JPRS ID: 9212 USSR REPORT POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS

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JPRS L19212
. 24 July 1980
USSR Re ort ~
p
POLITICAL AND SC~CIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS -
~ _
CFOUO 15/80)
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JPRS L/9212
- 24 July 1980 -
USSR REPORT .
POLITICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL AFFAIRS
(FOUO 15/80) -
- CONTENTS
INTERNATIONAL -
FkG Institute Analyzes Afghanistan Venture
(BERICHTE DES BUNDESINSTITUTS FUR OSTWISSENSCHAFTLICHE
UND INTERNATIONALE STUDIEN, No 9, 1980) 1
Anticommunism, Socio-Political Doctrine of Jehovism Examined -
- (ANTYKOMUNIZM SOTSIAL'NO-POLTTYCHNOYI DOKTRYNY YEHOVIZMU,
1976) . 17
- a - [III - USSR - 35 FOUO)
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INTERNATIONAL
FRG INSTITUTE ANALYZES AFGHANISTAN VENTURE
Cologne BERICHTE DES BUNDESINSTITUTS FUR OSTWISSENSCHAFTLICHE UND _
INTERNATIONALE STUDIEN in German No 9, 1980 pp I-III, 1-26
[Article by Helmut Dahm: "The Afghanistan ~~enture as a Lesson in Soviet -
_ Russia`s Political and Military Doctrine"]
[Text] Part I It is therefore necessaxy to combine _
justice and strength; in order that
that which is just may be strong~ or
that xhich is strong ma.y be just.
Pa.scal
On the Question of ~'~rce -
- According to FM edric~ F~gels, Khom Lenin liked to quote frequently, the -
essence of political force can ultimatel~~ be defined as a(revolutionary)
act in which part of a country's populati~:. imposes its will on anot~ex
part using extremely authoritarian means su~h as guns, bayonets and -
cannon. "And if the victorious party does not ~rish to lose the fruits of -
its efforts, then it must maintain its domination by means of the fear
which its xeapons instill in the reactionaries."
The possibility of peaceful develo~ment of a revolution presupposes that .
_ the so-called class ene~y is unable to retaliate (theory of the balance of
forc~s sootnoshenie sil). Basically, hoxever, Lenin's short and concise
observation must apply~ "Forwaxd development toxard communism, that is
- proceeds via the dic~atorship of the prcletariat, a.?3d it can proceed in
~ no other way; for no one can overcome resistance... in another way." ~om
, the standpoint of the bourgeois, destruction of the (old) order is an
"illegal" process, meaning that the new power cannot at first rely upon the
= law since the laK can be promulgated only after the old ord.er has fallen.
In other Kords: It the new poxer must use force. Once a~ain a _
brief and concise remaxk by Lenin: "A dicta.torship is a power bound by no
~ laxs."
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- The result, according to the present Soviet view, is a threefold conclu-
sion:
1. The opposing pairs of concepts "peaceful~forci.ble, ""legal~illegal,
�'democratic~undemocratic" represent abstract, empty fo~r?ulas at best
and are nothing more than metaphysical structures detach e d from true re a l i -
ty. `
2. With reference to the manner of effecting a socialist revo2ution, one _
must differentiate between txo phasess on the one hand~ t~at time period
in which the proZetarian dictatorsnip emerges; on the other, the ensuing -
- ~eriod in which social, economic a.nd political transformations ta.rce place,
3. The possibility of a peaceful transfer of power into the har.ds of the
:rorki:~g class depends less upon.the question of whether or not the ruling
classes uant to use force in extreme fonns than upon whether they will be ~
able to do so or not. According to Lenin, it is therefore imperative to
= bring about such a preponderance of material forc~s on the side of the =
revolutionary classes that reaction is rendered incapable o~ offering ef -
_ fective resistance. Only under this precondition can it be said that: "If
no reactionary force exists which must be overthro~m, there can be no men-
tion of a revolutionary force at all." .
And as far as the reliability of agreements is concerned as the 5oviets
understand it, the permissibility of the search for allies (including
nat~onal bourgeoisie) and the willin~ness to make the necessary temporary _
_ compromises this has to be in line With Lenin's principles "One must
knew hoW to combine the struggle for democracy and tne struggle for the -
socialist revolution by subordinating the former to the latter. Therein
lies the entire essence of the matter~ the entire difficult;y."
~ In offering evidence of the genuinely representative contemporary Soviet _
writing in this field, we sha.ll limit ourselves to the very basics. The
discussion of the word "force (Nasilie)" in the "~hilosophical Encyclo-
~edia" and G.N. 1Cireev's notexorthy article entitled "~evolutionary rorce
- and Peaceful Transition to Socialism" in the journal FILOSOF'SitIE IvAUKI
offer exam~les and unmista=ceably cleax confirmation of that Which has gone
before. Kireev says in this contexts "r^ollowing the acquisition of polit-
- ical power~ the organizational work of building the proletarian dicta~or- _
ship is the first priority. Nevertheless~ as experience and theory shox~
~ot even ~hen~ is the problem of force completely removed from the list
of concerns, for the internal and external forces hostile to socialism do
not disappear immediately upon the establishmer.t of a proletarian democ-
racy. The events in Hungary in 1956 and Czechoslovakia in 1968 were con- -
vincing evidence that relaxatien of the proletarian dictatorship proves to
be extremely da.~erous and fraught with gra.ve consequences for the cause
of socialism. T~Ihile the dictatorship of the proletariat is emerging, -
the 'work of destruction' constitutes the principal activity of this dicta-
. torship, and therefore the scope and degree of the use of revolutior.axy
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force depend upon the degree of resistance on the part of those classes
and social groups whose power and ~civileges arz being broken through the
_ application of force."
More recent textbooks and basic Korics on the politica.l science o~' Leninist
- Ma.rxism leave nothing to be desired when it comes to clarity and intransi-
gence ~n their statements on this problem axea. Here as well~ we affer
only a few strong examples: "Scientific Communism," a populax interpreta-
tion by Viktor Afanas'ev (Moscok, 1966); "Scientific Communism" as an
alpha.betical dictionary, publisned by Aleksey Rumyantsev together with 67
other lexicographers (:~oscow, 1969); "Scienti~ic Communism as a Sociopol- -
itical Th.sory~ of ;Ia.rxism~" by Fduard Tadevosyan (Iioscok~ 1977); a.nd "Revol-
utionary Theory and Rsvolutionary Politics," by Yuriy :srazin and Boris .
Leybzon (~toscpw, 1979)�
In a chapter on va.rious "Paths of Transition to Sacialism," the last txo
authors u~entioned deal in depth with the concept of peacefulness (developed
- by Jean E].leinstein in particular}. A few samples of their pc~int of views
"When one is xorking ou�t the theoretical problems of revolutionaxy politlcs~ _
one may not evade the universally binding larrs of the transition to social - -
, ism. If one attempts to turn them away at the front door, they come back .
into poiitics through the back door." Or: "If one erases the line between _
democratic ar.d socialist transfar.nations, between evolution and revolutior.~
between reform a.nd upheav~.l, one basically arrives at a renu.~ciation of the
social revolution." And unequivocally: "Totally unconvincing are the
attempts to justify a renunciation of the idea of the proletarizn dictator-
ship by pointing out that conditions in Russia and other economicall;/ un- -
derdeveloped countries were of a special ?;ind."
But let us proceed t,o the ur~ent issue of Afghanistan. Soviet litexa.ture
ir. the field of political s~ience categorizes and treats this "phenom~non"
_ theoretically from the standpoint of the noncapitalist path of develo~nent~
with the following compa,a^a.tively harmless definition of the proced~.L es
_ "A gradual materializa.tion of the objective and subjective prerequisites
of socialism in underdeveloped countries." 3ut the following statements
. immediately make us prick up our ears~ "For the nonca italist path of
development of countries which have freed themselves ~rom the yoke of
- calonialis~, universal support (vzestoronnyaya podderzh.ka) from the world
system of socialism is of the utmost importance." In contrast to the word
pomoshch (aid, assistance), here we see the expression podderzhka (support),
xhich as we shall see is very important 3.n interventions by the
Soviet Union. And f~~~ther: '~he +.ransition to the noncapitalist pa.th of
development does not ta'~ce place automatically; rather, it is the result of
an unyielding class struggle. The anticapitalist orientation of national
liberation revolutions has merely the effect of a gotential possibility
which an unfavora.ble balance of class forces can cause to miscarry."
Omnia ad agendum reqi:~isita adsuntl All the arguments that define the prob-
lem are now at hand. How~ver~ as will be revealed in the pa.ges ~hat follow,
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these arguments will take on their true ed~e only via the doctr~ne of
- ~roletarian a.nd socialist i~ernationa?ism. In sho?�t: ~~o r.:atter ho;~ the
tide may turn~ according to those principles and criteria that are oein~ _
applied in the political doctrine of L~ninist ~~Iarxism to~.ay, apparently
it is still o:ily the others who can be blamed ~'or the causat? ve ~om~ulsion
, to actually use force.
The Foreign-Policy :~l~nction of the Soviet rlm~ed Forces
- At the end of 1�75~ Soviet military theoretician fiinorin ex~ressed t~,e view
that the cor.t~nued develoFcnent of the Soviet arn:ed iorces under the condi- -
tions of the mature socialist society ~rould be mar~ced by the feature of _
mor.ofunc-~ionality~ ~rhich means that they would have only a foreign -policy
function to fu7.fi11. As far as the historically new structure and mission
- oi the socialist arr.iy in ,er.eral is concerned, t'r.is new ty~e of arr*~::
force whose essence consists in the fact that it is tr.e army o~ the -
revaiutionary people would. act chiefly as a tool of the proletariar. _
dictatorship during the transition from capitalis~ to s~cialism. This
would continue to apply as it had in the past to cou.ntries in ~hich such a -
transition woi:ld be taking place.
Theory of Types of Tilarfare as i~rt of Scviet i~.ilitar;~ Doctrine
As eaxly as the begi,r~nin~ of June 1974~ tondrat~ov had added a new kind of
war to Soviet doctrine in an article on the problem of classifying warss
the so-called civil Har of libera.~ion by the proletariat against the bour-
' geoisie (grazhdanska;/a osvoboditel'naya voyna nroletari.ata protiv burzhu- ~
- azii) in contra.st to the generally familiar war of national liberation
(narsional'no-osvoboditel'naya vo;fna). In furtY:er studies of this subject
throughout 1975, other Soviet militaxy theoreticians repeated. aa-ui exranded
~ upon the idea introduced by ~Cor.dratkov. -
- Mear.while, the disp~~te of many years over Lenin's Clausewitz formula
appears to have been resolved in fa,vor of its unconditional validi ty, also
with reference to nuclear miss3.le weaponry: f~lar remains the sxtensicn of
the politics of classe~ ar.d states, ~ssing forcible~ az^ried means. i:or.d~at-
':;ov~ who alon~ with others had vehemently opposed this viey in the 1960's ~
(accozding to SusYiKO)~ but xho had been cor~verted following the 23~ ~~Y
Congress (March-April 1966) to the unconditional acceptar,Ge that was even
then bein~ called for mainly by Epishev, became in the summer of 1974 a
reneated and. unreserved advocate of the political justification o~, a world
wax w,ith nucleax missiles. Dmitriev noted in retrosgect in 1975 that some
Soviet writers had ;nade certain errors with reference to this questior..
To this extent there is reason to assume that the deb3te over the validity
of Lenin's Clausewitz formula has now been concluded and resolved.
Lpishev's book +.hat came out in 197~ in i:oscow, '"~'he Ideological Strug;,le
in :4ilitaxy Affairs," obviously made an essential contribution to this -
corroborative result.
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:{ondratkov's 1974 theory of the types of xa.r~'are, Hhich xas modeled after
a letter from Leni:~ to Ines Armand dated 19 January 1917, differentiated
three main types which axe based. on three chaxacteristic sociopolitical
relationshipss
I. The relationship of oppressed nations *o oppressor nations (every wax
is an extension of politics; politics is the relationship between nations,
classes, ~*~d so ~orth). The general rule is that war is justifiable on the
part o~ the oppressed nation ~r clas~ (no matter w~2ether it is a defen-
sive or offensive war in the military sense).
II. The relationship between txo oppressor nations. Struggle over colon-
ies, mazkets and so forth. The general rule is that a war of t~is �
kind is for spoils on both sides; and its relation...to socialism comes
under this rule: 'If two thieves do battle, may they both perish'....
III. Third type a system of na.tions enjoying equal ri;hts. This ques-
tion is far more conplexll!l.... A system has evolved in 'v7estern ~,urope...
xe live not only in individual states but also in a specific system of
~ states....
KondY~atkov initially assigned to the first categor-,~ of armed confrontations
both the xar of national libera,tion (as a rela+.ionship of oppression in-
volving nations) and the newly articulated civil wax of liberation (as a
relationship of oppression involving classes).
In '4a.rch Z975� Izmaylov pointed up the special significance of the civil
war of liberation for military doctrine's presert perception of itself by
elevating it to the level of a neK main type. ~iG article, xhich ~ave
rise to the ottier statemer.ts, summed up present-day military doctrine fror~
_ the folZoWing po3nts of view:
I. Accordin~ to features tha.t differ in kind:
1. Wars between states (coalitions) of the two o~posing social orders
(system xars);
2. i~ars between the proletaxiat and the bourgeoisie~ or between the masses
and the forces of extreme reaction~ which are assisted by tne imperial -
ists of other countries civil Kars of liberation);
3. Wars betWeen imperialist states and peoples of colonial and independent
countries xars of national liberation);
4. '~iars betxeen capitalist states wars of rivalry).
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II. According to morally distinguishin~ (qualitative) feattires:
i. Just `~Tars Izmaylov made a clear state~lant with rega.._rd. to the second
type of war: "Among the just wars of the present e~och are waxs by the
woricing class for its liberation fro;n domination by the bourgeoisie."
~ 2. Unjust Wars The following may be consi~ered unjust waxss All in- -
stances of imperialist ag~xession a.gainst socialis~'s most grooressive
socia7. o~der (in other words, a,~ainst the Soviet union), against
socialist fatherlands~ against the socialist Korld system and a.gainst
the interests not only of the people of socialist countries but also of -
- all men who are progressive.
III. According to geographic and dimensional features:
1. i~oca3 Wars frith two or more states invol�red
1. t~lorld ~lars betwaen the txo opposin~ social orders ~involving a con-
- siderable number of cour~tries of the world, or even all of them togeth-
er). Since the formation of the socialist xorld system, the task of
protecting the socialist fatherland has no longer been limited strictly
to the boundaxies of the Soviet iJnion; it has been extended to ta~ce in
the entire socialist community.... It consists in the fulfillment of
a pa.triotic ~as Kell as] an international obligation."
IV. Accordir~ to weations-technology features:
1. 'rlars with nuclear missile weaponry;
2. 'rTars with conventional weapons.
It follows from the principle of the equivalence of all (5) branches of
the armed forces that a system war with offensive strategic weapons natur-
ally will also bring in the conv~ntional xeapons of the armed forces
branches involved operationally and tactically.
All these viexs received official confirmation at the 25th CPSli Party
Congress (February and ~~.arch 1976).
~dith regard to the second main type of xax discussed in Point I/2, since
eaxly 197~ it has been made even clearer ('"~lar and Army," standard refer-
ence work of the Soviet Defense i~:inistry): "The civil war type ~o~
corresponds to internal state relations" as followss
a) "in capitalist states" (as has already been stated previously) between
working class and bourgeoisie;
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b) "in developing countries" between progressive and reactionary forces
Ki.tnin the society.
The recogniza.ble change tha.t began in 197~ at least in tne connotation
of statements on S~viet m3litary doctrine is provj.n~ to be relevant,
effective and noteKOrthy in corulection with the ideolo~ical function of the
expression "proletaxian and soeialist internationa.lism" as Hell as the
mutually exclusive contradiction contained in the terms "detente" and
"class struggle." 'rJe offer a fex essential commer~ts ir. this reg~rd:
~om the ideological standpoint, the liSSR possesses a comprehensive set of ~
theoretical a:,d practical machinery designed to maintain control over Lhe
- political system ~rhich it dominates or i:Lfl.uences. There is no doubt that �
the doctrine of proletarian (and socialist) internationalism that has
emerged as the essence of "scientific communism" (of ~~iarxist-Leninist
t~olitical science) since the LSSR's preroratives were sna~cen in the CSSB
is one of the most sus~ect instrwlents of intervention beino used to sub-
stantiate i+.s claim in this connection. ihe standaro. {or'.~ entitled
"I".arKSi2m-leninizn o proletars;~om internatsionalizme" (;:oscow, 19E9) indi-
cates tne direction of its long-range program as confir:ned in art?cles by
the highest-ranIcing communist paxty leaders of the opposir.~ world. _
Doctrines 3ustifyin5 Interve:~tion
Their thin'~ing goes li~ce thiss "Under the new historical cor,ditions that `
were established as a result oi the building of socialism in the tiSSR, and
especially after the world socialist system was formed, proletax~'~ar: inter-
nationalism went on to develop ir.to socialist inter:zationalism as a conse- -
quence of its having been given new and heightened substance. 3ocialist
internationalism became tne basis of reciprocal relatior.s on tne Faxt of
socialist nations in multi -ethnic sta.tes as well as countries er.tering the
wcrldwide socialist community." The "fundamental principles of socialist _
internationalism" provide further details on the political consequences _
that this entails: "They are Q ideological and political union as the
foundati~~i of the community of socialist nations and countries; Q mutual
_ fraternal aid and support 4pod.a.erzhica}, waich ensure the effectiveness of
economic militasy-political a.nd cultural coo~.~ ration among peoples -
(narodovS on a national ax.d international scale." '~1e cite only the two =
most important obligations. Then, by way of socialist solidarity, national
equality on the one hand and state autonomy and sovereignty on the other
are brought face to face with the international "obligation of the people
(naroda) of each socialist country toward the world socialist ^.ommunity
and toward the international xorking class." _
This corresponds completely with Lenin's viewpoint, by the way. I^.deed., he _
was the one to point out that "we are nox emerging not only as representa-
tives of proletarians of a11 countries but also as representativ~ of
oppressed peoples." And on another occasion he asserted tzat internation-
alisr? was in fact only this one things "Unlimited xor~c to develop the
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revolutionary move~ent and the revolctionary struggle in one's own country,
as well as support (~odderzhka} for the same stru~~le, the same policy~
anc~. on] y for it alo:~e, in all coi:ntries ~.~ithout exce~tion. "
Consequently, +.he doctrine of interr.ationalism is colored and varied only
negligibly, accidentall~ and nonessentially oy the s~ecific characteris-
~ tics of tne differentiation in ki:ld between the proletaxian and the social -
ist in tneir connotatior.s as described 'nere. The present Soviet conception =
is that proletarian internationalism is not merel;/ a temporaz~y and inciden- -
ta1 aspect of the ideology and polic;~ of communist pa.rties, but ratner an
expression of thA esser.ce of their theoretical ar:d pract~cal views. It -
thus forms the actual foundation of recigrocal party relations, thus at the
, same time the basis of the socialist commur:ity and its econoc.ic integration ,
as xell. As a conceptual feature of a.~ absolutely preeminent relationship
of parties (criterion of internal rela�tions), proletarian int ernationalism
represents the basic law of unity of action of communist pa.rties in power
in the countries belor_~ing to the community of socialist states. ~om the
Soviet standpoint i+, must~ however, also apply in the cas e of communist
parties aIl over the world that are not in power. 3y contr~ast~ the ex-
pression "sorialist internationalism" signifies two t~in~ss ~'~Yrst of all
a relationship among states (criterion of internatior.al relaticns) that _
ta~es in a11 those countries of the world which "have liberated them-
selves," which are striving to build a neK society and social order, ar.d -
which want peace and friendship ar:d va,lus their independence ~from capi-
talism) i:~ brief, on an internatio:~al level all countries with a social-
ist orientation, "a11 revolutionary forces which are strugglin3 against
imperialism." ~ut in tne second place, also and similarly an internal
class relationship within the sta.te~ or.e waich draws upon so-called pro-
gressive forces of tne nation, the peo ple and a narty that represents _
them while remaining loyal to the CPSU. As 3agramov c~mmented in the
journal {Ohii~iUNIST, "i nterna~ionalist principles quite naturally gain the
status of state policy when the broad masses of people of these countries,
~ the beaxers of these principles, step forward under the ~uidance of the
:~arxist-Leninist pa,rties."
- To that extent, tnere is a very substantial difference between the prin-
ciple o� peaceful coexistence on the one hand and the doctrine of prole- -
tarian or socia2ist internationalism on the other. As the terminology used
in Soviet doctrine with schulastic attention to detail would indicate,
the former is concerned xith relations "by states With different social
orders mirnoe sosushchestvovanie gosudarstv s razlichny~r? obshchestvenny
stroem" in othe~' Words, relations which establisa and regulate a.-~ inter-
' national relationship. Accordingly~ it is stated that the ma.in tas~c of
the policy of peaceful coexistence consists in avoiding a new world war,
opposing the arms race, encouraging a wiZlingness to reduce arms levets~
conducting negotiations, ma:~ing agreements, signing accords and concludin~
treatiss in short, bringing one's own interests to bear among the states
of the world and making them prevaiY. To be sure~ those in the West are
sometimes accustomed to overlooIcing deliberately the second tasK of the -
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= policy o~' peaceful coexistence: ?Iamely, as the Soviet union interprets
it, this policy must also assure and nothing less that the so-called
world revolutionary process can continue to evolve under the most favor -
able preconditions. This includes "assuring optimal conditions for the -
_ class-related ~ivi~ struggle for liberation as well as the national lib-
eration strug?le oi every people by precluding the possibility of an export
or the counterrevolution as well as inter~erence (~r.neshatel'stvo j from
international reactionaxy forces." Althou~h one unmistakeably finds one-
self Quite close to the criterion of internal relations here, it is the =
- doctrine of proletaria.~ and socialist iateraationalism that lays express
claim and this is the real difference to internal validity, specif- - ~
ically tirith the aid of statements on the civil war of liberation (or recent- _
ly, sim~ly on ~ivil wax~ differentiated according to such ka~s in capital-
ist states on the one hand and in developin5 countries on the other) as
well as on the xax of national liberation totally independent of the -
question of whether the respective country professes tae "socialist" or
the "ca.pitalist" world system. `
= Not only all the aforementioned sources demonstrate that this is i.^. fact -
true. The correctness ~f this interpretztion is a?so confirmed beyond
- the shadow of a doubt by relevant essays from the third edition of the '
"Great Sovie~ Encyclopedia" completed in 1979�
iiowever~ to remain within the context employed eaxlier by :~razin a.~d =
Leybzon, if a11 this is decoded, put into plain Hords and made understand-
able to all, it can mean only this: P.esponsible political leaders of the
Soviet Union, a great poxer, first address the countries of the free xoxld
at their main gate, so to spea~:, in order by referring to the internation-
- al principle of peaceful coexistence thus seemin~ly respectin~ the
domestic authority of those xno are receiving them to negotiate inter-
- nationally binding (bir,ding under international lawj treaties ooverning a
- thriving coexistence, treaties xhich vromise their ;overnments respect ?or
independence, sovereignty, inviolability of bounc?aries, noninterferer~ce
and the like. The same treaty partner thereupon gains access through the
back door labeled the doctrine of proletarian and socialist international-
ism to his opponent's internal domain xhich is closed to him under inter-
nationa.l lau. He gains such access in onier systematically and freely to
undermine the agreements made previously by using the means of agita~ion,
class struggle, support (podderzhka) of so -called progressive forces and
so forth. He does this as long as the opponent's indulgence permits him
to do it raith impunity, rrhereas he himself strictly forbids siich actions
by the other side by threatening sanctions. 'r.e xeeps to this policy -
sometimes passed off as har,nless which is known by the nane of -
asymmetry: unequal conditions des3gned to permit a vigorous resistance to
this sug~estion and with prospects of success.
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= Official Pa.rty Position and Confirmation
"Proletarian internationalism" played a central r~le in Brezhnev's repoit _
~o the 25th CPSU rarty Congress (24 February 1976) concerning relations
with the communist pa.rties in capitalist industrial countries. :nis con- _
~ept bind~ the communist parties so addressed to the principles of commun-
- ist ideology and to general inl~ere::t laws under which according to these -
- laws the development of the revolution and the building of socialism -
and communism take place. These inherent laws are said to be 3a.id down in
- the theory of i~:arxism-i,eninism~ corroborated through practical exp~rience -
- and drafted jointly by the international conferences of fraternal pa.rties.
it was ior this reason that tne criticism directed at the ~'ench Communist .
- Party and the Italian Communis~ tarty was clo~:~ced ir. tne ideologically sig-
nificant disguise to the effect that some ~iartieJ were beginnin~ to treat
~roletarian internationalism, one of :i~.rxism-Leninism's main principles in
such a way that in reality there was virtually nothing left of it.
Brezhnev emphasized that he stood by the 3oviet communists in their view
that it was the sacred duty of every L~ninist ;4arxist to defend proletarian _
- internationalism. Significantly~ Brezhnev, in his concludin~ remarks con- -
ce~ni.ng the debate over his report a.s well as the resolution on the report,
stressed that the unanimous a~fi?;nation of proletariaai internationalism
~ should be emphasized. ~
Besides the doctrine of social structures the so-called socioeconomic
formations t'r.e ideolo~ical postiilate of proletarian interna~ionalism
will be and continue to be the CPSU's means of legitimizing its future
interference in the internal affairs of other pa.rties, particularly the
i~est ~uropean com.munist pasties. ~or, 2s 3rezhnev said at the end of his
; report, "the international alliance of communists"~internatsional'naya
splochennost' :~conmunistov) does indeed iit in with this ideological con-
- cept. Certainly one could scarcelf say the same about any otY:er inter-
r.ationalism and ver~f definitely not about other political ~.rties.
Brezhnev's report ascribed. an equall.y wide-ranging to be more precise~ `
a11-encompassing ideological function to the mutually exclusive contra.- _
dictions contained in the terms "detente" and "class struggle." rie com- -
mented extensively and with unmistakeable clarit~ on the question of how
"detente" influences the "class stru~le"s
It is Brezh.nev's vie~r that bourgeois politiciar:s axe either naive or out
to deceive the public when they appear to be surprised. and alarmed over
"the solidaxity of Soviet cor~munists, of the Soviet people, with the =
struggle of other peoples for freedom and progress." "After a11," it is
"as ci ea~~ as it can possibly be ( Ved' predel'no jasno that detente
and peaceful coexistence involve relations between states. ~lhis means
above all that disputes and conflicts between countries must be solved not
through war and not throu~h the use or threat of force. ~oweve~ detente -
_ by no means rescinds the laws of the class str~~g~le and can neither -
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abolish nor alter them. It is for this reason that an indis~.e:~sable
crndition of detente is a strict observance of the principle of r.oninter-
ference iii the a.ffairs of other sta.tes, respect for their independence and _
sovereignty. (...j .4nd if we should be reproa.ched f~r this, then it would
be difficult to su~pr~ss the thought that those who do so doubt the ability
of capitalis~ to remain viable without r~sortin~ to a,ggressive acts and
threats of xeagons, without attacking the independence and interests ~f -
other ~eoples . " -
_ But as regards the "assertions of leftist chatter" to the effect that
- peaceful coexistence is scarcely helpful to capitalism a.nd will by no means -
- result in a"freezing of ~he so~iopolitical status quo," he, 3rezhnev, can
only reply that "any revolution" is "above all the natural result of the
interna.l develo ~nent of a society." Thus~ life itself refutes these no-
tions with reference to such a"freezin~. " -
According to 3rezhnev~ the Soviet Ur,ion is "categorically opposed to any
interference (vmeshatel'stvo ) in the internal affairs of Portugal 3ut '
this will not preven~c it in tne least from "expressing the passionate
solidarity of Soviet communists, of all Soviet people, with the revolution-
ary Po~~tuguese nation~ with its communists, with all democrats."
The "tragedy of Chile" has not only given the lie to the communist doctrine
"of the possibility of differer.t pa.ths to revolution~ ir:cluding a peaceful
~ one," it has ~,lso shown "that the revolution must be able to defend it-
self." This bitter experience substar:tiates ar:d justifies the "appeal to
- strengthen international solidarity with a11. those who iake the ga.th of
freedom and progress. " -
The same is true yrith resgect to the People's ~epublic of AnSOla. This -
progressive state has become "the object of foreign intervention." It is
for this reason that "Angola's stz~~le to protect its independence has
- met rrith suppor-t (podderzhka) from proo essive forces all over the wor~d,"
and "the success ox this struggle" has "become proo~ that no one ca.n shat-
ter people's aspira.tions for freedon. " Also significant in reference to
Angola was Brezhnev's remark that "the Soviet linion does not interfere in
the internal affairs of other co~:ntries and peoples. Respect for the
hallowed ri~ht of every people, ever-,~ country, to choose its path of devel-
ornnen~ is an iaunutable principle of Leninist foreign policy. ~ut we do
not conceal our views. 'rJe stand on the side of tne forces of pro~ress ~
democracy and national independenca in the developing countries as wel~ as
all others~ and we behave toward them as we do toward our friends and com-
rades-in-a.rms. Our m.rty extends support (podderzhka) to the peoples Kho
are fighting for their freedom~ and we shall do so in the future as well.
'rle act in accordance with the dictates of our revolutionary con-
science~ of our communist convictions."
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- '~1hat Is "Interference (Vmeshatel'stvo), and ,~ha~ Is "Support" (Podderzhka) :
In his ideological].y extremely significant statement affirming the essen-
tial importance to the Soviet linion's foreign relations of whether the
issue is relations between or within the various states, ~rezhnev went
_ along with the instructive views on "Interventionis~ as a Policy of Dis -
- grace ar.d .~ilure" expressed by ~mara in 1975 in the jour~al :~OM::UiIIST ~
VOORUZHENtdYCH SIL. Accord1.ng to ~hmara, "intervention is or.e of the most
impc~rtant for~ns oi international capitalis~n's nolitical strug~le against
the wor'.{ers' moveu~ent ~n the or.e han~ and ~on the othe~ against the _
; national liberation movement, the forces of democracy and progress." ~
:~mara made a clea.n distinction between the two forms of con~lict by using
the exnressions "revolutionary civil war" (revolyucionnaya grazhdanskaya �
- voyna; ibid~ and "revolution of national liberation" (natsional'no-osvobod - _
- itel'naya revolyutsiya). -
With resgect to the seizure of power thro~.rgh interventi~n, :thmasa contin -
ues, direct and immed.iate possibilities come into the picture~ tne realiza-
tion of which means either an occupa.tion regime or a puppet regime. Para-
;~ount in the direct seizure of power is incitement to civil wars and re-
~ aoverrunents tnat are ob jectionab7.e
oellions~ with the aim of overthrowing ~
- to the imperialists; added to this is ~he political a.~~d financial support
of counterr~volutionary forces as well as propaganda campai~ns ~f various -
~inds to build up individuals who are prepared to throw open the gates to
foreign invasion." "Also counted among the methods oi interventionism is
the unleashing of local wars by incitin~ small states dependent upon im -
perialism to ag~ression a.gainst nei~hboring countries that have chosen
the progressive pa.th of develozqnent." Inte~~ventionism~ however~ is des - -
cribed not o:il.y as interferer.ce (vmeshatel'stvo) by one state in the in-
ternal affairs of another. It can also affect the realm of foreign pol-
icy, the relationship o~ a sovereio state with third countries.
:thmara described as an attempt to dis~uise the class -ralated essence of ~
interventions the bourgeoisie's legal interpretation tnat only the sta.te,
as the addressee of internationat legal norms, may be declared the inter-
venor, tha.t consequently it is possible and ma.~es sense to spea~c of inter-
vention only xit~h reference to the state. ~thmara. emphatically re jected. _
this interpretation. He wrote in this connection: "If international law
addresses only the state, then the members of the proletariat who have re-
belled a.gainst the yoke of capitalism, the enslaved peoples who have risen
up to fight their colonial masters, a.re robbed of all protection under the
law." The act of addressing the intervention concept to the state and the
state alone ma'.~es forei~n imperialism's policy o~ oppression a"legitimate~
a just cause." This desio on the pa.r't of b~urgeois lawmakers assures the
imperialist powers of "exemption from punishment" (indul~ence) from the
very outset since it declares as law their violent acts a~ainst revolu- -
- ~ionary demonstrations by the working masses the world over.
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In response to the question of how one shouid judge the case wherein a
~evolutionary people creates "its own organs of ~overnment" in its fight
for freedom and independence, 'r:nmara noted that even from the l~gal stand-
point of the bourgeoisie, the right of sovereignty must then properly be
. extended to that revolutionary people a.s well. But even here a back door
remains onen to the ideologists oi interventionism~ for "according to
their 'theories interference in the ~nternal~ affairs of a coi:ntry
whose government does not enjoy de jure recognition by other states cannot
be looked upon as intervention."
With the following statement ~rhich only seemingly contradicts Lenin's
saying that only insane people or instigators (provocateurs) could believe
in the outbreak of a revolution upon order or by arrangement (po tsakatsu,
po zoglazheniyu)~ 14zmaxa. then came to the real essence of his remas~se -
"Now as before, i�".arxism-Leninism holds the view tnat every nation, whether
laxge or small, is sovereign; that only the people themselves can decide
- their fate; that all possible chan~es in the state are the doma3n of its
internal jurisdiction (competency). The Soviet people, the peoples of the
fraternal socialist countries profess solidarity with the revolutionary _
" forces in the capitalist world ~as well as~ the national liberation move- _
nent by supporting both to the greatest extent possible ~okatsyvaya im
vzemernuyu podderzhku). ~ut this support is being realized not through
the export of revolution, of its 'thrust' from outside~ but above a11 _
through measures whose aim is to stop the counterrevolutionaz~,~ attac=:s b~
reactionary forces in the world and to prevent interference by imperia~ist
_ powers in the internal affairs of other countries and peoples."
:~hmara noted that the Soviet Union has been instrumental in having today's
' international law regard intervention as a violation of that law. It con-
sequently cannot tolerate any form of interference~ or threat of inter-
ference~ which is directed against the political independence or the terr-
- itorial integrity of any country whatsoever. :thmara said that the ~rin-
cinle of nonin~cerference in the internal affairs of states, as set forth in
tne charter of the linited i~ations, prohibits anyone even this organiza-
tion ~.tsalf from actions that are the internal responsibility of a
state. As early as 1965 (at its 2Uth session), the UN General Assembly
a~~roved the Soviet iJnion's "declaration or. the inad:~issitility of inter-
ference in the internal affairs of states, on the protec ~ior_ of th~:ir in- -
dependence"; ~gland was the only country to absta3n from voting. Ar!d
late in 19'74 (at its 2~th session}, the General Assembly also endorsed the
USSR's definition of the term "aggression." rihmara notes that the wordin~ ~
of this definition maxes possible not only a precise determination o? the
facts surrounding a violation of state sovereignty by intervenors; it also
strictly condemned the use of force aimed at interference in the affairs
of peoples~ at depriving them of their political independence and so fortn.
~Qzmara surlmed up these viewpoints in the following sentences "The coun-
tries of the socialist community are implementing the policy of peaceful
coexistence consistently in the international arer.a. 3ut insofar as mutual
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- relations among the fra.ternal countries are concerned, sccialist inter- -
nationalism has been and will remain for them the supreme princivle."
In ?rezhnev's words~ "socialist internationalis~n is the heavy respor.si - _
bility for the destiny of socialism, not only in our own country but ~so
in the worl~. ai laxge. It means the highest respect for the national and _
historica.l features of the development of each aiid every country and tre -
- resolve ~to provide the broadest support for one znother. It is the pro-
found understar.din~ of that historical role which fa11s te tne countries
of socialism in the world revolutionary process~ in the cause of support
for the anti-img~rialist struggle for liberation bv tne peoples o~ the
world . " -
The preceding statements leave virtually no doubt that communist theory ,
is seeking to legitimize the practical conduct of the 5oviet ur_ion by
means of a strict and consistent~ but merelf terr.linological, d~alectic of -
conceBts which do ir.deed. as a r.ile characterize the same circumsta.r.ces in
- terms of power politics, but which manifest r~ot to say feign totally
- opposite modes of thought and ar~umentation via their al~usior. to the
principal contradiction of the times the contradiction of imUerialistic
canita].ism and revolutionary Korld socialism. ~he most imUOrtant of these
ideological concepts are listed in the following synopsis, in which the
difference in intez^.'lational relations and internal jurisdiction rspresents _
the decisive criterion for separa.tion:
Ca.~italism Socialism
International relations Internal jurisdiction
Peaceful coexistence Proletarian i:~ternationaiisn~
Detente Class stri:go? e _
Renunciation of force Socialist world nover~ent
Interference (interver_tion) Socialist internationalisr~
Peo le
Sovereio ty Revolution
Integrity Civil war of liberation
Imperialist powers '~dar oi r.ational liberation
The true ideological key to the justification behind the Soviet Union's �
conduct toward Afghanistan lies in the difference described b~ ~hmaxa
and used politica.lly by Brezhnev ~rith reference to Chile~ Portugal ar.d
Angola between international relations and ir.ternal jurisdiction, or
~ expressed differently (and as a part for the whole) between inter-
ference (vmeshatel'stvo) in violation of international law and support
_ (~,;;dderzh~a) permitted., justified and even morally required by revolution -
ary theory.
- ~'orgoin~ a detailed account of current events, wrich would definitely
change nothing of the essence of the issue~ we should mention only one
other noteworthy ircident s Appearing an 2 August 1979 in i~:oscow's ~i A~IDA
was an article on ' lhe :iyth of the 'Soviet i~Iilitary ~t'hreat' and Reality, " -
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_ xritten by ~arshal of the So~riet Union N. Ogaxkov, chief of the leneral
Staff of the Sov.! et Armed ,yorces ar.d first deput~r defer.se minister of the
USSR. In October 1979, the monthZy SOVYETSKOE VOEi~i~~0~, OBGTSRc.I`+IE (Soviet
~r:ilitary .~eview) reprinted the article together with, incidentally, an un-
_ signed editorial on "The Leninist Theory of the Socialist Revolution."
Some of Ogarkov's remar?~s follow: "~Ioices in the 'riest are rur?bling that -
- the Soviet Union is stepping up its military presence in Africa, the _
Middle r^~ast and Southeast Asia. In ~eijing they are sounding the alarm.
There is a short and concise re~ly to a11 thist If we discount the limited
number of Soviet military experts who are only helging people become fam- -
iliar with the technology of the weaponry supplied 'oy the L'SS~, then there -
has not been and is not now a single Soviet soldier, a single ~ovie] .
unit~ much less a Soviet regi.nent in these areas. The Sovi et union has
- never interfered in the internal affairs of another state (ne vmeshivalsya)
nor is it doing so today (ne vmeshivaetsya)." Three columns furtr:er on,
he sayss "The CPSU and the Soviet government are striving for detente to -
take on a global character, for people in every corner of the xorld to be
able to enjoy the fruits of peace and be free to shape their own lives.
No onee neither the slanderers in the '~Jest nor the Chinese r.egenon -
ists ~upremacists~, ~rill succeed in blackening the peace initiative of
- the land of the soviets. ~ealit3r itself dispels the myths of a'3oviet
militaxy threat."'
In conclusion, the c:~ief of the general staff stressed that 5oviet armed
forces :iad "never been used to take over foreign territories, oppress
peoples of other lands"; they served "solely" the "interests oi protectino
socialist achievements...~ the sovereignty and territorial inviolability
of the Soviet state." What does one say to this, especially wher~ the mar-
shal declaxes in the same breath that "the entire world" has "had the
opportunity to satisfy itself that xords and deeds are not different things
to the Soviet Union"? ~Jas this a coincidence? Hardly, consideri.ng the
journalistically highly unusual reprinting of the PRAYDA axticle 2 months -
later. 'das it then a conscious act of deception, or perhaps an aid to
memory carefully calculated to lend legitimacy? Probably both: Anycne
xho took the matter lightly and bacT{ed only Point 1 of peaceful coexist-
- ence (without considering Point 2 as xell) would be in error. Anyone who
understood something of proletarian and socialist internationalism, of
podderzhka and the like~ ~rould be well informed. Was there not adequate
reason to assume that his admonition would go virtually unhear~? All the
same, the Soviet marsnal is indeed right; a"slanderer" will attest to
that. After all~ he was only arguing along the lines of the interna~ional-
ism criterion when he gave assura.nces that "interference" (vmeshatel'stvo)
was out of the question. On the other hand, he said not one word about
"support "(podderzh~ca) in liae with the criterion of internal jurisdiction.
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_ Concluding Observations
Thus a piece of advice for political scientists ~or tne time being
there is nothing to do but recall to r.iind this a.~nbivalence~ this genuine
~ dialectic whose method of reasonin~ is i:id.eed nonsensical~ this likeness of -
opposites in a single respect, this Janus-facedness, this dwlichnost', be ~
it convenient or inconvenient, opportu:~e or inopporti:ne; there is nothing
to do but keep an eye out for convincing sanctions in equivalent axeas in
~ order to remedy the obviously existing "lac~c of unifornity of conditions"
(asymmetry). 3ut he who should nevertheless still be unable to com -
prehend that these repeated ideolooical assertions, mechanisms and state- -
ments of facts are classical instruments designed. to legitimize interven-
tion in any conceivabls ar,d possible event, ~ay justifiably no longer be .
indi~nant when charged with being ined.ucable. "There is unfortunately no
- further help for him with his prejudice." ~r, to phrase it another
wa,ys The political belief and after all, it can in truth only be a
- belief that the aforementioned tenets of "scientific communism" would
be suitable as a useful and reliable footing for measures aimed at build -
ing trust, this belief will have to remain at least an enigma for every _
reasonable person Hho still values the universally binding validity of
logical and ethical principles. This is so unless he is prepaxed to be
content with Fascal's discerning train of thought with refe~ence to the
relationship between justice and power. {rlhat was it tha.t he discovered
during his time, recognized as relevant and communicated to the enlight-
ened. public in the "Pensees" chapter on "La, justice et la raison des
effets"?t "Justi.ce without power is poxerless; power without justice,
tyrannical. Justice that has no power will be denied because there will
always be criminalso... And since we were unable to ;naKe powerful that
which is just~ we made justice of that which is powerful."
Under no circumstances should this situation be able to remain in effect
today. "ror we must not forge~ one thing: The law exists not�for honest
people but for those who do not care about law and order." And it is for ~
this reas~n that a policy which wants to be credible must seek uncondition- -
a11y to provide justice with the power it needs to assert itself and pre-
vail, most especially in light of th~ fact that, according to ~ngels
thus in the Soviet view as well a"truly human morality that stands
- above class antagonisms and every reminder of them becomes possible only
at a level of society where not only is the antagonism between classes
wipeci out~ but its traces ~e eliminated from everyday life." In accord -
ance with the Soviet concept presented by I~I. i~:chedlov in the CPSU Centra.l
Committee journal ~:OA'iAiUNIST, it goes without saying that this morality can
only be a communist morality. If, however, we want a different concept
of justice namely ou~ own, which is bas ed on the universality of ethical
standards (consider human rights, international law and so forth) to pre-
vail in a truly effective way, then it is essential that we place at its
disposal at least in the interim the power that lies in the capa.city
to impose sanctions. -
- 7458 16
_ CSO: 8020/0699
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INTERNATIONAL
ANTICOMMUNISM, SOCIO-POLITICAL DOCTRINE OF JEHQVISM EXAMINED ~
Kiev ANTYKOMT.TNIZM SOZSIAL'NO-POLITYCHNOYI DOKTRYN'i YEHOVIZMU (The Anti- .
_ Communism of the Socio-Political Doctrine of Jehov~.sm) in Ukrainian and
Russian 1976 signed to press 19 Feb 76 pp 1-2, 213-215, 21b
[Annotation, table of contents and summary from book by P. L. Yarots'kiy,
- Naukova dumka, 1000 copies, 216 pp]
- [Text] This stuc~y criticizes the anticommunist trend of the socio-political
doctrine of Jehovism. On the basis of primary sources the author exposes
the petty-bourgeois reformisti nature of the early ideology of Jehovism,
its relationship to Zionism and the method,s and techniques of social
- demagogy of the ideologists of the Brooklyn center during the early stages ~
of the intensified crisis ~f capitalism.
The place of honor in the monograph is given to criticism of the ~ehovlst
mode]s of "the universal world government," the "world-wide theocratic
nation" and other apologetic concepts that today determine the anti- -
comm-anist trend of Jehovist clericalism in the struggle against the
policy of peaceful coexistence and relaxation of international tension.
- Contents Page
Intre3uction 3
Chapter 1. The Evolution of the Socio-Political Doctrines
~ of Jehovism ................................~............9
1.1 The petty-bourgeois r~.ture of t~e social concepts
_ of e:arly Jehovism ...........................................9
1.2 Mystirication of the social anta.gonisms of c apitalist
society ....................................................38
Chapter 2. The Bourgeois Apologetic Essence of the Modern
"Sb~1o-Political Doctrines of Jehovism ................84-
2.1 The anti-scientific nature of Jehovist interpreta~ions �
_ of the scientific-technical revolution ....................85
2.2 The social nega.tivl.sm of the moral and e~hical doctrines
of Jehovism ............................:.................117
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- Chapter 3. Jehovist Clericalism in the System of Anticommunism.......11~
_ 3.1 The Jehovist theocracy and Zionism...........~.........�.��.��.145 _
3.2 Apologia for militarism in Jehovist ii~terpretations of
~hP problems of wax and peace ................................175
Summary ...............................................................213
S ummary -
_ The socio-political doctrines of Jehovism, paxticula.rly its "sociological
concepts, are elaborated by the ideologists of the international Jehovist
center in the UiA on the basis of the c~'istorted world outlook of .bourgeois
reality and are used as universal dogmas for e~;alua,ting the so-called
= modern system of things throughout the world, inc~tzdiY~g in socialist
countries. Thus it can be understood to what extreme reactionary posi- �
tions of alienation from social reality they push believers.
The consciousness of believers is undergoing extensive development in the
spirit of the biblico-political apo]_ogies of anticommunism. According
to the plans of the ideologis~,s of the foreign Jehovi.st centers, this
should conceal their direct political trend and thws serve as an a.dequate
expression of the religious world vi.ew and tne class attitude of
believers.
The socio-economic preconditions which served as an impetus for the
arisal of 3ehovi.sm and the shaping of its early socio-political doctrines
convi.ncingly corroborate Lenin's thesis of the class roots of the
arisal of religion. The basic content of the ideological doctrines of
the initial stage of eaxly Jehovism was petty bourgeois illusions of
"the great jubilee of peace" as a result of "reconstruction and restora-
tion of a11 lost things. This predominant conception of eaxly Jehovism
manifests the essence of Jehovism--the ideology of a constantly self-
destructive petty bourgeoisie.
The antirevolutionary trend of "great reforms" and the so-called thousand-
year jubilee of Christ's reign is acquiring an increasingly bellicose
chaxacter with the intensification of the proletariat's class struggle.
Jehovist preachers have tried to entice the proleta.riat with "the perma-
_ nent idea of the kingdom of God on Earth," The ideologists of Jehovism
present a whole series of concessions wrested by them in fierce class
struggle with employers as proof of the beginning of an era of great
reforms.'~ They urge the working class to wait calmly for the next stage
of "development of the order of things into the theocratic suprema.cy of
Jehovah" and categorically refuse class confrontation with employers.
This was the ~etty bourgeois model of toning down the imperialist system
of exploitation, the method of introducing reformist ideas in biblical
packaging into the ideQlogy of the working class. In this way the
ideologists of eaxly Jehovism retreated from �positions presenting'.the
- ~views of a petty bourgeoisie ravaged by the attacks of big capital to
to apolog~r of imperialist exploitation. In the revolution, uprisings of
oppressed masses and communism they perceived only world cataclysm, the
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annihilation of civilization, anaschy and regression. The present
ideologists of Jehovism are not shy about reaffirming this "credo" of ~
the founders of Jehovism, thus enhancing their value on the anticommun~at
market.
In the socio-political doctrines of Jehovism anticommunism has been
consister_t1y acquiring an increasingly bellicose trend in dependence on
the intensification of the antagonism of the powers of peace, progress ~
and socialism on one hand and the forces of reaction and imperialism
on the other hand.
Creating antiscientific models of social development and undergoing ~
revisions of evangeiical doctrines about the nature, purposes and functions
of the so-called higher powers, Jehovists ase popularizing the ideas of �
"one harmonious society" and "universal government for all mankind."
Propagation of these concepts and doctrines have aligned Jehovism with
many ideological organizations and centers which specialize in the field
of anticommunism.
The "universal wax Armagednon is a reactionary, misanthropic doctrine
~ which is always resurrected from oblivion in acute revolutionary
situations and�during the culminatory periods of the economic crises of
the system of monopolistic capita.lism.
- The Jehovist concept of Armageddon is first and foremost a mystic
reflection of the shattering of the petty-bourgeois classes` illusions.
- To the greatest extent apocalyptzcal moocLs ase characteristics of small
businessmen, shopkeepers and farmers. The streng~hening of state
capitalism and the bureaucratization of social life accelerated the
progress of reappraising the values of social statuses, business and
personal qualities, occupations, etc., and had a great effect on this
part of the bourgeois~.e.- For this reason deep pessimism and a presentiment
of ruin took root in bourgeois ideology. Such is the content of many _
- influential trends in the modern bourge~is philosophy of history. _
- The intensification of class strugg7.e and the deteriora:ting economic
conditions in the capitalist countries stand out as a reliable symptom
of imminent Armageddon. Thus the true cause of the incurable social
sickness of modern capitalism society is overshadowed, and the deepening
crisis of the capita.list system is lr~ystified as a universal apocalyptic
crisis of mankind.
The negative consequences of the economic development of capitalist
countries with its irrational and often rapaciows use of natural resources,
pollution of the environment, etc., axe leading to the arisal of
ecological problems which are especially dangerous for the existence of
mankind. On this basis the Jehovist ideologists are prognosticating
J universal cataclysm for a11 mankind. In this way specu].ative the~ries
are croppin~ >>D concern?ng the ecological, energy and demogra,phic
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rOR QFrICIas. LSE O~Y
problems of the preserit ck.y. Hopeles~ pessimism is a chaxacteristic
feature of social classes leaving the historical arena.
The socio-political doc-crines of Jehovism ~pread among believers of the
socialist countries are directed at negatiizg the objective mechanisms,
scientif:;.c validity and practical implementa.tion of the pz~ogram of
bui.lding socialist and communist society. Jehovist ideologists axe .
constantly paxading their "neutrality in matters of politics and ideology, _
and this should promote the calming and blunting of believers' vigilance
to no small degree, for political calculations axe forced through in the
guise of veiled biblical apologies.
Sticking to general i.mperialist tactics of modern anticommunism, the
- Jehovist ideologists and propagandists ha.ve begun to implement the �
transition from frontal anticommunism to a more refined, modernized _
anticommunism~
Under the conditions of socialist reality, the anticommunism of Jehovist -
socio-political doctrines is chiefly focused on opposing the molding of
the communist world vi.ew by implanting bourgeois ideology veiled in
biblico-political apologies in the consciousness of believers, paxa~.yzing
~ the education of workers in the spirit of Sovi.et patriotism and socialist
internationalism by false references to the Jeho~sts' membership in a
new, universal "theocratic nation," substituting "neutrality" to Ma.rxist-
Leninist ideology and CPSU policy for implacability to bourgeois ideology
and counteracting the believers' socio-political. activities by enlisting
- them in the ranks of Jehovist preachers of anticommunist apologies.
The Uehovist ideolopr of anticommunism is the result of the general
crisis of capitalism and of its philosophy and morals. Fear of the
victorious ma.rch of the ideas of scientific communism over the entire
- planet underlies the Jehov~st ideology of anticommunism. This feax is
intensi~ied by the decay of the system of monopolistic capitalism and
- aroused in reactionaxies by the progress of human society along the
path to socialism and communism.
_ COPYRIGHT: Vydavnytsvo "Naukova dumka", 1976
9380
cso: lsoo
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