V. Zotov (tiioscowj was devoted to an analysis of the relations be-
trreen the two ICashgarian cities of Komul and Turfan during the period of the 14~th--
16th centuries in ~iing China. These neutral city-states were located between the
- Chagatay Ulus ~tribal axeaJ and the Yuan Dnpire. In the rapporteur's opinion~ Ko-
mul remained during this pe.riod an independent clty-state~ whose population~ Ui-
ghurs, professed both Islam and Buddhism. Although the sources contain informa-
tion about Komul's bringing tribute to the Mings~ this still does not speak in fa-
vor of that point of view which sees this Uighur state as subordinate to China,
_ since this "tribute" constituted, as Sov~et Sinologists have established~ a form of
exchange trade. IComul always leaned toward 't~~rf'an, and China did not succeed in
making Komul's Eucldhist rulers their allies. With the tranfer of power to Nluslirns,
the Chinese after ~513 completely abandoned i;heir attempts to maintain even the
semblance of a political alliance with Komul,
In the report by I. i~axynbayev (Frunze) an attempt was ma,de to analyze the prob-
- lem of the development of Uighur progressivE social-philosophical thought during
the second half of the 19th century.
T. K. Beysembiyev (Alma-Ata) devoted 'nis presentation to infozmation about the
"Ta'rkhi-i ahakhrukhi" about Eastern ~rkestan. This work~ the official court
chronicle of the rulers of Kokand from the beginning of the luth century to the
1~70's, enables us to refine a number of ~uestions dealing rritn the history of Eas-
tern Turkestan and to trace certain problems of inter-ethnic relations betheen the
- peoples living in this region.
The report by V. S. Kuznetsov (TMloscow~ examined in detail the question of the con-
tribution ma,d.e by P,ussian scholars to the study of the Uighurs' material culture.
This problem, stated the rapporteur, is particularly top~cal noti: in connection with
the fact that in present-day Western and, moreover~ in Chinese historiography, at-
tempts are being made to hush up or to belittle the contributions made by Russian ~
scholarship to the study of the civilization of the Central tisian peoples, espe-
cially that of Uighur cul.tur�~. :~ievertheless, it ~ras in 1379 that one of the ~enu-
ineiy first discoverers of this region's antiquities, the Russian natuxalist
Regel'~ not only discovered in the 'i'urfan oasis the ruins of the city of Khodzho,
tne former capital of the liigr.ur sta~e but also asserted"the theoretically impor=
tant opinion concerning the presence in i'urfan of an original culture (architecture
and building,, created by ~he native peoples. The Western Luropean researchers
~tein, ~i. Von Le Y.ok, and ~thers were already only followers of Regel'. This
report spoke about the enormous contribut~on which was made to the multi-faceted
study of t:ie landnaxks of the material ~ulture of Kashgasia proper by A. F. Petrov-
skiy, whose name is linxed ti~ith the investigation of such la.nclmarks as Khan-uy and
Uchma-t~avan. His conclusions about the independent centers of Uighur crafts com-
pelled reseaxchers to ta'r.e a critical approach to the previously existing, one-
sided representation of China as th~ "world's workshop," supplying its neighbors
with ha.nciicra.ft itens. This report characterized the activity of scholars who fa-
cilitated the eradication of false ideas about the supposedly primitive nature of
a.~rieulture and handicra:~�ts among the Jighurs. These included G. Ye. Grum-Grzhi-
m~,ylo, ~rho described in detail the hydraulic engineering structures among the Ui-
ghurs, in particular~ the kyaxiza ~?J, as well as B. L. Grombchevskiy~ who gathered
, material ~.bout nephxite handicrafts among the Uignurs of Yarkend and Khatan. Thus~
the efforts of Russian scholars lec"t to the reading for the first time of the vivid
pages of the multi-century history of the material culture of the peoples of "
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Eastern Tu~kestan~ including the Uighurs.
M. Kabirov (Alma-~ta~ talked. abc~ut the progressive importance of resettling the
Ili Uighurs in 5emirach'ye~ D. Isiyev (Alma-Ata)--about Uighur paxticip~.tion in the
Great Patriotic Was, and Ni. I. Yerzin (Alma-Ata)--on the emergence and development
of the Uighur Soviet press.
The communication by T�:. D. Savurov (Tashkent) examined the question of inter-nation-
al marriages among Uighurs in the Uzbek SSR (based on examples at the I:in Penkhva
Kolkhoz in Tashkentskaya Oblast). According to the estimated data, for the period
from ~968 through 1979 the proportion of mixed marriages amounted to approxima:tely
10 percent. They axe entered upon primarily by Ui~hur men, who marry Uzbek t,romen.
A repoxt on the topic "Cultural-Historical and ~,thnographical Factors in the Dis-
semination of Garden Plants" yras read by S. Yu. Turdiyev (Alma-Ata;. Drawing upon
a laxge amount of factual material based on the teachings of rr. I. Vavilov about the
centers of origin of cultivated plants, the rapporteur demonstrated the Jighur con-
tribution to the develo~xnent of gardening and the dissemination of garden ~lants in
_ Eastern Turkestan. ~
.~kimbek (alma-c~ta; talked about the ethnograpr.ic Uighur collection i�rhich he had
assembled, and he demonstrated individual itens from this collection. This report
Fras accompanied by the showing of a motion-picture about Uigkiur folk workshops.
At the conference's concluding plenary session a report was delivered by T. ~Z. Ra-
khimov (Noscow~ concerning the present-day status in the Xinjiang-Lighur tlutonomous
Region of the PRC.
~:t the sessions of the various sec~;ions lively discussions took place concerning
the reports .~hich :�~ere hEard. This conference evoked great interest among th~ Ui-
ghur public: delegations arrived from the princ~.pal regions of the most compact iii- -
ghur population. The plenary sessions were attended by as many as 500 guests. The
conference participants visited Uighur villa.ges, attended concerts by Ui~hur amateur
perfonners, as well as a shorr by the Uighur Musical Comedy Theater.
' The conference demonstrated the high level of development which liighur studies has
attained in the USSR, and this constitutes a vivid testimony to tne triumph of the
Leninist nationalities policy and the fraternal friendship among the peoples of the
USSR.
The resolution r:hich ~ras a,dopted at the con~ference ou~tlined practical measurzs for
the further development of Uighur studies in our country~ improvements in thL~
structure of the Uighur Studies Section of the Institute of Linguistics of the K.a-
zakh SSR Academy of Sciences (the creation of linguistic and historical-ethnogra-
phic sectors~ as well as an art studies group)~ ensuring the training of Uighur
studies staffs in the localities (in Alma-Ata and Tashkent;, as well as in the tra-
ditional centers for training Turko'ogists (T~Ioscow and Leningrad). It ~ras decided
to publish the materials of the present conference. Plans were made to hold the
next conference in Alma-Ata in 1982.
COPYRIGHT: Izdate?'stvo "Nauka" "Sovetskaya etnogyafiya," 1980
2384
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REGIONAL
i SOVIET SCHOLAR ON ETHNIC UNITY OF SOVIET, IRANIAN AZERBAIJAN
~
i Baku PROTIV BURZHUAZNY'KH FAL'SIFIKATOROV ISTORII I KITL'TURY AZERBAYDZHANA in
~ Azeri 1978 pp 114-124
i [Editorial Summary by Sh. A. Taghyyev: "On the Denial of the Ethnic Unity of the
~ People of Azerbaijan by Contemporary Iranian Bourgeois Historical Science"]
I
~ [Text] "The liistorical past of the Soviet Azerbaijani and Iranian Azerbaijani
population who were at one tlme one people, the origin and formation of the people
of Azerbai~an, their state and cultural history are being falsified in every way
in Iranian bourgeois historical studies. The fundamental and actual goal of
_ Iran3an bourgeois historians consiats of denying that the population living in
Soviet and...Iranian Azerbaijan are two parts of an historically single people."
The Iranian historians contributing to this trend are enumerated..__ _ .
On the ethnogenesis of the Azerbai~ani people and source of the language, the
Iranian historian Kasravi maintains "that the ancestors of the Azerbaijanis
living in Iran are...considered to be Medes who mixed with local trioes settled
in Iranian Azerbaijan." This is considered to be "pan-Iranism" by Taghyyeva.
Furthermore, "Iranian...historians attempt to prove...that nothing other than
the language unity beginning after the Sel~uk invasion in the llth century unite
the population living in Soviet and Iranian Azerbai~an." At the same time, any
ethnic unity is denied. To understand this, one must understand the "administra-
tive, geogr3phical and ethnic meanings of the word 'Azerbaijan.
I
The Iranian line, according to Kasravi, is that "now Arran is called Azerbai~an"; .
i another Iranian historian, Meshkur, claims that "the name Soviet Azerbaijan is not
, an historical name, perhaps it is a new political concept." In short, Iranian
historians deny that Azerbaijan was ever applied to Soviet Azerbaijan "despite the
fact that, according to some of the examples they use, it is clear that the sam~
sources sometimes include both regions under the name Azerbaijan...Iranian
h3storians close their eyes to documents and sources which contradict their pan-
Iranist ideas."
; A review of the sources and Cheir application of the e~pression Azerbai~an admin-
ietratively, geographically and ethnically clarifies the situation. The scholar
, Pakhomov noted that according to an inscription dating from the year 553 A.D.,
the northern border of Azerbai,jan "reached almost to Derbent"; in other words,
as an administrative unity, the northern borderland of Azerbaijan as far as
Derbent was called "the land of Azerbai~an." The scholar Buniyatov mentions
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that even in the 3d century, in the Sassanian period at the time of Ardashir I
the "northern spahbod" jprovince] was formed under the name "Azerbai~an spahbod."
As for Arran, after the Arab invasions (8th-lOth centuries), al-Ya'qubi called
Arran "upper Azerbai3an." The scholar Valikhanly notes that "Arab authors some--
- times considered Barda, Beylagan, Ganja and Baku, cities which are situated north
of the Araz River, to be the territory of Azerbaijan~"
Geographically, at-Tabari (lOth century) mentioned Chat Azerbaijan extended to
the Khazar city of Derbent in the north. In the ?3 th century, Ahmad Razi, "while
showing one part of Azerbaijan--Shirvan--as a sep,3rate province, writes that
Azerbaijan stretched from Baku to Khalkhal." In the 16th century, numerous
sources have stated that "the Safavids...(were successful) in uniting the terri-
tory of Azerbai~an into.a unified st~te..." In the 17th century the encyclopedia
" Borhan-e qate mentions that "Arran, which contains Ganj a and Barda, is a "
province of Azerbai~an." Also, the traveler Evliya Chelebi referred to Garabagh as
"little Azerbai~an." A decree issued 3n 1703 by the Safavid state in order to
establish "where Western Christians lived" located them "in a number of provinces
of Azerbaijan--Shirvan, Garabagh, Tabriz, Ganja, Nakhchyvan." This data is
repeated in another decree issued in 1764.
- Before examining the Russian sources one should note the judgment made by the ~
Tehran historical ~ournal BARRASIHAYE-TARIKHI: "If we examine documents and ~
t
official sources of the Iranian and tsarist Russian foreign ministries, and books !
written in Russian until 1918, we see clearly that the lands of Arran and Shirvan
were r.ever called Azerbaijan; sometimes they were called Arran and Shirvan, some-
times the Caucasus." However, the Russian Colonel Burnashev in 1786, "long before
uniting the northern part of Azer'~aijan with Russian" wrote a booklet in which he
gave short description~ of the Azerbai~ani provinces and central cities which are
"Baku, Guba, Nukha, Shirvan, Gan~a, Shusha, Nakhchyvan, Tabriz, Maragha, Urmiya,
Khoy, Ardabil, Meshkin and others."
"The facts show that from the 3d century the name Azerbaijan was understood at
first administratively, then later geographically referring to both parts;
especially in sources from the 17th century onward Azerbaijan was accepted in its
un~.que geographical meaning wit'~out distinguishing whether it was north or south
of the Araz River. In the ethnic sense, after a certain period, the concept
'Azerbai~anis' meant one people speaking the same language." In Kocharli's
literary history of Azerbaijan (1903) "when he said 'Azarbayjanly Tatar,' refer-
ring to them as one people, he wrote that Azerbaijanis subject ta Russia were
- settled in the area northeast of the Transcaucasus, and those subject to Iran
were in the hzerbai~an administration (Iranian Azerbaijan)." Also in 1903 a
Russian consul sent a report on the peoples of northern Iran. He said that "the
Azerbaijanis had not forgotten that ~~ey were divided into two parts in 1828...
The fundamental point is that the papulation considers itself to be one people..."
Another Russian consular o�ficial made similar observations in 1911.
9676 .
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REGIONAL
, 'AZERBAIJANI' LANGUAGE VERSUS 'AZERI' LANGUAGE
Baku PROTIV BURZHUAZNYRH FAL`SIFI~ATOROV ISTORII I KUL'TURY AZERBAYDZHANA in
Azeri 1978 pp 141-158
[Editorial summary by S. M. Onullahi: "Falsificatian of the History of the
Azerbai~ani Language in the Works of Iranian Bourgeois Scholars"J
[Text] "As a result of writers and poets of ~',zerbaijan being forced to write in
Arabic and Farsi by ruling circles at one time, there are no monuments written
in the Azerbaijani language prior to the 13th century. Because of this, a number
of bourgeois scholars of Iran attempt to falsify Azerbaijan's language history;
at the same time, they deny the existence of the Azerbaij ani people." _
, The Iranian historian Rasravi ~laims that the language of the Azerbai~anis was
the Azeri language, and that the Turkic language was brought to Iran at the time
of the Seljuk invasion [Zlth century]. "However, there was a Turkic-speak~ng
pogulation in Azerbaijan as late as the lOth century."
The primary manner of distorting the data is by citing incompletely or non-
contextually from the classical so~irces. Iranian sources published earlier in
' this century refute this approach. In a jeurnal published in Tehran in 1925 it
was noted that in the 12th century Nizami "was buried in Gan~a [now Kirovabad]
according to Turkic tradition." The medieval historian Qazwini is often quoted -
out of context. Despite claims of Iranian historians, it is well known that he
asserts that "the population of Khoy are basically Turks." The author marshals
other medieval authorities in order to prove that there were Turks in Azerbai~an
in the early medieval period.
Evidence of the widespread usage of the language of Azerbaijan by the people of
Azerbai~an is indicated by the proliferation of Turkic loanwords in Farsi works.
There is, however, an ambiguity in the terms Azerbai~ani language and Azeri
language which led scholars to confuse the Azerbai~ani language "with the Azeri ,
language which belongs to the Iranian Zanguage group." The author cites some
comparative Azerbaijani~and Azeri senten~ea demonstrating the vastness of the
gulf between them, noting that "du.e to an overeight by some of our scholars
, Azeri language was used as a synonym fox the Azerbai~ani language in our publi-
cations for many years." Nume,rous examplse of the appearance of Azerbaijani
words in the Farsi poeticai lexicon are cited to demonstrate its influence on
_ other languages in the 13th and 14th centuries.
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"A number of Iranian scholars, closing their eyes to data such as is given above,
have chosen several ways to falsify the history of the Azerbaijani language." A
number of examples of Iranian scholars searching for Azeri words in the lexicon
of the Azerbaijani language are given. It is noted that they do not look for
Azeri elements in Farsi or other languages. Completely avoided by Iranian -
scholars is the profusion of works in the Azerbaijani language from the 14th and
15th centuries "such as those by Imadaddin Nasimi, Shah Gasim Anvar (called
Gasimi), KishvaXi, Jahanshah Garagoyunlu (called Hagigi) and others... At this
period the Azerbai~ani la~guage was so powerful that a number of works were
translated from Farsi into Azerbai,jani."
"By the 16th-17th centuries, Azerb ai~ani was not only a court language, but was
written along with Farsi."
The Iranian scholas Safavi writes rhat "as a result of cholera spread in the Near
East in the 16th century, as well as the Ottaman-Safavid war, the tribes speaking
the Azeri language in Azerbaijan and the Caucasus died out... By the end of the
16th centurq Azerbai~an and the Caucasua had become a Turkic-language...regian."
Onullahi ncates that "when an epidemic sp~eads it is not partial to a particular
language. Secondly, Azerbai~an having been occupied by the Ottomans at the end
of the 16th century, many of the Azerbai~anis who made up the vast majority of ,
the army as a result of the Ottoman-Safavid war were k~lled." In discussing Shah ~
Abbas' resettlement policy jtransplanting border peoples Lo the central provinces],
it is mentioned that, as a third poin~, many Azerbaijanis migrated to the Iranian '
central provinces. Despite all this, the Azerbai3ani language was strengthened, -
not eliminated. As for the Azeri language, it was the language of a small Iranian
~ ethnic ~roup and this language was never eliminated. Even now there are a number '
of villages near Khalkhal where they speak Azeri."
9676
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