JPRS ID: 9262 NEAR EAST/NORTH AFRICA REPORT

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~ I~UR O~FI('IA1. II.tiP: ONI.Y ,
JPRS L/9262 -
~0 August 1980 ~
= / rth Africa Re ort -
Near East No p
CFQ~JO 31 /80~
~ F=g~$ FOREIGN BROA~CQ?ST INFORMAT~ON SERVICE
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JPRS L/9262
20 August 1980 ~
NEAR EAST/HORTH AFRICA REPORT _
(FOUO 31/80)
CONTENTS
. . INTER-ARAB AFFAIRS
Europe's Position on Arab-Ieraeli D~spute Explained
(AL-WATAN AL-AR.ABI, 14-20 Jun 80) 1
italian Magazine Reports on OPEC Long-Term Strategy Draft
(Mark Nicholson; L'EUROPEO, 5 Aug 80) 6
Variations of Islamic Doctrine, Practice Diecussed
' (JEUNE AFRIQIl~, 23, 30 Jul 80) 13
, Diecusaion by Omar S~habou �
Discussion by Mohammed Harbi.
Diacueaion of Mohat~d Charfi.
Preae Coverage on OAU Sum~it Meeting
(JEUNE AFRIQUE, 16,.23 Jul 80) 20
Discrimination Againat African Journalists,
by Sennen Andriamirado
After Freetown, Confuaion Remaina, _
by Abdelaziz Dahmani
'JEUNE AFxIQUE' Behind Cloaed Doore
NORTH AgAICpp pgFAIRS
Tuniaia Continues Policy Planned for Araba, Africana
(Editorial; MARCHES TROPICAUX ET MEDITERRANEENS,
20 Jun 80) 24
-a- [III -NE &A-1.2].FOUO]
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AFGHArI I STAN
_ Strategis.*. Appraises Afghan Resietance Movement
(Gerard Chaliang; LE NOUVEL OBSERVATEUR,
12-18 Jul 80) 29
ALGERIA '
Ben Bella's 'Serious Errors' Examined
(Kouider Sami Nair; JEUNE AFRIQUE, 16 Jul 80) 36
IRAN
National Liberation Literature From Iranian Azerbaijan
(Mirza Ibrahimov; AZERBAYJAN, No 1, 1980) 40
Examples of National Liberation Literature
(Mirza Ibrahimov; AZERBAYJAN, No 1, 1980) 53
Diecusaione on Establiehment of Azerbaijan Writera
and Poeta Asaociation
(AZERBAYJAN, No 1, 1980) 66
LIBYA
Libyan Opposition Abroad Ie Seginning To Organize Ranka
(AL-WATAN AL-ARABI, 21-27 Jun 80) 74
TUNISIA
Bourguiba Meeting With Detainees Examined
(Souhayr Belhasaen; JEUNE AFRIQUE, 18 Jun 80) 80
Opposition Leader Mestiri AuChorized To Publish Papers
(Souhayr Belhassen; JEUNE AFRIQUE, 16 Jul 80) 82
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INTER-ARAB AFFAIRS
EUROPE'S POSITION ON ARAB-ISRAELI BISPUTE EXPLAINED ,
- Paris AL-WATAN AL-ARA&I in Arabic 14-20 Jun 80 pp 36-38
[Articl.e: "Europe Reads the Palm of the Middle East: Collapse of the
Camp David Strategy; Israeli Invasion of Lebanon; Arab Oil Embargo; New
Soviet Progress"]
[Text] Europe is not convinced t~?at the Camp David st~ategy has expired. ~
It wants to come forward with an initiative which it characterizes not
as a substitute for American initiative, but rather as a back-up for it
which wi11 take over the ~ob of "~oving the issue" during Carter's abaence
from the scene due to his preoccupation with the election cgmpaign.
Just a few hours prior to the convening of the Co~o,n Market summit in
Venice, it was still not known whether the Europesn initiative concerning
the Middle East would take the form of a substitute for the Camp David
formula.
However, it was clear in advance that the Europeans wo+,.ld lose their
momentum at the threshhold of the American-Israeli gate if they let them-
selves be talked into issuing an announcement which does not include a
well defined initiative.
While Israel sent its foreign minister Yitzhak Shamir--whose fac~ is no
less sullen than that of President Begin--to the European capitals, Carter
, was severe and demeaning to European pride when he threatened his allies
that he would use veto power against any initiative or resolution in the
UN Security Council calling for recognition of the Palestinians' right to
self-determination.
Therefore, observers er.pected that under the best of circumstances the
European announcement which was to be issued Wednesday 11 June or Thursday
12 June would include recognition of the PLO based on the "accomplished
~ fact," a call for the direct participation of the PLO in the search for
peace, reaffirmation of the previous European position on the right of
the Palestinians to self-determination, and, perhaps, their right to a
national home or state as well.
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The Americans tried to anticipate the situation and head off the European
effort by pushing the Egyptians and Israelis into resuming the autonomy
, talks which had been stalled since May. Egypt hurried to announce that
itc had learned of American "ideas" on a search for the means which would
~ lead to the removal of the obatacles standing in the way of a resumption
of the talks. President Sadat and his foreign minister, Kamal Hasan 'Ali,
expressed strong enthusiasm for the new American initiative.
It is clear that the intention behind the American "ideas" was nothing
more t~han to disturb the European summit in Venice and remind it that the
Camp David accords were sti11 alive.
Although the`detaiis of these ideas have not been announced, official
Egyptian and Israeli statements indicate that they do not deal with the
essentia� subject of the talks, which is Palestinian autonomy. Instead,
they concentrate only on one peripheral issue, namely the "measures" per-
taining to the resumption of the talks, which will get underway in a pre-
p~ratory session to be held by the Egyptian negoCiators j.n Washington.
It is known that the talks collapsed when the Israelis asserted that there
was no room for discussion of the future of Jerusalem because it has al-
ready beer "unified" and has become the "eternal capital" of Israel. They
also confirmed their intention to continue their policy of establishing
settlements in the West Bank.
Sadat's Negotiating Position
Here it would appear that Sadat's negotiating position is hopeless from
_ the start. For in spite of the fact that he says he is willing to resume
the ta.lks without prior (Israeli) conditions, American Secretary of State
Edmund Muskie confirmed the "acceptability" of the Israeli conditions
when he announced in advance that Jerusalem must not be divided (meaning
that its two halves must rema.in under Israeli authority) and that the
United States is opposed to any effort to use the autonomy talks to lay
the foundation for the creat'on of an "independent Palestinian state."
But why does Washington want to head off European inCervention?
Bogged down in the election battle, Carter is a prisoner of the "Zionist
lobby," not to mention the fact that he considers the Camp David accords
the centerpiece of his foreign policy "victories.'" Therefore, he con-
- siders any initiative which seeks to go beyond these accords a personal
attack against him.
The American press has launched a slander campaign against the "grim
allies" and has begun accusing the Europeans of betraying America, putting
Middle East oil before it, and moving toward "neutrality" on the assump-
tion that American power has waned following the Soviet subdual of
_ Afghanistan and the failure of the American military operation to rescue
the ho;tages in Iran.
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Europe and the Comprehensive Solution
For their part, the Europeans are moving toward the belief that the time
has come to put forward an initiative aimed at a com~prehensive solution
in the Middle East.
They feel it is possible to pave the way for s~~ch a~olution by submitting
� to the Security Council a draft resolution which ~~ould be considered a
supplemeat or amendment to UN resolution 242 of 1967, which contains a
ca11 for Israel to withdraw fro~ the occupied lands in return for secure
5orders.
The proposed amendment t:~at Europe is promoting includes confii-mation cf
the Palestinians' rights to self-determination and the establishment of
' t.heir own state in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip.
However, there is disagreement among the Common Market states as to recog-
~ nition of the PLO. While ma3~r states (e.g., France and Italy) support
- complete official recognition of the PLO, the small states oppose this.
- Britain, on the other hand, is taking a cautious appraoch. It supports
the European initiative, but only as loag as it does not include official
recognition of the PLO, because British "diplomatic traditions" prevent
- it from giving diplomatic recognition to organizations.
The European inir.iative is based on Chree main principles:
1. Reviving the incentive to arrtve at a comprehensive settlement :Ln
place of the partial settlements represented by Kissinger's famous "dis-
engagement" by steps and the subsequent Camp David accords (the Egyptian-
Israeli treaty).
2. Broadening the Camp David formula.
3. Investigating the possibilities for European participation in the
attainment and implementation of a comprehensive settlement.
The Europeans feel that recognition of the Palestinians' right to self-
determination could bring about a decrease in the tension in the Middle
East. At the same time, they rcmain unopposed to sezting in motion a
European-Arab "political" dialog. The dialog between the two sides has
been stalled since the latter part of 1978 when the Europeans insisted
that discussion be limited oil issues and economic cooperation while the
Arabs insisted that political affairs and the paiticipation of ttie Pales-
tinians in the dialog be included.
The European Initiative, a Back-Up to Camp David
The Europeans rebut the American c~iarges of "betrayal" and "disturbance"
af the Camp David process by asserting tha~ their initiative is in fact
a back-up or underpinning for the American initiative. They say ~hat they
- want to prepare for the eventual failure of the Camp David appraa.ch, or
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for the stimulation of the Middle East issue from no�~ until next November--
i.e., while Carter is preoccupied with the election campaign and paralyzed
by Zionist and Israeli pressures.
Pessi~mistic European Picture of the Situation
Western Europe is extremely pessimistic about developments in the Middle
East situation. It believes that Che Camp David approach has reached a
dead-end and that the coming round of autonomy talks are doomed to failure
- as well.
Such being the case, the situation contains signs of danger and many
possibilities threaten it. Israel is taking advantage of Carter's pre-
occupation with the election campaign to invade Lebanon and deal a
crushing blow to tYee Palestinian resistance in an attempt to get rid of
the military base which constitutes the foundation and source of its
political and diplomatic strength.
This invasion has prompted a violent Arab xeaction, and this is reflected
in the Europeans' f~ar of a total Arab oi1 embargo which would have a
major impact on Western Europe. The Soviets may use this opportunity to
' achieve another advance in central Asia toward the Persian Gulf. Such
a move would be met by further developments in the different Arab situa-
tions, involving either internal political changes or a closer approach
toward Moscow at the expense of Western interests.
Will the Departure of Begin Solve the Problem?
Europe is now tacitly hoping for the fall of the Begin government, be-
cause it believes that his obstinacy has brought about the failure of the
Camp David approach, and that his settlement policy has inflamed the West
- Bank. Moreover, Begin aroused the Europeans' anger by rebuking them col-
lectively and alleging that they had cooperated with Hitler in the cam-
paign to "exterminate the Jews."
Nevertheless, the European capitals do not feel that the fall of the
Liberal government and the coming to power of a Labor government will solve
the problem. This is because Perez and Rabin, the two leaders of the
Labor Paxty, believe that it is passible to settle the Palestinian problem
with Jordan, even though Jordan has asserted in advance that the PLO is
the sole rapresentative of the Palestinians, and it'does not wish to
abandon this stance because it has one and a quarter million Palestinians
who ar..~e increasingly sensitive about any Arab policy that contradicts the
announced official lines.
As for the Gu1f countries, they are apparently making intensive dipl:~matic
efforts to encourage the Europeans to come forward with an initiative as
an alternative to Camp David. French President Giscard d'Estaing and
British Foreign Secretary Lord Carrington returned from their trip to
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the Middle East more convinced than ever before that a European move is
needed to forestall an increase in the possibilities oi an outbreak of
disturbances in the area if the Israelis remain abstinate in their posi-
tion.
� However, Egypt and Israel oppose auch an initiative--the firat tacitly
and the second openly. They have made ~oir~t diplomatic efforta to diseuade
the Europeans from launching any initiative that goes beyond the American
effort. Nevertheless, President Sadat says publicly that Egypt is not
against a European initiative as long as it does not conflict with the
Camp David line.
As for the European reaction to the America accusations, the Europeans
now say frankly that what is good fo r America is not necessarily good
for Europe. This is because Washington doea not watch out for European
interests, especially when it comes to dependence on Middle East oil and
the area's markets. The latter pro~~~de European companies with extensive
opportunities for the marketing of European products and the implementa-
tion of multibillion-dollar contracts.
Europe complains of the fact that the United States has in the past made
decisions on its own, considering itself a leader for the Arab world.
As former French foreign minister Michel Joubert put it., the United States
has "decided for us rather than with us, and asked for our agreement rather
than our advice."
America has no choice today but to accept cooperation and give up leader-
ship. But will America take the advice of the Europeans, particularly
wi~h regard to Che Middle East?
Or will Israel and the Zionist lobby in back of it continue to push America
to the point of depriving the area of all hope and destroying it com-
pletely? _
COPYRIGHT: 1980 AL-WATAN AL-ARABI
8591
CSO: 4802
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INTER-ARAB AFFAIRS
ITALIAN MAGA2INE REPORTS ON OPEC LONG-TERM STRATEGY DRAFT
LD0715 13 Milan L'EUROPEO in Italian 5 Aug 80 pp 24-27
[Report by Mark Nicholson: "A Few Ideas for Fleecing the World"] ,
[Text] The world of oil, already unstable by its very nature, has been
characterized for some time by deep uncertainty with reapect to a funda-
. mental problem: that of the producing countries' long-term atrategy.
What do they wish to achieve with their oil and with the huge amount of
money which it places in their hands? Do they have primarily political
objectives, connected wiCh the Palestinian issue? Or are they seeking,
~ like a11 countries in the world, to use their natural resources to
increasa their proaperity and their level of economic development?
Since the early seventies--that is, aince the time when oil prices
increased fourfold--OPEC, whoae members produce almoat half of the
world's nrude, has been asked these questions with growing ineistence.
In the discussions ~~hich have taken place in international forums since
that time, many peop:~ have accused OPEC of creating a monopoly and of
taking by the throat c~, tomers ~uho cannat do without oil . OPEC has
- replied that oil does not reconatitute, once extracted, and that the
producing countries have therefore na choice but to develop their
economies by securing the necessary resourcea or to plunge back into
poverty; it adds that law prices would encourage conaumption and would
cause the oil to run out before a suitable substitute has been found.
However, these have always been uncertain and short-term replies. Yet
as far back as 1978, OPEC assembled in its strategic com~i.ttee some of
its b est brains, coordinated pereonally by Saudi Oil Minister Shaykh
Zaki Yamani--a key man in the Arab world. However, the results of its
work remained strictly secret until a draft strategic document met with
criticisms from Libya and Algeria at a recent meeting in Algeria,
albeit for reasons connected more with the alinement of power in the
Arab world than with ita content. The aecrecy began to crumble and,
following the publ:ication of some abridged aummaries, a very well
informed British financial ~ournal (THE INTERNATIONAL CURRENCY REVIEW)
and L~EURiDPEO today poasess th~ document drafted by OPEC's strategic
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committee. Or rather, they possess a copy of the original itself; a
typed copy of oth er copies, almost illegible, lacking a page and with
very many textual uncertainties. It is the firat long-term proposal to
emanate from the oil-producing countries, and it is therefore a document
which makes it possible co deci.pher today the future awaiting both the
industrialized world and the developing countries.
The document opens with the chilling forecast of a major energy crisis
even before 1985. Four factors "serve to confirm the most pessimistic
of forecasta, which places the energy crisis even before 1985." The
first two factors are of a political nature: The Iranian revolution,
which has drastically reduced that country's output, and the decision
by Saudi Arabia, OPEC's biggest producer, "to cons~erve its resources ~
and to limit its output to 8.5 million barrels per day (~about 425 million
tons per year)." The other two factors are incidents which have rekindled
ecological opposition to the creation of new energy sources: the serious
breakdown at the Harrisburg nuclear power plant in the United States and
the blowout in the Bay of Campeche in Mexico.
In light of these developments, the consumer countries, meeting at the
Tokyo and Venice summits, decided to reduce oil imports as much as pos-
sible. But the UPEC document comments coldly: "It remains to be seen
_ whether these commitments and aims are really practicable." However, the `
_ OPEC countries d~ not intend under any circumstances to produce more than
35 million barrels per day, ae Western forecasts unanimously require.
This strategy of limiting output is obviously connected with the pricing
strategy. The OPEC coun4ries finally state their long-term objective: ~
"To use the income produced by a finite resoixrce (oil) to start ~n inde-
pendent proces~ of economic development with a high and balanced level of
economic activity." How, in real terms? OPEC proposes for oil a"base
price which will guarantee not only the mainCenance of the price of oil
against inflation but also increase in keeping with world econamic
activity." This minimum price should be adjustable on the basis of three
parameters--inflation, the fluctuations of the dollar and the increase in
the industrialized countries' i.ncume. But "it is not sufficient ta keep
the price stable in real terms," as would result from the application of
the first two parameters: "A gradual increase in real Cerms is also
neces5ary.... The real trend in the industrialized countries' income
not only reflects their ability to absorb (oil) price increases but also
indicates a trend toward high energy consumption, with potentill pres-
sures on supply." This is tantamount to saying: If the customer gets
richer, let him p ay more. ~
"In practice," the OPEC strategic document continues, "the annual in- `
crease in monetary terms should exceed 10 percent. Such an active price
movement would mean that prices would double in monetary terms in less
than 7 years."
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Having clarifiE:d the aims and the possible price formulas with which to
achieve them, it was necessary to define the international political con-
ditiona, in a complex and variegated scenario in which OPEC fears isola-
tion more than anything else. Firat of all, the document tackles the
greatest.pro'olem: that of relationa between oil-producing countriea and
developing countries--the only ones which can offer OPEC adequate polit-
ical and propaganda support in its confrontation with the industrialized -
countries. This support det~rmines whether OPEC is regarded by world 1
public opinion as a group of unacrupulous profiteers, operating from a
natural monopoly position, or as the spearhead of a great movement of
world redistributio~ of wealth. -
To understand how some Western circles view this maneuver by OPEC vis-a-
vis the developing countries, it is sufficient to see how the above-cited
British journal entitles the article setting out the document: "This Is
OPEC's Secret Plan for Fleecing the Entire World." So this is a matter
of crucial importance, to which the strategic committee has devoted con-
siderable Cime and effort. Firat of a11, there is a list of "common
" objectives" of OPEC and the developing countries, such as "helping the -
developing countries to meet their energy needs through the development
of domestic resources," "pro~ting economic and commercial cooperation
even outside the oil eector," "achieving an increase in aid from the
industrialized countries," and "changing the wo~ld economic order to make
it more just and efficient." In order to achieve these aims, OPEC
rattles off a series of political statements, which are vague, however,
and no dif.ferent from those emanating from time to time from the Western
countrias` governments. OPEC needed something more, and its strategic
committee w~nt into detail, meticulously classifying in three main cate-
gories the aid which it is offering the developing countries.
The first point is the "security of oil supplies," in other words
"preferential treatment for the developing countries as regards supply
security. In t~mes of shortage the OPEC member countries should agree
to do this."
The second point is contriving to enable poor countries to pay increased
= oil prices. "The developing countries should be grouped into three
categories according to income, level of economic development and quan-
tities of oil imported," the document explains. The first group includes
33 countries with a per capita incame less than $300, eact� importing
10,000 barrels of oil per day (500,000 tons per year). OPEC is offering
� these countries long-te}~n interest-f:ee credits or even written-off loans
to cover all future increases in oil prices. The second group comprises
38 countries which have a per capita income lower than $1,000 and import
more than 10,000 b ut less than 100,000 barrels per day: They are being
offered long-term loans with a written-off component equal to 25 percent
of the whole. The countries in the third group, of~ which the document
mentions Singapore, Cuba, Thailand, the Philippines, India, Taiwan,
Turkey, South Korea and Brazil, have a per capita income of more than -
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$1,000 and import more than the previous group. They are offered medium-
- term loans on market terms.
- The overall cost of the aid program la~d out in this point is calculated
, as $3,375 milli~n oi $2 for evsry barrel imported by the developing -
count~ies. Of this sum, $2.6 billion, in other worde 77 percent of the
total, would Le loana on market terms; $735 million (20.2 percent) would
be long-term credits with a$184-million component written off; $40 m3.llion
- (2.75 percent) would b e actual written-off contributions. In all written-
off aid amounts to $224 million. It is difficult to evaluate this figure
since the calculation is based on rather unrealistic hypotheses; however,
- it does not seem very generoua if you consider that in 1979 the OPEC
countries earned $199 b illion from oi~ sales and that, according to the
International Settlements Bank`s calculations they had a combined balance
of paymants surplus totaling $63 billion.
The third point is aid for the development of internal energy saurces .
GPEC could help at least 36 developing counCries to find their own
resources, financing geological and geophyaical reaearch and exploratory
drilling at its own risk. OPEC's sid would not be limited to hydro-
carbons but would, for instance, also relate to geothermal and hydro-
electric energy. Obviously OPEC alone cannot assume the task of provid-
ing all the necessary finance. The scope and intensity of the aid will
ultimately have to be defined in cooperation with the industrialized
countries and the international bodies. The document takes up the Iraqi
progosal for "a combined fund fox energy and development to which the -
industrialized countries should contribute according to the inflation
they export to the developing countries; while OPEC should contribute on
the basis of future ~rice rises and the quanta,ry of oil expor.ted to these
countries."
Having reached this point the tone of the document changes. It moves
from a fraternal and even paternalistic attitude to the developing coun-
tries to much harsher and more derisive tones for the industrialized
countries. It begins with a short historical account. "Up till 1971-
}.972 the industrialized countries' governments were in general well con-
tent to leave the prob lem of quantity and price of oil in the hands of
_ the big companies. Later, there was an.outright revolution and the
induatrialized ceuntries did everything they could to establish formal
relations with OPEC in order to discusa, and, if possible, negotiate or
regulaCe through agreement problems such as Che oil price and the future
� development of supplies. The reaffirmation and exercise of sovereign
rights and complete control and management of the various aspects of
exploiting oil reserves by the oiJ.-exporting countriea d.uring the
seventies represented a fundamental change. It represented the transi-
tion from dependence to interdependence in relations among oil-exporting
countries and industrialized countries."
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= The OPEC countries now depend on oi1 as a. source of exports and income.
= The3.r presenC power is, however, based only on the availability of their
oil, and the exhaustion of their reservea would also signal the end of
their power to influence inCernational eventa and defend their intarests
, at international level. Only a rapid economic development capable of
placing them on a par with the moet advanced countrie6 could give them
power and prestige after their oil is exhauaCed. However, at present the
OPEC countries have scarcely started their development, and their posi- ~
tion influences their international role in reapect of their ability both
to draw up and to impiement an effective strategy. For inatance, they '
have not succeeded in either d~awing up or implementing an industrial
development strategy based on oil by a rapid ar_d massive entry into the
refining and petrochemical industries. On the financial plane, too,
their presence in international bodiea has not changed either the struc-
ture or the strategy of these bodies, which are still tied to the indus-
trialized countries' int~rests. The document summarized this complex
situation, analyzed, as can be seen, not without signs of self-criticism,
- in a sentious sentence which deserves to be cited in its rather doubtful
but colorful English: "Oil power on its own has not delivered the new
international economic order." [in English in original]
The industrialized countries however need vigorous technological progress
and a change in their energy structures to reduce their dependence on ~
OPEC oil. Essentially, for these countries, "dependence on OPEC exports
above all means uncertainty about supply conditions--quantity and prices--
of imporeed oil. There seams to be a general consenaus among the indus-
trialized countries that OPEC`s oi1 ehould be regarded as a reserve
source of energy which, in other words, would meet requirementa which
could not be satisfied from other sources and which should hence be
affered on the market to satisfy consunner needs. However, this concept
implies that oil supplies fluctuate without taking any account of the
oil-exporting countries' economic and financial needs or their future _
energy requirements."
Although it is true that the two groups of countries have "reciprocal
interes Cs," it is also true that this reciprocity is asymmetrical:
"Whi1e the OPEC cotmtries do not stand to gain from destroying the
world's induetrialized economies, it cannot be said that the indus-
trialized countries have not shown interest in breaking OPEC's unity.
In a conflict OPEC would depend less on key importe from industrialized
countries than the industrialized countries would depend on OPEC oil
imports." Hence at the present atage of Che game OPEC has the upper
hand.
Going on to analyze in detail "demands and expectations on both sides,"
the document admits that OPEC ie facing two ma~or financial problems.
Some OPEC members have surpluses, in other words "that portion of their
oil revenue not yet used in tinancing their economic and social develop-
ment." If they are placed in the 3.ndustrialized countries, these funds
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are eaten away by inflation and are sub~ected to such limitatione that
their very security is in doubt; therefore it ia necessary for the OPEC
countries to be able to have accesa to financial and investment markets
"at least on equal terms and conditiona to those granted to reciprocal. -
investmenta among industrializad countries." Other OPEC countries need
loans, and the inCernational finance system must be adapted to their
requirements, partly by giving the OPEC countries their rightful place
as important members of the IMF and the Wor1d Bank. OPEC will use
these tools partly to obtain an increase in sid to developing countries
from the industrialized countries.
OPEC's second main problem is deve~,opment. ICs members muat complete
the integraCion of their oil industry, building their own refineriea and
a petrochemical industry. To do this, a$ for many other things, they
need their products to be accepted by Weatern countries. These countries
should "facili~iate OPEC countriea' access to their technology, inerease
oil exploration in OPEC countries by inveatment and supplying technology
and give OPEC countries opportunitie8 to Cake part in research pro~ects
and in training technicians. Finally, the industrialized countries
should be encouraged to facilitate greater OPEC presence in their
economies and their financial, ecoaomic and commercial policies and to
take more ev~ident account of OPEC iaterests."
However, what is the industrialized countries' fundamental interest?
According to the document the industrialized countries are more con-
cerned with quantity than with price: "Countries and governmen~a could
even stop worrying about oil prices if they could predict the future ~
with more certainty." The OPEC countries shauld therefore "be able to
offer some degree of certainty on oil supplie:~ :t.*~ order to ob~aizA
advantages and benefits on the fronts already mentioned, even if it ~
means producing more than the needs of their economies require, in a
spirit of international cooperation."
"A dialog between producers and consumera is inevitable," the conclusion
admits; im~ediately after this, however, it attacks Valery Giscard
d'Estaing's mission in the Persian Gulf, accusing him of trying to eplit
OPEC, neg~tiating only with those members which have an unexploited oil
production capacity. In short, a dialog is necessary and the OPEC coun-~
tries plan to have the developing countries represented in this dialog,
too, and to reach agreement with them first; however, this dialog muat
follow certain rules.
The OPEC staategic committee's document ends here, and there is room for
a few comments, limtted to highlighting a few fundamental points. .
First, with the document presented here the oil-pro~ucing countries have ,
made an effort to draw up a long-term sCrategy, and this is a ma~or
contribution to the dialog which the industrialized countriea also regard
as inevitable. The document.contains highly significant admissions; but,
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above all, it should help ue enormously to understand the philosophy of
those facing us.
Second, there are at least two aerious omissione in the document. It
doea not make an analysie of the etage of development attained by the
OPEC countries, of their auccessea and their outstanding probleme; and
it dieregards the different interests which divide the various member
countries owing to the different oi1 reserves Chey might posseas, their
various population densities and the various degreea of ambition in
their deve].opment oli~ectives. Indeed, the strategic co~ittee`s attempt
to regard OPEC as a aingle whole greatly reducee the usefulness of the
analysis and the possibility of using it as a guide for understanding ~
the strategy of the countries from which we obtain our oil supplies.
Third, the oil price indexing scheme drawn up by OPEC, or a similar one
will eventually be accepted and will lead to an inetitutionalization of
price rises. The Western countriea which have atill not reduced their
energy consump~tion forecasts and have not yet launched any ma~or con-
aervaCion campaign no longer have any excuae. By dint of delays they
could, therefore, eventually find that they have to accept extremely
painful ad~ustments: ad~ustmenta made on income, in other words at
the population's expense.
COPYRIGHT: 1980 Rizzoli Editore
CSO: 4404
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INTER-ARAB AFFAIRS
VARIATIONS OF ISLAMIC DOCTRINE, PRACTICE DISCUSSED
Discussion by Omar S'habou
Paris JEUNE AFRIQUE in French 23 Jul 80 p 29
[Commentary by Omar S'habou--passages between slantlines originally
published in italics]
[Text] It is a priori out of the question that the Arab kingdoms could
entertain fraternal relations with the Islamic republic of Iran. For
Ayatollah Khomeyni, the monarchic principle is by definition anti-Islamic.
Nonetheless, the Arab republics are not benefiting from any favorable
predisposition of the new Iranian authorities. For the religious leaders,
convinced pan-Islamists such as Montazeri, Beheshti, or Khamenei, /"The
days of all the present Arab states are numbered."/ This assertion is
based on an almost mystical certitude: /"The Iranian revolution is the '
beginning of a process that is the will of God and that tends toward the
unification of the Musli.m world under the authority of a single
government:"/
Special Treatment '
The Islamic ground-swell thus would not be stopped at Iran's borders, but
would sweep away very soon the governments--be they civilian or military,
secular or attheistic--ruling Arab societies.
We recall the response of Abolhasan Bani-Sadr to the question which of
the present Arab chiefs of state is revolutionary? /"None. Only those
political movements which try to install governments that are Islamic in
essence and in aim are revolutionary."/
In reality, the Iranian Government seems to have put the Arab states in 3
categories: the kingdoms, /"corrupted"/ in essence and which must dis-
appear; the secular republics (Tunisia, Syria, Yemen) with which
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rvn vrrtVte~l, UJr. VIVLT
/"quite normal"/ relations (meaning cool) can be contemplated; and the
anti-imperialist regimes which, as such, can benefit from /"objective
caoperation"/ with Iran.
For example, Algeria, which is the only Arab state which en~oys some
consideration. It takes care of Iranian interests in Egypt and the United
States; and an Algerian presided over the international commission to in-
vestigate the crimes of the shah. The Iranian and Algerian central banks
are engaged in sustained cooperation in the framework /"of the struggle
against monopoly of the dollar."/ And President Chadli Bend~edid should
soon make his "historic" visit to Tehran.
This special treatment is explained no doubt by the fact that, to avoid
total isolation, the Iranian Government has had to choose "the least evil"
Islamic partner. Algeria, without being a truly revolutionary state, cuts
a figure as an "honorable" partner.
People were rather expecting to see the establishment of a Tripoli-Tehran
axis linking the two revolutions describing themselves as Islamic. There
is no such axis. /"Proof that we are serious and demanding,"/ Qotbzadeh
confided to us. Beyond the fact that they consider the Libyan regime the
product of a coup, not of a revolution, the Iranians--religious and
civilian--and especially Khomeyni, suspect Qadhdhafi of exploiting Islam
as a means tu attain his own personal ambitions. -
In Iran we sensed a contempt for the Libyan leader. Naturally, realism
requires it, Bani-Sadr does not hide the fact that he positively welcomes
the solidarity which Libya has shown. He still makes allowances for
_ things. And the Moussa Sadr affair (see J.A. number 1008) is not the only
reason.
It is the same with the Palestinian resistance, which is ~udged by the
same criteria. The fact that it struggles against /"Islam's greatest
enemy"/ earns it moral support, without giving it a claim to any special
status...
Khomeyni called on 'Arafat to describe the Palestinian resistance offici,ally
as "Islamic." The leader of the PLO, more than one of whose activists
and high-ranking officials are Christian, could not do it. The imam would
not have approved...
The Absolute Enemy
Further, the Iranian Government did not hesitate to come down harshly on
the PLO bureau in Tehran when the Palestinian organizatior~ was minded, in
December 1979, to tender its good offices in the hostage affair and when
'Arafat in March 1980 had found it fitting to speak of a possible return
to Arab sovereignty of the 3 islets in the gulf occupied by the shah's forces
in 1971.
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That is to say, the Iranian authorities, rigor~us regarding their prin-
ciples, have deliberately chosen to direct their policy toward tlie Arab
peoples, going over the heads of the governments in place. The slogane
shouted in the course of demonstrations and collective prayers on Friday
always distinguish clearly between Arab peoples and Arab reg~.mes; they
deny, moreover, any conflicting differences between Shi'ites and Sunnites.
For the moment, Irano-Arab relations seems epitomized by the conflict
between Baghdad and Tehran.
Iran is conveying all the grievances which the Arab regimes bring up
against Islamic Iran. It is clear that the issue of this conflict wil~.
determine over the long run the nature of the relations between a revo-
lution ~~~hich holds up, in its constitution, the ambition of liquidating
the Arab regimes, and these very regimes which do not intend to disappear
right away....
Discussion by Mohammed Harbi
Paris JEUNE AFRIQUE in French 23 Jul 80 pp 32-33
[Commentary by Mohammed Harbi--passages between slantlines originally
published in italics]
[Text] Following the article by K.S. Nair which
appeared in the previous issue, we publish today another
critical commentary on the manifesto of Ahmed Ben Bella
(see J.A. number 1014). It is by Mohammed Harbi, author
of two books on the Algerian revolution ("Origins of
the FLN," Editioris Bourgeois 1975, and "The FLN: Mirage
and Reality," Editions J.A. 1980) and former adviser
to the first presiden~ of the Algerian republic. Of
course the debate will be continued in our next editions.
. It is always difficult to respond to the position taken by a political pris-
oner. The first impul3e is rather to support him against those who imprison
him. In other words there is a danger, in the debate opened up by JEUNE
AFRIQUE, in being taken for an "objective" ally of the jailors against their
victim. Any remarks must, therefore, begin by an affirmation that Ben Bella
must be set free and allowed to explain himself. I should alsa like to be
permitted to comment on the way JEUNE AFRIQUE made "its" presentation of
Ben Bella's text. The cuts made in it undeniably alter the tone and spirit
of the manifesto. My comments will refer, then, to the original text, the
only one of any value in my mind.
First point: the Manichean view which consists in opposing today the
"Islamic rene~~a1"--which is, at bottom, nothing but a controversy over
- temporal power--against the West taken as an undifferentiated whole
(Europe, America, the Eastern countries) is not based on a correct
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understanding oi' our present and past history. There h~s never existed
an ideologically homogenous Muslim community. Opposing currents have
swept through Islam. To schenatize, one can discern a current mystical
religiosity, a rationalist current open to the enlightenment of progress,
and a current inspired by the Ulemas concerned with the compromise of
religion and power. What is there in common between the Ghazali of
"Ihya 'Ulum A1-din," Ibn Khaldoun of the "Prolegomenas" and the Imam Malek
of "E1 Muwatta"? For the West to exclude the Is�lamic tradition and the
Muslim community, and to rejecfi all rationalist demands, would be an error
~ just like asserting that only the rationalist tradition is authentically
Muslim, the other being rejected as heresy.
= From the point of view of Islam, there is no reason to see Khome;~ni as more'
Muslim than the Algerian Abdellatif Soltani, the declared enemy of Nasser,
Boumedienne, Ben Bella, and Qadhdhafi. I remember that Ben Bella used to
speak of Ibn Khaldoun once upon a time. So let us be Khldounians and
cunningly set up the political problems by turning ourselves toward the
social realities behind them.
The structural and endemic discontent which is found in all predominantly
Islamic societies is explained by historical factors. If one considers it
_ in its social context, it is the result of the failure of nationalist
leaderships which came to power starting in the Fifties. These leaders
promised to make things different, to achieve liberty, equality, and
well-being, to eliminate a dependent relationship to imperialism. Their
policies, pursued under the aegis of military bureaucracies and the
bourgeois classes, resulted in absolutism, in the exacerbation of misery
and class inequalities, as well as in grave compromises with imperialism.
They added to the disarray of the despised and downtrodden masses, who
oscillate between withdrawal into the past and dreaming of the future. The
widespread protest, under the banner of religion, primarily overlaya an
elementary egalitarianism; with a pinch of social policy and a good dose
of activism. The increasing dislocation of the social framework, insecurity,
and distress which have resulted have restored force and credit to the
irrational. There is not then, as some would have us believe, an Islamic
renewal, but a resurgence of the obscure forces of feeling and instinct
which will lead neither /"beyond the old order of things"/ nor to a new
social order.
Second point: to merge the North-South conflict with the conflict between
Islam and the West is to err doubly. First of all because one thus sub-
stitues for a conflict with a historical and economic basis another which,
in a certain sense, has no history; that of a Christian West at one with
itself since the Crusades, and one Islam (the Muslim societies), in
permanent warfare. Next because one is yielding to the ever-present
temptation to transform internal contradictions into a struggle between
a homogenous and pure community and, on the outside, one which is foul and
menacing. Here we are in the presence of a projection phenomenon whose
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extension--the Iranian example shows this we1l--can only be an activism
without a firm hold on the real.
Third point: regarding the failure of the Arab and t4uslim countries, Ben
Bella passes in silence the culpability of generations which came to power
under the flag of nationalism, whether they speak of socialism under
peasant leadership (Algeria), of Arab unity (Egypt, Syria, Iraq) or of the
restoration of the Muslim city (Pakistan, Saudi Arabia). And it is on this
point that debate could have been most fruitful. For example, one woulc~
have loved to see Ben Bella describe his own experience and that of AJ.geria.
In Iran (under the shah), in Egypt, in Algeria, the regimes in place began
by depicting themselves as the model of econcmic rationality: so that to
the eyes of the wretched of the earth they appeared like an extension of
the West. One can understand from this why rebellion against the policy of
an irresponsible technocracy and its disastrous consequences should take the
form of an authenticity which it betrayed. But we all know that talk
about development and mastery of technology is only a smoke-screen, as is
the Islamic language these governments are beginning to use. The real _
problem is not the diversity of ideologiPs, but in the reality of the social
struggle between the holders of power and those which it oppresses.
Fourth point: Ben Bella stresses the harmfulness of the single-pa~ty[state]
- and the need tu take into consideration ethnic and cultural diversity.
He extols broad self-rule. These objectives are all the more meritori_ous
as they are branded in his flesh. But he does not see--and in this he does
not break with the past--that his dispute with Muslim states rests on a
mystic populism, rooted in a unilateral interpretation of Islam and thus
threatens to lead to more of the governments he denounces. In conclusion,
he will always be, as he already is, among his enemies of yesterday and
today, men who will know better than he and who in opposing him will make
themselves the spokesmen of this "Islamic renewal," free to point out that,
from the time he himself was in power, he spoke the language of ecanomic
rationalism. Intolerance is lying in wait. Let us beware of supporting it.
Discussion of Mohamed Charfi
Paris JEUNE AFRIQUE in French 30 Jul 80 pp 38-39
[Commentary by Mohamed Charfi, professor at the University of Tunis]
~ [TextJ Following the articles by K.S. Nair and M. Harbi
(J.A. numbers 1019 and 1020), here are the views of
another intellectual on Ahmed Ben Bella's profession of
faith (J.A. number 1014).
The faith of Algerians was the cement of their union and the catalyst of
their revolution. Islam has played a fundamental role in the expulsion of
the colonizer and in building a national sense of identity. Besides, as
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it lasted a lon~; time, the Algerian revolution cost the popular masses
dParly and had to acquire, thanks to these enormous sacrifices, an advanced
social content.
Ideological Evolution
In order to create a synthesis of thes~ different elements, the ideology
of Ahmed Ben Bella, one of the most prestigious historic leaders of the
revolution, was composed of a sort of marriage between Marxism and Islam.
That is to define the interest in reading the document which he was recently
able to ~orite after 15 years of enforced silence.
During this time many things have happened. The left has received massive
setbacks, caused by the cultural revolution which shackled for so long the
march of the Chinese people toward development, the genocide of Pol Pot,
the revelations about the Gulag, the occupation of Cambodia, the Sino-
Vietnamese war...
Similarly, we have watched as integrism [pan-Arabism] has grown in most of
the Muslim countries, and as the Iranian revolution erupted, one of the most
important events of our age and one of the most authentic revolutions of
the last 2 centuries.
These evezits seem to have also had a great influence on the ideological
evolution of the Algerian president; an evolution which seems to be toward
a Third-World populism impelled by disillusion with regard to the Eastern
countries and by adhesion to the Iranian revolution.
Revolutions are generally preceded by changes in ideas. The revolution of
1789 was in a sense prepared by Voltaire, Rousseau, Montesquieu, the
Encyclopedists...That of 1917 by Marx and his school. The uniqueness of
the Iranian r~volution, which constitutes at the same time its handicap, is
that there the action preceded thought. It is a"reactionary-revolution."
Reaction against the system of exploitation of the Iranian people and their
~ riches, against mimicry of the West, against the bloody dictatorship of
- SAVAK. But the most extreme ambiguity reigned, and still reigns, about the
design of the future society. The present trampling about is the result.
Domination and Frustration
For the moment all we have is the dream of turning back the clock a
thousand years to recover Islam's golden age and its time of glory. These
dreams were the fruit of decades of arrogant domination by the West, and
of the frustration it engendered. They are as understandable as they are
unrealizable. It is as if the Church wanted, today, to do battle against
atheism, return to the age of the Inquisition, or as if the Latin peoples
could set about to implement Roman law. Like the latter, Muslim law is
. one of the most impressive juridical movements in history. However, as it
has not changed in almost 1000 years, while Muslim society has experienced
considerable change, it is illusory to wish to reinstate it today without
profound modifications.
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Imported Wares
T!~e poverty of contemporary Islamic thought is apparent even without adding
to it the question of expedited justice and a return to corporal punish-
- ment. To haul up an executioner from the old regime before a revolutionary
tribunal, find him guilty in a quarter of an hour, and execute him immedi-
ately after, is an act that is hard not to condemn. All revolutions have
done this. But to call this "Islamic justice" is an insult to Islam and
all Muslims.
It is the same when the so-called Islamic militants oppress their Christiaan -
c.ompatriots in Egypt. The events at Minieh are in this regard especially
disquieting.
All the modern notions of human rights, toleration, universal suffrage,
separation of church and state, and of an independent judicial system
respectful of rights of the defendant were almost unknown to the ancient
civilizations. The West has devoted time to cultivating their acceptance,
and even now they are applied only partially. The Muslims need to "digest"
them, and above all to give them a content and form which change them from
imported wares to a continuation and deepening of their own historic
genius, their own civilization.
Attempts at a renovation of Islamic thought have been made by men as
celebrated as Jamaleddine el-Afghani or Mohmed Abdou who called for fresh
reflection on Islamic sources; by Tahar Haddad who showed that Islam is not
opposed to women's liberation; by Ali Abderrazok who argued that the state
is a political creation and not of necessity religious, and that a sepa-
ration between church and state in Islamic countries is not only perfectly
possible but even necessary. But these theories, in absence of deeper
development have remained isolated. In this regard, the insolvency of
contemporary Muslim intellectuals is patent. Most of them are familiar
with the most minute historic details about the Russian revolution or the
quarrel between Stalin and Trotsky, but are ignorant of the life, the
ideas, and even the existence of Abu Dhar el-Ghifari, the prophet's
companion and the first Muslim militant for social justice.
The Tunisian Woman and Iran
- This enormous gap has led to a situation where today references to Islam
attribute to it a certain reactionary or at least conservative cast, where-
as the marriage of Islam and progress is perfectly possible. It is even in -
the nature of things.
Finally, the Code on personal status, the pillar on which rests the emanci-
pation of the Tunisian woman in the framework of Islam, is more basic to
a renewal of that faith than are the writings of Iran's Islamic
Revolutionary Council.
COPYRIGHT: Jeune Afrique GRUPJIA, 1980
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INTER-ARAB AFFAIRS
PRESS COVERAGE ON OAU SUNiNIIT MEETING
Discrimination Against African Journalists
Paris JEUNE AFRIQUE in French 16 Jul 80 p 5
(Commentary by Sennen Andriamirado] _
[TextJ An incident little known to the honorable delegates marked the
opening of the OAU summit, at the Aberdeen Conference Center in Freetown
on 1 July. For 2 whole hours, a horde of ~ournalists was chasing OAU
information officials through the corridors. Armed with the special badges
that gave access to the gallery reserved for the press, journalists from
America, Germany, China, rrance, Japan, and the Soviet Union--as well as
- a special envoy from JEUNE AFRIQUE, it must be said--were allowed in. ~
The others, the Africans, bellowed their indignation in the hall. Only
_ 41 seats had been reserved; 6 for the Sierra-Leone press, 35 to the inter-
national and A,frican press.
Even if it be true that for journalists the corridors are a more abundant
source of news than a meeting hall, the de facto discrimination which hit
the African press in Freetown is nevertheless exemplary of the usual be-
havior of our leaders.
First, fear of the international press. Under the pretext of courtesy
toward foreigners, the states, like regional institutions, give them every
attention. Second, contempt for African journalists. Under pretext of -
African hospitality, they are enjoined to yield their seats to their
colleagues from abroad. So, at the OAU, they only get badges or passes
not used by the Americans or Soviets. At the briefings of the deputy
secretary general, the Francophone African ,journalists clamor in vain for
interpreters: the sessions are held in En~lish.
In fairness to the OAU officials, this contempt (unconscious?) only re-
flects that of the leaders toward their national press contingents, the -
rule being that the latter should only interest themselves in "their own"
delegation. Thus, colleagues from Malagasy were admonished for having
photographed Moroccan delegates. Similarly, colleagues from Gabon only
turned up at the appearance of minister Martin Bongo.
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By contrast, other journalists--especially Algerians and Moroccans--went
beyond the call of duty. From the beginning of the ministerial meeting
(18 June) to the end of the summit (4 July), they attended every debate
and had access to all the reputedly confidential documents. Because
they were registered as delegates. It is true that one of the two was _
no longer working as a journalist and was sending his dispatches back in
code.
After Freetown, Confusion Remains
Paris JEUNE AFRIQUE in French 23 Jul 80 p 5 _
[Commentary by Abdelaziz pahmani--passages between slantlines originally
published in italics]
[Text] After the tumultuous OAU summit in Freetown, dominated by the
Sahara affair, the main protagonists all returned home. Here and there,
conclusions were drawn. With some reservations and much self-satisfaction.
In rtorocco, the Sunday papers unanimously celebrated the success of the
kingdom's delegates. According to OPINION, /"it is P4orocco's victory over
its critics,"/ and LE MATIN DU SAHARA says that /"the seventeenth summit
was a true success for PZorocco."/
In Algiers, the tone is more moderate. /"The OAU has taken the wise path,"/
assures EL MOUDJAHID. By contrast, for Mohamed Abdelaziz, secretary
general of Polisario, /"the SADR [Saharan Arab Democratic Republic] is -
already the Slst member state of OAU."/
A point of view moderated by Edem Kodjo, who declares that admission of
the SDAR, just like the Moroccan demand to know what is a/"sovereign
and independent state,"/ remains /"at issue"/ until the wise men speak.
In Antananarivo, Malagasy President Didier Ratsiraka opines that /"the
real success of the conference is that Morocco agrees to talk to the
POLISARIO!"/ Senegalese President Leopold Senghor, for his part, cites
as interested parties, other than POLISARIO, AOSARIO [Association of
Natives of Saguia E1 Hamra and Rio de Oro] and the local elected officials
of the new Moroccan provinces.
This is far from being an exhaustive survey of points of view. It suf-
fices to show that, even if the OAU did not disintegrate in Freetown,
confusion remains.
'JEUNE AFRIQUE'Behind Closed Doors -
Paris JEUNE AFRIQUE in French 16 Jul 80 p 12
[Article by J. A.--passages between slantlines originally publislied in
italics]
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[Text] Because of the absence of any distribution system or kiosks, `
JEUNE AFRIQUE was practically unobtainable in Freetown, Everywhere and
at every t~our every issue of J.A. is read by a dozen readers, none of whom
have the means to buy his own paper. At the OAU summit, this rate of -
readership was well surpassed, except it was heads of state and govern-
ment, min isters and ambassadors who passed back and forth the rare issues
available with the cover story "OAU: Victim of the Sahara." The OAU caas
tr.uly a victim of it, and the Organizaticn came very close to not surviving
it.
Left and Monarchy
In this hot and heavy atmosphere, the two J.A. special correspondents
tried (cae re they able?) to keep a cool hPad--and not to react to several
provocations...They were not the only ones. Sennen Andriamirado and
Ab delaziz Dahmani were among the many who were not privileged to wear the
"b lue.badges", which were the same color as those of the...delegates. -
But this did not prevent them from learning a good part of what went on. ~
JEUNE AF'RIQUE was cited several times behind closed doors. President
Leopold Sedar Senghor paid us this honor, though he was not the only one,
when he s aid: /"...Professor Jean Dresch with another professor, a com-
munist like him, gave the proof in LE MONDE, which is a leftist paper/
(some commotion in the hall) /of the historic rights of Morocco. Obviously,
the secretary general of the French Communist Party, Mr Marchais, dis-
- agreed with the two professors, but Marchais was being a politician,
whereas the two professors were being scientific/ (laughter). /On the
other hand, in fact, in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, the Euro-
pean states that wanted to colonize the southern part of Morocco discussed
it with Morocco. I refer you to an issue of the review JEUNE AFRIQUE,
a leftist review/ (some laughter on the rows of delegates from former
Portugues e colonies, Madagascar, and Libya). /Oh yes. Oh yes. A leftist
review. There's nothing but Marxist-Leninists on the left/ (applause)/."
/"In JEUNE AFRIQUE,"/ President Senghor continues, /"Morocco has been given
th e nod, and a professor--who is certified, and therefore qualif ied--has
proven th at the European states in the Nineteenth and 'Itaentieth Centuries
always considered Morocco as exercising its suzerainty. Suzerainty and
sovereign ty. Now suzerainty is the power of the king, and let us not
forget th at Plorocco is a monarchy. You will tell me this is not pro-
gressive! But it happens that in Europe the most democratic and most
social-democratic countries are the ones in Scandinavia, under monarchic
regimes. It is the pluralism of p arties that makes democracy/ (applause)."
The following day, 4 July, and still behind /closed doors/, Mr Ali Triki,
the Libyan foreign minj.ster, blames President Senghor for events in Chad:
/"Perhaps Senghor is also going to tell us that LE FIGARO is a leftist
newspaper, as he said yesterday that JEUNE AFRIQUE is a leftist paper..."/
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Recriminations
At that instant, a voice was heatd that b roke up the delegate ranks:
/"Beware of Qadhdhafi,he kills"/ an allusion to a recent cover of J.A.
(r~umber 1016) , which triggers smiles and applause, proof if any were needed
that this issue of JEUNE AFRIQUE was not overlooked.
During the summit, the 2 special correspondents from J.A. were subjected
by the participants to much more recrimination than praise. /"Why such
criticism?", "such an article," "such an accusation"?/ The Senegalese
delegation did not lag behind: it did not appreciate two recent ar~icles,
one being termed /"misinfortned,"/ the other /"hostile."/ These criticisms
owed nothing to the left-right split. But almost all of them were upset
at not being able to get "their own" paper, including and especially those
who do not like it and ban it in Cheir own countries.
A delegate from a country where J.A. is not available was even so bold
as to wear a T-shirt bearing the inscription: /"I get my news from J.A."/.
Summoned urgently by his chief of state, he quickly slipped on a shirt ~
over it,..that was a b it too transparent. In order not to irk his "boss,"
he added a silk neckerchief to complete the camouflage...
COPYRIGHT: Jeune Afrique GRUPJIA 1980
9516
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NORTH AFRIr.AN AFFAIRS
TUNISIA CONTINUES POLICY PLANNED FOR ARABS, AFRICANS
Paris MARCHES TROPICAUX ET MEDITERRANEENS in French 20 Jun 80 pp 1549-1550
[Editorial: "Without Thrusting Aside the Thought of a Reconciliation With
Lib,ya, Tunis Intends To Keep its Arab and African Policy Active"]
[Text] Less than 4 months after the Gafsa affair, Tunisia
_ is envisaging a reconciliation with Libya but it is only
engaging upon this course very prudently, even with
reservations. In this connection it is actually the
Libyan state which is the plaintiff. As early as on 25
April Jadallah r~zouz at Talhi, secretary of the general
committee of the Libyan Jamahiriyah, sent a congratula-
tory message to Mohamed Mzali, who had just been put in
charge to form the Tunisian Government.
A communication from Tripoli reads as follows: "We are
ready to renew fraternal relations between the two
countxies, such as they existed formerly, and to go beyond
all the problems which the regionalists and the spiteful
have tried to create between our two people" (text of the
Libyan JANA news agency). This message also expressed the
hope that the Djerba declaration signed by Colonel
Qadhdhafi and President Bourguiba, be put into a concrete
form, under Mohamed Mzali's government.
Mohamed Mzali seems to have replied to this message only on 7 May. However,
in the meantime, during the Lagos conference on 28 or 29 April, the Tunisian
premier had been approached by the Libyan ser_retary of foreign affairs. On
28 May Mzali states his point of view on this matter to the Arabic
newspaper, AL MOSTAQBAL, which appears in Paris: "Responsible Libyans
have expressed their wish to turn the page. As for us we fe~l that the
wounds must be healed. However, as a matter of politics, the future
must always be envisaged. If responsible Libyans show their good faith,
make practical decisions to reform the climate by especially finding the
solutions to the problems of the training camps in which Tunisians are
enrolled, as well as to the situation which exists in regard to Tunisian
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workers in Libya, accept a just solution on the subjecc of the continental
plateau and consider unity as a long term ob~ective for its fruition, in
which the efforts of present and future generations must be combined, all
this i.n the framework of sincere cooperation in the interest of both parties
in the economic, social and cultural field, in a concerted action and
neighborly relations far from the interference in other people's business,
I would personally wish to see the page turned over."
, There is, therefore, no hurry on the Tunisian side. It will be noted that
Bourguiba has been very secretive as to his plans. It should be recalled
that in June 1977 it was Bourguiba who had personally taken the initiative
. for a reconciliation, although it is true that that was on the day after
Colonel Qadhdhnfi had m3de a speech in which he had perceived an inclination
towards a rapprochement. But it is only on that level that the problem
could be dealt with usefully.
Eventual cooperation for the solution of Saharan and Palestinian problems.
In the same interview with AL MOSTAQBAL, M~ohamed Mzali summarizes his
conceptions in the matter of Arab policies. To begin with he underscores
that Tunisia, in accordance with the actual terms of its constitution, is
an integral part of the Great Arab Maghrib; he himself is a citizen of
"Maglarib" since his early youth., and he is persuaded that the future of
the Arab Maghib lies in integration...but it will take time, can only be
realized after many generations and this will not be accomplished just with
words), but by means of a long term effort."
Recalling that Tunisia has not recognized the POLISARIO, he confirms that
he has good relations with Algeria, Morocco and Mauritania and adds that he
will make every effort to "broaden and diversify cooperation with those
states." President Bourguiba, in September 1979, had made an overture to
Morocco and Algeria and "we are ready to take all the necessary initiatives,
if the parties concerned wish it."
Declaring forcefully that, according to president Bourguiba and all Tunisians,
"Israel is the oppressor of the 20th Century" and "that the international
community could not be at peace with its conscience as long as it remains
_ indifferent to the millions of Pa]_estinians who have been driven out of
their country." Mzali confirms that Tunisia is "resolved to contribute to
the settlement of this problem with all the means at its disposal."
Liberal proposals.
AL MOSTAQBAL also asks Mzali if his go~ernment intends to carry national
reconciliation into effect. The prime minister replying at length, in a
very appropriate tone, pointed out that Tunisia "lives under a presidential
regime," and that in accordance with the president's wish everything will
be done to improve the climate and for "every Tunisian to be able to work
in freedom and dignity"; the party relying not only on a narrow elite but
also on the masses and retaining its effectiveness.
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;I
ruti ~r'r L(:lAL U5L UNL,Y
Islamic integrism does not see~, according to Mza1i, to constitute a
problem in Tunisia at the present time; everything must be done in order
that the religious faith does not become oriented to fanaticism and that
religion is not exploited for political ends.
Manifesting again a moderate liberalism towards the students, which he has
always displayed toward them, Mzali noted that it is in their nature to be
challenging and declared that he "was not at all disturbed to see them
initiate the election of a free student organization endowed with its own
individuality. Just as broad a viewpoint is manifested in regard to the
union movement: Mzali wishes for "free and democratic elections" in view
of the next UGTT [Tunisian General Federation of Labor] congress, "a congress
which we wish to be free in order to let a leading representative of the
people emerge."
From an outside observer's viewpoint, Mzali's liberal proposals cannot be
doubted, but it remains to be seen by what means he proposed to carry them
to fruition.
Everyone will agree that the Moslem integrist upsurge is not as accentuated
in Tunisia as in Egypt or even Algeria; nevertheless it has made appreciable
progress recently and simple declarations of intention will not be sufficient
to check it.
~
As to the student and union problems, their solution through the means of
general elections would in fact be quite correct, but what preparations will
be made for these elections to be at the same time really free and su~fic-
iently representative? It is evident that if the new student and union
leadership elected was contestable, w~ would be headed once more towards
serious difficulties.
Invitation to concrete development action.
Mzali's preoccupations are not limited only to the needs of the external and -
internal Tunisian policies. On 7 Ma.y, in Tunis, when he opens the third
session of the Arab Council of Ministers for Yauth and Sports, as he had
done on 28 April when speaking before the Economic Congress in Lagos, the
Tunisian premier intends to mark Tunisia's original place in the Arab world
as in the African Continent.
When Mzali examines the resources for the coordination of action and
efforts, before the Arab ministers for Youth, he insists forcefully on the
virtue of modesty which makes it possible to elude presumption and
intransigence; it appeared as though this was a discreet warning addressed
to Libya. However, this Tunisian statesman does not insist particularly,
since this is an active and positive style which he proposes, before
everything else, to recommend to the session: "Let us leave the doors wide
open to hope for Arab youth. Let us spare them the contradictions which
the adults are enduring. The young must be convinced tr~at pride dwells in
positive action, the gift of himself and the attachment to ~moral values."
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But the pedagogue reappears behind the statesman:
"We take pleasure in celebrating unity and arabism, but in reality, and
particularly among the young, we hardly know one another. Young Arabs, _
after 6 years of primary instruction, and seven years in secondary education
ratified by the general certificate of education (advanced level), have a
very modest and quite insufficient knowledge of the Arab world."
In Lagos, before the chiefs of state and of African governments, Mohamed
Mzali makes similar remarks:
"Development is at first a knowledge essentially oriented to a better
understanding of ourselves, of our socioeconomic milieu, and of our real
needs." Thanks to "an African ability springing from our own authenticity,
we could, added Mzali, attain the sensitive adequacy between training and
development...(and achieve) an African balance between man, earth, society,
economic space and the cultural era."
Finally, extending to the entire continent a Tunisian formula used by his
predecessor, Hedi Noura, the Tunisian prime minister suggests "the establish-
ment of a specifically African contract for development and civilization
designed: 1) to put forward the aspirations of the African man as well
as the characteristics of his society and his environment; 2) define the
general principles in economic matters on a bilateral, subregional, regional
and international plan; 3) specify the objectives of African development on
the basis of collective autonomy, people's influence on their natural and
human wealth and the application of our potential to the realization of the
African man's well-being; (4) disengage political volition in order for
these principles and concepts to attain the necessary force capable of
being applied effectively." � ~
This is the constant line of Bourguibian african solidarity policy.
Undoubtedly, the Tunisian Government intends to play a more active role
in African concerted actions, in which it will make every effort to imprint
a more effective mark.
New government participation.
Mohamed Mzali's "manner" is illustrated again by the comments, postponed for
a few weeks, he made to AL MOSTAQBAL on the subject of the ministerial
reshuffling on 24 April.
Recently, he explained, "the president invited one of his colleagues who
belonged to the Destourian group, which had kept at a distance from the
party, and entrusted him with a ministerial portfolio, not because he ,
represented a trend of opinion or a group, but because he is a competent
Tunisian, a patriot who respects constitutional legitimacy and the
republican regime."
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In fact, it is known that Mong~, Koali~ Moncef bel Had~ Amor and ~bdelazi2
Lasram, who resigned in December 1977, had once more rejoined the cabinet
in April 1980. The first two are ministers attached to the prime minister,
one of them to be the leader of the party, the other has in mind administra-
tive reform; the third is in charge of national economy. Tunisian opinion
sees in this selection an inflection towards liberalism. Mzali tempers
this evaluation by stating that a trend had not been given any consideration.
~
Nevertheless, Kooli's manner differs sufficiently enough from Sayah's to
get the impression of a change. But the enthusiasm with which Sayah has
made the most of his duties in equipment, and the resumption of his
journalistic activities as editor-writer for AL AMAL and L'ACTION give proof
at the same time of his discipline and his determination not to be brushed
aside. ~
COPYRIGHT: Rene Moreux et Cie Paris 1980
7993 .
CSO: 4400
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I~UIt Ulrl~ CClAl. USL: UNLY
AFGHANISTAN
STRATEGIST APPRAISES AFGHAN RESISTANCE MOVEMENT
Paris LE NOUVEL OBSERVATEUR in French 12-18 Jul 80 pp 34-36
[Article by Gerard Chaliand: "What Can the Afghan Resistance Forces
Do?"]
[Text] Gerard Chaliand, a theoretician of guerrilla wazfare and a
specialist in national liberation movements, was asked by the Inter-
national Institute of Strategic Studies in London to make an evaluation
of the Afghan resistance on the spot. (His report will appear in English
in the ADELPHI PAPERS at the end of 1981, and in French in the collection
"Strategies" put out by Berger-Levrault.) After spending three weeks
in Peshawar, Pakistan, and the province of Paktia, south of Kabul, he
supplied the NOUVEL OBSERVATEUR with his initial conclusions.
Two conclusions emerge for the observer studying the Afghan resistance. -
The first is that it is extremely popular, with massive support from the
people, and that weapons rather than manpower are lacking. The second
conclusion is that in terms of leadership, organization and coordination,
the Afghan resistance is one of the poorest in the modern world.
In fact, for an expert in national liberation movements and armed
struggles in the Third World, Afghanistan represents a kind of exception.
The main task of the vanguards assuming leadership of the national
liberation movements, whether it be in Vietnam, Cuba, Algeria, Guinea-
Bissau or elsewhere, is the gradual acquisition, thanks to the organiza-
tion of a clandestine political infrastructure, of the support of a more
or less substantial part of the population.
Nothing like this is found in Afghanistan. The population was spon-
taneously mobilized, beginning in the spring of 1978 and more particu-
larly after the SovieC intervention at the end of last year, to combat
the regimes supported by the USSR and the Soviet military presence.
Outside the cities, the major essential communications routes and a
series of small fortifications held by the regime thanks to Soviet
support, the country is in fact, particularly in the mountains but in
the valleys as well, and even in plain daylight, basically in the hands
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of the resistance fighters. Those who are fighting are sons of the
people, peasants for the most part, and their local chiefs are the
traditional chieftains or notables, religious or otherwise.
In Peshawar, the various movements which make up the resistance--there
are more than half a dozen, with three main ones--have no overall
strategy, no coordination, and no organization other than the tribal,
regional, family and trade links which are classic in traditional
societies. The resistance has hardly any program on the political level,
no social projects, no vision of the future. In almost all of the
guerrilla movements in Asia or Africa, there is always something new to
be shown to the observer: the village rommittee elected, integration of
women in the struggle, establishment of dispensaries or schools, newly
created people's stores or~manufacturing workshops in order to insure a
minimum of self-sufficiency. In Afghanistan, there is nothing new to be
displayed. There is no political or social innovation. In this regard,
there is greater similarity historically with the Basmachi movement,
through which, in the course of the 1920's, the Muslims of Bukhara
resisted the omnipotence and the innovations of the Soviets, than to any
modern guerrilla force.
But the fact is that the imposition of "socialism" by foreign tanks
supporting a regime almost without a social base is violently rejected
by the Afghan peoples. The religious recourse, like it or not, is to an
ideology of resistance and identity, of faithfulness to oneself and
society. Afghan nationalism, itself so divided into various ethnic
groups, is evidenced--whether it be among the Pathan, Tadzhik, Hazara or
Nuristani peoples--as opposition to the occupation, and this war may
provide an opportunity for consolidation. One could perhaps even speak
of the process of building a nation;; since these things occur less
through reasonable alliances than a popular struggle against a common
enemy, preferably foreign. There is a ferocious insistance on free-
dom and independence among peoples as little inclined to submit to the
state as to a foreign power. With the warrior tradition making a con-
tribution--a chapter on which it is not necessary to refresh British
memories, there is in Afghanistan today a people who, for whatever
reasons, will fight spontaneously for the freedom of the individual
himself. . ~
Rival Movements
The organizations representing the resistance in Peshawar--these are
Pathan organizations, but one finds therein representatives of all the
other ethnic groups in the country, although, excluding the Islamic
Party headed by H. Goulboudin, they have formed a coalition (which has
taken the name Islamic Alliance for the Liberation of Afghanistan, and
is headed by Abdul Sayaaf), do not represent a front but a conglomerate
of rival organizations which want to quarrel over aid and to increase,
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as is classic, their repr.esentation. The two leading organizations i.n the
coalition are the National Front for the Islamic Revolution in
Afghanistan, headed by S. A. Gailani, and H. S. Mojadidi's National
Liber.ation Front. Both these gentlemen belong to great families of
religious notables and represent a moderate wing, whereas Goulboudin
clai_ms to be more fundamentalist. The other groups are Rabani's Islamic
Society of Afghanistan, Mohame~i's Revolurionary Islamic Movement, rhe
Yunis Khalis wing of the Islamic Parry (a split from the Goulboudin
movement), well-established in the province of Nangrahar, with the
special featur.e that the leader, unlike the others, is in the field.
Finally, there is the Revolutionary Islamic and Nationalist Council of
Afghanistan, established by Z. K. Nassry. In practice, these are r.ival
movements, in the field as well as on the international Muslim scene.
Increasingly, signs of increasing impatience among certain combatants
in the interior with regard to these rather vain divisions can be noted,
' and it is possible that there will soon emerge, within the resistance
f.orce itself, the embryo of a new style of representation.
One enters Afghanistan after passing, between Peshawar and the fr.ontier,
a half-dozen Pakistani police blocks. These blocks separate the tribal
area (Pathan) from the rest of Pakistan, and it is not possible to pass
after 1900 hours. The various Afghan organizations ask foreigners who
want to enter the country to wear the local costume in order to be
noticed as little as possible. Sometimes the Pakistani police arrest
journalists and send them back to Peshawar, but generally, getting past
the blocks is no great problem.
We spent our last night in Pakistan in the small. town of Miramshah,
before crossing the frontier of the province of Paktia, headed in the
- direction of Tani, Khowst and Gardez, a trip of 200 kilometers as L-he
crow flies. In this season, on approaching the Durand line which marks
the Afghan frontier, one abandons the moisture of the monsoon season for
t.he cooler mountain air. The landscape in Paktia, unlike that of the
other frontier provinces, Nangrahar and Kunar, is wooded. Moreover,
camels in caravans carry individual loads of 200 kilograms of wood
purchased at 1,500 afghanis (an afghani is worth 10 centimes) and resold,
aEter a dozen days of Cravel, at 4,000 afghanis. Thus, Little by little
the province is being deforested and erosion is taking over, as in the
rest of the country.
A Choice of Teas
There is not a moment of solitude on these precipitous paths r_o which
r.un parallel, down below, trickles of more or less drinkable water. One
constantly passes other groups of mujahadin wearing the large Pathan
turban with a cock's crest, the long shirt and matching vest under a
cartridge belt full of bullets in which the narrow Pathan dagger is
stuck, full trousers and leather sandals w~.th soles cut from tires.
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The tlEghans ar~~ great walkers and their daily march extends up to 10
hours, so that the time left to study the level of the guerrilla force
is relativel.y limited. Sometimes one stops in a"chai k:ahne," a tea-
house constructed of mud. The fact that Afghanistan is a geographic
c rossroads is reflected in the fact that one finds both Chinese green
tea and Indian black tea. Both are drunk in quantity, heavily sugared.
The fact is dehydration is considerable and one must balance the energy
lost. _
If one does not find the abject poverty of the Pakistani population in
Afghanistan, one does see there an austerity close to the very minimum.
The meals are almost always composed of a kind of unleavened pancake
soaked in a sauce. No vegetables or fruits. Meat is a rarity.
The ni.ghts are spent either in camps set up by the mujahadin, or in the
villages, where the combatants' welcome is always cordial. One if
offered tea or whey, and also something to eat.
On the miiitary lev~l, I saw a battle in the course of my stay--an attack
on the Leja Post, occupied by the Afghan army, not far from Khowst. The
attack, which was launched at 1830 hours, lasted an hour and a quarter,
w ithout results. The spectacular operations to which the media have
accustomed performance-watchers are rare in guerrilla warfare. Decisive -
battles are still rarer. It is a question of harassment operations, the
leading dimension of which is psychological rather than military, a
routine operation in which one reminds the adversary that he is sick,
isol.ated and unable to control the terrain.
There were no casualties on either side, as far as I know, since the
efficacy of Kalashnikov weapons against a small fortress and a tank,
which sallied Eorth a few meters to impress the combatants, being nil,
as was the blind firing of machine guns and other weapons from the fort
_ against an adversary concealed in the rocky hillside. Any approach to
the entrenched camp was made impossible by a mine field.
This battle is consistent with the military equipment of the Afghan
resistance force--too many Lee-Enfield and Kalashnikov rifles (made in
Egypt), and almost no heavy weaponry. In all I saw one Chinese heavy
machine gun, two RPG-2's (individual Soviet antitank weapons) and one
mortar. In practice, the offensive capacity of the members of the
Afghan resistance force is limited. They cannot take any fortified post.
Even approaches to them are made impossible by mine fields. What re-
mains, basically, is harassment of communications, more thanks to mines
a nd explosives than attacks with light weapons, which are ineffective
a gainst tanks and helicopters.
_ From the military viewpoint, the losses in materiel and men which the
resistance fighters can currently impose are very limited, even if the
Homeric inclinations of the Afghans tend to convert moderate enemy
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losses into catastrophes. The real situation involves a precarious
status quo: The fortified rowns and posts held by the Soviets and the
Afghan Army are impregnable. Communications can be disrupted but the
heavy armored convoys with air cover go where they want. Or. the other
hand, it is out of the question for the forces of order to give chase to
the resistance forces, which control the greater part of the countryside
and the mountains without challenge.
it is the Pathan tribes native to the southeastern part of the country
which were behind the formation of the Afghan state in the middle of the
18th century. In one century, the Pathan ethnic group (40 percent of the
population) took over the bulk of the wealth of the country, wheatlands _
- in the nor[h, pasture land in the center, bazaar trade and above all,
the sta[e, admi.nstrative, army and police apparatus.
Cl.umsy Reforms
The people of the Khalq, who seized power in April 1978, are also Pathan.
But the errors they added one upon another in their desire for moderniza-
tion, pursued in mechanical fashion, without a specific knowledge of the
terrain, has alienated them from the complex of peoples including the
Tadzhiks, of Per.sian origin (about 35 percent), The Nuristani (3 percent)
and the Hazaras (10 to 12 percent) are fighting to preserve their rela-
tive local autonomy, born of the mountainous nature of their province.
The Turkish speaking populations, above all in the region of the
Badakhshan province (Uzbek, Turkmen and Kirghiz) are also fighting, as
are the Baluch people in the southern part of the country. While the
opposition to the shah in Iran came from the urban sector, the opposition
in Afghanistan was initially rural and tribal and has crystalized
around a rejection of the reforms clumsily pursued by the Khalq people.
But the movement has now reached the cities.
Agrarian reEorm is being pursued on the level of ownership of the land
exclusively, with ownership limited to 5 hectares. But it serves no
purpose to distribute land in Afghanistan if one does not also dis-
tribute water and seeds (see article by Olivier Roy in ESPRIT, May 1980).
A number of peasants have found themselves owners of land they could
neither plant nor irrigate. And so they went to the former owners of
the land to exchange their titles for seed. Anoeher decree prohibited
dowries. Now in traditional societies, the dowry, which must be returned
by the husband in case of divorce, weighed heavily as a deterrent to
repudiation. Another decree made education compulsory for girls, but
the state could only provide male teachers, not female. Practicing an
"underdeveloped-nation Stalinism" (Maxime Rodinson's expressi.on) in the
realm of Marxism, the regime was bound to come up against a population
over which the limited cadres had no hold. Very quickly, the leftist
putsch which brought the Marxists to power in April 1978 resulted in a
triple failure: failure of the state, which was incapable of imposing a
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different order, Eailure for the reforms due to lack of understanding of
the local realities, and economic failure.
The replacement of the Khalq by the Parcham, brought about by the USSR
and Soviet intervenCion, did not resolve the problem. The regime, what-
ever its desire for reform, came up against the national issue. It is
not possible, with the manifest presence of Soviet troops, for it to -
link nationalism and social demands. The Afghan Army, which had 80,000
_ men, dissolved, due to desertion or enlistment in the resistance, to the
extent of almost two-thirds of its volume, and there cannot remain today
many more than 30,000 men. The effort to rally urbanized youth to the
flag in May 1980 ended in failure. The rebellion is not localized, as
is of.ten the case with numerous liberation movements, in the frontier -
provinces. If one wishes to take the time, one can reach the center of
the country, in Hazarajat. French doctors are currently to be found in
a central province, far to the west of Kabul. The provinces of Logar,
Wardak, Ghazni, Parwan and Badakhshan are in the midst of struggle.
Others, such as Hazarajat and Nuristan, because of their mountainous
nature, are not occupied. Finally, the cities are active--first of all
Herat, Jalalabad and now Kabul, the center of the uncertain Parcham -
regime.
For ~he USSR, the situation is more complicated than it seemed several
months ago. The Marxist regime has been preserved, but on the other
hand, it has not been strengthened by the Soviet occupation. The offen-
sive capacity of the resistance has not been broken, not because it has
adequate weaponry but because the internal resistance has the greatest
weapon of any army, classic or otherwise--morale.�
Since the middle of the 1950's, the USSR has been Afghanistan's main
supplier of industrial products and military equipment--$2.5 billion _
until 1973 and $1 billion between 1973 and 1978. Now Afghanistan is
costing the Soviets still more.
If the USSR wants to resolve the problem of Afghan resistance, it must r
have time, troops and money. It is, of the three, the economic cost
which is the Soviet weak point. The greater the Soviet losses in
materiel, the heavier the cost will be. For this to happen the resis-
tance fighters need only be equipped with individual antitank weapons of
the LAWS 66 (British) or RPG 2 and RPG 7(Soviet) types.
How to Save Face? -
The weakness of the Afghan resistance is at the present time rather
similar to that of the United States--a lack of leadership. It must
promute the development of new, modern cadres, capable of organizing and
coordinating, while establishing parallel hierarchies of a state nature.
These higher cadres, obtained from the internal resistance, are indis-
pensable to the resistance. Because of the Afghan historical heritage,
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the resistance is too traditional a reaction, instead of being a
demand for economic, social and political change in response to the
hindrances to the Afghan society. It still represents the other side of
the brutal and mechanical modernism of the regime to too great an extent. -
But the war is playing a modernizing role. Younger cadres will doubtless
emerge. More precise demands will take shape in the interior. Mean-
while, the important thing is that the resistance receive the means to
defend itself effectively.
It is not accurate to say, on the other hand, that the Soviets have not
committed genocide in Afghanistan. This is war, with its concomitant
demands and victims. The number of refugees in Pakistan exceeds 800,000.
Nor, to my knowledge, is there any evidence with regard to the use of
napalm either. The Soviets are there to strengthen a regime, not to
decimate the population.
There is little likelihood that the Soviets will withdraw. What purpose
would intervention have served if they did? Moreover, h~w could they
save face? Basically, the policy of force pursued by the USSR is based
on the acceptance, on the part of the victim, of the concept that this
forc.e is invincible. Without a doubt the new Afghan war will be a pro-
longed one, the outcome of which does not depend on the Afghans alone.
~ But it is the Afghans alone who took up the challenge immediately, at
the most difficult moment.
Those who believe that it is possible to return to the previous status
quo, that is to say Afghan neutrality by diplomatic means, are without
question nurturing illusions. For the USSR, Afghanistan is henceforth
an integral part of the Soviet camp, even if Moscow says the contrary to
pacify a West which needs only to be reassured.
COPYRIGHT: 1980 "le Nouvel Observateur"..
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ALGERIA
BEN BELLA~S'SIItIOUS ERRORS' EXAMINED
Paris JEUNE AFRIQUE in French 16 Jul 80 pp 3G-31
[Article by Kouider Sami Nair, professor of political science: "Two
Serious Errors of Ben Bella"]
[Text] The profession of faith of [fornier president]
Ahmed Ben Bella that we published (see JEUNE AFRIQUE
No 1014) has generated as anticipated--and hoped for--
discussion among our readers. We give today the opinion
of Kouider Sami Nair, an Algerian, 34 years old, pro-
fe~sor at Paris VIII university, while next week we shall
publish the opinion of Mohammed Harbi, a historian and
former adviser of Ahmed Ben Bella.
That a voice that had been stifled for a long tim e should suddenly burst
on us to challenge us in the very area where we are hesitant is perhaps
more than a sign: It is an annunciation~ That this voice should be that
of the first president of independent Algeria gives this annunciation its
dramatic and simultaneously symbolic character. Here is a man who has
returned to the present after an attempt was made to plunge him into
oblivion, openly proclaiming what springs into the minds of the masses
seeking to find themselves. Could it be that Ahmed Ben Bella has known,
better and more passionately than others, how to listen to what has been
taking shape for a decade now in the heart of the Moslem community? And
what annunciation, what prophesy is heralded by the exile of M'Sila?
Extent of the I11
There is first the failure of the West, at least in the eyes of non-Westerners.
There is the failure of a model of economic organization based on the exr
ploitation of man but also on the subjugation of entire peoples. There is the
failure of a system whose substance, because it resides in the insatiable `
growth of profit, ends up destroying ev~en the simple and basic humanity
i.n man--so that man has became a cotmnodity, that his spirituality has
experienced such profound transformations that this spirituality continues
tu be as if paralyzed by all this. Since the beginning of this century
these truths have generally been recognized. But the crisis of the models
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and values which flow from this failure is general. It takes along in
its wake entire continents including the Third World, which is a continent
of continents, and within it the Arab-Moslem world whose pain Ahmed Ben
Bella strives to embody.
Distinctive and Excessive
And yet, not to distinguiah the reasons which have made such a dynamic ef-
fect possible would be to commit a serious error. To call the West some-
thing exclusive is one thing; to say as Ben Belia is doing that imperialism
resides "in us" is even better. But please, enough generalizations and let
us be more specific. Wh o is this "we"? That the crisis of imperialism
should be stressed today by the crisis of the Arab-Moslem world evidences
a third and more fundamental failure--that ~ the Arab national movement.
Wherever the petty bourgeoisie, the old middle classea, and the anny of
"revolutionaries" and bureaucrats who have led this movement iiave ass~aned
- power in the past 30 years, the political situation is manifest. The
national Arab-Moslem movement has been able to initiate political liberation
but is has been unable to secure econanic independence.
The reason for this is knawn: In the face of these millions of under-
privileged people mobilized to overcame colonialism and impecialism, these
classes and socia~ groups have not wanted to run the risk of a historic
face to face in which they would have lost everything. Rather, once
recognition of their sovereignty was secured, they strived ta become allied
with their former enemy and to act as his surrogate in the interest of
_ their security. This "we" mentioned by Ahmed Ben Bella thus has something
distinctive and excessiva about it--distinctive to the extent that he
designates a historic-social reality (the Arab-Moslem national movement) _
to which Ben Bella belonged and which he has been unable to leave behind, _
excessive because, instead of attacking the narrowness and ideological and
political limits of this movement, Ben Bella is satisfied with criticisms,
justified incidentally, of the West.
Terrible Apocalypses
This uncritical attitude regarding the social and ideological content of
nationalism had led Ben Bella to commit two serious and dangerous errors.
One is a theoretical error and the other a political error. Ben Bella
is right to at.tack bourgeois rationalism, cold and calculating, whose
- purpose is to assure control over nature through the domination of man over
man. Ben Bella is righ t to challenge a technology obeying especially
the laws of profit-making and containing in the form of at~cnic arms more
terrible apocalypses. But Ben Vella damnits a serious error as soon as
he identified "ration:~.l philosophy" and finally rationalism itself with
this bourgeois ration4lism. Hence the consequence that he does not fail
to produce and which consists in calling by way of counterpoint on the
irrationality of religious sentiment.
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Incoherence
Now, to oppose the irrationality of feeling to instrumental rationality is
again to be a prisoner of a bourgeouis problem of rationality. Let one
merely recall the experience of the movementa and regimes which, in thie
20th century, have nuC hesitated to use the capital of irrationality which _
mutilates the masses unconsciously and let one consider the consequences
that it entails. Without abusively imputing such an idea on Ben Bella,
is it not through the extraordinary manipulation of irrationality that
the Nazi and Fascist movements managed to impose themselves? It is thus
- appropriate to think about the practical scope of rationality and ir-
rationality in society.
One will understand, for example, that the national movement, with forms of
- bourgeois and petty bourgeois thought, could not propose anything besides
a grotesque and depreciated caricature of Western bourgeois rationality.
There was no question, once independence was secured, of creating a new
rationality, of stimulating society intellectually, of modestly gauging
real possibilities. Rather, from a demagogic viewpoint it was necessary to
see things very big, to ape the capitalist West, to "borrow" its money
and techniques--in short, to destroy what had not been destroyed yet and
to alter profoundly the future of underdeveloped societies. Responsibility,
- here, is measured in social terms, in terms of the class struggle and not
as a function of "rational philosophy." -
And this applies to technology as well as to rationality and science. That
this imported technology should hurt in lasting fashion societies which are
rnot prepared to assume it, that it�ehould additionally be ineffective and
e~onomically disastrous is also obvious. But in that respect, too, it is
important to be specific.
Now, it is necessary to find that the peoples of the Third.World are excluded
from a nexus with technology. In that respect, too, ape-like technocrats
, act as surrogates for the technological aggression against the Z'hird World.
It is thus not rationality in itself, technology, "Western" science--notions
that it is alwaqs necessary to consider as relative--which are to be
condemned but rather the bourgeoisie, petty bourgeoisie, and technocracy
of the developing countries. And it is because he does not see these
realities clearly that Ben Bella is committing his second error, this one
a political error.
That it should be nece~sary to oppose self-management and the multparty
system to tentacular burE~aucracy and technacracy is the most obvious and the
most radical of the alternativ-~. For self management has the virtue,
among other things, of chailenging every fo~n of power over society.
It transforms the social individual into an adult and responsible being.
It gives him the possibility of managing his life. Similarly, inultipartyism
carries in itself, beyond the cultural enrichment resulting from the
democratic exchange of ideas, a cardinal virtue: Social tolerance as a
~ model of behavior.
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rux urr~1~1AL US~ UNLY
Accordingly, it is necessary to have a minimum of coherence: One cannot
_ proclaim the necessary autonamy of the individual vis-via power, tolerance
wervus partisan totalitarianism, and at the same time make the apology of
, religion as a lever of struggle even if one takes numerous verbal
precautions regarding the alleged respect for "minorities."
Where Is Tolerance?
For in its essence religion relics on an undemonstrated truth which,
. precisely for that reason, threatens to become transformed into fanaticism
- and dangerous dogmatism. Until proof ~o the contrary is forthcoming one
has not seen in Iran, for example, a country which serves as example to
Ben Bella, the liberation of women or the social emancipation of workers.
Are workers on strike not charged every day by Ayatollah Khaneyni with play-
ing the stooges of "canmunist atheism"? Where is the tolerance? Where is
the freedom in a society where half of the population is obliged to wear
chadors [women's veils]? And it is indeed at that point that it is neces-
sary to consider those "Islamic" or Arab-Islamic values mentioned so
frequently by Ben Bella. What is their content? Is it a return to the
caliphate, a historic situation about :ahich little is known in the final
analysis? And is this return possible now that the planet has been
profoundly marked by Western capitalism, naw that the development of
productive forces, the organization of the world economy and technology _
raise massive and unavoidable problems? And in more radical fashion,
why could these values not prevent the destruction of traditional social
relationships by tri~nnphant capitalism? Would it not be because, in the
last analysis, they are in no way incompatible with this capitalism?
Would it be happenstance if "Mosle,m" capital exists today--according
- to Ben Bella's own expression? To raise these questions is to assume
responsibilities before history.
Minor Adventure
What is needed is the courage to ewim against the current, not to become
swallowed up in any old movement under the pretext that it calls
imperialism into question once again. Those masses which seek each other
and which pray today in the Moslem-Arab world, what else do they seek if
not their own social liberation? Ahmed Ben Bella is undoubtedly a man
of ideas but--and this is certain--he is first and foremost a man of
action. Let him be able to distinguish--and no one expects less of him�--
between the path of human emancipation, of cultural liberation, and that ,
of the minor adventure which does no more than postpone the true deadlines.
COPYRIGHT: Jeune Afrique GRUPJIA 1980
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IRAN
NATIONAL LIBERATION LITERATURE FROM IRANIAN AZERBAIJAN
Baku AZERBAYJAN in Azerbaijani No 1, 1980 pp 35-45
[Article by Mirza Ibrahimov in the monthly literary-esthetic journal of
the Azerbaijani Writers' Union: "Revival in the South"]
The enemy sees us giving up hand in hand,
~Ie give up our feebleness to the enemy.
They want to destroy the building blocks of every revolution,
But they must get the permission of our architecture.
Be rational and you will conquer the enemy
Our enemies fear that rationality
Create unity! The voice is unanimous among our people--
We will eliminate our poverty from our existence.
Sheriyar, "The Bird of Freedom" (VARLYQ)
[Text] Everyone remembers major historical events like the revolution
which overthrew the monarchy of the shah in Iran in 1979.
The revolution brought to all Iran, especially Iranian Azerbaijan, a new
life in culture, literature and the arts. Now, in Tehran, Tabriz, Ardabil
and other.cities a number of new ,journals and newspapers have begun to
- appear. Althaugh these journals and newspapers emanate from dif�erent
sources, they all have a similar tone: They publish fact-finding
articles, exposes, short stories and poetry about past reigns of the
shahs, concentrating on the tyranny and injusCice, treason and venality
of the Pahlevi regime. Naturally, these articles are full of rage and
anCipathy taward Mohamu~ed Reza Pahlevi, the last evil symbol of~this
dynasty. ~t the same time, they anathematize the imperialist aghas
[lordsJ who created and nourished the Pahlevi tyranny, forced them to eat
and drink it, and encouraged even more bloody and ugly actions. In the
first issue of the journal VARLYQ we read in the article "National
Oppression in Azerbaijan" by M. E. Yashar: "From the historical point of
view, the fearful tyrannical regime which continued in Iran for more than
a century was established by world imperialism after World War I as a
strategic.maneuver, basically under the aegis of English imperialism."
Based on this strategy, the foundation of a"powerful and central,ized"
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state in Iran, as in a number of other countries, was able to insure two
fundamental goals of imperialism. One of these post-World War I goals
was to give warning to Iran about the course of the revclution underway
in Russia, its northern neighbor; the second was to make Iran's economic
situation dependent on Western imperialism, to plunder its natural
resources and to turn its commercial possibilities into a marketplace
of imperialism." (VARLYQ No 1, 1979 p 12)
The author notes that in setting,up this anti-national and anti-de~mocratic -
plan, "the militarist government of Iran headed by Reza Khan and, later,
- his son, held the future in their hands." All the "national and democra-
tic possibilities" which had been won by the constitutional revolution
were destroyed. By "destroying all free an~i independent channels" they �
created "the basis of a despotic regime." Similarly, they eliminated
"all social and political freedoms." "By crushing the revolutionary
spirit of the people under their heels," they tried to "remove freedom of
speech and thought from everyo ne." They turned "Iran into a prison of
peoples."
The author of the article writes later that the elimination of the
national entities, cultures and languages of the peoples living in Iran
was based on injuries inflicted on the peoples by the "feudal-bourgeois
chauvinism" policy of the Pahlevi state. "In these terrible and severe
years of turbulence the people of Azerbaijan, like other peoples in Iran,
were forbidden an existence wherein they could use their mother tongue,
_ regional characteristics, national awareness and culture. Their activi-
ties and skills were crushed and liquidated because they could not follow
a healthy evolutionary path and their very, best human characteristics
were ridiculed."
It is natural: the Azerbaijanis, like all peoples living in Iran, when
seeing the light of a revolutionary dawn, after the dark night of 50 years
of tyranny, have taken the first joyful steps on the road of educational,
cultural, spiritual and social uplift. Long-suppressed aspirations of the
people have begun to flourish, and these find their reflection, above all,
in belles-lettres.
The poem entitled "The Voice of Time" by Shehriyar in the first issue of
VARLYQ is written with high craftsmanship. The poem finds its way into
the reader's heart with its depth of feeling and ideas, and compels him
to think:
I slept in my hammock as in my childhood,
The voice of my mother lullabies me;
If I am on a journey, the ~ingling of the camel-bells
Awakens me, the voice of a passing caravan.
Recently the throne trembled, listen -
To the voice of the nations cry for help and mercy
That greasy voice cannot remain my prison for forty years
If it is not greasy, then accept from me my humble voice.
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If I raise my voice, I must express the evil
. The nation is bitter, a powerful voice is raised...
If the voice is magnetic, in .irmed revolt, pay attention,
If is the brave voice of the commanders of freedom.
(VARLYQ No 1, 1979 p 32)
The joyful situation that strikes the eye in contemporary southern lit-
erature is the proliferation of essays, journalism criticism and scien-
tific articles. In these writings the historical past, the music, the
language and literature of the people are discussed, and works of con-
temporary writers are analyzed. Genjeli Sabahi, in an article devoted
to Che great patriotic poet Sehend, who recently died, evaluates the work
of the poet very highly and acquaints us enthusiastically about a number -
of his esthetic and idealistic qualities. He notes especially Sehend's
loathing of tyranny, his patriotism, and his love for progressi.ve social
ideals. "The world of the poet exists for itself. He wants freedom. A
life where everyone is free. Where compassion and peace reign. The poet
does not search for a pleasant, free life for himself alone:
I am not alone;
The pulse of my people, my territories,
Beats with me.
My heart is beating, but
In tuy breast there is no heart,
But a million hearts are beating.
Like the butterfly I was struck
By the torch called life in the world.
If I burn, I do not weep;
I was born to burn
In this melancholy state
Without hes3.tation.
(Op. cit., p 39)
During the period of tyranny Sehend did a lot of courageous educational
and patriotic work, wrote and published beautiful works in his native
language, helped other writers and aroused grea.t love among the people
for the fine arts. As a result, enthusiastic works about Sehend are
published, and poetry is dedicated to him. The value of these works is
that they celebrate the ideals of the liberation and happiness of the
people as the meaning of the whole existence and creativity of Sehend.
For example, the poet Muzeffer in his poem "In Praise of Sehend":
You did not bow your head; you revolted against the
tyranny and reaction oppressing the fatherland.
Never being silent, you called for justice in every
way at every period...
(Op. cit., p 48)
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As for the poet Eli Tebrizi, he wrote an excellent poem in the classical
ghazal form in which he sketches the qualities he esteems valuable in the
life, creativity and activity of Sehend in his memoir:
As a youth Sehend saw his language enslaved.
Believe us, he almost died guarding his honor.
As days passed in tyranny, he y~arned for the sun.
When the sun rose and set, he wept for us.
When the bitter winter frosts melted,
Though it was spring, it was fall for us.
Look at the present unity, know this profound secret
That everything that was has perished, and only this
limb rema.ins to us . �
Tebrizi's wish is nothing else:
If there is unity, no pogrom shall fall to us.
(Op. cit., p 49)
_ One of the factors showing the life and strength of the literature of
Iranian Azerbaijan is that, despite the disastrous severe persecutions,
poetry, short stories reflecting the feelings of discontent, loathing and
anger of the people in the period of despotism in the mother tongue, and
many folklore samples were collected. Certainly, at that time, the
majority of these works never saw the light; as for some others, they
ware withdrawn from the printer and destroyed. Now some recently printed
works which have come to hand are supplied to the readers. It is natural
that some of them contain a deep grief engendered by the period. For
example, we read in the poem by DY Hamid Nitgi:
Do not look at the yellow mountains,
May your eyes not fix on any distance at all;
Do not speak: whatever happens, let your ears become deaf,
Consciences are rusty, sleep difficult...
The dark night is a pit without bottom,
Tears in the breast and secret fear...
Sword strapped in its scabbard so it doesn't cut,
~
The grip of the murderer is on your throat.
If qou cast off the chains which have been on your
neck for years
You are exiled within the homeland, if you live as
a stranger...
Although there is a sorrow in these poems which reflects the tragic influ-
ence of tyranny, oppression and injustice on the human personality, there
is neither pessimism nor lack of hope; the hope of a dawn of freedom lives.
In a poem called "There Is a Road Geing Toward the Dawn" there are many
lines calling for unity and struggle:
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Go, your home is distant, but close;
Grit your teeth, do not push, be calm;
Hope from no one a remedy for your grief:
We are no one,-- you and me
- If we die, or if we stay, its just a road.
Give me your hand, perhapa we'll limp to a stopping-place;
If I should fall, continue along the road, fellow traveler;
Do not resist but move on, cross these mountains--
Your knees are strong, do not tire, move on...
Dr Hamid Nitgi (VARLYQ No 1, 1979)
If we take into consideration what the poet wrote at the beginning of the
1970's, that is, when Mohammed Reza Shah inflicted a limitless government �
on the people, began to set up hotels, properties and estates in foreign
accounts based on the millions of dollars flowing in from Iranian oil,
filled the country with American "advisers" and weapons, strengthened
the secret police organization, and put freedom-loving and patriotic sons
of Che people on trial, we are able to get an idea of the intense feelings
under which the poet lived and created. We meet these kinds of feelings
in the works of other poets and writers which show how deep the pains
st3.mulated by the shah's tyranny is in the bosom of the people. A poem
written by Hebib Sahir in the time of tyranny, but published only now,
describes the painful, sorrowful situation of that time:
A lot of autumns
came and went.
A lot of caravans
stopped and moved on.
In one autumn we were orphaned,
, in one autumn, we were inflamed!
Finally,
in the realm of our dreams,
we took wing...
Time came,
time went,
We thought,
each alone,
- of our homeland.
We longed for
the cool springs...
the verdant fields.
(VARLYQ No 2, 1979 pp 42-43)
As for the charming sympathetic ghazals of the poet Valeh, he wrote an
interesting ghazal in 1978, a time of great recklessness of Mohammad Reza
Shah when he considered himself the "leader of the people" and "lord,"
and the terror against the discontented masses caas intensified. Here the
.powerful patriotic feelings are expressed with great poetic beauty and
similes:
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The heart endured this evil pain of the difficult years,
but burned,
I cannot express the grief with which the heart was
inflamed.
The grief of my country is mine,--I am a poet of this landl
The wasting of the land was done by grievous tyranny, o heartl
0 fairy of freedom! Awaken, open your eyes,
The heart awaits your arrival with bewildered astonis~m~nt
Thousands of youths are being sacrificed to you every day.
Come mercifully, sit not silently that the heart be annihilated.
I have opened this naked soul to you, I give it as a gift.
If it is my fate, the heart will become another sacrifice
on this road; �
_ My children will mourn for the homeland.
The heart sustains these tragic griefs.
(VARLYQ No 3/4, 1979 p 65)
In scientific, literary and publicist articles and writings, even in
letters from readers, there is a many-sided discussion of the vile acts ~
of the time of absolutism and the tortures inflicted on the working masses
and different peoples. It is seen from the opinions and styles of expres-
sion that the authors of these essays and letters represent different _
strata of the society. From this point of view a letter by a reader
named Seyid Ebdulhemid Surkhabi is of interest. He considers "reading
and writing in one's awn language, lectures in one's own language in all
schools, the use of the mother tongue in the organs of jus*_ice, the courts,
on radio and television, and the publication of newspapers and magazines
in one`s own language" to be a natural right.
- Later, returning to the time of the shah, he notes that "it was a demand
of the r.ature of that regime not to open the way for such things at this
time. Such tyranny in an Islamic republic and the possibility of disobey-
ing the laws and decrees of Allah are inconceivable. Otherwise, an
Islamic republic would have denied its nature and philosophical substance."
(VARLYQ No 2, 1979 p 49)
As is seen, Seyid Ebdulhemid is a religious man. He bases the right of
every people to communicate in its own language and to read, write and
publish books on verses in the Koran, and calls those opposed to this
"a movement of those who do not give in to us because we are Azerbaijanis,
and a movement of those who wish to tie us by force to their languages
and cultures; a satanic rebellion against the will of Allah." (Ibid., p 5) _
In the majority of articles published in Iran and Iranian Azerbaijan,
publishing books in the people's own language is tied to the question of
the opening of schools. This is one of the most injurious aspects of the
"accursed generation who gave us the old time of tyranny." In the journals
whose names we have mentioned above, articles are published on questions
of learning the pasC history of.a people and its language on a scientific
~
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basis. Since the mother tongue was persecuted for a long time, and since
the road was not open for instrucCion in the native tongue even in f arms
and elementary schools, there are a number of questions on the develop-
ment ot a language on which no research has been done, the literary
language has not been purged of Arabic and Persian elements, and the
correspondences between the popular vernacular and the literar; language
have not been studied. Intellectuals, writers and scientists are now
dwelling on these types of problems. From this point of view the
articles by M. E. Yashar "The Spoken Language Is the Written Language"
and H. N. Altay's "Rich Poverty" are interesting. Yashar shows the mis-
take of "those who consider a literary language to be the language of the
city, area or locality where they live" and calls on writers, poets and
litterateurs "to cooperate in a collective and unique literary and ~
written language for all the people." (VARLYQ No 2, 1979 pp 3-4)
:1s for Altay, in his article "Rich Poverty" he connects the question of
the development of the language history of Azerbaijan with an all-sided
and deep learning of the lexicon and rules of gra~ar, and writes about
the persecution of the language by reactionary and ruler-warshipping men
left over frnm the time of tyranny, and the defense of the language from
attack: "No one has the right ~r authority to Frohibit or forbid our
spoken language. Our language shall be heard everywhere, unconditionally
and without reservation, in the home, in the street, in the medreses, in
firms, and in every conceivable official and unofficial place and office."
(VARLYq No 3/4, 1979 p 6)
� The author notes that in order to learn the lan~uage, to shaw its rich-
ness and power, and to define its graa~ar and laws on a scientific basis
"we will even translate works by authoritative scholars and methodologists
from Soviet Azerbaijan as well as the works of other philologists belong-
ing to other countries and ideologies. This time, you will be unable to
suppress us under the prete~st of 'communism' or 'pan-Turkism' for the
'sin' to connect our past with speaking ar writing our own language."
(Ibid., p 7)
The majority of the writings which�have appeared in the journa_ls recently
in Iranian Azerbaijan and have passed through our hands are of a demo-
- cratic s~irit and attract attention through their broadness of subject
matter. In.. th~se articles the benefit ~f workers and tillers af the
soil, and ~.he idea of friendship among the peoples of Zran are defended..
For ex~mple, at the meeting which took place at the founding of the
"~u~~b;~ii~n Writers' and Poets' Union" we read in the list of objectives
o~ the group: "to disseminate among tihe people the idea of a worka.ng
and toiling class who are drawn Co planning ahead and to defend this
idea, ~o declare unity with all other suffering peop'les of Iran, and to
shun idealogies advocating every kind of accursed nationalistic or
rel~.gious remedy." (YOLDASH No 8, 1979 p 30)
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YOLDASH and VARLYQ especially noted May Day, the day of international
solidarity of the workers. On this sub,ject a large number of publicistic
articles and poetry were published. The poem called "Workman's Holiday"
by Muzaffer is on this subject. .
The worker's holida,y is the lst of May,
The anniversary of the Chicago event,
93 years ago, rising up,
Putting their lives on the line
To emerge from tyranny and slavery,
Seeing through the insults and the bribes
They gathered one day and revolted;
A revolt against injustice, tyranny, and the masters. �
What is interesting there is that the poet, in describing an historical
event, in other words, the celebration of the workers of Chicago, uses
such words and expressions that they remind the reader of the days of the
shah's tyranny :
From this side police, agents, gendarmes--
The lowly, Che hooligans, a years worth of traitors--
Rifles, picks, clubs in their hands ~
And bullets, bombs, gunpowder, knives and hammers
They attacked the working class,
The opposition to the bourgeoisie, the overlords.
Calling them "troublemakers," "traitors"--
They turned the demonstration into blood. -
(VARLYQ No l, 1979 p 62)
The poets and writers of Iranian Azerbaijan, while reflecting the complex
life, desires and aspirations, and the truth about the unending socia].
struggles, quickly turned to the brave history of the fatherland and its
revolutionary past, and they try to push the movement forward by means of
historical parallels. In their works Babek, Dede Gorgud, Koroghlu and
Gachag Nebi are recalled, and the constitutional revolution and the
Azerbaijan democratic movement of 1941-1945 are commemorated proudly.
In the poem by Eziz Mohsun "Settarkhan" the brave struggle by the great
revolutionary and his unforgettable services to the people are eulogized:
Brave son of our heroic people,
Our people praise you this day.
You stood up against injustice and tyranny.
Every celebration was opened by your hand.
A pity! The dark curtain of tyranny
Again tightens its grip on the throat of our people.
The order of the crown-bearing executioner
Crushes thousands into the good earth. 1
Once again blood gushes from the mouth of tyranny,
. Justice-lovi.ng men are imprisoned.
Again bloodied hands strike
This.beloved earth, this Azerbaijan.
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This poem was written in the years when reaction and despotism flooded
- the land. The serious condition of the country is described with a
sorrowful heart. Eziz Mohsun, liye the poets from whose works we have
cited examp les, despite the trag'.c and severe condition of the country,
do not lose the hope of freedom and say that the people will not submit
to any executioner, that they will struggle resolutely, and that the day
of liberation is sure to come.
But this country will not submit
If it goes on a thousand more terrible days.
It will rage like a wave-torn sea;
Although the wind is rising, my star will shine...
Settarkhan! :rtay it be sworn on your name, �
May it be sworn not to submit to that banner,
May it be sworn that illegitimate blood shall be cast off,
May it be sworn inextinguishably to brave men
That we shall finish this sacred strug~le.
Our hearts are beating with the love of freedom.
Even if a river of blood should flow on Chis road,
These lands shall not yield to tyr~y...
(VARLYQ No 1, 1979 pp 52-53)
It is of value that in the pages of the press emerging in the south not
only literature from the classical period, but also from the 19th and 20th
centuries are treated as a unity. Examples from the works of poets,
writers and scholars who wrote and write now in both parts of Az~rbai~an
are presented. In articles like "Settarkhan in the Poetry of Sabir,"
"Ustad Shehriyar and Gachag Nebi" we see the poem,s of Sabir and exam~les
from Nebi's popula�r epic poem. Similarly, we read the poem of Shehriyar
, "Gachag Nebi":
There is a key to the door of the prison, Nebi.
We are harnessing a plane to the birds, Nebi,
You cannot stay in this hot prison.
You could not sell the mother's cradle.
You could not strike the homeland of the fathers.
0, victim of honor, brave Nebi.
(VARLYQ No 3/4, 1979 p 42)
In the articles by Hesen Mejidzade Savala "Ha~y Mirza Rushdiyye" and
Sehend's "He Died by Semed Sebahi" we come across valuable information
and exciting ideas about the writer-teacher Rushdiyye and theatrical
director Semed Sebahi which demonstrates the unforgettable services to
popular education and theatrical arts in the 19th and 20th centuries
through their literary and stage activities.
After the turbulence of life in Iran today, after the unceasing shaking-
up of social relations and violent conf licts beCween different fronts,
movements and classes, and after confusion in a number of regions, finally
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both the open an~3 secret hostile activity by the shah (w:zo is now in
America) and his aghas (lords) and nobles find their reflection in
various ways in the works of Iranian Azerbaijani writers. Especially the
national question which Prime Minister Bazargan calls "conflicts between
Sunni and Shiite, Arab and Persian, Turk and Kurd" and considers "a nasty
stain on history" (AZERBAYJAN, 1979 (2690) 128)--is a question about
which all peoples, all intellectuals--in a word, the writers of
Azeroaijan--must think. Forward-thinking intellectuals, writers, pro- !
gressive people, above all, the masses wish to live under conditions of -
friendship, equality, good relations and connections not only with the
people of Iran but with the peoples of the entire world. Reactionaries
under the ruling terror, a shah with neither crown nor throne, plundering
imperialists and ruling chauvinist circles are trying to reach their ~
hypocritical objectives among the people by inspiring hostilities among
the Azerbaijanfs and Kur ds, who have been neighbors for centuries, and
which have divided fire and hearth, salt and bread, by putting them into -
conflict with each other.
Progressive forces and true p atriots of Iran understand this tactic of
the enemy and must try to know of their seditious activities beforehand,
and must create an atmosphere of friendship and security among the peoples
of the region. But attaining this great goal by the use of weapons or
force or, as the new Tudeh Party has said "by untying a knot with your
teeth when your fingers will do." However, there is but one path: The
Tudeh Party of Iran is of thE opinion that it is possib le to create
"tranquility" by a bending and twisting road. But, neither in Kurdistan
nor in other areas where national deprivation e~d sts is a solution to the
national question possib le." (AZERBAYJAN, 1979 (2690) 128)
It is a joyous state that southern writers and intellectuals divulge the
hypocritical ideas of the enemy in their activities and works, and acti-
vate intelligent and inf luential courses of action against them. VARLYQ
reports that the Azerbai~jan Commit*_ze reported a meeting of Azerbai~anis
~ living in Tehran with Seyid Ezeleddin Huseyin, the spiritual leader of
the great Kurdish people. At this meeting "in a few words by the com-
mittee the 'long historical friendship and brotherhood between the Kurdish
and Azerbai~ani people was noted and the desire was expressed to strengthen
this friendship and brotherhood even more from day to day." (VARLYQ No 2, -
1979 p 61)
Events occurring in the south show that, as the writer Eli Tebrizi wrote
in his article "What Is Being" the period of "burning silently in the
flames of bitter r.ational oppression is to be roasted silently" is over.
They are determined to defend and preserve resolutely the material and
spiritua~. blessings which Che people won through obstinacy and for which -
they made so many sacrif ices and destroypd the tyranny. On this we read '
in the journal: "We will not give up this freedom which came ~nto our
hands at the cost of thous3r?ds of our compatriots and youths at any price.
This time, let us protect our freedom like our very lives. If freedom
goes, so must our life go." (VARLYQ No 2, 1979 p 55)
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Now, everywhere in the world working men and peoples are demanding their
natural rights and laws. Especially on the road to this great objective
diverse social classes and peoples are unifying their powers; they are
striving to attain solidarity and to struggle in unity. Because strength
_ and victory are now in unityl And not a disaenting voice! The poem by
Vulka "In Unity There Is Strength" was not written without reason; it is
a requirement of life, development and victory.
This word comes down from our fathers:
Unity of all is an army of strength.
Unity gives strength to the country,
Unity creates every hope...
(Op. cit., p 66) �
Tha worics of Iranian Azerbaijani poets and writers also compel attention
due to Cheir esthetic qualities. The beautiful language, the meaningful
similes, the smooth, agile vernacular expressions, the tendency to gen-
eralize philosophically, and its base in general human conceptions of -
patriotic feelings are valuable characteristics of this literature. It
drinks from the sources of the rich classical literary heritage to a
significant degree and from the creativity of the people. One meets the
poetry and names of Semed Vurghun, Suleyman Rustem, Resul Rza, Eliagha
Vahid, Bekhtiyar Vahabzade, Eliagha Kurchayly and others in r.ewspapers
and joumals in the south. "Glorious Truth" by Muzeffer, "My Ancient
Homeland" by Eli Tebrizli, Sahirli's "Song of the Homeland," H. Choshghun's
"My Tab riz" and a number of other poets of this type express the truth
about the revolution, freedom, and the rights of free men. In "Glorious
Truth" we read:
If there is no glorious truth in the world--
~ Nature's i~rint, the world of poetry, is inevitably corrupted.
The wild darkness of bitter tyranny spreads everywhere;
T~ranny, suffering, agony and torture grip the world;
No one finds felicity in this world;
All mankind is blanketed with fear and ferocity.
The poets, who connect the ideal of freedom with the victory of truth,
finally, state that lies are to be wiped off the face of the earth, that
humanity shall be liberated from terror and tyranny, and that they shall
be united in illumination, freedom and felicity.
The day will come when mankind shall be free--
Speaking and writing will be free, the conscience will be joyous.
Manifest officia~ injustice will not exist.;
A powerful compelling force grips the world.
Intellectuals say that this force is the strength of ~ne country:
It is the force raging against injustice and inequity;
The wind is the force of the sighs of the oppressed,
The criminal does not know of our solidarity beforehand.
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Look, see how my land is ready for this opporttmity,
Darkness grows s teadily on these horizons:
~ people have a firm resolve--
Glorious truth must flare up soon.
(VARLYQ No 2, 1979 p 65)
Basic truth is the free and felicitous ideal of peoples and working men.
- Tyranny, exploitation, riolence and oppression are the enemies of truth. -
They embody lies, terror, two-facedness and hypocrisy. In that place
where people are free, the truth shall flare up, every place shall be
illumi.ned with its light, and the hearths shall see it. In the poem by
Eli Tebrizli "My Ancient Homeland" he stated that the people of Iran, in
a word, the Azerbaijanis who raised the banner of revolution, lived with ,
this hope. Here, connected with aspirations for a free, felicitous,
bright day of this ancient people who inherited bravery, courage, forti-
tude and fearlessness from their ancestors, says:
The dawn is upon us, awaken forever �my country. _
May my country always exist with ~u~,ttce in this world.
Your brave being is a complex structure,
~iay you go on. forever, my hearth an~ ~JtlI1tY'y.
The poet calls on the people to cast off the sorrows and agonies of the
regime of tyranny, to live in joy and gaiety, and to look hopefully to
the future in their movement and activiCy:
The face of national existence, which has seized the day,
flares up.
May your face b e as b rilliant as the sun, my country.
If the light is extinguished in our undying homeland,
My country must light a torch from its immortal soul.
(Op . cit. , p 53)
It is known that the shah's regime gave no thought to the econoiatc and
� cultural development of Iranian Azerbaijan. They left no means for the
prosp erity of the villages, cities and farms, for the opening of fac-
tories and industries on a modern industrial and technical basis, for
equipping the agricultural enterprises with machinery. For this reason, .
unemployment in the towns and farms of Iranian Azerbaijan grew from day
to day. Hundreds of thous ands of Azerbaijanis went south in the hope of
finding work. The poet, specifically viewing this situation, says:
Come, do not leave the fatherland,
Do not at~ach yourself to a stranger, brother!
That is not the way of the times.
A stone does not drown in stone. _
S trike like li gh tning ,
Flow like a torrent,
But with the force of stone...
(Op. cit., p 54)
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_ t
r1s is seen, in the literature created in Iranian Azerbaijan, the people's
"flashing like lightning, flowing like a torrent, boiling over. ierment"
is a powerful, motivation to struggle to move toward a new goal., meaningful
activity, and a new life. Certainly these ideas and feel'ngs are con-
ceived in life itself. They are removed from rhetoric, they do not want
empty shouting, their eyes have been opened in the revolutionary struggle,
their creative powers are the expression of the work and activity of the
enraged masses--they come to literature from life and, burning with the
flame of inspiration, filled with poetic passions, turn to life anew~.
_ Our desire is that this connection of esthetic conception with life be
further strengthened in Iranian Azerbaijani literature and, that with new
= b rilliant scenes of the people's work and aspiration which illuminate and
beautify this literary life, they will please us with new beautiful
e~camples of their poetic ideas.
COPYRIGHT: "Azerbayjan" No 1, 1980
9676
CSO: 1810
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rvn Vrrll.tt~l.~ UJ~ UiVLT
IRAN
EXEIMPLES OF NATIONAL LIBERATION LITERATURE
Ba1cL AZERBAYJAN in AzerbaiJani No 1, 1980 pp 46-57 ~
[Selections of Works by various Iranian Azerbaijani writers, with comment
by Mirza Ibrahimov]
[TextJ After the fall of the shah, while the publishing activity in Iran-
ian Azerbaijan was left to different associations, unions and groups, for
all of them there is but one goal: To teach the people of Azerbaijan
their own national characteristics, both historical and cultural, in their
native language.
To give you an idea of the newspapers and magazines beink publishec:: DADA
GORGUD [an epic hero, common in Azeri literary references], xUROG:LU
[similar to the preceding title~, AZARBAIJAN, ARAZ [the river serving as
boundary between N. and S. Azerbai~an], BIRLIK ["Unity"J, KHALG SOZU ["The
Word of the People"], ANA NASHR ["The Mother Press"], and ODLAR YURDU
["Land of Fires": a synonym for Azerbai~an].
The basic goal of the Azerbaijani writers and intellectuals working in all
these publications is to "return ro the Azerbaijanis" the Azerbaijani ,
language. To quote from an article "The Imprints of Language and Chauvin- :
ism in the Social Struggle" in No 3 of JANLIBEL magazine: "In the Pahlevi -
period the mother tongue, especially the written language, was eliminated.
The imposition of the Farsi language locked the gateway of knowledge to
our people and created obstacles on the way to attaining even a smattering
of scientific knowledge."
[Here the text is broken and there is a blurred photo
of the covers of a number of the aforementioned publi-
cations]
The writers or Iranian Azerbaijan have given great figures to world lite-
rature and, it goes without saying, do not repudiate the Farsi language, ,
they do not speak against it. To quu te an article "Iran Is Our Country,
Azerbaijan Is Our. Fatherland" in YOLDASH No 1: "We respect the rights of
national unities, but we reject Farsi chauvinism. We will use Farsi as _
a connecting language in the peoples' struggle at the present time." _
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We often find poets like Shahriyar, Habib Sahir, Sahand, Siileyman Salis,
Htiseyn Dii2giin, Hashym Tarlan, S~mad B~hrangi, Alirza Okhtay, Bahruz
Dehgani, Sary Ashyg, Chayoghlu, ~11kar, Urmuoghlu, Farrukh Sadyg, A.
Yahyavi and others, ae well as samples from our classical literature
and Soviet Azerbaijani poets in the diverse press organs in Iranian
Azerbaijan today.
A number of publicistic articles published in the language of the people
confirm the awakening of a social consciousness in Iranian Azerbaijan
and the revival of an esthetic, literary concept.
Now, we present some of these materials to our readers:
Suleyman Salis, "Mountains" _
Your springs flow without number,
P,eoples stare at them insatiably.
The love is there, does not leave me
Even when I must be far from you, 0 mountains.
At the bottom of your green meadow ~
The bee dances in its hive.
On the fife of your shepherds
There is a story, great mountains.
The partridge flies from your cliffs;
The gazelle escapes into your bosom.
Spring opens the heart,
An.d our flowered mountains of roses.
Taking on the pain of the sorrowing ones, �
Faithful to your word. .
You, who were the obstacle to the Babeks,
I sacrifice myself for you, 0 mountains.
Salis comes to you as a guest,
l~ay you put on green* as your garment.
Flowing from your breast to the underground stream,
My eyes have been closed for a long time, 0 mountains.
*Green is the color of the Islamic banner.
"A Capricious Dawn"
Come, my love, do not interf ere with me this much
Because others see it and assume I am wretched.
To bear the anxiety of dark winter, my body shriveled up,
You deprived me always of the world of flowers.
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rux urr�l~tEU, u~~ UNLY ~
~ No matter how much tyranny silences the nightingale,
0, nightingale of my people, do not hold me to the stone. -
I love your pure raiment with all my heart, my fatherland,
Since in a world creating my likenesses this is the goal.
A capricious dawn will create the heart of night; -
The enthusiasm of the day struck me with anxiety. ~
Victory will cure the sorrow of my people,
No one can make that day black for me. -
My phantasy is to ,join the caravan of felicity
Even if they hang me on the road.
"Homage to Shahriyar"
0, nightingale of the people, both our wealth and poverty were
plundered.
- The fire of bitterness burns hot in my breast.
Sorrow and anxiety were bred in our land.
May traitors not remain in our land.
May Allah no t take you from our people.
They, the executioners, cut out our eyes.
They plundered our caravans on the road to justice.
They deprived brother of b~other. '
The frosty wind does not forsake this country;
I see your place above, come back.
The words of Sh~hriyar are recited by heart in different
languages,
The eyes of these lands are completely upon you.
Night and day they wish
That you return to the homeland from a foreign place,
Then you will eliminate sorrow from their hearts.
For whatever reason you were living in a distant place
You remained in a narrow cage, like the nightingale.
You made a decision from the hearts;
In their hearts they cannot stand separation;
Come back, we are putting an end to sorrow and misfortune.
Red flowers do not grow in a salted f ield,
The black stain does not bear purity of conscience,
The Azeri land does not lose its labor.
Wherever you go, eyes follow you
Because their words were in you:r voice.
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Writing and creating is a profession for us;
The peoples will always support you.
I am Suleyman Salis, my homeland is a garden of orchards;
I wrote this invitation in the language of the people, .
~ My inspiration, from my Azerbaijan.
"Homage to Sllleyman Riistam"
The eye of bitterness inflames my heart;
May the face of reason always be black;
Not the Araz, but another has separated us.
It was pointless living, saying 'brother' to each other;
Our fate was sorrow and anxiety. .
On this side :`~Iamdar, on that side Ordubad;
On that side was a festival; on this, cries for help;
Tliinking of the hunt is the merciless Hunter.
You have tssted the taste of freedom;
Without permission, we hear its name.
The pain of bitterness tried many;
The autumn wind turns our garden pale;
Each of your words said 'life' to us:
THey sti.mulated brothers and inspired children;
May your information be illuminating from day to day.
The cranes left a note of bitterness;
Our peoples preserve the memory.
Do not be bored, my brother, spring is on the way:
May spring come, and I, and you;
~ May the wall that separates us be pulled down.
My name is Suleyman, my pseudonym Salis;
I am not free to read and write;
M}r honor is not preserved when I walk as a stranger in the
Fatherland
In one arm a weapon, in the other a pen:
I shall not sell out the Fatherland to others..
Hashym Tarlan, "I See" (in the .language of Muhammad Riza Shah)
Honor gone, and nights I see a confusing dream:
I see Iran above me, sword in hand.
I did not know that Iran was this awake,
Supported by countless cannon and guns.
You say, I resist, and now I flee for help.
I see the notorious throne of my father trembling;
The light of my eyes has escaped; I see an elephantine tea-cup.
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Although my reign is over, I will find somewhere abroad;
I have enough money to buy another Iran.
I will live comfortably, I will remain here.
I see the children of the fatherland, of Hell, weeping;
If Iran does not please me, I will see it ruined.
The justice of nations is a sore in their mouth.
Neither seeing nor talking, blood flows knee-deep on the street.
Now the times have changed; they revolted against me.
I see the Iranian nation has been called to arms;
I see Zanjan joining to other provinces.
I see Mashhad, Tabriz, Tehran and Qum; ,
The people, arm in arm, have joined in the attack.
I was checkmated, perhaps I will go to Rome ~
Because I see today's situation is chaotic; '
I see constant raw hate directed towards me.
Why should I stay my hand from this country's beuntiful garden? ;
Why should I stay my hand from the pil underneath the earth? i
Why should I stay my hand from that mountain of grief, the hori-
zon of the Caspian?
A pity! I see a problem in the coming days;
I hear, bitterly, that the hand has moved to my destruction.
I hope I can raise my arnry again;
Strangling their outcries will be a lot of work.
Woe the day when he drew 'six' to my 'five.'
I see a worldwide deluge in 'ten.' ~
If there is no pumpkin, no heavenly cucumber, then I see an
eggplant.
From my childhood I loved dollars; :
I tied myself, body and soul, to Carter's mane.
I sold the oil gratuitously and profited from it.
That's why I take care of it now.
I see myself as an involuntary captive of a disloyal nation.
I always beat my breast religiously.
As a pilgrim, in my piety, I made myself an Imam.
I made moderation difficult for imploring mollahs.
I see the pleasures I've endured canceled out.
Like Mamdali I put Iran up for auction, o selling!
As for the fatherland, I ruined it with my own hand, o selling!
Because it belonged to me, the price was cheap, o selling!
Do not hit me, elder brother, there is an abundance of everything!
With dollars in my hand, I see America and Germany!
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I saw that Hoveida i.mplicated me in his machinations;
He, like I, crawled away to eat from another side.
I said: 0, corrupt gerson, you are taking generously from me.
He said: By God, do not even think about this secret business;
I'm afraid that, like you, many have enriched themselves at
the expense of others.
He said to the shah: Do not rebuke me as a servant of death;
The oil of this land and people is here today and gone
tomorrow.
~ Though I have swallowed all Iran I'm still not satisfic3.
Possibly, there will never be such an opportunity again.
I see everyone covering their heads with a blanket.
I see his lice-ridden Muslim collar, in his hand the Koran--
I see Khan Suleyman on every side--
I see the sweet fisin~an awakening my appetite.
[Photo picturing, side-by-side, two magazines.
Caption reads: Under the right-har_d side of the picture, taken from
YOLDASH, is written "Kurdistan"; as for the one with the question-mark,
Azerbaijan is written underneath it]
Story by Urmu Oghlu: "The Black Ox," YOLDASH No 11
Somewhere, once upon a time, thEre was a meadow. A lion and three oxen
lived in the meadow. One ox was white, one yellow, and one black. When-
- ever the lion was hungry he contemplated eating one of them. But he did
no t know how to go about it.
The reason was that the three oxen were all protecting each other, and
the lion was not strong enough to go against all of them. When the lion
understood this he realized he had to go at it practically and logically.
One day, after the lion had given it a great deal of thought, it struck .
him that maybe he could separate these oxen, and then he would be able to
eat one. While crossing the meadow he saw the yellow ox and, after
approaching him very slowly, said: "I want to say a couple of ~vords to
you about your danger."
The yellow ox looked at the lion and said: "Go ahead, lion, I'm listen- "
ing."
The lion said: "As you well know, I am but one lion and you are three
oxen. I am all alone here. .T.n your view, which gives us more space,
dividing the territory into two, or three parts?"
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The yellow ox thought a bit and said: "What kind of question is this,
lion? It's obvious that if we divide it into two, my territory grows."
The lion said: "Thank you. You have thought it over well. I want to
say that the eyes of the white ox show me that he is satisfied, but it
has occurred to the black ox that he should eliminate you. As you well
know, if one goes, there is suff icient room for the others. I also wanted
to say that, if you approve, I will attract the attention of this white ox,
point out this fact to him and, no matter how much it pains me, I will
seize him and eat him. Then both you and the black ox will always be
content. The other would be gone; he would never be able to live in the
same place as us."
After the yellow ox had listened to the lion`s words, he thought them
over. Then it struck him that they would all be content if the lion
seized and ate the white ox.
Then, gleefully, the lion approached the black ox. He greeted him, asked
how he was, and the black ox answered: "I'm fine, Lord Lion, thank you...
How strange it is that you should be so kind."
The lion said: "I am disturbed by what you said. Firstly, I liked you
from the beginning. I've now talked to the yellow ox and to you about my
liking you."
The black ox, amazed said: "You are disturbed by what I said?"
The lion said: "Yes. Both of you said the same thing. I came, because
' of him, to talk to you. Your question is logical; on a number of days I
- have seen this white ox eating grass as if it was going out of style. I
thought to myself that he even wants more than his share. Then I went
and said to him that af ter a couple of days of that kind of eating there `
won't be a blade of grass left in this pasture. Otherwise it would be a
clean and good place..."
Then he added: "...I don't know whether it would be better if you and I
die of hunger, or whether we remain instead of the yellow ox--look at
what this boring white ox is doing to me!? But now I think I can be of
some help to you. If you permit, I will twist the horn of this white ox
and inform him of this. Then, no matter how painful it is for me, I =
will seize him and eat him. Then both you and the yellow ox can rest
easily. He will be gone; he never deserved living in the same place as
us anyway."
The black ox listened to the lion's words and thought them over. In his
imagination he cursed the white ox for being so stupid. Whatever the
case, he was not worthy of any respect. Then, in his selfishness, he
agreed that the lion should seize and eat the white ox.
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The lion parted from the black ox and rushed to find the white ox. He
observed him very carefully when he approached him. When the white ox
saw him, he became afraid. He understood that the lion was going to eat
him. He glanced from side to side because if he saw the yellow ox or the
black ox he could call for help. But he saw that no help was forthcoming.
The bovine did not know that the lion had already talked to them.
The lion, comforted by the fact that neither the yellow ox nor the black
ox would intervene, showed his teeth, leapt, mounted the white ox and
began to tear him to pieces. Thusly, after a few days, the lion had
finished all the meat from the white ox.
Af ter another few days, the lion was voraciously hungry. It came to him ,
that he might eat one of the remaining oxen. After reflecting upon the
matter, he went and found the black ox. He greeted him, asked how he was,
and said: "There was a reason for eliminating the white ox and I thought
that the yellow ox understood it. But now I see that he does not under-
stand the reason."
The black ox asked: "What happened, Lord Lion?"
The lion said: "I am so disturbed that I don't know what to say. Yester-
day he came up to me. He said shamelessly that if he were alone in the
meadow it would be much better. There would always be enough food. But
he said that this black ox eats more than the dead white ox. He said he
was afraid that he wouldn't have enough to eat."
After the black ox had listened to what the lion said and, being very
' disturbed, said to himself: "Pig of an ox. I on.ly ate from my own por-
tion. I didn't go near your part." Even among oxen there are those that
wear blinkers.
The lion said: "My dear black ox, has anything I said angered you?"
The black ox said: "What can I say, my ears are trembling with anger.
Now I would be happy if you would tell that stupid yellow ox to keep his
eyes off my food."
The lion, making his farewell, said: "I wanted something like this: if it
will make you happy, I wi11 inform him."
Then the lion left the ox, approached the yellow ox, and raised his gleam-
ing eyes to the eyes of the poor yellow ox.
When the yellow ox saw the lion, he read his mind then, becoming alert,
his eye scanning the meadow, he saw the black ox standing at so~e dis-
tance. His voice breaking, he called to him for help. But he saw that
the black ox was deliberately not listening. The lion showed his teeth,
attacked at once, rolled him over and, after gashing him a few times, began
to eathim. The black ox, after watching a while, went away to graze.
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A few days went by and the lion felt a ravenous hunger. This time he
thought of eating the black ox. But the lion saw that the black ox stayed
far away from him these days. Af ter searching the meadow he came upon the
black ox. His head was hung downwards as he was searching out the best
grass. Then, his eyes caught the lion, and he said: "Hello, lion, now
it seems that I'm on your mind. I said to m3~self, what would happen if
the lion wanted me as food? Look, lion, here is some superb food."
The lio n looked the black ox over but did not answer him. Then the
black ox thought it over in his heart and said to himself: "Allah, be
mercif ul! This time ne wants to seiZe me and eat me."
The blac k ox said: "What happened, lion, you're not speaking?" _
The lion said: "Whatever happens, for how many days can I keep my tongue
away from meat? You know very well that there is no cure for my hunger.
I won't beat around the bush; I will say frankly that I came here to eat
you."
When the black ox heard this, he f ell down trembling. He saw that his
time was up. In the meadow there was just the lion and himself. Not a
single other animal was there to come to his aid. He thought, would that
the yellow ox or the white ox were still alive. Had his two comrades
still been alive, it would not have occurred to the lion to eat one when
it was alone. What a pity it was that he had approved of the others being
eaten. Then it occurred to him that there was no longer any point to such _
regrets. And the lion would eat him. He looked at the lion and said:
"Now, if you want, you may eat me--but first I want to say something."
The lion said: "Talk fast because I'm starving to death."
The black os said in a loud voice: "When the white ox was eaten, I was
eaten!" His voice reverberated through every part of ~the meadow and the
lion, his mouth watering, leapt on the black ox and began to eat him.
I should say that even now you can hear the voice of the black ox from this
meadow: "When the white ox was eaten, I was eaten!"
Memoir by Habib Sahir, "Yearning for fresh bread and halvah;'KOLDASH, No 3
In the period of the rule of the Pahlevi dynasty Persian chauvinism
trampled on the rights of the people of Azerbaijan. Thusly, teaching
in the schools in the Azeri language was banned, the theaters were
closed, and not even one newspaper was published in the Azeri language.
Our school director, in order to prove his subservience to the lords, had r
organized spies who, when they heard the children speaking Turki [i.e.,
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AzerbaijaniJ, had to punish them. Because of this, not one word of Azeri
emerged from the mouths of these poor children. If one did, the Lord
Director would take away their lunch money and make them go hungry until
evening.
Ky brother gave me lunch money every day. When I ate lunch I used to go
to the bazaar, buy half a loaf of bread and some halvah and eat it; I
washed it down with water. ~
Unfortunate~y, one day I said to my friend Hashym: "Hashym, did you
know that our neighbors had a feast last night? Gypsies played the tar
and the shepherd's flute."
This 'criminal conversation' caught the attention of the lord director.
- He came, smiling, and said: "Take out everything you have in your pockets!"
Since I was defenseless that day, by way of punishment I contributed my
' lunch money to the lor3 director. And the fresh bread and halvah remained
in my heart.
We had a teacher whom we respected. He taught arithmetic. He paid no
heed to the direcr.or's order and spoke to us in Azeri. The lord direc-
tor did not trust him. I remember that once the teacher came into the
classroom and said to one of the children: "Mehdi, stand by the door and,
if the director comes, block the door."
- ~iehdi went to the ves'~bule and leaned against the door. Then the teacher
posed us a question to answer: "A grocer bought 3 batmans of vinegar at
6 grana apiece. He added an additional 3 batmans of water to them and
stirred...Then he sold it at 16 grana per batman. You calculate how great
the grocer's profit wasl"
With this, the teacher smiled and added: "Certainly, children, you could
not learn such knowledge from a grocer!"
The bell started the class. Fortunately the door was blocked and the
Iord director did not appear.
- Miraali Mo'juz: "You Are That and I Am This," YOLDASH, No 4
' [Note: The following poem depends on an interplay between Farsi and Azeri.
The Farsi words, which are left untranslated, have the same meanings.as the
Azeri words which are translated, but when an interplay is inr_ended, the
Azeri word will appear in quotation marks.]
My mother said "water" to me
Not ab.
"Sleep" she taught me in my childhood,
Not Khab.
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The first time she gave me "bread"
She did not say nan.
From the beginning it was "pass the salt" not namakdan.
My mother did not say akhtar to me,
She said "star."
When water freezes do not say Sakhdi, my son:
Say "ice."
Say "snow," not barf.
Do not say dast, say "hand" she said.
She never said to me biya ;
She said "come." `
Well I remember on evenings of a summer day,
When the sun went down in the garden, �
And the warmth was going away;
"Come" she would say, "Your turn is next, my spoiled baby!
"If you don't come, be careful: I'll comb your sister's hair
slowly."
She did not say _
"Biya shane zanam bar sari to,
Gar na yaye, be zanam shane khoheri to!"
Even if rocks rain fram the sky, .
You are that and I am this.
You had a different mother;
I had a different mother.
I have another country, special to me.
I have another language, special to my country.
If you wish, we are brothers, and live in unity.
We can go one road together, arm in arm--
But you must not blow with a different wind;
You should not view my existence and my people as inferior;
Otherwise, when you speak harshly, you shame my people.
The day will come, the page turned: if necessary, you will go.
Anon. "The Student and the Shahist Teacher," YOLDASH, No 4
Student:
If you want,teacher, we'll reconcile ourselves to the situation; ~
There is language on our tongue, but we w~.ll not speak it.
Culture has covered the face of the new world:
Come do not accuse us of laziness, we are working day and night!
Teacher:
Do not doubt that everything has its reason;
Your fluent sweet language is of use to the center.
They have ordered that you learn the Farsi language.
In the world Farsi is the sister of all languages. �
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Student:
0 teacher, that strange language is very hard, we'll twist our
tongues !
When talking in our native tongue, it's our habit to smile. -
When we're insulted, our attitude changes.
I am not speaking out of disrespect.
Azeristan was our center: look at history!
Teacher:
Truthfully, I am compelled ro reject you rights.
In Khorasan everyone respects this language
And you must learn to please them.
If you reject what I say, the center will doubtless be separate!
[Phot.ograph of cover of an Iranian Azeri publication showing a picture of
Samad Vurghun, one of the leading writers in the AzSSR]
Habib Sahir, "On the Book Zabani Azarbaijan" ("The Language of Az~rbaijan")
In Zabani Azarbaijan, written by the philologist Sarhang Shuar a number of
words such as gazan ('kettle')y tiyan ('cast-iron pot'), sarcha ('sparrow'),
- sahra ('falcon`), supa ('oven; staff; height`) and gurbagha ('frog') are
selected as examples which "prove that the Azerbaijanis have been Tats
since the time of Noah...and that the Ilkhans cha.nged the language of
: these poor devils by the sword...
Establishment scholars, the Roshan Zemirs, the Murtuzis and those excellen-
cies hobnobbing with Karing have confirmed it. By Allah!, and we will
conf irm it too .
In the book is written: 'frog' is Farsi. (We have no word for it, but
the Farsis do.)
Milchak ('fly, as in insect') is a baby mil ('knitting needle; rampart;
skeleton key; pivo~; mile').
Banlamag ('to crow like a rooster') is bang vurmagh ('to smoke hashish').
Gazancha ('a small kettle') is the child of the gazan ('kettle') and
~archa ('sparrow') is the child of the sahra ('fal~on').
Supa is a three-legged donkey!
Woe, I said woe! This person was a veritable river of science!...
While satisfying their desires,
A;i ancestQr mounted Mrs G~zan.
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, Her h~ir hanging loose,
Little Sarhang Shuar came along,
And a beautiful little kettle was born.
Remaining the size of the falcon's sister,
A healthy winged child was born. -
It grew from day to day ~
And became a useless sparrow.
A green insect with but one wing
Buzzed, and a child was born.
"Who are you, milch~k," I asked,
"Which mil's child are you?"
"Of Sayyid Hamza and Zor Rhan."
I said: "Go away, you bastard! , -
I mean, your mother was a whore."
- It was fall, it rained,
The wind blew cold.
When the war-like rooster crowed,
- Shuar said: "Don't smoke hashish!"
And the rooster abruptly cut off its voice.
I said to the frog: --"My boy,
You have sold yourself to a stranger.
You have splintered the stone of our lake."
He said: "No, no! I always
Croak in a Turkish lake."
You know nothing, my girl, of what is;
Shuar writes in her book
"When I was passing through Mamaghan
I saw a large pitched tent.
A donkey with three knees w::s grazing, ~
Its body was big, its name was supa."
This place is the fortress of f:.re;
Ttie sparrow is the falcon's ch:.'_3.
Yellow flowars in our garden
Quickly open and quickly close.
Where Sarl:ang the scholar is
There is a donkey with three knees.
[Note: The prose and poem above are of a type considered to be untrans-
f erable into another language since it involves a string of puns based on
absurdity. Parenthetic additions to the text represent an attempt to ex- -
. press what the author actually means, or seems to mean, in the view of
the translator. The poem is masterfully const~ucted in Azeri; in English
it retains its flavor, if not its style.) _
COPYRIGHT: "Azerbayjan" No 1, 1980 ~
9676
~ CSO: 1810
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IRAN
DISCUSSIONS ON ESTABLISHMIIdT OF AZERBAIJAN WRITERS AND POETS ASSOCIATION
Baku AZERBAYJAN in Azerbai~ani No 1, 1980 pp 58-65
[A.rtic.l.e: "Discussions at the First Meeting on the Establishment of an
Azerhaijan Writers and Poets Association"; material submitted by Iranian
j ournal SIRUS J
[Test] The first meeting on the establishment of an Azerbaijan Writers
~ and Peets Association.
Close to 30 Azeri writers and poets were brought together by YOLDASH maga-
zine in a provisional location on the 31st of Ferverdin at 4:00 pm: prior
' to the official calling to ord~r of the official organization of the meet-
ing, the great writer Sebahi read a prose poem which he had written in
honor o~ Sehend. At 4:10 pm a chairman of the meeting was elected. The
chief editor of YOLDASH, Huseyn Duzgun, spoke:
"For some of the writers we have invited here, it is the first time they
have taken part in a meeting of the Iranian Writers' Union. Some could
not come. We hope that they will be present at later meetings." Then,
with the permission of the chairman of the meeting, he read a report of
the YOLDASH magazine committee: "The reason for inviting you here, as
noted in the invitations, is to conduct discussions pursuant to the
foundatYOn and organization of an Azerbaijan writers' and poets' associa-
tion. Certainly, we have been unable to assemble all the progressive
- writers and poets in one place. We hope that, in the future, our friends
of the pen will meet in one place, and that we participate in collective
activities. Questions suggested for ongoing talks with our friends con-
sist of the following:
1. To bring forth a major plan for the founding and organization of an
Azerbaijan Writers' and Poets' Association, and to become known and active
on a global standard; to determine how to reach different parts of the
world through other languages, and to communicate with other progressive
writers and organizations of the world, and with organizations defending
writers' rights.
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2. The question of the defense of the honor of our literary heritage
which was almost destroyed by the depredations wrought by the Pahlevi
regime and, working tirelessly and wholeheartedly, to demonstrate activ-
ity in the realm of necessary literary works by means of different
organs; to open the treasury of literature by means of esthetic transla-
tions .
3. The coming plan of the association is to spread among the people the
concept of a toiling and working class, and to defend this idea; to
declare unity with the rest of the toiling people of Iran; and, to
distance ourselves from ideas which argue for every kind of accursed
nationalistic or fanatical remedy.
4. To p repare reading texts in the mother tongue for the coming school
year; also, to put simple popular scientific booklets into the hands of
the people. '
5. To acquaint the younger generation with the different representatives
and movements of our past proud pedagogical and literary heritage, and to
instill in them both a love and enthusiasm for, and a rational expectation,
for this plan. .
6. To communicate and disseminate the basic programs of our association
in the Tehran dailies which publish in Farsi and, not being deceived by
any of the extremi.st elements and, being faithful to our program, to
defend ourselves from them.
Of course, in these questions we have noted only represent a cross-section
of those working at YOLDASH magazine. The basic question is creating
cultural freedom which is, on a broad front, the active desire of workers
today; insuring the freedom for the people to develop their own language
and literature; the attainment of autonoaQy of Azerbaijan for the local
people; bringing Forth, in a new and progressive form, of an
"Enjumenhayi Eyaleti ve Vilayeti" [autonomy] which was foreseen in the
constitutional period; defending the rebellion of Azerbai~an in 1945 and
our great leader, Pisheveri; and to give to the state some possibilities
in keeping with the times for the granting of autonomy to Azerbaijan.
Certainl.y we, as a writers' association, should plan'and carry out polit-
ical questions more correctly. And, may we struggle for the peoples'
interest o.~ a contemporary front."
Such are the ideas of those working on YOLDASH magazine. In communicating
the unity of the working peoples of all Iran, it is our goa~. to spread the
single concept of the centuries-old continuity of the workers of the world
among the Azeri workers .
We invite immediately writers and poets to inform us of your frank, ,
illuminated and ~pecialized observations on the questions we have !
~
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selected; that you meet with our comrades to take note of our first meet-
ing and that we gather up all our comrades in one place by setting up the
fundamental statement and the program, the organization of our continuing
meetings and other organs, and that you mention the need for efficient
and useful meetings in Tabriz, the capital of Azerbaijan, and other
cities.
When the chief editor of our magaZine finished his speech, Aghayi
Mehemmedeli Ferzane was next and, receiving permi.ssion from the chairman
of the meeting, began thusly:
".,.It is too bad that the workers at YOLDASH are so hard-line. Where
are we in this movement? The revolution resulted in the freedom of the .
oppressed peoples of Iran. Eve~y revolution throws something to one side.
The question of using it is important. The atmosphere of the meeting is
a step foYward for Azeri linguistics and language. National and cultural
autonomy has been planned for a long time. In the constitutional revolu-
tion, especially, autonomy was the goal and certainly this work is not _
yet over; we know how great the role of this desire was. The question
of change in a revolution is ma~or. After Russia in 1917, a number of
events r~ccurred in the Middle East. In Azerbaijan there was the Khiyabani
uprising, which was manifested quite openly. The question of cultural,
administrative and political autonomy was rejected. But, in today`s con-
text we are examining the cultural question more broadly. Cultur.e was a
component part of our language, theatrical, musical and literary li.fe.
Whetiier put on a legal basis or not, when we examine this question
- Choroughly, we see what the compelling national question is. The question
of textbooks and the question of an academy remain. For the last 30 years
there has been a higher school in Azerbai~an--a small step--but no ques-
tions pertaining to the language of Azerbaijan were raised.
In publishing there was a roughly 10-page booklet on some poet from
Kirman, but there was no mention of Azeri culture or vocabulary.
In the capitalist countries of Europe the higher schools are budgeted
by the state. Concerning this, one of the special questions is th~t .
- budgeting must be submitted to the people.
I am basically in agreement with the question which the YOLDASH press
rejected, but if we mu~t live with a lesser plan, where shall we begin?
Today, everyone wants a dictionary or a lexicon. While this was neces-
sary earlier, now it is paramount. Our theater began before any other
in Iran, entering the scene 80 years ago. Theater depicts a11 stages of -
struggle, politics and man. It is ciifferent from all other realms.
I do not favor writing every mode in a beautiful way. We have our present-
da~ language, and the language of Baku is not a model for us. While
- remaining faithful to the literary rules of the langua~e, one should write
w more s imp ly . _
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...In broadcasts from Tabriz, they say we have everything. But the party
chief stated that we have nothing and that we are beginning from the
beginning.
They are underevaluating our publishing and cultural level. lhe associa-
- tion must begin to work from the beginning. If an economic-social situa-
tion arises so that we return to our homeland, we will benefit from these
questions.
There is a great deal of sla.ckness in political ideas and letters to the
extent that every faction rejects every other faction other than itself,
although our question is a general question, both by the standards of
Iran and by the standards of Azerbaijan. '
Since our language has been confused with politics, and since these poli-
tics were condemned, the language was also condemned. We must prevent
this circumscription on our language and literature in the future.
- A poets' and writers' association must not limit itself, nor must it
remain in the framework of any other faction. And since it is known that
it is on the side of the workers, all of the workers are completely
behind us.
Current cultural thrust:
1. To be democratic.
2. That the wishes of the majority be realized, and that there should
be room for individual differences. Here, the classes and class ques-
tion occupy a strong position. It is also necessary to unite with the
"En~umen-i Azerbayjan" [Azerbaijan Association~. If too few writers are
being found for the association, we must find more."
Then Aghayi Rehim Degig, litterateur and writer, began his talk by thank-
ing YOLDASH magazine for this effort, and said: '
"To love the fatherland, in other words, to love the language. If we
do not try to develop the language, that language will remain and go on
anyway. But nothing happens without a cause. The language and its
origin must be studied and the more than 800-year-old literature of our
people be revived. When our brave descendants began this struggle,
slander was hurled at them. ~
It is not sufficient to write in dialect these days. We must write in
our literary language, but in a simplified form.
They insult us, who call us "Turk." Our language is not the Turki remain- ~
ing from the Mongols. Research shews that our language is a strong and ~
cultivated language. Nationalists, in order to colonize us, connect us ;
to Turkey.
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The propositions presented by YOLDASH magazine are in conformity with the
present. We are able to write down our demands on it as a program for
the future. Our friend Aghaji Ferzane says not to write the language of
Northern [Soviet] Azerbaijan. I repudiate this. We must write a lit-
erary and correct language. If we pay attention well, we see that there
have been great poets in history, but when they got the idea of fr.eedom,
they were eliminated by slander.
We must make use of the freedom we have obtained with moderation. I com-
mend `LOLDASH magazine and I want the committee to form quickly, and that
we give our choices to them."
Then one of our contemporary poets, Aghaji Ferhad spoke thusly: ~
"We have remained behind in this work and fell into a footnote. We say
we woke up quickly, but what voice is this? There are many who have
observed the work of the Kurdish peoples on this matter, who live next to
us. I am not very knowledgeable. We must profit from the knowledge of
those with a lot of experience. We construct the building before we
bring home the bride, then, we work out the flaws. There are a number
of writers who are not here; we hope that we can bring them to a larger
meeting in ths future. A standing committee should be formed so that we
can resolve these questions at coming meetings."
Then Dr Mehrivani spoke: "I am glad to participate in this association.
If I cannot speak literary Turici, it proves that it was tyrai~nized. I
learned the language when it was not permitted, especially under the
Pahlevi regime. But it is not only cultural tyranny, but also perhaps
socioeconomic and political."
Then Dr Mehrivani reminisced, and then said: "Aghaji Sedig (the pen-
name of Huseyn Du2gun) wants and expresses an ideology. I agree with
Aghaji Ferzane.
I have a request for textbooks, that they not be written in the literary
language. The people must be satisfied with the language. The book
written by the late Semed Behrengi is good; it teaches Farsi by means
of shared words." -
After :~fehemmedbaghyr Sedri Mehrivani, our contemporary writer Aghaji
Gendzheli Sebahi said: "As a result of the Zionist fascist policy, not
only was the language of Azerbai,jan banned, but also Kurdish and Baluchi.
I wrote a baok called 'Epics of Azerbaijan.' They said that our con-
stitution does not authorize the publication of books in the Azeri,
Baluchi or Turkish languages.
It is just that it must ciestroy the language of a nation. YOLDASH maga-
zine understands this bec~use they thought of the same idea. But why
have they brought up such a wide sector, such as entering into political
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questions? In my opinion the writers' association must be organized
independently, even if it is good or not to take help from a party
or committee organization."
After Agha~i Sebahi, Comrade Hesen Ildyrym, an honorary member of the
writer's committee, spoke. He said, in the course of sharp discussions:
"Never say that to crush the Azeri, Kurdish and Turkmen peoples is, in
itself, a social question. It is the work of the bourgeoisie. If this
is what it wants, it must dominate. It is that that crushes them. We ,
are not extirpating culture from memory. No, although you should know
that oral culture is in the mouth of the people. This i3 because the
_ school does not bring forth literature. Come, look to the village where
a perceptive girl reads the poetry of complaint of such bitterness in the �
course of her work. Literature and language are inseparable from the
people."
After Hesen Ildyrym, Aghaji Khomenbeh. He said, in brief, that from the
geographical point of view, the popul~tion of Azerbai3an is very large.
There are 14 million Azerbaijanis in Iran. They communicate in the Azeri
language in the Khemse region and in a number of places in Gilan and
Khorasan. He said, after pointing to Semed Behrengi: "Semed wrote that
book that said teach Farsi under any circumstances. Now we have to write
a new book. Because times have changed."
Aghaji Mehemmedeli Ferzane, being recognized again by the chairman of
the meeting, may speak. The chairman of the meeting has recognized
Aghaji Ferzane. Ferzane: "Look, one question stands very easily. We
_ are approaching a little bit of science. The revolution is a revolution
of the petit-bourgeois. This is the characteristic of this revolution.
Certainly, the working class stands by their ideology. If we make an
accord with the proletariat, the petit-bourgeotsie will be s~lit. Iran
will become a polarized society.
None of those present are either in the forefront or the periphery of
ideology. The general thrust of our present revolution must be demo-
cratic and national. In my opinion there must be an Azerbaijan
writers' association. Otherwise we must say that it must be a writers'
association of the Azerbaijan democratic party, or the writers' associa-
tion ot a freedom-loving party. This should not be. At this stage, the
program of the Azerbaijan writers' association should be both democratic
and national. Were a democratic government to rule in Azerbaijan, there
would be maybe 55 or 56 factions. In such a loose situation, it is
desirable that these should unire. (Association said: Yes, yes, yes!)
It would be well for YOLDASH magazine to drop its approach. Perhaps one
should take a poll so that there is no argument, but there are contro-
versies at this meeting. One spots those who are radicalized and those
who were tortured. Every democratic Azerbaijani is their companion."
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Then cor.temporary poet Hashym Terlan began to speak: "I find it very
pleasant to be at this meeting organized by YOLDASH magazine. The asso-
ciation must be set up, and whatever the progressive movement, the path
of YOLDASH magazine is good, because we must have ouz writings and books
in our awn language. We cannot stay on the edge of a legal and progres-
sive movement. Tomorrow is May Day. We cannot remain silent. Whatever
happens, we will organize a writers' association, and we just do not
take this into consideration. We must make use of all progressive fac-
tions."
Then, lecturer at Tehran University, Aghaji Naghy Beraheni said: "We
should not confuse the question that Aghaji Feraane raised. A certain
amount of thought is necessary. If legal nations made a decree on
language, there would be the possibility to defend it. Our association
is liCerary. Unfortunately, Azerbaijanis are behind in this respect.
I have not seen any information published to the effect that the
Azerbai~anis want self-rule. The young sometimes express the idea that
their language is Farsi, but let us dwell on this. If we begin an two
fronts, a number of ineans are necessary. There is no dictionary. A word
list should be written, and a language law, in simple language, should be
prepared. If we can, we will prepare three or four books in Fars~ to
entice the reader.
Aghaji Sadigi has worked much in the realm of the children's book. "If
the society holds (an election) on the constitution soon, the differences
will be eliminated."
The Aghaji Dzhamel Rovsi, communications, general and a~.~linistratiye
director and financial manager of our magazine said "I say to all those
who accuse YOLDASH of taking a hard line--the fate of our people has not
fallen into the hands of apportunists. Why do we not hear from toilers
and workers? Today, in Iran, a major economic movement has begun. And
the working class is in that movement."
"America will not neglect Iran so easily. Now our people have recourse
to what they wish, and may they escape the reactionary road of the
economic movement in Iran. At YOLDASH the difficulty is recognized. You
cannot pull a yearling down another road by taking advantage of the
people. A man must keep his word. The people must go down a level road.
We will no longer give the chance for opportunistic men to betray the
people. Last night the Kurdish people revolted. Although the Tabriz
bourgeoisie and petit-bourgeoi.sie remained silent or they spoke against
it: What do you hear, and what will you do? Neriman Nerimanov says
that there are very few who serve the people with a pure heart. We do
not want these alms. If you work for us, we are satisfied, but no more."
"...I suggest on behalf of the workers at YOLDA5H that, after electing
a provisionary committee, we invite our writers from Tehran and other
cities, and that the writing man is able to write in his mother L-ongue at
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all times. Many have grumbled at the language used in YOLDASH magazine,
although putting it into practice has put everyone on their toes."
. "We wish, then, for an association to b e founded and organized. The
goal is not that we gather all the counterrevolutionary and reactionary
bourgeoisie writers in one place. For example, we organized the
Azerbai~an Association. But if this idea has occurred to some at YOLDASH
magazine, I will resign today."
"The revolution in Iran is a trivial question. In an interview I gave ~
8 months ago I said that it would pave the way for reaction..."
Then Aghaji Ferzane once again spoke, and attacking YOLDASH magazine, .
said that it writes about revolutionaries and struggles together with
the Tudeh party. Here the chief editor of our magazine said, in a strong
voice, that these two factions were not enemies of each other! Aghaji
Ferzans sat down and he was answered by Aghani Degig: "You speak about
'democratic' with embellished words. There is no point in speaking.
Action is necessary, not words. Workers and farmers are the heart of the
people, and writers and poets must observe them. We have to talk about
what benefits the majority. We have to show the way to achieve the goal
by writings from our own hands, for 70 years ago our heroes wanted
democracy. We are continuing along the sacred road of the goal of our
ancestors. Now the Kurds want freed~m. We will not wast~ words. We
shall elect seven people, and they shall write our constitution."
Then Aghaji Hesen Medzhidzade (Savalan) said: "I appreciate very much
that there is a heurth (guild) for my native language. That is to say,
the bringing-into-being of the hearth (guild). The hearth gives hope to
aii of us in the sense that it defends and gives refuge. We must make a
decision on our textbooks. It is not necess~ry to copy from Farsi and
Turkic texts. I would like to ask our learned friends who are present
that they declare their readiness."
Ferhad--one of our conCemporary poets--said: "To resolve the contradic-
tions among the people does not mean that we are talking about minor
contradictions. These arguments here should not be pedestrian. The line
of YOLDASH magazine is well appreciated, because the word of every faction
is productive, and all freedom-lovers and democrats have been gathered
in one place. And you cannot have this kind of altercation."
After ending the discussions, the chairman of the meeting, Dr Selamullah -
Dznavid spoke. He admonished those memb ers who were impatient, and then ~
spoke of the downfall of the Pahlevi dynasty.
At 7:00 pm there was a recapitulation by the chairman of the committee,
and seven members of a provisory executive committee were elected.
COPYRIGHT: "Azerbayjan" No 1, 1980
9676
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LIBYA
LIBYAN OPPOSITION ABROAD IS BEGINNING TO ORGANIZE RANKS
Paris AL-WATAN AL-ARABI in Arabic 21-27 Jun 80 pp 30-31
[Article: "The Bloody Dialogue Between Qadhdhafi and His Oppo sition; Europe
Gets Involved and the Arabs Are Sad and Distressed."]
[Text] London--The intense battle between Qadhdhafi and his opposition
outside the country is about to run into a bloody tragedy involving several
European regimes.
At last, the British government got up its courage and ordered Mr Musa Kusa
(32 years old), head of the Libyan diplomatic mission in London, to leave
the country because he was accused of "threatening to murder 2 Libyans
residing in London."
Ian Gilmnre, Sritish Assistant Foreign Secretary, relayed the news to the
parliament. This measure was well received by members of the left and the
right.
A statement by the head of the Libyan People's Bureau had been published
on the front pages of the British newspapers. In it, the two concerned
persons were described as thieves and corrupt individuals:
After Mr Kusa stressed that he does not like to break the law, he threatened
that "the popular committees would work with the Irish army to drive the
British out of Northern Ireland." He said that the British go vernment is
~ wrong in its belief that the Libyan People's Bureau in London is used as a
refuge for murderers. He also said that the revolutionary courts and com-
mittees are spread through the United Kingdom and that they include Arabs
and British blacks.
Her Majesty's government took seriously this undiplomatic combative language, �
and issued a warning to 139 diplomatic missions in the United Kingdom, against
transporting weapons in diplomatic pouches.
Naturally, the usual Libyan reaction was not late to come. The British
Foreign Office reported that a gasoline bomb was thrown at its embassy in ,
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HOR Q1~FICTAL US3's ON1.Y
Tripoli on the same day that Musa Kusa was expelled from Britain. Following
this, ttie British ambassador to Libya, Michael Eads, was summoned to the
Libyan Foreign Ministry where he heard the threat that certain measures will
- be taken against the 5000 British citizens living in Libya.
Britain has exported 250 million pounds worth of goods to Libya in the past
year. Duri.ng the first 4 months of the current year, British exports to
Libya increased by 52 percent, but the tension between the 2 countries will
deprive Britain of Libyan contracts and transactions estimated at 2 billion
pounds sterling.
Why Did Libyan actions Contradict Each Other?
There were contradictory stories about the true position of President
Qadhdhafi on whether to resume operations to liquidate "corrupt" [Libyans]
outside the country or not. In his recent statements and declarations,
President Qadhdhafi called upon the revolutionary courts and committees to
stop the physical liquidation of the Libyans who refused to return home by
11 June last year. But he excluded those who are collaborating with the U.S., _
Israel and Egypt, and called for the relentless pursuit of these.
At the time when President Qadhdhafi was informing the heads of the diplomatic
missions of his decision, two Libyans were killed by his men in Italy. This
incident caused confusion in the European capitals.
British observers believe that what they call the contradictory Libyan
measures against the opposition outside the country is an indication that
the Libyan regime has lost control over the revollitionary courts and
committees which have become centers of power which bypass the regime's
instructions at time.
Other observers believe that the contradictions i.n Libyan statements is
i_ntended to lead the opposition to abandon necessary protective measures
- on the assumption that President Qadhdhafi has pardoned them. This, according
to observers, facilitates hunting them down. It is possible that this
explanation is what prompted the British, German and Italian authorities to
take additional measures for the pursuit of Qadhdhafi's supporters and for
the protection of those who oppose him.
In fact, the western world does not want to enter a battle of confrontatiQn
with President Qadhdhafi, because of the Libyan oil and attractive Libyan
contracts. At the same time, however, the European capitals do not want
their streets and public places to become arenas for killings and manhunts.
Objections of the western governments are mainly concerned with the manner
of diploma.tic relarions. What really confuses the west are the people's
bureaus which replaced the diplomatic missions.
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British foreign office circles say that President Qadhdhafi~s men, who
replaced the professional diplomats, are asking for diplomatic privileges,
but do not want to play the diplomatic game properly.
AL-WATAN AL ARABI has learned that Britain, West Germany and the U.S. have
formally informed Libya that this abnormal situation should end, and that
the Libyan government should abide by the 1961 Vienna agreement which requires
foreign governments to submit the names of their ambassadors to host nations
- for approval. A list of the names of other diplomatic assistants should also
be subznitted.
A Shock of Distress and Sadness for the Arabs
Musa Kusa never used the language of diplomacy. His statements and threats
caused a shock of distress and sadness among the Arab diplomats here. A
young Arab diplomat told me that he knows this Kusa who is a graduate of
Michigan University in the U.S. with a degree in social studies. The topic
of his thesfs was the social program of Qadhdhafi.
The Arab diplomat added that Musa Kusa could have been more flexible for
he ~aas dealing with a nation that is deeply rooted in political and diplomatic
- traditions and in respect for the opinion of the opposition. The Arab
diplomat also said that the Arabs are in need of winning British public opinion
at a time when the Arab issues are in dire need of pressure by European
public opinion on European governments.
We are faithfully reporting the opinion of the young diplomat, and we leave it
, up to the Libyan president and his government to size up the situation. Every
Arab who gets killed by Arab bullets in any European street lowers the
European opinion of the Arabs as a civilized people with a heritage of human
tradit ions .
~ President Qadhdhafi's supporters here say that the British government is
taking a hostile stand against them and the Jamahir~yah regime, and that
it is encouraging the Libyan opposition to work on overthrowing the Libyan
regime and to destroy the third international theory which it created. They
add that they are dete~ined to anihilate the opposition.
This sums up the deteriorating situation between Qadhdhafi and his opposition
outside the country on one hand, and between Qadhdhafi and the European
governments on the other hanc~. But what about the domestic Libyan front?
Developments of the Internal Situation
According to informa.tion available to the Libyan opposition here, a major
campaign of arrests has been launched in the past few months and a
number of arrested people have been liquidated, The most promi.nent of these
were Mr 'Amir Tahir al-Daghis and Hasan al-Sagtlir. The body of the first
was delivered to his ~amily four days after his arrest. The authorities
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said that he ha~i co~nitted suicide in prison. The body of Hasan al-Saghir
was detivered to his family a few weeks after his arrest.
The present situation in Libya resembles the situation in China during the
cultural and social revolution in the mid sixties. That revolution, according
to Chinese leaders today, caused a regression of several generations and -
destroyed the economy, the industry and the future of young men who quit
learning to get involved in the struggle for power.
Under the al-Jamahiriyah regime, state machinery was dissolved. The president
himself resigned and his title became "the brother leader of the revolution."
He says that he is devoting himself to revolutionary work and thinking.
- The revolutionary committees are playing the role of the famous "red guard."
But confusion prevail:s, so that these committees do not know where their
functions begin or end, nor where the functions of the administrative system
begin or end.
Between Planning and Execution
President Qadhdhafi says that he wants to create an industrial and agricul-
tural nation which is capable of standing on its feet when the oil dries up.
He allocated for this goal the equivalent of 263 billion dollars to be spent
over a period of 20 years. The plan is based on building a series of
hydrocarbon industries.
However, the problems lies in execution. Nine percent of the labor force
in industry is Libyan and 20 percent of the labor force in agriculture is
Libyan. There are 32,000 Europeans, 100,000 Egyptians and 70,000 Pakistanis -
and Turks working in Libya.
But the local Arab and foreign labor force is not enough to meet the demands
of his ambitious projects. Add to that the fact that skilled and trained
labor has been leaving the country since the beginning of the cultural
revolution. The situation further deteriorated during the first half of
the current year.
Piost of the sectors have been hit with crises for several reasons such as
government paralysis, administrative chaos, lack of responsibility and the
failure of the authorities to make the right decision at the right time
in fear of punishment.
As an example, according to Libyans who recently arrived from Libya, the cost
of marketing grain from prnd.uction centers in the south to consujption centers
in the north has multiplied, while the relocation plan of city people in the
north to the south, in order to alleviate the water crisis, has run into
obstacles.
In the field of industry, productivity has dropped due to the departure of
_ skilled labor. It is enough to say that the methanol factory which was
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o~ened recently was in oP2ration for 20 days only, while work in most uf the
other factories does not exceed 30 or 50 percent of capacity.
Also, shortages in foodstuffs developed when small businesses and private
companies and institutions including lorry trucks were confiscated.
What made things worse was a large-scale campaign of arrests, television
and public trials, and group executions. Abroad, th~re were unsuccessful
adventures in Tunisia, Uganda (400 Libyans killed and 200 captured), Chad
and Central Africa.
No Threat to the Regime, but...
Does this mean that the regime is in an immediate danger?
Those arriving from Libya do not see an immediate threat to the regime, _
due to the lack of an organized oppostiion movement and due to the enthusiastic
suppo rt of sectors of the new generation which is recei~�ing concentrated and
guided instruction. President Qadhdhafi is now reaping the benefits of his
, investment in this generation during the past eleven years. Among this
generation, there is attachment to the good qualities and personality of
"the inspired leader" and his easy simplified theory.
Some people believe that no one, not even those who are close to Qadhdhafi
understand the complicated structure of his political organization with all
its interrelated levels from the summit to the base and visa~versa.
Wliile the administrative and political systems were dissolved, and the opposi-
tion was fully dispersed and pursued, mu]_tiple intelligence systems were
built to make it ~asy to observe any opposition moves from all angles and
in d~pth in this small desert country.
Libyans say that there is a secret opposition inside the army which has been
subjected to a series of purges and liquidation. The Libyan president
_ depends for his personal security on a trained brigade whose formation was
. completed last year. This brigade is mostly composed of inen from men of his
nativ~ al-Qadhdhafah tribe.
President Qadhdhafi spends mast of his time in the desert in a tent reading,
writing and thinking. This inspiration is channeled for execution through
the rev~lutionary committees and the security systems.
The Opposition Outside the Country
There is one explanation for the intensity of the pursuit of Libyans outside
the co untry. In Qadhdhafi's view, it is they who constitute a threat to his -
radical regime. They include businessmen, financiers, lawyers, students,
officers a.nd politicians. Some of them were at one time supporters and
partners of Qadhdhafi in his revolution. _
_
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'fhe5~ ~ire now saying that they do not need money, but that they lack organi-
zation. The physical liquidations took them by surprise, but most of them
got o�t of sight to make contacts for the purpose of organizing a unified
oppcsition movement which would have muscle and influence in the country.
"Life is dear and is the most precious gift from God. It is a legitimate
- right to defend oneself." This is what a Libyan from the opposition told
us in justification of what the opposition might do. The opposition today
does not only aim at organizing ranks, but has also started to take protective
and revengeful measi~res.
Some oppasition groups have started organizing small commando units which
include Libyans, Arabs and foreigr~ers, especially Corsicans who are famous
for hit and run operation.
I asked him,this opposition Libyan: "What is the purpose of all this. Is
it not enough to organize a political opposition?"
The young Libyan, who opposes the regime but was at one time a close admirer
of the Libyan president, said: "Would you like to see my dead body one day -
~ thrown in the street with my blood shining under the light of newspaper
- photographers' lenses, while my assassin is fondly shouting Qadhdhafi,
Qadhdhafi?"
Ttie man was silent for a while and then added: "This could happen. I might
_ be killed one day by Qadhdhaf i*s bullets, but the bullets of our men will
also reach those who ar? in the embassies of al-Jamahiriyah tryir.g to guide
liqu~.dati.on and assassination ~perations, believing that no one knows them
or is watcning them."
These are some aspects of the bloody crisis which involves the regime in
a:.-Jamaliiriyah and which is about to involve the opposition.
Only one c~an can stop the sto rm which is about to begin. This man is
President Qadhdhafi. One signal from his could stop the bloodshed. He
can alsu conduct his battle with the opposition in the proper way. This
way is to compete to win the hearts and minds of three million Libyans who
hope that the oil wealth will bring them peace, security, luxury and
tranquility. ~r~.
This could be the real c.ha.lleng~ facing President Qadhdhafi's regime, his
green book and his third theory.
COPY RIGHT: 1980 AL-WATAN AL-ARABI
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TUNISIA
BOURGUIBA MEETING WITH DETAINEES EXAMINED
Paris JEUNE AFRIQUE in French 18 Jun 80 p 23
[Article by Souhayr Belhassen: "Bourguiba Sa~s No to Torture"]
[Text] That President Bourguiba would set free 27 detainees on the eve of
the Victory holiday (1 June) and offer a palliative, is not very surprising.
He has always demonstrated, and he confirms it, that exercising (or non-
exercising) of public liberties is a function of its appreciation. It is
also not very astonishing that the chief of state wished to meet five of
these young discharged prisoners. This happened many times in the past.
However, there is a difference. Formerly, Bourguiba admonished the bene-
ficiaries of his generosity and would send them away saying: "Go, be good
in the future!" What is remarkable this time is the freedom given to his
jnterlocutors to express themselves. Particularly on two points.
To begin with, there is freedom of opinion and association. Bour.guiba
accepts the "idea," with immediate limits. A pluralism of parties? Would
it be recognized? "There would be too many." New newspapers? It is not
inconceivable, hut you "can already express yourselves in ER-RAI and in
DEMOCRACY (the opposition).
Torture, second point. "I do not support the idea of tiorture," Bourguiba
burst out. The subject is tabu, if there was one. No one could ever
have imagined that victims of long standing could open up and speak to
the chief of state, going so far as to name their torturers. Neither could
anyone ever have thought that Bourguiba would subscribe immediately to the
suggestion made by the minister of the interior to proceed with an inquest.
Moreover Bourguiba urged his guests to "report what he had said to the
people." Undoubtedly the torturers will not disappear at a moment's notice.
None will ever be able to claim that he is acting in the name of the state _
and its chief. This is quite an achievement.
Curiously enough, the preslden* was astonished that suck? young men had
a remained in prison for such a long time: 5 years! (He who 25 years ago,
by his triumphant return to Tunis, became a free man again, could not
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help but make t~ie comparison). He even congratulated them for their love of
their country and extended his best wishes for them to make their way in
the world, if necessary, with the help of the state. Ignoring penal or
administrative implications, he urged these students, who normally would
be under simple conditional liberty, to go about the country and then take
- the road back to the faculties.
Sudden change of fortune? Certainly much more. To begin with, more than
the prelude to a simple improvement in detention conditions which Tahar
Belkhodja had tried previously when he had the interior portfolio, it would -
seem that the officialism of the liberalization policy ogened by the Prime
Minister Mohamed M'Zali can be observed in this regard. Actually (apart
from the 18 condemned prisoners in Gafsa whose horrible conditions have been
somewhat improved), about 15 political prisoners, of which two are union
leaders (Ghorbal and Brour), remain in prison. When will they be liberated?
And when will a real general amnesty be declared which would make it possible
_ for all those who, at one time or another were the object of repression to
regain their human rights. If it is not before, is it permissible to hope
that it will happen at the beginning of August, at the time of the president's
birthday. Thro ugh the hardships endured by these citizens for whom he showed
, so much understanding and compassion, Bourguiba will grow in stature.
COPYRIGHT: Jeune Afrique GRUPJIA 1980
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TUNIS ]'A
OPPOSITIOTT LEADER MESTIRI AUTHORI2ED TO PUBLISH PAPERS
Paris JEUNE AFRYQUE in French 16 Jul 80 p 33
~Article by correspondent Souhayr Belhassen: "Two Papers for Ahmed
Mestiri"J
[Text] Ahmed Mestiri, former minister who is seen as an opposition
leader, together with his friends requested 2 years ago authorization to
form a Social Democratic Party. Although he has not received an answer
to this request at least Ahmed Mestiri has received a poaitivt reply
to his secondary petition to publish two papers, one in Arabic and the
other in French--AL-MOSTAQBAL and I,'AVENIR. -
Follawing the first congress of the PSD [Destourian Socialist Party] held
in Monastir in I971, Ahmed MesCiri, who apparently had emerged victor in
the conCest, was to become the first important personality to be excluded
from that party. Others, subsequently, were to break with the policy
of the Tuniaian Goverrnnent and the PSD from which personalities such
as Hassib Ben Ammar, Habib Boulares, and Beji Caid Essebsi were to be
barred in turn. Together with Akuned Meatiri and the young people who
joined the group, they published their first ,joint position atatements
calling for the respect of public freedoms and more democracy. The
"Mestiri" men, coammonly called "liberals" and then members of the "socialist
democratic movement," ended up by Securing not without difficult, 8 years
after breaking with the party, the establishment of a Tunisian League
of H~mman Rights and the publication of the newspapers ERRAI and DEMOCRATIE
against which lawauits were pressed and the former of which was even barred
for 3 montha.
Critical Position
The impact of the newspapera, the logic of the movement itself, the fact
that same members including Ahmed Mestiri decided to jump the gun and
break with the PSD by filing an applicatian for the establishment of a
[~w] party evidenced splits within the "movement." Besides those who
_ opt f or the creation of a party there are those who, like Be~i Caid
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Essebsi, continue to adopt a critical position with regard to the
government, declare same, but do not hide the fact that if the regime
should reforr,i itself they are ready to serve it once more. On the other
hand there are. th ose who, like Haseib Ben Ammar, editor of ERRAI and of
DEMOCRATIE, declare that they no longer wish to militate within an
organized party.
The personality of each, the susceptibilities, the ambitions, and political
calculations have not failed to weigh on these developments and even to
create divergences among individuals linked by common goals at the start.
The Gafsa events and the change of prime minister will clarify the situation
a little more. Separately, each of the factions will pull the alann
bell in President Habib Bourguiba's ears and indicate its readiness "to
consolidate the domestic front." To the head of state this means national
unity symbolized by the PSD. He has thus lifted the ouster decrees against
those former PSD members who did not for all that return to the party.
- One of them, Sadok Ben Jemaa, however accepted a portfolio while Mohamed
Sa1ah Belhadj ran on the electoral slate of his muncipality and was elected
its mayor.
Accordingly, Hassib Ben Ammar explained, what was involved was "to grant
a L-avorable bias for the new government team" to which his newspapers gave
critical support, "at least for the first 100 days." Designated to become
minister of justice, Beji Caid Essebsi on his part has expressed
reservations concerning the fact that it was not possible to initiate a
discussion about a new political orientation.
In the meantime, the "liberal" organs--which no longer have the monopoly
of "expression" (with others competing seriously with them)--continue to
form part of the public opinion of the "opposition papers." Hence the
sizable mail which they receive, from people ranging from the president
of the D~stourian cell "frustrated of his rights" to the leftist.student,
and the moral support--some financial support too--which enables them to
balance their budget. For these newspapers must live without advertising
revenues.
Annoyances
ERRAI runs 25,000 copies and DEMOCRATIE, 7,000. Annoyances continue such
as rlie persisting impossibility which they find in having access to maiern
printing presses. But at let~st summer is a boom period when sales increase.
~Iocaever, the conipetition threatens to become harsher and harsher, for the
Tunisian Communist Party has also renewed its application to publish
AL-JADID and LE RENOWEAU as has the Popular Unity Movement of Ahmed Ben
Salah.
COPYRIGHT: Jeune Afrique GRUPJIA 1980
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