JPRS ID: 9128 WORLDWIDE REPORT NARCOTICS AND DANGEROUS DRUGS

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: JPRS
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP82-00850R000200060014-8
• Release Decision: RIP
• Original Classification: U
• Document Page Count: 39
• Document Creation Date: November 1, 2016
• Sequence Number: 14
• Content Type: REPORTS

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a JPRS L/8973
13 March 1 ~80
~ Lati n America Re ort
p
- (FOUO 5/80)
FBIS F'OREIGN BROA~CAST INFORM~TION SERVICE `
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NOTE
JPRS publications contain infor.mation primarily from foreign !
- newspapers, periodicals and l~ooks, but also from news agency
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Headlines, editorial reports, and material enclosed in brackets
- are suppliea by JPRS. Processing indicators such as [Text]
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" Unfamiliar names rende~ed phonetically or transliterated are
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JPRS L/8973
13 March 1980
LATIN AMERICA REPORT
(FOUO 5/80)
CONTENTS ~AGE
INTER-AMERI~AN AFF'AIRS
'PRELA' Notes Cuban Teachers' Cont�ributian in Nicaragua
(Erasmo Terrero; PRELA, 29 Feb 80) 1
CHILE
Clodomiro Almeyda Discusses Socialist party Position
(Clodomiro Almeyda Interview; PRELA, 29 Feb 80)...... 3
CUBA
Seminar on Vietnam Condemns PRC
(Victorio M. Copa; PRELA, 3 Mar 80) 5
EL SALVADOR
'PRELA' Interviews FPL Militia Leaders
(PRELA, 27 Feb 80) 7
FPL Military Committee Members Outline Struggle
(PRELA, 29 Feb 80) 13
ERP Captive Hill Discusses DomPStic Problems
(Jaime Hill Arguello Interview; PRELA, 1 Mar 80)..... 19
Former Minister Samayoa Discusses FPL Ideology �
(Salvador Samayoa Interview; PRELA, 26 Feb 80)....... 27
GUATEMALA
Interior Ministex Comments on Extremism in Country
(Donaldo Alvarez Ruis Interview; CAMBIO 16, -
~ Mar 80) 31
- a - [III - LA - 144 FOUO]
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CONTENTS (Continued) Page
NICARAGUA
Ramirez Announces Government Medicine Control
(PRELA, 3 Mar 80) 34
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INTER-AMERICAN AFFAIRS
'PRELA' NOTES CUBAN TEACHERS' CONTRIBUTION IN NICARAGUA
PA292232 Havana PRELA in Spanish 1940 GMT 29 Feb 80 PA
[Article by Erasmo Terrero]
[Text] [No dateline given] The help of the Cuban internationalist teachers
in Nicaragua made possible the estab~ishment of 558 schools in an equal num-
ber of areas whir.h never before had the means for local children to be educated.
According to education ministry statistics, 53 of those 558 rural schools were
built by the respective peasant communities. These communities were mobilized
by the Farm Workers Association (ATC) with the advice and direct participation
of the Cuban teachers.
In addition, 65 buildings were repaired fo~ use as schools, 68 were painted
and 21 expanded in an equal number of rural areas.
The 1,200 Cuban teachers who are working in the most isolated regions of
Nicaragua's 16 departments, are giving classes to 50,593 ~lementary school
children and, in night classes, to several thousand workers and housewives
from the rural areas, most of whom are illiterate.
_ In compliance with agreements signed by Cuba and Nicaragua, the teachers
began to arrive in Managua on 5 November and were assigned by the education
ministry to the areas in whic:h there was the greatest shortage of teachers.
At present they are living in peasant hom~s and giving classes free of charge
to the people of Augusto Cesar Sandino.
On repeated occasions, educational officials of the Central American country
have spoken.favorably on the technical competence, the spirit of sacrifice
and the internationalist dedication of the Cuban youths.
Recently Carlos Aguirre, director of the Southern Department of Rio San Juan,
praised the initiative, discipline and devotion to duty of the Cuban teachers
who, he said, are made of "a special wood."
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Although mos*_ of the internationalists' students are registered in the
first grade, because of the lack of schools, many teach children of dif-
ferent grades in the morning and afternoon, then g3ve classes to adults -
at night .
' Frequently, adults oE up to 30 years of age, who have asked to be admitted
in order to ~~arn to read and wri~~, can be seen in the elementary sctiool `
classrooms along with 6-year-old children.
To cite just one example, at the school in Villa Alvarez, in the central
_ municipality of E1 Almendro, four siblings ranging in age from 6 to 13 ~~ears _
are studying in the first grade during the day, while their parents are
taught at night by the same teacher and in the same school.
The Cuban youths do not restrict their activities to the limits of the class-
ro~m. Instead, they promote educational excursions with their students, as
well as cuitural and athletic activities.
In addition, on weekends and during the year-end vacations they have par-
ticipated in volunteer work in areas doing sueh things as harvestin~ coffee,
and building schools and health centers, among other things. They have used
the pay for this work to purchase teaching materials. -
The Cuban teachers are working in the classrooms and in the community to pro-
mote hygiena measures and various preventive medicine campaigns.
In this last area, they have worked closely in performing a census of
pregnant women and undernourished children. In addition, they help doctors
in the vaccination campaigns against polionyelitis, measles and other ill-
nesses. .
They also participated the illiteracy census carried out recently in
preparation for the great national crusade against illiteracy which will =
begin officially in March.
In performing these tasks and in traveling to their teaching sites, the
_ teachers use the most varied means of transportation, including boats, mules
and even oxen.
The dedicated work of the Cuban teachers in the peasant communities have
won them the affection of the townspeople, some of whom are keeping count
of the days that remain of the 2 years in which their Cuban friends will
remain in Nicaragua.
CSO: 3010
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CURA
SEMINAR ON VIETNAM CONDENIIdS PRC _
PA032359 Havana PRELA in English 1845 GMT 3 Mar 80 PA
[Article by Victorio M. Copa] v
[Textj Havana, 3 Mar (PL)--Cuba charged that the most aggressive trend of -
the reactionary philosophy of Maoism is uniti.ng with imperialism agai~:st the
Socialist Republic of Vietnam.
Rene Rc~driguez Cruzi president of the Cuban Institute of Friendship with
the Peoplea (ICAP), also stated that the problems of Southeast Asia cannot
be analyzed abstractly. '
The top Cuban functionary spoke at the symposium titled "The P~sition of
, Vietnam From the Viewpoint of International Law," the first which is
being held here since the Chinese aggression against that Indochinese na-
tion.
He stated that when analyzing the situaton in Southeast Asia it mus~ be ,
done taking into account the interdisciplinary angle of its political,
~uridical and ideological aspects.
When condemning the cowardly attitude of the Chinese leadership against
Vietanm, he underlined that Maoism and imperialism have erase3 their eesen-
tial differences.
Some 50 legal experts and specialists in Asian affairs debated throughout
the dajr papers on historic, political and ~uridical topics of the struggle
of the Vietnamese people against their aggressors.
Hector Garcini, legal adviser to the Council of State, was the organizer
of the seminar, sponsored by the Cuban Committee of Solidarity With Vietnam.
"Vietnam and Its Active role in tha.idovement of Non-aligned Countries" and
"Causes of the Failure of the Negotiations Between Vietnam and China," were
two of the ten papers presented at the meeting.
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- Matters related to China's hegemonic ideology and the political and ideolo-
gical content of the Chinese-Vietnamese border conflicts at the present
time were also debated.
The problem of the Hoa and their manipulation by China in the anti-Vietna-
mese campaign and the resulting foreign policy of that Indochinese nation,
were other papers presented at the seminar.
CSO: 3020
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EL SALVADOR
'PRELA' INTERVIEWS FPL MILITIA LEADERS _
PA.030215 Havana PRELA in Spanish 1645 GMT 27 Feb 80 PA
[Interview with the leadership of the militias of the Farabundo Marti
Peoples Liberation Forces by Mario Menendez Rodriguez at several locations
in E1 Salvador 25 February] -
[Text] The occupation of four cities, four towna, two large neighborhoods, -
cantons and villagea as well as the tremendous attacks against garriaone
and the ambush of national guard and army ~onvoys throughout the country
indicate that the Farabundo Marti Peoples Liberation Forces [FPL] have
started their political-military offensive "which is preparing the conditiona
for popular insurrections."
For the first time since Cheir creation in 1976, large columna and bri.gades ~
of militiamen--dressed in fatigues with their faces partially covered with
a red handkerchief, wearing a c~p bearing the FPL insignia, and armed with
an automatic rifle or a submachinegun in their hande--entered into action.
The militias operated jointly with the guerrillas and within a 72-hour
period they occupied the following cities: Coatepeque, 15,000 inhabitantz~,
Santa Ana Department in the.country's weatern region; Tenancingo, 10,000
inhabitants, Gabanas Department in the country's northcentral region;
Santa Elena, 10,000 inhabitants, Usulutan Department in the country's east;
and Santa Clara, 6,000 inhabitants, San Vicente Department in what ia known
as the para/central region. .
The towns of Tejutla, E1 Jicaro and Los Mangos with a total population of
4,000 inhabitants in Chalatienango Department in the country's north and
Monte San Juan, Cuscatlan Department in tne country's central region were
occupied too.
Also occupied were the La Periquera suburb with 3,000 inhabitants in Santa
Ana Department and La Curruncha suburb in San Miguel Department in the
country's east. Moreover, but during the same days, the growing Farabundo
Marti People's Liberation Army [Ejercito Popular de Liberacion--EPL] ann~hi-
lated the Agua Caliente and Te3utla garrisona in Chalatenango and carried
out harassment attacka against police posts in Zacamil in San Saltrador
. Department. It ambushed a military convoy of 150 soldiere in Santa Ana
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near the northern r~ad that leads to Tutultepeque, between Aguilares and
Suchitoto, and another in Cinquara, Cabanas Department, against too
national guard patiols.
Therefore, within a matter of hours, the FPL had carried out military ac-
tions of various kinds which resulted in the killing of approximately 100
guardians of the wealth of ~he oligarchy; the recovery of large qu~ntitiea
of weapons; the political and military training of the masses gathered at
the public squares where the local executioners were tried and subsequently
punished according to the sentences issued by the people; the strengthen-
ing of the organizations for the self-defense of the people and the explnna-
tion of the country's current situation which concluded with a call to all
Salvadoranq present to j~in the armed struggle which many of them did
between 24 and 27 January.
These actions, of a pre-insurrectional nature, revealed the two basic
tactics which synthesize the FPL political-military strategy to take power:
1. Z`he popular armed insurrections always start from the simple to the
complex, that is, starting with local insurrections, continuing with re- ~
gional uprisings and concluding with a general insurrection.
2. The EPL's harsh blows agatn~~ the forces of the oligarchy in move-
r ment or in their garrison$. `
People's Liberation Militias
Somewhere in this war-torn country, wheie this newsman witnessed actions
carried out by the three branches--militia, guerrillas and army--of the
Peoples Liberation Armed Forces [Fuerzas Armadas Populares de I,iberacion--
FAPL] of the Farabundo Marti FPL, we interviewed the membere of the -
National Directorate of :ahat is in practice the people's armed instrument
par excellence--the militia.
Antonio, Ramiro and Maria replied to the following questions from PRELA:
What are the militias and how do they operate?
_ The militias are the paramilitary instrument that the FPL uaes to lead the
people in self-defense through violence by the masses and armed insurrec-
tion.... They are comprised of inembers of all social sectors, based on
the peasant-worker alliance and linked to production.... The militia is
a local organization because its members. thsqt is, those who carry out the
main armed action, operate where they wo~ck.... The link with production
is decisive,... Therefore the militia ~1oes not have geographic mobility....
The activities of the militia include streets struggle and self-defense by
the masses. It directs the people's ~violence in armed action and it is
also involved in military g;ierrilla operations which consist o� armed -
propaganda and sabotage...o li: is also in charge of punishing the people's
enemies as the people demand....
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What is the difference between the militia, guerrillas and army?
In the first place, the militia ia found in the factory, in the farm field,
in the school, that is, where the members work and etudy. Of course strict
secrecy is maintained.... The militiaman ia linked to production. He
- does not abandon his daily tasks. Therefore the militia has a local char-
acter and lacks mobility.... Only the leadership cadres of the militia
are profesaionalo..,
r
The army and the guerrilla are full-time professional combar.ants.... They
are involved in development of the military art, in promotion of the
armed struggle.o.o The Luerrilla's mobility is limited to a specific zone....
The army has national mobility an~ it goes wherever the battle needs to be
stepped up.o.. Furthermore, the equipment and armamenta of the army and the
guerrillas are different from those of the militia. They differ in accord-
ance with the activity each branch has to carry out....
[Pa030229] What is the organizational structure of the militia?
Remember, the people's militia is a mass organization. Thousands of the
most advanced workers are in the militia. Their atructure can be analyzed
at three levels: The rank and file combat units, each comprised of 4-6
militiamen; the brigade, of 2-4 rank and file units and which can number
to 26 c~mbatants, including the leadera; and the column, of 2-3 brigadea,
with a maximum of 80 militiamen, including the tactical commanders of the
lower unitso... The militia column is subordinate to the directorate of
the locality because the militia is structured from the locality....
, Several of these localities are under a municipal directorate even though
the municipality does not conform to the political geography or the govern-
ment's terminology.,.~ In turn, a group of municipalities ie under a aub-
zonal directo.r3teo.., All of these can be suimnarized in the following way:
A sub-zone is divided into several municipalities, each with respective
municipal directorat~:s; the municipality in turn is divided into localities
with specific local c!irectorates; and in each locality are columns, brigades
and rank and file con?bat units.... A group of subzones forms a zone under
the direction of the zone staff and these are centralized and unified by
the nationat militia ,staff, which directs, coordinates and unites the opera-
tions and g?neral movE~ment, that is, all militia activities..,. Above the
national staff is the joint staff of the FAPL, which is being formed, It
will politically and militarily direct the militia, guerrillas and army...~
At the top is the supreme command, which is at the same time the central
command of the Farabundo Ma.rti FPL.... Therefore at the top there is a
joining of the political-military directorate of the vanguard, or, what is
the same thing, the party directing its military instruments.... Further-
- more, one must stress that fhe operation of the militia, from the member
of the rank and file unit to the national staff, is clandestine. To be
ottierwise in this phase of the war would endanger the lives of the companeros
as well as the structure of the militias..,. The people know the militia-
men are present and act in defense of their interests, but they ar~~ unaware
of the identtty of the militiamen.a.. In all combat actions of the masses--
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and not only in military operationa--the masses are accompanied by rank
and file militia units in demonstration.a, the occupation of land, factories, ~
public buildings and so on.
The militiamen join the people's self-defense bodies--sec~irity commissiona.
Theae bodies guide, direct and promote the militancy of L~ie masses. That
is why when a demonstratior~ is attacked by regular or irregular troops at
the aervi.ce of the oligarchy and its allies, the Salvadoran people know
how and where to withdraw while their self-defense bodies atop the aggrea-
sors...o The militia is a political body with a paramilitary character with-
in the masses.
There is G;~ecuJ.ation abroad about the origin of the weapone used by the FPL. -
Where do the militias get their weapons?
Basically from the enemy. We snatch them in military actions. Quite a few
of the weapons we now have were in the hands of criminal elements, members
of the reaction's paramili.tary corps. In addition, the Salvadoran people
_ cooperate [in providing] weapons. You may have observed this during the
occupation of some city, town or canton. It is felt that we can put these
to better use. The militias also uae homemade grenades, bombs and mines.
Bear in mind that the mass manufacture of armaments is well controlled. In
addition, there is no limit to the people's ingenuity. They devi.ae all
sorts of traps for use on t`:; paths to our organized areas. The oligarchy
and its allies-know it is not easy to attack our people now becauae they
know how to respond.
At first glance, one could imagine that E1 Salvador's topography, the lack
of thick jungles, the roads and the density of the opopulation, among
other obstacles, "conspired" against the preparation, training and development ~
of the militias.
How are these obstacles overcome?
Those are part of our objective reality, it is true. But it is also true
that the militias rely on an extraordinarily rich objective reality--the
organized and combative people, the Salvadoran people, who are at the dis-
posal of the revolution and seek their own social liberation. Obstacles
are overcome that way, with the people's talent and determination. Further-
more, those obstacles represent a challenge to the masses, which has made
it possible to set up militia schools at varioua levels.
The training is carried out in the basic unit, brigade or column. Theae
area schools or training centers have no fixed location; they are mobile.
They emerge whenever and whereve.r the opportunity arises and disappear
when the circumstances require. It is the people who ultimately determine
the place and the time.
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[PA030237) Now that is as far as the training of the militias goes. But
military instruction is also given to the organizations create~l for the
self defense of the massea and the people in general..,. Every ~ime a city,
a town, a canton, a village is occupied, the people receive military inatruc- ~
tion, aince one of our ob,jectivea ie to create a military reserve among the
civilian population in order to develop armed inaurrection and strengthen
the people's military units.... Furthermore, since a militia member lives
clandestinely in the community and is connected with production, those who
can give instruction to small secret groups, or even specialized training,
are choaen from among the mo$t experienced members....
As regarda our people's political and military training, we take advantage
of all opportunities, but without carrying out unplanned activities or
v~olating the rules of clandestinity....
So far the fundamental revolutionary farce occupying cities, towns, neigh-
borhooda and cantons is not comprised of locals, but of rebels "from out- _
side"--guerrillas and the peoples army--who, upon conclusion of their opera-
tion, withdraw to other places, leaving the residents of the "evacuated"
town "defenselesso" They later become victims of indescribable repression. -
Thua one might suppose that after the crimes and tortures, the violations
and kidnapings, the looting and destruction that characterize the conc?t,~t
of the Slavadoran repressive bodies, a spiri~ of demoralization and fear
of revolutionary political-military organizations would be planted in the
hearts of the injured people.... Nonetheless, the very opposite happens:
The rebels once again occupy the town and the revolutionery fervor of the
masses is inteneified.... How would you explain this phenomenon?
The enemy ti*~akes efforts to silence the sympathy and militancy of the
masses...o 1t tries to isolate the people from the revolutionary an;i
democratic organizati~ns by promising reforms t.hat never materialize and
by resorting to real, specific and profound repression to which we Sa1va-
dorans respond with an organized armed struggle, tired as we are of so
_ much mockery and humiliation, exploitation and genocide.... The FPL doea
_ not allow the oligarchy or the guardians of their wealth and their alliea
, to take the initiative, that is, to impose fear and demoralization through
" repression.... This is why our organization returns to the site of past
incidents, fights the enemy at the military and political level, punishes
the executioners in various ways and orients the people, who in turn pro-
vice new combatants for the FPL. The party is being strengthened.
...Besides, the political response of the masses is expressed in the streets,
in the demonatrations denouncing the crimes and demanding an end to reprea-
sion.... Meanwhile, we attract the attention of world opinion to what ie
really happening in E1 Salvador so the exploiting minority does not act with
impunity.... Besides, if the repressive bodies return to a town where in-
cidents have occurred, they do not find the same conditions and the blowa
dealt to them increase both quantitatively and qualitatively.... Thus, as
repression is intensified, so is the class struggle intensified..., The
mobilization of the masses is becoming constant and has led to the _
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1'w? Vr? i.ui.rw UJL' VLVLL
multiplication of the self-defense organizati~ns.... The revolutionary
" violence of the masses responds to the outrages and the end of the system
is near....
And what can be said about this year, which has begun with preinsurrectional
activities?
It can be stated that we will concentrate our efforts on local armed insur-
rections, on guerrilla activities and on the growing peoples liberation
~ army against the repressive forces.... We will try to develop the Salva-
doran people's political and military inatrumenta in order to make quality
jumps and achieve social liberation....
CSO: 3010 .
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EL SALVADOR
FPL MILITARY COMMITTEE MEMBERS OUTLINE STRUGGLE
PA292235 Havana PRELA in Spanish 1452 GMT 29 Feb 80 PA
[Interview with members of the Farabundo Marti Military Co~ittee by
Mario M2nendez Rodriguez on 28 February]
[Text] Somewhere in E1 Salvador, 28 Feb ~PL)--Precisely because the Un3.ted
States considers Latin America its exclusive property and feels therefore
that it has the right to intervene whenever it believes its interests or
those of its partners are threat~:ned, the Popular Liberation Forces [FPL]
has taken as a fundamental point of its struggle againat imperialism "the
Central Americanization of the revolutionary struggle." This was explained
by Isabel, one of the many women who have taken up arms in this oppressed
"Tom Thumb" of Latin American geography, but who has something special
that makes her atand out among the other women: She is a member of the top
echelon that directs the work and military operationa of the "Farabundo
- Marti," whose commander is Salvador Cayetano Carpio, the most noted leader
of the Salvadoran working clasa.
The cloaer the decisive moment approaches for insurrection, in which the
main role is played by the people, with their awareness, courage and deter-
mination to be free, the more the U.S. presence becomes evident and the
repreasion increases: Faecist hordes break into the residence of the na-
tion's attorney general, Mario Zamora Rivas, and mow him down with aub-
machineguns; they kidnap Juan Chacon, secretary general of the Peoples
Revolutionary Bloc, his wife and baby daughter, and Carlos Argueta, leader
of the 28 February Peoples Leaguea; they dynamite the Catholic radio eta-
tion and the Jesuits' publishing house; they execute--in broad daylight on
one of the main avenues--several lead4rs of the General Association of _
University Students; they kidnap, torture and kill youths suspected of be-
longing to some of the political-military revolutionary organizations;
they again threaten to kill Archbishop Oscar Arnulfo Romero, and they re- ,
' lentlessly persecute Fathers Jose Eutilio Sanchez and Jose David Gutierrez.
It is imperative to offer international solidarity to a people whose will
to unite and to expand is unique and stronger than ever in the face of a
threat from abroad.
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~'utc urrl~l~v, u5~: UNLY
"The United States has never asked permission to invade Latin America....
It is time for all o~ir peoplea to close ranlcs against the principal enemy....
_ The Central American revolution is one, is indivisible, and the Salvadoran
process cannot an~d must not be considered apart from those under way in
- Guatemala and Honduras," said Camilo, the other member of the National
Military Committee of th2 "Farabundo Ma.rti" Popular Liberation Forcea.
Central America: A Revolutionary Nucleus
The United States has sent large arms shipments and advisers quickly to E1
Salvador. At the U.S. military bases in Panama, specialized counterinst~r-
gency troops are conducting intensive exercises, while in Guatemala and
Honduras r.liere are military maneuvers with objectives already fixed.
The "model" divisions recently created by the government of President James
Carter to be used in "cases of emergency" in the Caribbean are waiting for
orders to intervene in the Salvadoran revolutionary process.
What is the outlook for revolution in Central America?
Isabel replies: "The scene is clear.... In Guatemala the people are re-
sisting and fighting against the hateful military tyranny headed by Gen
Romero Lucas Garcia. Tl~e Poor People's Guerrilla Army (EGP), the Armed
Peoples' Organization (OPRA), the Rebel Armed Forces (FAR), the Guatemalan
Labor Party (PGT) and other labor and union organizations are an example of
struggle in Latin America.... In Honduras the "Francisco Morazan" National
Liberation Front, the Communist Party and other mass organizations are
fighting to win a society of social justice.... In the sister Republic o�
Costa Rica, the Costa Rican Communist and Socialist partiea and the revo-
lutionary movements of the pec+ple and workers are mass organizations which,
in national and Central American contexts, fight and offer solidarity to
the peoples of the istr:^us.... In Panama an eminently anti-imperialist
people are being sujected to pressure by U.S. imperialism because they are =
genuinely fighting for their sovereignty and independence....
"Here in E1 Salvador the unity of action of the revolutionary and democratic
forces is an important step toward victory.... The "Farabundo Marti"
Popular Liberation Forces support every action which effectively offers
relief to the working masses of our country and of Central America.... And
we shall continue fighting to establish a popular revolutionary government -
on the way to socialism.... This struggle in the area, especially follow-
ing the victory of the Nicaraguan people, has changed Central America into _
a truly revolutionary nucleus with one principal enemy: U.S, imperialism....
Therefore our organization muat have as the fundamental point of its strategy
the Central Aniericanization of the struggle...." `
The P.:oples Liberation Army
Who are the members of the Peoples Liberation Army [EPL]? What is i.ts ~
degree of development and what are its objectives?
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The "Farabundo Marti" National Military Co~nittee created in 1975, is -
speaking to national and foreign public opinion for the first time through
this interview with PRENSA LATINA.
"The fighters are peaeants, farmworkers, industrial workera, studenta,
teachera, men and women of the other social aectora who, filled with great
- love for the people, conscientious and sensitive to their suffering and
- humiliation, are willing to offer their own lives for a better world....
The EPL's objective is destruction of the strategic military forces of the
14 famiiies and of imperialism, to conduct a war of mobility. It has proven
its ability to strike the enemy anywhere in the country, and it is pre-
pared, together with the Salvadoran people, to wage great deciaive battles
- to take ove�r power.... The EPL opposes the army of the oligarchy with the
power of the weapons of the people and their military organization and, in
- a future filled with victories, will guarantee construction of the economic,
political and social foundations of a new government that will promote the
~ popular welfare..o. These armed forces, born of the ranks of the impoverished
and exploited masses have become strong in the heat of daily battles and have
created regular military units that will contribute militarily to the estab-
- lishment of people's power...."
[PA292316] What is the organizational structure of the EPL and the "Fara-
_ bundo Marti" guerrillas?"
Camilo explains: "It must be remembered that the EPL units are strategic
in nature. They are mobile, operate nationwide and are centralized, while
the guerrilla units operate within a specific area and their miasion is
to support the operationa of the EPL through permanent harasament and weaken-
ing of the enemy in its territoriEl base.... The "Farabundo Marti" guerrilla
is underground, mingling with the people as a full-time profeasional....
The people are his eyes and ears.... He operates only in the area asaigned
to him and once he goes up, down, across and attacks, he will withdraw
rapidly.... His military activity is circumscribed in a specific area, al-
though that ~?oes not mean he must live there too...,
No, the guerrilla as a general rule lives in one area and operates in another,
where the local militia which leads the revolutionary violence of the masaes
offers him the necessary support to carry out his political-military objec-
tive.... Now then, the guerrillas as we11 as the EDL atem from a basic unit,
the squad, followed by the platoon, the section, the detachments [ciearaca-
mentos] and the general staffs [estados mayores], which in the case of the
guerrillas cover an area [son zonales] and in the case cf the EPL are nation-
wide. AlI, however, come under the National Military Committee of the
Central Command [Comision Militar Nacional del Comando Centralj."
_ The Rear Guard: The People
Every time a revolutionary movement shows an outstanding tactical abilitiy
and checkmates the forces protecting the system of social injustice, those
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N'UK Urrl~t[~1.. US~: UNLY
whose interests are seriously harmed or threatened c.laim that the insur-
gents are receiving arms, training and money from abroad. E1 Salvador is
no exception to thi~ rule, let s.~lone when it comes to the FPL, the ma~or
_ political-military organization in the country. Where are Salvadoran com-
batanta training and getting weapons and money?
Camilo was going to answer but a smile showed through the hood over Isabel's
face, a amile that only a woman can smile, and which recalled the womanly
spirit always present in E1 Salvador's female revolutionary combatants. She
eaid: "At first it would seem difficult to underatand the problem of wea-
pons, training and money. However, if you remember that our country is
under the yoke of an almost 50-year-old military dictatorahip, you can under-
stand that training begins in childhood, when one is out in the streets, in
the day-to-day struggle against the repressive corps.... First you t~irow
stones and then you slowly develop what is fundamental and what the exploiters
do *_:ot understand: Revolutionary awareness and a figriting spirit.... The
Salvadoran people's heroism is indescribable. At a later stage they gave
us protection so we could set up our training camps to improve our tech-
niques.... The enemy can be 20 meters away from a training center and not
find it.... They can mount sweep opera*_ions from eastern La Union to western
Santa Ana and never find an FPL camp.... Because our people are on the side
of the revolution and they know how to protect their combatants.... Further-
more, sir~ce the EPL and the guerrillas are mixed among the people who are
on the receiving end of the criminal military repression against whole
townships--Aguilares, Cinquera, San Pedro Perulapan, to cite just a few
examples--where people were indiscriminately killed, the painful circum-
- stances of war compel the revolutionary combatants to develop and improve
their military knowhow ad infinitum. This later permits us to deal more
effective blows to the enemy forces.... Repression also prompts the Sal-
vadoran people to give invaluable aid in terms of food, information and
directions, which per.mit us to avoid the ambushes planned along roads and
byways..~.
~
Let it be understood: The unbeatable rearguard of the EPL, the hills where _
the guerrillas find a safe haven, are the Salvadoran people's and the com-
batants' revolutionary awareness, his indestructible weapon, manufactured
by the masses only to annihilate the regular and irregular troops of those
who are immensely wealthy at the expense of the hunger, blood and work of
the disposse sedoo.. We take weapons from the enemy.... These are the
same weapons the United States, NATO, Israel and South Africa sell the
Salvadoran military,... The money comes from expropriations and the kid-
naping of oligarchs who, in exchange for their release, are deprived of
an infinitesimal part of the unearned income they take from our workera...."
Why are there no military ranks in the EPL or among the guerrillas and the
militia?
"Military ranks," Camilo answers, "are limited to the chief of the squad,
platoon, section or detachment.... The only rank is that of commander in ~
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chief, that is, Companero Marcial, We believe that at this stage our opera-
tives ahould be imbued with a revolutionary spirit. They should acquire a
proletarian mentality and bear in mind that we care only about the welfare
~f the masses. Our lives should be apent serving the people.... We do not
- think it helps at this stage to call a comrade "captain" or "commander"....
'L'he important thing to us is not the name of the bosa but what he is like
and what he does in our people's atruggle.... ,
[PA292315] Ahout Kidnaping
The revolutionar}~ movement often resorts to kidnapings in the struggle to _
change Salvadoran society, a weapon of debatable ethical value about which
some social sectors have their doubts.
What is the goa'? of a kidnaping?
"Kidnaping," Isabel replies, "Is a political, economic and military weapon
that the proletariat and the people in general use to defend their inter-
ests.... It is an instrument that permits r:~volutionariea to achieve cer-
tain objectives that would oCherwise be very difficult~or impossible to
achieve...o In that sense, a kidnaping can pursue economic, political and
military objectives.,., Economically it can seek to recover part of the
unearned income stolen from our working people so that, instead of being
used fox the vices of the 14 families, it will serve the interests of the
masses in the process of social liberation.... For instance, maney is ear-
marked for the families of missing or dead comrades, for supporting revolu~
tionary professionals, for purchasing weapons...and for other objectivea
connected with the anti-imperialist and antioligarchic revolution.... One
would have to see how hard the Salvadoran bourgeoisie is fighting not to
raise the workers' wages.... While it is true that our political-military
organiza;:ion is supported by the masses who provide funds and resources to
the struggle, yet it is too obvious that a nation such as E1 Salvador,
living in poverty due to extreme exploitation, needs to find ways to rescue
from the hands of the exploiters the funds to develop its own revoiutionary
struggle and it would be very hard for the masses to take those funds out�
of their measly paya,.. In fact, if our people have a tortilla, they give
half of it to us and this makes us a11 the more committed.... The organiza-
tion renders a detailed report on all its expenses.... Their use is for ~
only one thing: The revolution.o.. Politically, a kidnaping draws atten-
tien to the drama of the Salvadoran people, the why and wherefore of ~heir
struggle..... Because in exchange for the life of an oligarch the govern- _
ment is compelled to a11ow the publication here and abroad of full-page
advertisemen~s on the reality of our country and the demands of the organi-
- zation, demands which the government may or may not meet but which are a
condemnation of it one way or the other.... A telling case was that of
oligarch Mauricio Borgonovo Pohl who was foreign miniater.... The funda-
mental condition for his release was that Gen Carlos Humberto Romero present
to the people and release a certain number of political prisoners.... The
objectives of this kidnaping were: To rescue revolutionary cadrea to
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promote the struggle of our people and put an end to the pain of hundreds
of relatives..o. The government was unable to meet our demands because
several of our comrades who had 'been kidnaped had died during torture....
The people became aware of the crimes committed and progressive individuals
w!~o were working for Romero's despotic regime because they were unaware of
the inner workinge of the official terror appara~us i~nediately condemned
it and approved of our firm determination.,.. Kidnaping as a political
objective, at a certain time, aleo permits us to voice our aolidarity with
the struggle of other peoples and, at the same time, denounce a specific
imperialist maneuver.... And that is the case of South African Ambassador
Archibald Gardner Dunn.o.. We Salvadorans feel profound love and enthuaiasm
for the struggle of the peoples of South Africa, Namibia, Rhodesia and
Palestine ag~inst racism and its apartheid policy, against colonialism, neo- ~
colonialiam ancl Zionism, and for national independence and peace.... In
addition to disseminating the revolutionary message of solidarity with
blacks and Palestiniana, it drew attention to the imperialist maneuver which
at the time was operating around the government of the first Salvadoran 3unta.
The junta was trying to portray itself internationally as democratic and
progressive while at home it was being profoundly repressive and criminal.~..
However, the demands were not met.o.. Our organization is also consistent
with its views and it has never failed on its word.... For instance: If
we say that a certain oligarch wilt be released if certain conditions are
met and they are not met, we 3o not formulate other demands later.... No,
the revolutionary struggle must command the respect both of the people and
the enemy which is compelled to recognize--and indeed recognizes--the ser-
iousness of the FPL.... And it should also be noted that there is a dif-
_ ference between the treatment given an oligarch in a"people's prison" and
that given a revolutionary in a prison cell or on the torture rack of the
underground prisons of the national guard or another represeive corpa....
We worry about the health, personal hygiene and emotional state of the
prisoner whom we supply with books trying to make life bearable for him in
spite of the circumatan^eso... Militarily a kidnaping seeks to obtain
information that will permit us to work on strategic enemy targets or act
againat war criminals.... And their trials are goin~ to start soon....
When someone is kidnaped, the organization takes charge of the person de-
tained in the "people's prison" and we disclose the fact along with the
demands to the family.... Since a kidnaping is a political tool, negotia-
_ tions are always conducted in public before the eyes of the people. Th~
FPL never does things behind the backs of the masaes....
CSO: 3010
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EL SALVADOR
ERP CAPTIVE HILL DISCUSSES DOMESTIC PROBLEMS
PA031842 Havana PRELA in Spanish 1845 GMT 1 Mar 80 PA
[Interview with Jaime Hill Arguello by PRELA corresp~ndent Mario Menendez
Rodriguez at peoples prison; PRELA prefaces interview with "This special
feature on E1 Salvador. is for the exclusive use of our correspondents;
may be used with the permission of our office"J
[Excerpts] Somewhere in E1 Salvador, 29 Feb (PL)--Jaime Hill Arguello,
prominent member of one of the 14 families that finance private armiea,
special "security" corps and paramilitary bands directed by fascist,
national and foreign officers and a member of the oligarchy that encourages
the direct armed intervention of the United 5aates in this country, was
interviewed by PRENSA LATIhA in a"peoples prixon" in which he had been
held by the Revolutionary Peoples Army [ERP] since Wednesday, 31 October
- 1979.
We begin the interview following the preliminary identificatiori.... Do
you know why you have been kidnaped?
"Yes sir...it was by the ERP, which fights for social justice in E1 Salva-
dor.... The reason I am being held here is to obtain a sum of money--in
_ reality, I do not know the amount--that will help to promote the revolution...
and put an end to poverty.... Now then, they are conva.nced, and I have
pointed it out to them, that those who should rule are precisely rhose who
have the greatest interest in the nation; the warkers and private enterprise
wh~ch, although it is not believed, have also been alienated.... I do not
deny our contacts with the president of the republic--and I refer to Colonels
Molina and Sanchez Hernandez--but we have not been taken into consideration
for a political decisiun.... I do not know what happened with General
Romero, whose frier_d I have been since 1960, when he was my instructor in
equitation.... I feel very proud of his friendship, but he ignored by
advice regarding the need for a change of course in his government to avoid
civil war, for a year...o
How have you been treated by the organization that is keeping you captive?
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"It definitely could not be better. And what I would most like to thsnk
them for is the support given at these very difficult momenta, because,
believe me, confinement is hard...no matter how much patience and willpower
one may have, sometimes one breaks, one gives in...onthe other hand, I
harbor no resentment for anyone in particular, not for the revolution they
are carrying out either~... My economic situation will be affected, but
if money benef~ts many familiea, I will feel honored that it was from me
that it was taken,..."
Do you participate now or have you participated in Salvadoran politics?
"Not activel~, x~o. I have never participated in Sal~~adoran politica.... `
I am prouu, as I already told you, to 'ue a friend cf General Romero and of
other prQSidents and officials...but that is all.... Perhaps, I have been
able...to give advi_~e on.a,the issue of agrarian reform, which is foremost
at the present time. I suggested this to General Romero, but he did not
make any changes..o. On the other hand, I do not believe that agrarian
reform is definitely necessary in E1 Salvador, it being such a small
te�rritory...."
What do you zhink, then, of the concentration of land?
"Well now, I(?think) that if there is a lot of land in the hands of a few
people, I would not know what to tell you...what I would be in a position
to assert is that the profit made from this land would be shared with the
men who work it...and that the responsibilities in the administration of
these properties could also be shared...."
Mr Hill~ During my travels through E1 Salvador, I have noticed the fact
that the nation's wealth is concentrated in the handa of 14 families,
yours among them. Are you a Christian?
"Yes, or course.o.."
And do you think that is fair?
"No. I definitely do not consider it fair...but...I am not a technician,
- I could not reply as to whether E1 Salvador would profit by dividing up
that land...a"
"Yes, I believe in the need for an agrarian reform, but not by parceling
off all the land...it could be done, as I have alreday told you, by having
the people of the rural areas sharing in the profits and the responsibility
- of administration..o. I am not an economist,..and, unfortunately, I am
unfamiliar with farming affairsas well...but I know that there are landowners
who own 2,500 manzanas sown with cotton and they have plantations of beana, _
corn and so forth...but I couldn't tell you exactly.... Now, if in your
travels through the land, Sou have obtained proof of the concentration of
land in a few hands, then in that case, agrarian reform must come...."
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To what do you attribute the poverty that exists among the Salvadoran
people?
- "Well, the moral responsibility falls on us, the private businessmen who,
by producing and paying taxea, believed we had already fulfilled our social
functions.... That was a serious mistake, because we ahould have inveated
- the money we paid in taxea in the construction of homes and the education
and health of our people...."
The Oligarchy Tias To Lose
Mr Hill, those 14 families, including yours, have created private armies
made up of North American, Somoziat, Saigonese,�Guatemalan and counter-
revolutionary Cuban mercEnaires. What is your opinion of this?
"I cannot answer that question because I have been here since 31 October
of last year...my information is obtained from the newspapers that my cap-
- tors give me and the radio to which I listen.... I could not say whether
it is true or not...however, what I can say is that if that is true, they
would be making a serious.error...because property is protected by winning
the good will of the peasants, bv being good to the people of the rural
_ areas...carrying out more social justice...and not by i~porting foreigners
to defend it.a.. In E1 Salvador, the private enterprise sector is a very
, small minority.... Iiow do you think 14 families are going to fight 4.5
million inhabitants who demand aocial justice:... I believe they would
be making a serious mistake by trying to defend their land by means of a
war.... They would lose out.... Definitely, Salvadoran capital has to
yield more...do social justice to the most needy of the nation...."
[PA031843) What is your opinion of the revolutionary and democratic forces -
struggling for a just saciety in E1 Salvador? _
"I think they not only have the right but the duty to struggle for social
, justice i.n this country.,oo Now then, I do not share [their advocacy of)
violent methods.... However, if my son were starving and T were passing
in front of a bakery without a single cent in my pocket, I would enter and
take a piece of bread.... The same thing is happening with the organiza-
tions which are currently promoting the revolution in E1 Salvador...."
Many factories and work centers have been dismantled and their equipment
taken to Guatemala, Costa Rica or Miami in recent months as a means of
applying pressure toward and speeding up an armed foreign intervention....
Thousands of workers have lost their jobs overnight and death by starvation
has begun threatening E1 Salvador....
Mr Hi11, what should be, in your opinion, the attitude of the Salvadoran
managerial sector?
_ "The private entrepreneur should realize that times change and that one can
no longer drink wine when the children are drinking dirty water.... What the
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private sector should do is devote itself to its enterprises, make them
produce more and share its wealth.... It should not try to win this war
on the basis of another war.... Social justice is what is required in
E1 Salvador...."
Of the 14 families, it is specifically the Hill far.iily which ia in charge
of establiahing, through the Cuscatlan and popular credit banks, the links
between the wealth of the Salvadoran oligarchy and the experience of the
local and foreign fascist military-men, some of whose names are mentioned
in connection with companies of variab:.e capital [sociedades anonimas de
capital variableJ.
Roberto H~li coordinates the financial and repressive operations.
"I know absolutely nothing about it.... I have no evid.ence.... I have heard
that the paramilitary bands are organized, financed and armed by a group
of private firms which are trying to prevent any type of social reform....
I disagree.... Because first and foremost, I believe in social justice....
One does not eliminate the sea by turnin.g one's back to it... And the wave
will sweep them away or pass over them causing them much greater harm...."
Who do you think is murdering dozens and hundreds of peasants in E1 Salvador?
- "I do not know. I have been held here for a long time and before that I
accompanied my parents on a trip to the United States for eye surgery....
The only thing I know is what I read in the press.... I was even out of the
country when the coup against General Romero took place.... I believe,
tl:erefore, that the security corps--the national guard, the national police
and the treasury police--co~itted those murders.... That they went to
the farms to dislodge the people who had taken them over.... However, I
do not know who directs those operationa...."
However, those killings of peasanta and workers, students and teachers
have not occurred in the last few months; they have been a co~stant occur-
rence in the political life of this Central American nation, is not this
- true?
"Look, thus far I had never seen or heard about evictions in which 90 or
100 people were killed.... And, regarding the professors and atudents, I ,
know nothing about this, because there are so many rumors in E1 Salvador
Chat one does not know what to believe."
Do you mean that you know nothing about the repression unleashed in May of
- 1979?
"Yes, I definitely know nothing about it...."
Didn't you read the newspapers with the photographs of the bodies of maimed
and tortured peasants?.... ~
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"Well, I am not unaware of it now.... Becauae the ERP has given me docu-
menta related to the coirm~iasion in charge of investigating the whereabouta
- of the missing prisoners and politicians.... Thus far, here in the prison,
I have learned about inhuman acts: The bodies uncovered in clandestine
graveyards.... Then I realized what was happenin~ in the country...."
Are you even unaware of the fact that Salvadoran priests were being mur-
dered?
"No, I knew the case of Father Rutilio Grande, but I do not know who killed
- him...."
Mr Hill, the archbishop of San Salvador has blamed the extreme right for
these murders.... And you are a Catholic....
"Well, so I have been told.... Because I have never heard Monsignor Romero's
homilies.... Actually, I have sort of listened ta them over the radio,
here at the prison.~.. I pay no attention to them. Yes, I have heard him -
- accuse the right, blame it for those murders and he, as a preacher of God,
should be telling the truth.... I think he says what he really feels in
his h.eart.... Only God knows if he is telling the truth, or if he is doing
so in order for a peaceful revolution to take place in E1 Salvador, for the
social justice everybody hopes for to be established...." ~
_ Mr Hill, do you sincerely believe the archbiehop of San Salvador would lie?
"I could not truly say so.... I do not think he has a right to lie..,.
As a church dignitary, I do not think he can tell such a big lie..,. However,
it could be, there is the posaibility that Monaignor Romero was miein-
formed...."
Last year dozens of local and foreign newsmen witnessed the massacres in
San Salvador's streets. Were you unaware of all this?
� "We11, I was not unaware...o However, I heard that ab out 8 or 10 people
died in front of the cathedral because they had fired shots at a truck carry-
- ing policemen and that the pol~cemen became nervous and opened fire.... That
is what I learned and I did not concern myself with inquiring about it....
It was not until August 1979 that, while in another country, I saw the movie
_ of the dreadful killing in front of the cathedral...."
You seem to be unaware of many of the things which are occurring in E1
Salvador.... Have you been out of the country for a long time?
"Yes, I have traveled extensively in the last year and a half, that ia,
since September 1978...."
[PA031844] In your opinion, what were the causes for the overthrow of ~en
Carlos Humberto Romero? �
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"The high degree of corruption prompted the group of young militarymen to
intervene to restore the respect which the armed forces deserved...."
Don't you believe the killings were linked with the banl~ .ptcy of General
Romero?
"Not directly, but indirectly, since the president of the republic is the ~
commanding general of the armed forces and they proceed according to hie
orders.... The killings generated among the people a repulsion for General
. Romero and indirectly contributed to his overthrow...."
In your opinion, whom do the armed forces and the other security corps
serve?
"The republic and the citizens...."
Do you believe they serve them by killing the people?
"No. I am referring to their services...such as when someone wants to steal
from a poor peasant's home or tries to tiold up ar. office or a store, large
or small, then definitely the armed forces come out to defend these Salva-
dorans who are being attacked by connnon thieves...,"
E1 Salvador is a capitalist society where 14 families rule. Have you aot
considered what are the pillars which support this power?
"No, although according to our conetitution, they are the constitution an%i
the laws...."
But the constitution is not reapected in this country....
"Well, I have my doubts ~bout that, because I believe it is generally re-
spected...."
What is your opinion about the current military ~unta and its alliance with
th~ Christian Democrats?
"The situation is very serious, but now I am confident because the Christian
Democratic.Party has a team that knows where it ia heading and how to do
thitigs...this was not the case with the first governing junta...."
_ The ministers of the previous regime, however, resigned not because they
were not team members, but because the militarymen servicing the 14 families
exercising the economic and political power were opposed to any change....
"Well, all I know is what I read in the papers and what I hear on the
radio...." ~
Do you believe the former education minister joined the "Farabundo MarCi"
_ Peoples Liberation Forces becauae he considered all peaceful ways to settle
the problems closed or merely as a whim?
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"For neither of these reasona.... He did it as a gesture of desperation,
of fruatration.... He wanted social justice...but once in the government
_ and after 2 and 1/2 months, when he saw nothing had changed, he felt
cheated.,.."
Do you believe the Salvadoran Revolutionary Party and the ERP are made by
fruetrated workers?
"No, it ie not a matter of a fruatrated people.... They have a deep con-
viction, a very good organization and admirable discipline.... They fight
for social justice in E1 Salvador.... I have seen the sacrifices they have
to make and the work they carry out day and night to achieve their objec-
tivea. They know where they are going...."
Do you believe there is now unanimity between the ~hristian Democrats and
~ the military ~unta and will it lead to a solution of the problems affecting
E1 Salvador?
"Yes, there is definitely agreement on criteria...~ The young militarymen
see the need for profound structural changes to achieve social juatice,
which is also the goal of the Chr.istian Democrats.... Under the leader-
ship of Engineer Duarte who, already has a well-established plan for the
_ social reforms required in E1 Salvador.... True, the militarymen in the -
preaent ~unta were also in the previous one, but I insist that the problem
was in the team, in the unity agreement on criteria...,"
You have had the opportunity to talk with Ana Guadalupe Martinez, a member
of the revolutionary organization that is holding you captive and who is
the author of horrible chargea against military despotiam: "The Clandestine
Prisons of E1 Salvador." WIiaC did you think after reading the book and
talking to her?
"...Such methods are absolutely inhuman.... That is not proper for our times,
of a civilized republic such as E1 Salvador.... It is cruelty which leads
to nothing but hatred among classes...."
In your opinion, what has been the role of the United States in E1 Salvador?
"To influence the government into being more democratic and to allow the
people to have real participation through free elections.... Its corpora-
tions invest in our country and it is logical that they should make a
profit.... If they have taken wealth, they have also offered us the oppor-
tunity o~ new sources of work.... Its mistake, however, in my opinion, was
to have invested very little capital and having done everything with credits
from our banking system.,.. On the other hand, I believe the United States
should grant us long-term loans with soft intereats because, then, the
people would definitely live as human beings in E1 Salvador...."
Finally, what prospects do you see for the Salvadoran revolution?
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"I see very good prospects...~ I am sure that with ERP's strong convic-
tions, discipline and pride, it cannot fail.... The revolution will be
carried out..~. And I would be willing to support the ERP in any way I
can so that social justice may,definitely rule in E1 Salvador.... They
cannot fail. It ie impoesible for them to fail."
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EL SALVADOR -
FORMER MINISTER SAMAYOA DISCUSSES FPL IDEOLOGY
PA280217 Havana PRELA in Spanish 2231 GMT 26 Feb 80 PA
[Interview with former Education Minister Salvador Samayoa somewhere in
E1 Salvador, by Mario Menendez Rodriguez; date not given]
[Excerpts] Somewhere in E1 Salvador, 24 Feb--"I have had time to mediate
much more about it.,.it was the right decision. I believe that any sacri-
fice I must make wi11 be done with hope and optimism," Salvador Samayoa--
education minister under the first junta and member of the Farabundo Marti
People's Libzration Forces [FPL] since Tuesday, 8 January--has told PRENSA
LATINA in srrict secrecy.
"There is not a power in the world, no matter how large, that can defeat a
people who are determined to obtain their freedom," the 29-year-old philo-
sopher said in an exclusive interview with the newsman who interviewed him
before he resigned on 2 January. On that day he made the spectacular and
unexpected announcement at the aud3torium of the 1aw school of the National
University--packed with people and militarily occupied by FPL members--that
he was ~oining the armed struggle.
The newsman found a new Samayoa...he has changed physically and spiritually.
The text of the historic interyiew follaws:
[Question] How do you feel in your new life as an FPL member?
(Answer] I believe that the first fact I must stress about this new life is
something I had imagined but had not truly experienced: the high degree
_ of comradeliness that I have found on the part of my fellow comrades and
militants..from the human viewpoint, their acceptance has helped me a lot...
because the conditions are difficult....
~ [Question] Why did you choose this path?
[Answer] I believe it was decisive to have confirmed that the regular
_ Sa.lvadoran army is fu11y and permanently committed to defending the interest
of the oligarchy and that it is defending them with weapons in hand...I can
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r~i~ vrri~lrw uo~ VLVL1
see no other way for the people to confront a military apparatus which is
- so solid than with another military apparatus Pqually solid or superior
to it if possible. I can see no other instruments of struggle which may
render any positive results in th~s country where other means have been
tried for 30 years in a very different manner and under various hegemonic
- lines. The result of this has been the progressive deterioration of the
living conditions of the people, the progresgive deterioration of the -
economic model and an increasing determination on the part of the oligarchy
and its repressive organizations to annihilate and exterminate the popular
organizations. By selecting the path of armed str~iggle we respond to an
objective and completely necessary need from the viewpoint of the historic
conditions of E1 Salvador: the masses must create their own revolutionary
instruments for their self-defense and resistance at a given moment and then
go on from simpl.~ salf-defense to the conquest of power. Truly, I can see
no other way to confront a military power if not with another military
power....
[Question] Why did you join the FPL?
[Answer] To me, this is the msin point. I had stated that I felt a greater
political rapprochement with the FPL...perhaps because of my position as a
university professor I had always been concerned with following the political
line--in their theory and practical results--of the various orientations of
the popular movement in general and the revolutionary movement in particular.
And it seems to be that, up to now, the organization with the most coherent,
solid and constant line of integration of the revolutionary instruments and
the armed struggle with the masses is precisely the FPL. I believe that
the falsehood of the idea of using guerrilla pockets has been fully demon-
strated and that any armed struggle which is not deeply connected with the
peop'le and which does not constantly generate and promote the development
of the movement of the masses is doomed to fai1. I believe that the FPL
- has proven to be the group with the greatest political clarity from iCs
beginning, especially in line with creating broad fronts for the masses in
all sectors: the working, peasant, student, teacher, media, etc. Moreover,
I believe that the FPT, has clearly stated the need for a true party of the
Salvadoran revolution. I believe that without the solid base of a party, no
group or organization can become the vanguard of a popular movement. In
reality, a group must prove with facts and in practice that it has enough
organization, political and m~litary consolidation so that it can become
the vanguard of the masses. Any other attempt would be a fraud or an
illusion. I believe that the F'PL has been very serious in regard to this. -
[Question] What is your opinion of the unity of the revolutionary forces
in E1 Salvador?
[Answer] Unity is the necessary condition in order to carry out a revolu-
tionary process. I be].ieve that we have reached a stage in the struggle
which is so superior and polarized...that the attack of the enemies of the
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people will be carried out very shortly. In a comprehensive and open way, the
war of counterinsurgence, without any mask or cover, is about to begin; and
if the revolutionary forces are not united militarily, politically and
organically, none of them will be able to resist the fu11 and open attack of
the enemies of the people separately.
[PA280223] Therefore, unity is a necessity and the revolutionary organiza-
tions have realized this. The first step has been taken. There will
naturally be difficulties because, as I said previously, I believe that the
political-military organizations have responded for years to differing
programs and positions, and it wi11 not be easy to unite certain things.
Reality has demon~trated the greater historical validity of certain guide-
lines and certain principles as compared to others and I believe that
- political modesty is a virtue that is ~equired for every authentic revolu-
tionary militant and organization as a whole. One cannot defend that which
does not reflect objective reality. For this reason, from the viewpoint
of principle, there will be fewer problems.
It is possible that more difficulties may arise because of the working
methods or organic integration.
This opportunity that PRENSA LATINA has offered me is important because at
this time we need to unite all efforts. Firs.*. of a11, I believe that the
most liberal, petty-bourgeoisie academic and intellectuals sectors from
which I come, have perhaps made the very serious error of having turned
our backs, in practice, on the popular movement. We have co~itted the
error of not learning, of having failed to learn how to coexist with the
people and to feel in the heat of combat the justice of their principles
and their methods. We have made the error of trying to determine, on the
basis of our theoretical concepts, what the form and mode and the phases
of the struggle should be, without taking into account the element or
elements that are available only when one is really part3cipating in the
struggle alongside the people, instead of only making declarations of
intention. This is the primary message that I would send to all the comxades
in whom I found great hutnan, political and intellectual values. I believe -
that you have to place all your science, vitality and sensibility at the
service of ~he struggle and the people's movement, not abstractly, but
through your specific revolutionary instruments. It is poss~.ble or certain
that those revolutionary instruments may have weaknesses, but what we cannot,
what we must not do is add theoretical criticism from outside to these
weaknesses. What we must do is try to overcome these weaknesses from within
by ,joining the people's struggle.
Therefore, my message is let there be a desire to participate,.a political
willingness to ~oin in the people's struggle, a mentality that is sufficient-
ly humble and modest to know that there is something for one to learn and
something that one can contribute. Let there be political clarity to
realize that this is a higher phase of the struggle and that we will probably
soon enter the final stretch, that is a process and a class str.ucture and a
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rutc urrl~lru, u~n U1VLY
mode of struggle that is very polarized and in which there is no middle
- ground: he who is not on the side of the people and their instruments will
have to turn increasingly against the people. I~elieve this is not what
the liberal university sectors from which I come desire. Perhaps there
has been a lack of political clarity and perhaps there has been a lack of
decisiveness, but I believe that there is good will.
Our political-military organizations, especially the Farabundo Martl. Popular
Liberation Forces, are interested in obtaining all possible support from
all sectors, because otherwise we cannot wage the struggle for the people's
benefit. I would like to say to university professors, to my teachera, to
the liberal sector, as well as to small and medium landowners, producers,
businessmen that the people's revolution is not directed against them.
- Bourgeoisie propaganda wishes to sell that idea to attract them to that
side. Our revolution is directed against the great oligarchic capitalist -
power, the repressive apparatuses which defend that power and the imperialist
intervention which also encourages and defends that power. It is not directed
against the middle classes or against economic units of low productivity.
[Question] How does E1 Salvador's future look to you?
[Answer] I view it with optimism and healthy revolutionary concern...with
optimism, because on observing the latest years of our political process,
one can really see a very high degree of maturity and preparedness on the
part of our popular organization. I also view it with concr_rn, because I
believe that the final phase in destroying the apparatus of domination will -
be very hard. Above all, I am fully confident of the people's victory.
However, even after the political-military victory has been won, the efforts
to build a society on the path to socialism, the efforts to implement the
people's power in practice, will be very difficult. There will be many
obstacles. This is a country with few resources and I believe we will face
difficulties...there are 5 million inhabitants. I believe that the diffi-
culties, to give an examp.ie, will be much greater than those that the
Nicaraguan process may have faced or may be facing. In this regard, I
believe that the authpntic revolutionary militant must always keep in :nind
that his objective is the construction of a just society that is free of
exploitation and a society in which there is real equality, freedom and
economic, cultural and other development. To those who feel distressed by
the failure of the previous government, I would say that, on the contrary,
this should be a motive for optimistically deepening the struggle and for
realizing that now, more than ever, it is necessary to struggle resolutely
and to have faith in the people. I have faith in the Salvadoran people,
because there is no power on earth, no matter how great, that can defeat
an entire people which is determined to win its liberty.
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GUATEMALA
1 INTERIOR MINISTER COMMENT~ ON EXTREMISM IN COUNTRY
LD051615 Madrid CA1~BI0 16 in Spanish 2 Mar 80 p 49 LD
[Int�erview with Donaldo Alvarez Ruis, Guatemalan Minister of Interior, by
Pedro Paramo on 12 February: "Spain Is Not To Be Discussed"]
[Text) "A rninister of the interior should alk*ays be on good ter.ms with God,
because he could die at any time," Donaldo Alvarez Ruiz, the minister
- responsible for Guatemala's public order forces, stated, moments after he
escaped from an attack similar to that against [former Spanish Prime MinisterJ
Carrero Blanco 11 February.
The minister's life was saved by the car's armor plating. A very powerful
bomb, pl~nted in a van double-parked on the route which he was following to
his office, lifted the car 1.5 meters off the ground and demolished doors
and windows of homes in the two nearby blocks.
Donaldo emerged from the car pale but calm, clutching a submachine gun.
S~me 24 hours after the attack, he received Pedro Paramo of CAMBIO 16 in
- his luxurious office at the Presidential Palace.
CAMBIO 16: Is there any new development with respect to the attack against
the Spanish embassy? `
Donaldo Alvarez Ruiz: No, there is nothing new as yet. The investigation
is continuing.
CAMBIO 16: Why did you not speak with the Spanish ambassador when he tsle-
phoned you to inform you that the embassy had been invaded?
- Donaldo Alvarez Ruiz: Because I was at a meeting and had given instructions
that no telephone call be put through to me. ,
CANIBIO 16: From whom did you learn that the embassy had beet. seized?
Donaldo Alvarez Ruiz: From the security forces.
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CAMBiO 16: What ~rders did you then give to the security forces?
Donaldo Alvarez Ruiz: That they should act in accordance with the circum-
stances, and not....
CAMf3I0 ?6: That is, you at least support the police's conduct....
Donaldo Alvarez Ruiz: I am the chief of police. And I do not wish to discuss ~
this matter further. There are very sensitive details, and the truth could be _
very painful.
CAMBIO 16: Do you not believe that the truth should be known, however un-
pleasant it m~y be?
Donaldo Alvarez Ruiz: I prefer not to discuss this further. �
CAMBIO 16: It is said that the campaign against the ambassador originated
from your ministry.
Donaldo Alvarez Ruiz: Thdt is untrue. The campaign to which you refer
originated from members of the Spanish community who were privately watching ~
the ambassador very closely. We have been very careful not to complicate
matters further. Relations with Spain should be fraternal and nothing should
obstruct that fraternity.
CAMBIO 16: Amnesty International ha~ just published a report on violations
of human rights in Guatemala, and a considerable share of responsibility for
the matters exposed rests with you, as minister of the interior....
Donaldo Alvarez Ruiz: Who is Amnesty International? Where did it originate?
Who pays them? For whom does it work? Who gave it the authority to inter-
fere in a sovereign government's internal affairs? Eh? We would like to
know what these gentlemen's intentions are. Why do they not devote themselves
to exposing violations of human rights in other countries about which every-
body knows but about :~:hich Amnesty says nothing? Efforts should be made to
find out why it now has its batteries trained against Guatemala. _
CAi~BIO 16: It is also said that the government harshly represses the left
and turns a blind eye to the right wing.
Donaldo Alvarez Ruiz: Let people say what they like. I can assure you
that there is no discrimination with respect to extremism and that the same
vigor is applied to combating both sides.
CAMBIO 16: A member of your party--the first deputy speaker of congress--has
said that Guatemala is experiencing a civil war, when commenting on the
attack against you. Do you really believe that there is a civil war?
Donaldo Alvarez Ruiz: No. There can be no talk at all about a civil war.
There are two extremist factions--one on the right and the other on the -
left--currently confronting each other, which are creating this atmosphere
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of violence. But neither of these factions has sufficient power of attrac-
tion to drag the country into a civil war.
CA:�uil0 16: What kind of support do the Guatemalan guerrillas receive?
Donaldo Alvarez Ruiz: Mainly technical and financial aid, although we know
that the latter is not very great.
CAMBIO 16: What countr.ies support them?
Donaldo Alvarez Ruiz: I could not tell you. There is no conclusive proof
that other countries are helping them directly, but we do have reports that
there are penetrations by Cubans and Nicaraguans in Guatemala.
[LD051617] CAN~IO 16: You have only spoken of police solutions to the
problem of violence. Are there no others?
Donaldo Alvarez Ruiz: Yes indeed. The government is adopting measures of
a political and social nature to isolate the sources of violence. There is
an opening toward greater pluralism: Four new political parties have just
been authorized, and important measures in the social field are also under
way.
CAMBIO 16: One of your colleagues has hinted that the attack against you
could have come from the extreme right wing, which has apparently threatened
to kill you. Is it known who is responsible for the attack?
Donaldo Alvarez Ruiz: No, not as yet. It is being investigated, but it is
possible that it will never be known.
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NICARAGUA
RAMIREZ ANNOUNCES GOVERNPIENT MEDICINE CONTROL
PA032145 Havana PRELA in Spanish 2031 GMT 3 Mar 80 PA
[Text] Managua, 3 Mar (PL)--Sergio Ramirez, member of the government junta,
has announced here that the state will control imports, distribution and
pricing of inedicines.
It was announced here that the pur~ose of a decree in this regard is to
"drastically reduce the prices of imported and domestically produced medi-
cations."
It was explained that the decree does not provide for nationalization of
pharmacies or of companies which produce or distribute medicines, but rather
for the establishment of mixed enterprises.
Ramirez told the press that profiteering has raised the prices of some drugs
to over four times their Costa Rican prfice. He said medicines cannot con-
_ tinue to be merchandise used for profit, but rather for social good.
Public health officials